¶ The chronicle of John Harding in metre, from the first beginning of England, unto that reign of Edward the fourth where he made an end of his chronicle. And from that time is added with a continuation of the story in prose to this our time, now first imprinted, gathered one of diverse and sundry authors of most certain acknowledge & substantial credit, that either in latin or else in our mother tongue have written of the affairs of England. ❧ LONDINI. ❧ In officina Richardi Graftoni Mense januarii. 1543. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. RG printer's or publisher's device ¶ The dedication of this present work, unto the right honourable lord Thomas duke of Norfolk, by themprinter, Richard Grafton. Lord Thomas of Norfolk duke most gracious Of noble ancestry and blood descended A captain right worthy and adventurous And from Scotland even newly retended Where England's querele ye have revenged In the behalf of our noble king Henry I wish you all health, honour, and victory ¶ And because it hath pleased almighty God In the right title and quercle of England To use your stock as an iron rod Wherewith to scourge the falsehood of Scotland In whom is no truth ne hold of any band John Hardynges chronicle, as me thought was Most meet to be dedicated, to your grace ¶ For Harding a true hearted englishman An esquire valiant hardy and bold And not unlearned, as the time was than Searched out of chronicles, both late an old All that ever by the same hath be told How from the beginning, Scotland doth reign Under kings of England, as their soveram ¶ And Hardynges own self, hath the party be That from Scotland, oft times hath brought Their seals of homage and fealtee Unto the king of England, as he ought Unto whom the Scots then sued and sought Yielding to live in humble subjection Of England's governance and protection ¶ But that people of their proper nature Hath even from the first, been so untoward So unsteadfast, inconstaunte and unsure That nothing may possibly be more froward So have they continued from thence foorthwarde Never glad to be in quiet and rest But to defection, aye ready and priest ¶ Wherefore Thon Harding, to his lord & master Whom in his time he served without blame Edward, first duke of York, and after King of this realm, the fourth of that name In this chronicle affirmeth of the same That they will rebel, till by provision The king of England shall have made them both ¶ And in deed England, hath oft been constrained one The Scots slackness in doing their homage To prick forward, when they would have refreined With that sharp spur of martial forceage And to abate their wantonness of courage With the iron rod, of due correction As oft as they attempted defection ¶ For the Scots will aye be boasting & craking Ever seeking causes of rebellion Spoils, booties, and preades ever taking Ever sowing quereles of dissension To burn and steal is all their intention And yet as people, whom God doth hate & curse They always begin, and ever have the worse ¶ England hitherto hath never lacked power As oft as need were, the Scots to compel Their duty to do, and men of honour England hath had, as stories do tell Which whensoever the Scots did rebel Were able at all times, them to subdue And their obedience, to England renew ¶ amongs the which number, your noble father In the twelfth year of Henry the sevenths' reign By ancient record, as I can gather Being of such credence as cannot feign Yode into Scotland their pride to restrein With sembleable power (as books done avow) And like commission as your grace had now ¶ That season he did so valiauntely The Scots vanquishing and putting to flight That they ran away most shamefully Not able of him tabide the sight Nor able to sustain, the brunt of his might sundry castles, he razed down to the ground Which to the honour of England did redound ¶ King jamy also, making great brag and vaunt Having his army not a mile of that day Your father as a captain valiant Made in a moment, for fear to run away The Scottish king, sending forth heralds twain Challenged your father, with many a proud word Battle to wage, and try it by the sword. ¶ And choose thou sir Earl, ꝙ king jamy then Whether we shall fight, army against army Orelles I and thou, try it man for man For sparing bloodshed, of either company That if it chance me, to have the victory Nought shall I demand, for England's loss & thine Savig Barwike town, for ever to be mine ¶ Then to the heralds, said this noble knight Show to your king, that in this place purposely Battle for to wage, my tents have I pight I am not come to flee, but to fight sharply As where he standeth, he may see with his eye And first where he would, bloodshed saved to be Thereof am I no less desirous than he. ¶ Secondarily, where it is his liking That I a poor Earl, and of mean estate may combattre, with him being a king That our two fights, may cease all debate He doth me honour, after such high rate That I must needs grant, myself bound in this case Humble thanks to render to his grace ¶ Now as for the town of Barwike, it is known (Which your lord requireth in case I be slain) Is the king my sovereins, and not mine own So that grant thereof, in me dodeth not remain But this may ye bear word to your lord again My person and life, adventure I shall More precious to me, than the round world all. ¶ When king jamy, by his heralds two Spedefullye returning, had due knowledge Much otherwise, than he looked for thoo Of the Earls stout answer and message Fled out of hand, and would no battle wage So that your father, returned home victor With comfort, laud, praise, joy and honour ¶ The same your father, in the fifth year Of our most noble king Henry the eight When his grace and his army at Turney were And the same king jamy, of Scotland straight Against England, his banner dyspleyght Vanquished the Scots, & with your helping hand Slew there king jamy, and brought him to England ¶ Again in the xu year of the same reign Yourself in proper person, full courageous Set forth against the Scots, without dysdeygne Like a captain valiant and venturous Where ye brent jedworth, a town right populous With divers victories, that your grace then had Which made all England, to rejoice & be glad ¶ The year following also, as books testify The Scots came, with an huge power Of lx thousand men under the Duke of Albany Besieging Work castle, thinking it to devour But hearing that your grace, did approach that hove The Scots trembled, and so did their Duke And cowardly fled, to their shame and rebuke. ¶ semblably, by this your last voyage Now this last October and November Made into Scotland, to their great damage It doth as me seemeth, right well appear That when pleaseth our king to send you thither Your house in his right, is appointed by God To be to the Scots, a sharp scourge and rod Wherefore this chronicle of John Harding I have thought good, to dedicate to your grace Because the same in every manner of thing doth best set out the nature of that place With distance of towns, and every miles space Beseeching your grace to take in good part Mine honest labours and benevolent heart The preface into the chronicle of john Harding. amongs all writers, that have put in ure Their pen and style, things to indite None have behind them, left so great treasure Ne to their posterity, have done such delight As they which have taken peines to write chronicles and acts, of each nation And have of the same, made true relation. ¶ By chronicles we know, things ancient The succession of times, and men The state of policies, with their regiment How long each party hath ruled, and when And what were all their proceedings then. Chronicles make report of matters done And passed many thousand years go ¶ By chronicles we know, in each country What men have been, of prowess martial What persons chief in activity When and between whom, wars have befall Either civil or else external How the same have been, conveyed & wrought Or else appeased, and to quiet brought ¶ Chronicles do record and testify. Even from the worlds first beginnings And do keep in continual memory The course and process, of all manner things The lives and manners, of princes and kings Aswell Gentiles as judaical Aswell just and godly, as tyrannical ¶ What persons to their prince and country Have been loving true and obedient And at all times of necessity Have served the same, with good intent And constantly therein, have their lives spent In Chronicles are registered faithfully To their immortal honour and glory ¶ Contrary wise, who to their soverains Or to their countries, have been wicked traitors Or by collusion and crafty trains Have rebelled against their governors Or the same to help, have been slack proctors Are semblably set out by name To their endless infamy, reproach, and shame. ¶ These things, and others a thousand more Whereby realms, have decayed or grown Changed in process, and altered to and fro Fruitful and expedient to be known Are in Chronicles, so plainly shown That things antic, to us be as apparent As if at their doings, we had been present. ¶ Wherefore Gods word and holy scripture Which abandoneth all manner vanity Yet of Chronicles admitteth the lecture As a thing of great fruit and utility And as a lantern, to the posterity For example, what they ought to know What ways to refuse, and what to follow. ¶ The bible books, of judges and kings Although most full, of high divine mystery And far surmounting all Ethnic doings Yet if they be read, and take literally Hath the form and course of a plain history What kings served God, and who trangressed Which thereby prospered, or were oppressed ¶ The books of the kings every where If things seem touched over briefly To a larger story, doth us refer Which were Chronicles of each man truly Set out at length, to our memory Albeit those Chronicles (as it is evident) Are lost, and do not remain at this present ¶ The books inscribed, Paralipomena A perfect member, and piece of the bible Is a summarye, of the kings of juda And therefore in Hebrew, it hath the title And appellation, of a Chronicle The Maccabees also, by my deming Is a plain history, of holy writing ¶ Which books, if they had never been set out It had been a great maim to our knowledge A lamentable lack, with outen doubt A great cause of blindness to our age And to our faith, inestimable damage. But the spirit of God, the author was That those examples, might be our glass. ¶ Chronicles therefore, of true report Whether of Christian realms or no Are matter of pleasance, fruit, and comfort And for a thousand causes and more Diligently to be attended unto Yea, and all manner writers of the same Worthy laud, thank, honour & immortal fame ¶ Neither is any one to be rejected That in this behalf, hath done his endeavour For though some be, such as might be corrected Yet those that have, therein bestowed labour Have minded to profit us to their power Neither any is so full, but somewhere doth fail Nor any so bare, but doth something avail. ¶ And what an exceeding benefit trow ye Is it for each man, to have cognition Of all acts, both of his own country And also of every foreign nation As if he had lived, when each thing was done And to view the acts of antiquity As though he did now, presently them see ¶ Chroniclers therefore, I can highly commend And among others, this author John Harding Who with all his power, to this point did contend To the uttermost extent of his learning That English men might have understanding Of all affairs, touching theirowne country Even to his days, from old antiquities ¶ And though his cunning, were not so much As some others, nor his intelligence Yet his good mind, intent, and zeal was such That in him lacked, no point of diligence After such books, as he thought of credence faithfully to describe, such things in rhyme As happened to England, from time to time ¶ But in things done, before his own days He followeth his authors, at adventure Without choice or difference of the true ways Nor well assured, who were corrupt or pure Nor whether they were certain orels unsure Whether fabulous, or men of verity Whether vain, or of good authority. ¶ But what soever, in his own time was done That he reporteth with all fidelity Right so as each thing, ended or begun Without any spot of insynceritee Or dissimulation of the verity He found all means, the very truth to know And what he knew certainly, that did he show. ¶ From the beginning of Henry the fourth king Of this realm of England, after the conquest Even to Edward the fourths reigning Which was three score years and one at the lest He leaveth nothing unwriten at the largest That was or seemed to be of importance Touching peace and war, with Scotland or France ¶ Unto the Scots, he could never be friend Because he saw them towards England False from the beginning, to the last end Never standing to any league ne band Homage, fealtee, ne writing of their hand Never so ready to make rebellion As when they promised most subjection ¶ That if John Harding, be a true man And in this behalf inspired with prophecy They will never be, but as they were than Fall to England, subtle, and crafty Intending mischief, when they show contrary Spoilers and robbers, that amend will never Till our king shall have made them english for ever ¶ Neither is there any, that ever wrote Which in mat●ers of Scotland could better skill Nor which their falsehood and untruth to note Had more affection or better will Or better knew water, wood, town, vale & hill Or was more fervent the Scots to pursue Who to England he knew, would never be true ¶ Neither any Chronicler that ever was Either doth or can, more largely declare Even from Brutus, how it came to pass That kings of England the soveraines' are And over Scotland ought rule to bear Himself is witness, of their subjection And homage, under England's protection ¶ In other things, the times were such That though this work have some spice of blindness Yet is the author, not to be blamed much For popish error, that season doubtless Did all the world over go and oppress Therefore such things, we must in good part take And pardon that fault, for the times sake ¶ Yet have we thought best, the autour to set out Even in such form, as himself did indite It were an unquod thing, if we should go about To alter and change, that old men have write Secondly to us, it may be great delight The blindness of those times to consider From which hath pleased God us to deliver ¶ Finally the darkness of those days to see To the honour of our king doth redound To whom by gods help given it hath be All popish trumpery for to confound Which thing, all true English hearts hath bound incessantly to pray, for king Henrye the eight Whose godly wisdom, hath made all straight And for as much as Harding, his book doth end With Edward the fourth, whose servant he was And to whom also, this book he did commend Considering also, the time and space Being lx years and more, I could not let pass So many goodly statutes and decrees Battles, and stories, not good to lose. Wherefore I annexed them by continuation Beginning with Edward the fourth of that name Then Edward the fifth, king by generation Whom Richard the third, to his immortal shame Cruelly murdered, the story sayeth the same But plagued he was, to his great grievance With a shameful death, as God's vengeance Then Henry the vii next doth ensue Father unto our most dread sovereign lord And of Henry the. viii, some thing that is true I have here set forth, as writers do accord Not in metre, but observing word, for word Mine authors, that wrote it all in prose Reporting the truth, without fraud or gloze ¶ Now right gentle reader, thy part shallbe My good will and zeal, my pain and labour To entreprete and take in good part and 'gree giving to the same, such good words of favour As may enforce me with all mine endeavour The setting forth of more works to take in hand To thy solace, and honour of England ¶ The Proheme of john Hardynge into this his chronicle. THe most substance of power and of might, Through age distilled, into debilitee Of me that am this time an aged wight And great fault, have of hability This labour now should have withhold fro me But that my wit would have some diligence My ghost to keep from sin and insolence. ¶ This work is great, and long to bring to fine So doth it ever fro time to time increase And long hath done, afore Christ did incline, In Marie mother and maiden without lease To chronicle, so men have them put in press Some in metre, and some also in prose Some in Latyn, full wisely did it close. ¶ And some in French, they made for intellect Of men that could no Latyn understand More sufficiently indited and protect By far than I can it now take in hand And some in lines two, their rhyme ay band But though my wit be not so curious As theirs by far to make it glorious. ¶ Yet will I use, the simple wit I have To your pleasance and consolation Most noble lord and prince, so God me save That in chronicles hath delectation Though it be far above mine estimation Into ballad I will it now translate Right in this form with all mine estymate. My lord of York unto your sapience. I will remember a notabilyte Of your elders rule and regymence That had this land of old prioryte Which ruled were after their dignity In virtue dign by royal governance And in vice ruled and misgovernance. By which knowledge your discrete sapience All vice evermore destroy may and reprove By virtuous and blessedfull diligence And virtue love, that may not aught grieve How ye shall rule your subjects while ye live In law and peace and all tranquyllite Which been the flowers of all regalyte. ¶ Edward the third that was king of this land By right title, and very just descent And king of France as I can understand By his mother queen Isabella the gent Sister and heir of Charles by hole intent For Charles died without any child The right descent unto his mother mild Why should that French forbarre you of your right Numeri xxvii Sith God of heaven in libro numeri Gave to Moses this law that now is light In the chapter seven and twenty By these words the daughter rightfully Of Salphaat ask the father's heritage Salphaat give them in possession among the cousinage. ¶ This king Edward reigning in his days In mercial acts, triumph and victory Above all princes famed was always five sons had, the world out to cry There were no more such of one patry money Edward the prince and eldest son of age Who got Richard, that had the heritage. ¶ leonel next borne, after in Antwerp In Brabant land, that wedded unto his wife The earls daughter of Ulster as men do karpe And begat on her Philip his daughter rive And also his heir, whom he loved as his live Whom earl Emonde of March the Mortimer Wedded to his wife and begat the earl Roger. Edward the third had five sons. Edward prince. leonel. john duke of Lancastre. Edmounde duke of York. Thomas of Woodstock duke of Gloucester. ¶ That earl was after of March & of Ulster With wild Irish that slain were in Ireland Who had a son, earl Emonde mortimer That died without issue I understand To whom dame Anne, his sister, unto his land Was very heir, whom the earl of Cambridge wed And got of her yourself as I have red ¶ Why should ye not then be her very heir Of all her land and eke of all her right Sith jesus Christ of Jude land so feire By very mean of his mother Mary bright To be king, claimed title and right And so did name himself king of jews So by your mother, the right to you acrewes. ¶ After Lionel that was duke of Clarence And of Ulster the earl was, by his wife And of Italy, for his great excellence King should have been, without any strife Of all Europe, without comparatyfe The royal land, and to his espousaile The duke's daughter of Melayn without fail. ¶ john borne in Gaunt, of Flaunders chief city 〈…〉ke 〈…〉 orn in Gaunt. The third son was, of good king Edward That wedded dame Blanch, full of feminytee Duke Henry's daughter and heir afterward Of Lancastre, by law of kind and forward 〈…〉 y● 〈…〉. Who got and bore the fourth king Henry That king richard deposed wrongfully. ¶ Who got Henry the fifth like conqueror 〈…〉 y● 〈…〉. Of Normandy, and mykill part of France That excelled both king and Emperor In martial acts, by his governance Who got Henry the sixth at God's pleasance 〈…〉 that 〈…〉 Of such simpleness and disposition As men may see by his discretion. 〈◊〉 For when Henry the fourth first was crowned 〈…〉 ny a wiseman, said then full commonly 〈…〉 third heir should not joys but be uncrouned And deposed of all regalitee To this reason they did there wits apply, Of evil gotten good, the third should not enjoyse Of long agone, it hath been a comen voice. ¶ How the maker of this book saith his advice in brief for the duke of York. ¶ O my lord of York, God hath provide In this for you, as men sayen commonly So that no sloth you from his grace divide But take it as he hath it sent manly And rule well now ye have the remedy But ne'ertheless, let every man have the right Both friend and foo, it may increase your might. ¶ Treat well Percy of marches line descended To help your right with might and fortify By tender means to hold him well contented Remembering him, by witty policy How by process of time and destiny Your right might all been his, as now is yours Through gods might, make them your successors ¶ Edmounde was then the four son, at Langlay Edmound duke of york. Borne, as known was well in the land A noble prince after, as men might say At battle of Orray, that fought sore with his hand And john of Gaunt his brother, I understand That fought full sore, for John of Mountfortright Again Charles of Bloys a manly knight. ¶ This Edmounde was after duke of York create And had a son that Edward had to name Whom king Richard made to be denominate In all his writs exalting his fame King of Portyngale, his father yet at hame living in age I trawe of lxxx year A fair person, as a man might see any where. ¶ Thomas Woodstoke, the .v. son was in deed Duke of Gloucester, that time made and created Thomas of wood stoke duke of gloucester. By king Richard murdered whom for his meed King Henry quit with death preordinate By God's doom and sentence approbate Who sleeth, so shall he be slain by his sentence Well more murder which asketh ay vengeance Mat. 〈…〉 seven. ¶ Who lay afore Paris, amoneth day With host royal without any battle Of all enemies most dread he was alway And Scots moste him bred without any fail For as they trowed by their own rehersaile Of prophecies he should their land conquer And make the king to England homegere. ¶ Now have I made unto your own knowledge Edward prince of Wa 〈…〉 the eldest son of king Edward the iii A remembrance of Edward's sons five Your exampler to give you a courage So noble princes, I trow were none alive After my wit as I can describe The eldest son, whose life I have left out Who that in France & all lands was most doubt ¶ Of the right and titles that my Lord of York hath to France and Spain with Portugal & other lands by yond the sea, jerusalem and other lands. ¶ At battle of Poitiers took king john With great honour triumph and victory By merciall acts, and virtuous life alone And in Spain, as made is memory The king Petro, by knightly victory To his kingdom, he did restore again By his brother put out, with much pain ¶ The appointment bytwixt duke john & duke Edmund who should be king of Castle and Lion, and what the maker of this book saw and red at London, to sir Robert Vmfrewill then lord Vmfrewill. ¶ This king Petro to give him to his meed Had nothing else but daughters two full fair Which he betook, to that prince in deed For his wages, for cause they where his heir With whom he did, to England so repair And constance wed, unto his brother. john Edmund his brother, the younger had anon ¶ Dame Isabella, the younger height by name between these brethren, was appointment The first heir male, which of the sisters came, The king should been, and have the regiment To you my lord of York, this doth appent Duke of York. For your uncle Edward, was first heir male To whom your father, was heir with out fail ¶ So king of Spain, and also of Portyngall Ye should now be, by line of blood descent By covenant also and appointment whole As I have seen of it the mununent Under seal written, in all intent Which your uncle, to my lord Vmfrewill At London showed, which I read that while ¶ For Spain & Portyngale bear the renown And comen name as I have heard expressed Both to the realms of Castyll and Lyon. And so the king of Spain hath aye addressed His royal style in writing well impressed King of Castill and also of Lion, Accounted both so for his region. ¶ Now be ye know, of your title to England The title of the kings of England to Scotland and Ireland. By consequens to Wales and Scotland For they pertain, as ye may understand Of ancient time, to the crown of England By papal bull, ye have the right to Ireland, Gascowe, Paitowe and Normandye Pountyf, Bebuile, Saunxie and Sauntignye. ¶ And all the land beyond the charente Of Dangolesme, Dangolismoys & Luyre zyne Of Caoure; Caourenon, Pyridor & Pirygunt country Of Rodis, Ronegeavis, Dagon, Dagenoyse that fine Tharbe, Wigor & Gaure should to you incline, With all the franchises and all sovereignty As hath the king of France in his degree. ¶ Non. that I John Harding maker of this book, delivered to king Henry the sixth the copy of the treaty of this land as king Edward the third treated and had them after the battle of Poytours. ¶ Calys & Mark, Colne, Hammys, Oye & Wale, Sandegate & Guysons, with all the whole country With all the lands and towns between them all With all franchises and royal sovereignty All those of right be yours in property What by treat and what by very right As king Edward them had of mickle might. ¶ To jerusalem, I say ye have great right For earl Geffraye, that hight Plantagenet Of Aungeoy earl, a prince of passing might The eldest son to Fouke, and first beget King of jerusalem by his wife duly set Whose son Geffray foresaid got on his wife Henry the second that known was full rife. ¶ Yet have ye more fro Bawdewyn Paraliticus King afterward, to the same king Henry The crown sent and his banner precious As very heir of whole ancestry Descent of blood by title lineally From Godfray Boleyn and Robert Curthose Godfray● Boleyn. Robert cur those. That kings were thereof and choose. ¶ He sent him also the Sepulture keys Resygning wholly unto him all his right For to defend the land from Sarizenes' For he was sick and had thereto no might And all the land, destroyed was to sight By the Soudyan to great lamentation Of God's people, and all Christian nation. ¶ He sent him also the keys of David's tower With Heraclye, that of jerusalem Was Patriarch and greatest of honour And with templars, which brought him into this realm beseeking him that he would then sustain Full humbly asking supportation For the cytiee and christian consolation. ¶ All these titles, the chronicles can record If they be seen by good deliberation Many of them to these full well accord As I have seen with great delectation By clerks written for our information As in old fields, corns fresh and green grew So of old books cometh our cunning new Out of old books cometh new knowledge ¶ Of this I will now cease and forth proceed To my matter, where first I began To chronicles of this land for worthihed To remember in ballad as I can To that intent to please both God and man And eke to please good femynitie The duke's wife named Cecely Of my lady your wife dame Cecely. ¶ That in Latyn hath little intellect To understand the great nobility Of this like land of which she is elect Time coming like to have the sovereignty Under your rule as should feminitee Which if it may please her ladyship My heart will rejoice of her inward gladshippe. ¶ For well I wot your great intelligence That in latin hath good inspection Will pleased be of your high sapieuce My lady that is under your protection Your heir also may read at their election Which if it may please your nobility Of my labour I would rejoiced be. ¶ Also for your heirs and for your successors In time coming to have a clear knowledge How of this realm the noble governors Have kept with help of Baronage In victory, triumph and surplusage Sith Brute it wan in his prioritee It hath been kept in worthy dignity ¶ But how this isle embraced with this sea Vnedefied was known first and found That Albion was named of property Of dame Albione that first therein had ground And after long, how Brute thereof was crowned That of his own name called it britain And builded it, where all before was plain. ¶ The end of the Proheme. Here beginneth the chronicle of john Hardynge. The first Chapter. ¶ Of the xxx sisters that first inhabited this land & named it Albion, that now is England Wales & Scotland. THe while that Troy was reigning in his might In Greece there was a king right excellent That Dioclesian, some book sayeth he height King Dioclesyan and Albyne his wife. And of Surray that had the regiment, Dame Albyne hight his wife, a lady gente Who daughters had xxx wedded to there degree To kings all of great nobility. ¶ Which fell in pride, and high elation Thinking to be in no subjection Of husbands more, ne domination But only by a fell coniection Took hole purpose and full affection To kill there lords sleeping suddenly sovereigns to be, and live all severally. The two Chapter. ¶ Note that women desire of all things sovereignty, & to my conceit more in this land then in any other, for they have it of the nature of the said sisters. THe youngest sister, the matter all discured To her husband, and to her father gent For which she was of all that deed assured But they were put in exile by judgement So rightful were the princes of there intent They judged them to be put in the see In ship topasse echeone fro there country. ¶ As fortune would, to make there adventure Which by process, with streams to and fro This chronicle is not true. And tempests great, and sore disadventure Of sickness great and mickle other woe And most of all, they knew not whether to go Till at last they came unto this isle That then was waste, as chronicles do compile. ¶ But I dare say, this chronicle is not true, For in that ilk time, in Surraye was no king Ne afterward, to time that Saul grew Ne no king was in Surray ever living Saul was the first king in the third age. That had that name, for Saul was the first king Of Surray realm, at the end of the third age In samuel's time, the prophet wise and sage. The three Chapter. ¶ Note that Hugh de Genesis a Roman historiographier declareth in his chronicle all the kingdoms of the world, and all the names of such kings as ruled in them, from noah's flood unto the birth of Christ. In which chronicle the foresaid Hugh writeth, that Danays' king of that Greeks had l daughters and that Aegisthus his brother king of Egypte had as many sons that married together, which daughters killed their own husbands, and for that cause were banished, and sailing on the sea were driven unto a certain isle, which, Albina being the eldest sister of them named according to her name Albion, and Brute after that called it according to his name britain. NE afore Brute, was in no realm that name, No king on live, that hight ne called so But of Arginos the king of full high fame Had daughters fifty, whose name was Danao The king of Egipte, his brother Egisto Had sons also fifty together wed In chronicles of old as I have red ¶ Which daughters, slew their husbands eachone Long before Brute was of his mother bore So find I by these women alone And by these sons thus slain before The chronicle true, in their persons more Than in the daughters of Dioclesian Were in no land that time so hight king none ¶ So in the year of Aioth judge of Israel These ladies here landed full weighed and sore Seventy and two as Hugh doth tell Which was I say an hundred year afore That Brute came into this land and more By five years truly, and well accounted Of years ode so much more amounted ¶ Also in Surray there was no king before King Alexaunder dead and expired For Seleucius was the first king thore By all chronicles that I have inquired That chronicle should not be desired Seeing that it is not true ne authentic By no chronicle unto the truth ought like ¶ I dare well say he saw never Hugh Genesis This s●e 〈…〉 that our chronicle is false in the beegynning, Ne he red never the chronicles of Surry Of Israel Jude ne of Egipciis Of Argiuos, of Athenes, ne Thessaly Of Macedon, Cesile, ne of Assery, Of Lacedaemon, of Lyde, ne yet of Latyn, Of Africa, of Asis, ne yet of Babelyn, ¶ Of Perce, ne meed, italy, ne Albany, Of king Alexaunder, ne of his successors That afore time reigned diversly In diverse realms, cities castles and towers Of Romany, ne of state of emperors For had he seen all these and their stories Of Dioclesian, he would make no memories, The four Chapter. ¶ How these ladies had this Isle in the year of Aioth lxxii in the third age of the world, and she called it Albion of her name, and took fealty & service of them all, as sovereign lady of this Isle, that now is England, Scotland and Walis, as Hugh Genesis writeth in his dialogue. THese ladies so ay dwelling in this Isle The years of Aioth seventy & two no lees Dame Albyne was as men can compile The eldest sister, and thought she would increase Herself above them all upon the dees Sitting, she took fealty, then of them all True to her to be, for aught that might be fall ¶ And then she gave this Isle a proper name Of Albion, out of her name as chief And called it so, from thence forward the same She ordained then bows to their relief Arrows & bolts and bowstrynges made in brief To slay the Dear, the Bull, and also the Boar The Beer, and birds, that were therein before, ¶ With pitfalles great & traps they did beguile The beasts and birds to their sustenance They got each day with nets and other wile The fish in stagnes and water's sufficiaunce Each day they made witty chevisance To help themself at their necessity For hunger, that they should not perished be. The .v. Chapter. ¶ How spirits got Giants upon the ladies, which got other Giants within this land. Before Brute came were xii. M. Giants, what in this land that now is England and the north that now is Scotland, and the west that now is Wales, as the Scotte Marian saith in his dialogue. THese ladies with meat & drink replete And of nature revigured corporally And all there care forget and under feet Had great desire to play them womanly As women yet will do full lovingly For to fulfil the work of womanhood And bring forth fruit, the land to rule and lead. ¶ So were they tempted with inward meditation And vain glory within their hearts implied To have comforth of men's consolation And knew nothing, how of them to provide But inwardly them they glorified So hot that spirits in man's form Say by them their desires to perform ¶ So during forth in such lust and delight With nature of themself and femination The spirits got children, that were Giants tyte Of them through their own imagination By fervent heat, moved with temptation Thus got they then great Giants full of might Within short time that were long and wight. The vi Chapter. ¶ How the father's lay by their daughters, the brethren by their sisters, the sons by their mothers and every kind with other, as Hugh Genesis reporteth in his chronicles. THe fathers then by their daughters lay Mother ne sister again it not replied Of childer fell sons and daughters ay They got each day and strongly multiplied Of them this isle then was so fortified So strong then was this generation None durst it noye for their malignation. ¶ Among them fell so great unkindness According right well to there life inordinate That echove of them did other oppress That none of them was left on live of the estate Of twelve thousand within a little date Whose pride fell afore the incarnation Twelve hundredth year, by very computation. ¶ But Bartholomew de proprietatibus rerum Saith how this isle of Albion had name Of the see banks full white all or sum That circuyte the isle as ships came From ferrome seen, as they through the see fame Sailed by & by for ripes and roches white To shipmen were great gladness and delight. ¶ But Maryan saith the chronicler to sew That dame Albion was the first that named it so Both two might be together clear and true That ships so sailing to and fro And at her coming they called it so both two And so both ways may be right sure & true From which there will no chronycler it renew ¶ Of this now will I seize and say no more To time come eft the Brute hath won this land Brutus And slain them all in battle fought sore But now of Brutus ye shall well understand How that he did in Greece and took on hand And of what blood he came by clear discente And how in Greece he had great regiment. ¶ And how he gate this isle by his prowess And called it by name the isle of Britain And of his name for their worthiness He called his men britains ay forth certain That Trojans were afore not to lain To which I pray the holy trinity That is one God in persons three. ¶ Of help and speed to bring this book to end The oration of the author for that making of this book. For simple is my wit of all science Of rhetoric as yet never I kende And simple am of all intelligence Yet will I not so hurt my conscience On old gods to muse or on to call That false were ever and ever so will be fall. ¶ Of Saturnus ne yet of Marcury The names of false gods. Of jubiter of Mars ne yet of Venus Of Pallas ne of minerve ne Megary Ne of Phoebus Ceres ne of Geneus Of Cupyde ne yet of Thisophonus Diana Bacchus ne of Cerbery All these I will refuse now and defy ¶ And to the god in heaven I pray in majesty My wit to enforce with might and sapience With language such as may aught pleasant be To your pleasance and noble excellence For I am bare and naked of eloquence By insuffycience and all symplicyte To end this book as were necessity. The vii Chapter. ¶ How Brute conquered Albyon & called it Britain of his The armis of Brute own name, that now is England Walis and Scotland, and the arms of Brute in which he was called first when he entered this isle after Genesis the Italyane Chronycler were of Gowlys ii Lion's crown of gold Rampant and combattaunt. AS chronicles telleth & make notificacyon Brutus who so them well shall know & understand Of what kin blood and generation Brutus first came that conquered all this land It to remember I have now take on hand Through all old stories by philosyphers compiled In ballad thus it shall be made and filed ¶ As out of old fields new corn groweth each year Of old books by clerks new approved Old knights acts with minstrels tongue steer The new courage of young knights to be moved Wherefore me thinketh old things should be loved Dute of oldbokes cometh new wisdom. Sith old books maketh young wits wise Disposed well with virtues exercise. ¶ At old Adam therefore I will begin Who was I find, the first old creature Adam. Conueing down lineally in kin As descent in birth and in gendur Next unto Brute, as mention maketh scripture I shall report, as God will please to lead My simple ghost with language it to feed. ¶ For well I wot, without his supportation For to report his very genealogy How he by descent in all generation From Adam down to Trojan Auncetrye Gotten and borne certain in italy Full heard it is, although I would full fain The gene●a●ion of ●●ute So simple be my spirits and my brain. ¶ Of Adam which was the first creature 〈…〉. Came Seth forsooth and Seth got Enos then And Enos got afterward full sure A son that hight and called was Canayn 〈…〉. Who got Melaliel, as scripture tell can Who got jareth of whom Enoke came That Matusaly got of mykill fame. ¶ Matusale got Lameke, who Noah got And No japhet, who got Cichym than 〈…〉 h. 〈◊〉. 〈…〉 th'. 〈…〉 m. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. That Cipre got after whom Cypress hat Cipre got Crete, that the isle of Crete began A famous and a right notable man And Crete got a son hight Cely Cely. Saturn Who got Saturn a wise man and a witty ¶ Of whom came then jubiter of Frigy Which is Turkey wherein Troyes city jubiter. In honour stood and in great victory And jubiter gate Dardanus no lee That of Frigy in great felicity Dardanus. So reigned king greatly magnified And as a God among them glorified. ¶ Of whom came so his son Eritonus Who got a son that first Troy edified Eriotonus. Troilus Ilis. Ilyon. Hercules Lamadone. That Troilus hight of whom came king Ilis That Ilyon made a palace of great pride Which for passing other was both long & wide Where Hercules slough king Lamadone And led away the royalles of the town. ¶ Lamedone got the king Priamus Priamus. Who made again his palace Ilium And Troy's city also more glorious Than they were before their subversion And royal without pervertion In joy and mirth they stood many a year Achilles was Priamus' brother. And Achilles with him his brother dear. The eight Chapter. ¶ A short lamentation of the maker, for king Lamedone lose his life and his estate that might have stand in peace and surety, for a little succour of jasone in his voyage. O Lamedon of Troy, that bore the crown What fortune drove thee, to do jasone unkindness Where he to pay, was so ready and bown For his victual that came in by distress Of tempest great standing in heaviness Him for to drive out of the region And not refresh him at his requisition. Lamedom showed to jason unkindness. Which was the cause after of thy heaviness When he the slough and destroyed all thy city And cast down all thy might and great nobles With little thing that saved might have be O good lord? why should thy royal dignity To strangers show that cruel unkindness That to thy land purposed no distress. Hector, Troilus Dephebus Helenus, & Paris, came of Pryamus. Of Priamus came Hector and Troilus Dephebus Helenus and Paris Of royal blood and dukes full glorious Of excellence and greatest of emprise Which were all slain by fortune's exercise All the siege of Troy knightly in the defence In mercial acts as princes of excellence ¶ The palace great and the noble city Greeks By Greeks seeged, long and many a year Was won at last and waste as men yet see This king & queen both two were slain in fear Where Anchises and Aeneas his son dear Anchyses, Aeneas, Ascaneus. And Ascaneus the son of Aeneas escaped away and on the sea did pass. The ix Chapter. ¶ How Aeneas exiled out of Troy came to Cecyle and to Africa to the city of Carthage, and fro thence to italy, & there was made king of Tuskayne and of Latene. ANd in Cicile they after did aryve Where Anchises died and was dispent. Aeneas and his son to the sea 'gan drive With ships xii to Italy had they mente Aeneas. But wind them drove, again there intent Into Africa, where for Aeneas' sake They welcome were and worthily uptake. ¶ Fro thence after he took the sea again And landed then in Italia In Tibre mouth with travail & with pain Where the town and port is of hostia Where by the God he bidden was to ga To help the king Euandre in his right Euamdre. For after him the God that land him hight. ¶ To whom he went as him was prophesied And welcome was into Italy Of king Euandre greatest magnified For his wisdom fame and chivalry For his worship and for his auncetrye He gave him than great lordship and riches And gold enough right of his worthiness ¶ King Euandre made war on king Latene Latene. Turnus In whose defence Turnus king of Tuskayn Came, with great host of Tuskalayns so fine Again Euandre, where Turnus then was slain Aeneas did that deed and that derayn With mighty strokes courage and chivalrous He wan the field in battle fortunous. Between Euandre so and the king Latene The peace he made, rest and concordance And king Latens his daughter that hight Labyne Wedded to his wife, by very good accordance Between them forth was no more discordance And Aeneas' king was made of Tuskayne Of which the king Euandre was full fain. ¶ soon after then died the king Latene Whose realm Aeneas had also in peace In which he made a castle fair and fine Labynyon it height without leace His wives name to worship and increase Of whom he got a son, and died afore. That he was brought into this world and boar. ¶ This worthy prince, king Aeneas mortally Ended his life that was of high prowess Where so God will to reign eternally Within the house of fame, where as I guess 〈…〉 o knights fell of noble worthiness That more desired in arms to have a fame ●hen be the best in deed, and bear no name The ten Chapter. ¶ Of the house of fame where knights be rewarded after the merits in arms by Mars the God of arms, some translate which kyrcheves of pleasance & some with rings and onches, their sepulture in the field of pity by heaven gates that have be very lovers of their lovers ladies and never panyneles but aye graceless. BUt than his son Silvius Postumus 〈◊〉 New borne so young and tender of age King of this land was made Astanius His brother dear that ruled his heritage 〈◊〉 And peaceably kept out of all servage. Twenty winter and eight full mannely, And got a son that called was Syluy. ¶ Which Silvius got and generate Silvius the father of Brutus. His son Brutus on Crensa labius niece All privily by him de virginate And sore besought by his subtilitees And somewhat of her womanly petees That tendered him of god femynete As womanhod would of all humility ¶ So after soon, the fate of death would so That pass away must need Ascanius He gave his brother Silvius posthumus though His heritage and riches plenteous But Brutus waxed echedaye full beauteous The praise of Brute. And in mannehod well more in all virtue Was none him like in no place that men knew ¶ Of xu year when he was comen to age At hunting as he shot at a dear He sleugh his father unto his great damage How Brutus slew his father, And at his birth as saith the chronicler His mother died as written is full clear Anon after as he was of her bore For which ii causes his heart was wonder sore ¶ Seeing july this falls fortunite The soroes great in him so multiplied That there for shame of his fortunite In no wise would he no longer dwell ne bide But into Grece his sorrows for to hide He went anon where exiles were of troye Whose sorrows great he leched all with joy. ¶ Sir Helenus was Priamus' son of Troy And Anchises an old worthy knight Helenus. Priamus. Anchises. And vi M. that of him had great joy Of gentlemen of Troy exiled forth right That him besought with instance day and night To help them out of their great heaped sorrow In which they lay oppressed even and morrow. ¶ For which he wrote his letter in that tide To king Pandras that king was of that land Pandras. Requiring him to let him pass and ride Freely, where so they would withouten band For which the king with power took on hand To siege Brutus within his castle fair To whom Trojans strongly 'gan repair. ¶ To Brutus so, to help them at there might Brutus. Anacletus Who then anon sent forth Anacletus. His prisoner, whom he had taken right Unto the host, to tell them how Antigonus Say in the wood stolen away fro Brutus 〈…〉 onus. Who went to them, that next the wood then lay And bade them come and rescue him or day. ¶ Which ward so broke & to the wood can ride Brutus with that with all his hole power There broke in and would no longer abide But slough the Greeks and took the king infer But than as saith the very chronicler No longer would he there abide ne dwell But furthermore as chroniclers doth tell, ¶ With king Pandras, he made his appointment Pandras. Him to deliver, on this condition To wed his daughter, by will and assent Dame Innogen and ships of his region With victual and riches, to win land & town, For there he would, no longer make sojourn But with Trojans, to their land attourne ¶ All this promises and whole apoinctement Fulfilled and speed, Brute with his wife So sailed forth thorough the Greekish orient The pillars that Hercules made of brass. To marytayne, and two pillars gan he drive That Hercules also with busy live To time he came to an old city No creature therein, that time could see ¶ But a goddas, men called Diane Diane the Gods, That could declare, and expound destynie To whom Brute anon went up alone And lay afore her, there full devoutly With candle brenning, and with ceremony beseeking her, of succour and grace Where that he might, her worship in sum place ¶ With his Troyanes', therein for to abide And inherit, to whom then said diane By yond all Gualle, an Isle full long and wide Enclosed whole, within the occiane With Giants kept his destined, the alaan And thy Troyanes', to have and inhabit Therein to dwell, for evermore and enheret ¶ So sailing forth, by Colum●nes of Hercules Which been of brafse, by Hercules their set For when he came into the sea no lees Of Spain, where that his many Trojans met Of their lineage as it was to their debt They came with him echeone by one accord Corneus their captain was and lord Corneus captain of that Troyans. The xi Chapter. ¶ How Brute came from Grece into Albion, and named it Britain and how he arrived at Totnesse in Devinshire HE sailed so fourth by the sea Aquitaine. Where that he arrived that now is Guyan land And sleugh the bucks of which they were full feign, The bear & the boar and hearts all that they fande With out licence or yet any warand Wherefore Guffor king of the land full fell With Troyanes' fought, but Goryne their bare the bell Goryne, ¶ Brute took ship and arrived in Albion Where Diane said, should been his habitation And when he came the coasts of it upon He was full glad and made great exultation rejoiced highly of his fortunation In arms of Troy covered and well arrayed Of which Troyanes' were full well paid He bore of goulis two liones of gold The arms of 〈…〉 e Country Rampant with gold only crowned Which kings of Troy inbataill bare full bold To which from Troy was destroyed & confounded Their children slain, the next heir was he found And in though arms this Isle he did conquer As Marian saith the very chronicler Maryan chronicler. ¶ At Totnesse so this Brutus did arrive Corneus also and all their company Corneus The giants also he sleugh down beelive Through all the land in battle mannely And left no more but Gogmagog only In all this Isle, so had he them destroyed Gogmagog, Whom in prison he kept and annoyed The xii Chapter. ¶ How Corneus wrastilled with Gogmagog the giant of the Isle, and sleugh him. But for he would know all his resistens What he might do more than Corneus He made them both do their sufficience In all wrastleing which was most rigorous And to defend or assault most curious On the sea bank, afore Brutus they met Where by accord the day and place was set ¶ This Gogmagog so thrafte Corneus That rib three were broken in his side Corneus then of might full laborious Thought he would soon revenge that tide With that he stood and set his leggues wide And got him up between his arms fast And over the roche into the sea him cast ¶ Which place hight yet Gogmagoges assault By cause he leaped their from Corneus All if it were nothing in his default But by the might of Coryn, full vigorous Coryn. Who was always in battle fortunous For which Brutus had him in great deynie And gave him aye worship and dignity ¶ This Brutus, thus was king in regalite And after his name, he called this Isle Briteyn, This Isle Briteyne. And all his men, by that same egalite He called Briteynes, as chroniclers all sane Of which they all were full glad and feign To Corneus he gave to his avail The duchy whole, and land of cornwall. Corneus. The xiij Chapter. ¶ How he builded the city of troynovaunt, that now is called London. London. SO was the name, of this ilke Albyon All set on side, in kalandes of achaunge And put away with great confusion And Briteyn hight, so forth by new exchange 〈…〉. After Brutus, that slew these Giants strange And wan this Isle, by his magnificence In which he dwelled long time in excellence ¶ The city great, of troynovaunt so fair He builded then on Thamis for his delight Unto the north, for his dwelling & for his most. Which is to say in our language perfect, New Troy, in books as I can now endicte repeier And novel Troy, in french incomparable Of Breteyne, a city most profitable ¶ This Briteyne is in length eight. C. mile From Monsehole, that is in cornwall right The length and breadth of the Isle of Bryteyne. Unto the northend of Catenes, to compile And also in breedeth, from saint David that hight To Yarmoth, that in Norfolk, is by sight Two hundred mile, accounted well and clean As authors say, this Isle doth whole contain The xiiij Chapter. ¶ How Brute set his laws & peace of Troy in this Isle without which a king is no better than his subject or his liege man. IN which through out, his peace & law he set Which been the flowers of all regalite With out which, but if they two be met There may no prince hold prncipalite Ne endure long in worthy dignity For if those two, be nought up holden than What is a king, more worth than his liege man ¶ This king Brute, kept well this Isle in peace And set his laws of Troy, with order, rites, And consuetudes, that might the land increase Such as in Troy, he knew was most profits Unto the folk and the common profits He made them written, for long rememory To rule the Isle, by them perpetually ¶ His men he did reward full royally With lands and rents, that with him suffered pain And troynovaunt, he made full specially An Archflaume, his sea Cathedral certain A temple thereof, Apolyne to obtain By Trojan law, of all such dignity As archbishop hath now in his degree. The xu Chapter. ¶ How Brute departed Britain in three parts to his three sons, the two younger to hold of the elder, so that Wales and Scotland should do homage to England by his ordinance by the law of Troy. THis king Brutus this isle divided in. iii How Brutus divided this isle. A little afore out of this isle he died, To his three sons that were full fair to see After his days to joys he signified And when he had the Isle all tripertyed He called the chief Logres after locrine Three sons of Brute. That doth extend fro Monsehole to Humber fine. ¶ Fro Humbar north unto the Northwest sea locrine 〈◊〉 Albanacte. Of all Britain which he called Albany For Albanacte the king thereof to be His second son, that was both good and manly To hold it of locrine perpetually And of his heirs by homage and feaute As to chief lord longeth the suffraintie. ¶ And fro the water of Waage right in that south And Strigell castle to Severne all by and by And so to Dee at Chester as it is full couth Right in the North cambre he called for thy For Cambre should it have all plenerly And on locrine it should ever be homage And of his heirs evermore in heritage. The xvi Chapter. ¶ how by law Trojan the sovereignty belongeth to the eldest brother or sister. AS after the laws of Troy the sovereignty And all resort of right doth appertain To the eldest brother in property The eldest sister right, so by right should been sovereign lady and over them all queen By equity of that ilk law and right In place where it is holden law perfect. ¶ This king Brutus made people fast to till The land about in places both far and near Brutus' ordered the people to sow corn. And sow with seed and get them corn full weal To live upon and have the sustenance clear. And so in fields both far and near. By his wisdom and his sapience He set the land in all suffycience. And as the fate of death doth assign That needs he must his ghost away release To his gods diane he did resign His corpse to be buried withouten lees In the temple of Apolyne, to increase His soul among the gods everichone After his merits trononized high in throne. Fro beginning of the world to Brutus Into this isle entered first at Totnesse Four thousand year lxxx and four were thus As the chronicles thereof beareth witness And after the incarnation to express A thousand hole, a hundredth and fifteen And of Hely judge in july was eighteen. In the third age he came into this isle And in the year as it is afore expressed But how long that he reigned or short while Walter of Oxford hath confessed Four and twenty year, as he hath inpressed And other sayne he reigned three and forty year But Marian saith three score he reigned here ¶ Which is most like to be verified By all his works and great operations Which in short time might not been edified Ne performed with short occupations But in long time by good considerations Rather it is like he reigned three score year, By his great works and beginnings that appear The xvii Chapter. ¶ King locrine the sovereign lord of all Britain had Logres to his part, to whom his ii brethren did homage for Albyne and for Cambyr. THis eldest son was king that hight Locrine Of all Britain having the sovereignty Having Logres as Brute did determine To whom Cambre and Albanacte the free Obeying both unto his royalty There homage made as to that lord sovereign And Emperor of that land of Britain. locrine ¶ There homage made and to Cambre went Albanactus then road to Albyne And reigned so by life in one assent Each one other to help and fortify And thus in peace holding their regalite But as they sat so best in peace and rest King Humbar arose in Albyne full pressed The xviii Chapter. ¶ How king Humbar slew Albanactus, wherefore locrine and Cambre gathered a great power and disconfyted king Humbar, & ceased Albany by excheter unto Lours again for default of an heir. IN the river that called is Humbar now Where Albanactus anon did with him fight And in battle stroke Humbar on the brow And field him were he never so wight But Humbar arose again with all his might * The death of Albanact And in that stour was Albanacte slain King Humbar had the field with mikyll pain. ¶ King locrine then & Cambre else his brother With hosts great upon king Humbar fought That of Humbarlande was king with many other In Albany that mikyll sorrow wrought And with him met where he before had fought The river of Humbar whereof it took that name. Where sore for fight he fled to the river And there was drowned in that water clear. ¶ A great part of his host was drowned also As they did flee in that water clear And many slain that might no further go And many other taken for prisoner locrine the field had, and his brother dear And to the ships where they had all richesse Their men to help that suffered there distress ¶ All Albayne into his hand he seized And held hole to Logres joined then again As it was first and that land well pleased Of the resort the people were full fain But in the ships a little from Almaigne He fande the kings daughter of germany Dame Estrylde that was full womanly. ¶ Whom for his wife he held at his pleasance For which the duke Corneus was wroth But friends then by noble governance The plain troth to say in sooth Made him to wed, all if it were full loath The daughter so of Duke Corneus With all friendship they were accorded thus ¶ Dame Gwendolyne the hight by proper name Of whom he gate a son that hight Maddan And in the mean while in privy wise at hame He held Estrylde as his love and leman Thereof his wife unweting, or any other man And of her gate a daughter full feminine That Sabren height as chronicles do divine. ¶ In this mean time Corneus so died To whom the queen Gwendolyne was heir Whom king locrine forsook and replied And Estrylde wedded again that was full fair How Lo●yn was 〈…〉 e in betrayle by his wy●e Gwendolyne. But Gwendolyn to cornwall did repair With her power, and fought with king Locrine Where he was slain and had none other fine. ¶ She drowned Estrelde and her daughter dear In a river which that time had no name But fro thence forth for Sabryn far and near That river that was plenteous of name The river of Severne, wherofit took the name. Was called then Severne that hath great fame Thus Severne first had name in property Of that lady that drowned was in specyaltee The xix Chapter. ¶ Gwendolena. queen of Britain had Logres and Albayne Guendolena. in peace and rest xu year. GWendolyne so after fro king locrine Had reigned hole ten year and was slain The queen was of all Logres lands so fine And of all Albaine also through out incertain Crowned queen and so reigned with main And service took of Cambre for his land Who governed well her time, I understand ¶ fifteen year and then her son she crowned That Maddan height & into Cornwall went And then she died with sickness sore confounded And to her gods her woeful heart she sent And thus this queen in her best intent To set among the goddess everichone Ever to complain her wedowhed alone The twenty Chapter. ¶ How Maddan king of Britain reigned after Gwendolena his mother, and reigned xi years. MAddan her son was king of Britain then Having Logres and also Albany That forty year there reigned as a man Keeping the land in peace from tyranny madam king of Britain that is England & Scotland. In whose time was none in his monarchy Durst ought vary or any thing displease So was he dread, and set the realm in ease. Through all Britain durst none another displease So well the law and peace he did conserve That every man was glad other to please So dread they him they durst no thing over terve Again his law, nor peace but them conserve So was he dread through his great sapience Both in, and out by all intelligence. ¶ He died so, and to his father go His sons two Maulyne and eke Memprise A day than set which of them should precede To the crown but then by covetise How the one 〈…〉 to be king. And that ilk day the younger Memprise Slew his brother Maulyne elder of age To that intent to have the heritage. Memprise thus king destroyed, his men all out Their lands their gods or else their lives certain Mempryse king of Britain He took from them all his land about fulfilled all with pride and great disdain His comonnes all with taxes did distrain So tirauntely, he left them nought to spend By consequent, thrifteles he was at end. His wife he did refuse and foul forsake Using the sin of horribilyte The wretched end of Mempryse. With beasts oft in stead right of his make Which by all right and equytee Vengeance asked by fell bestialitee And so him fell, as to the wood he went A rout of wolves him slough and all to rend. The xxi Chapter. ¶ Ebranke king of Britain had Logres and Albany. Also he had twenty wives twenty sons and xxx daughters, he made York, Bamburgh, Edinburgh, Dumbritayne and Alclude, Also he made an archeflaume at York & his temple that now is an archbishop. EBranke his son them crowned was anon Who ships great made on the sea to sail Ebranke reigned▪ lx. years. Withheld his knights with him so forth to gone Upon war he went without fail Then into Gaul with a full manly tail Where that he had riches innumerable To hold estate royal incomparable. ¶ XX. wives he had as chronicles saith And twenty sons of his own generation And daughters fair xxx that were not laith Which daughters so for their relevation Into Italy with great supportation There to be wedded in Trojan blood & married For lady's their with Trojans were allied. ¶ In Albany he made and edified The castle of Alclude which Dumbritayne The Castle of Dumbrytayne in Scotland. And some authors by chronicle hath applied And some sayen on the pight wall certain And the west end it stood that now is plain And some men say it is York city Thus stand men now in ambyguytee ¶ But soothe it is, he made this Dunbrytayne A castle strong that standeth in Albany Upon a roche of stone, hard to obtain About the which the sea floweth daily And refloweth again nocturnally Twice in his course and to the sea again In the which no horse may dung certain. ¶ He made also the maiden castle strong That men now calleth the castle of Edinburgh The castle of Ediburgh. That on a roche standeth full high out of throng On mount Agwet where men may see out through Full many a town, castle and borough In the shire about, it is so high in height Who will it scale he shall not find it light. ¶ He made also upon mount Dolorous A castle strong that this day Bamburgh hight The castle of Bamburgh. That on a roche is set full high and noyous Full hard to get, by any man's might The castle is so strong and so well dight If men therein have stuf sufficient Or it be won many one must be shent. ¶ His sons all he sent to germany To win the same land by labour and conquest Under the rule of their brother Analye Duke Assarake that was the eldest A worthy knight proved with best All germany they got at their intent And lords were made their as there father ment. ¶ Sixty year whole he stood and bore the crown Reigning fully in all prosperytee No enemies durst again him up ne down War, ne do in no wise again his royalty He made a temple in * Ebranke city That is york. Of diane, where an archeflame he set To rule temples as that time was his debt. The xxii Chapter. ¶ how after the death of Ebranke reigned Brutus greneshilde. Brutus' Greneshilde then by his name full right. Both good & true, and easy of all port His people all that came into his sight With all his might evermore he recomfort Of all there sorrow that they to him report And why he hight Greneshilde to his surname Brutus' greneshilde reigned. xii years. Because he bore on green ay where he became. ¶ Xii. year he stood reigning full well in peace And died so and by his father buried In Ebranke afore diane no lees With Britons hole thither accompanied With all honours that might be multiplied In any wise with all service funeral As longed to the fate of death over all. The xxiii Chapter. ¶ Leyle king of britain had Logres & britain, he made at Carlele a temple flamyne and a flaume to rule it. THen Leyle his son was king of Britain so Leyle king of Britain reigned xxv years. That Carleele made that time in Albany That now Carleile is called by friend & to Which in english is to say finally The city of Leyle, for in britain tongue plainly Cair is to say a city in their language The city of Carleile by whom it was builded. As yet in Wales is there comen usage. ¶ This ilke king Leyle made then in that city A temple great, called a temple flaumyne In which he set a flaume in property To govern it by their laws divine Of jupiter, Saturn and Appolyne That then were of all such in dignity After their laws, as now our bishops be. ¶ When he had reigned hole twenty year and five In youth full well, and kept law and peace But in his age his people began to strive Failing his laws, cities would not war cease civil wars greatly began to increase And he died then setting no remedy Buried at Carleyle in his city royally. The xxiiij Chapter. ¶ Rudhudebras king of britain had Logres and Albany he made Caunterbury, Wynchester and Shaftesbury, and three temples and three flaumes of them. RVdhudebras his son was king anon Rudhudebras king reigned xxxix. years. Cair kent he made, that now is Caunterbury Cair went also & builded of lime & stone That Wynchester is now, a town full merry Cairo Paladoure, that now is Shaftesbury Where an Engel spoke sitting on the wall While it was in working over 〈◊〉 ¶ In which cities, he made then temples three And flaumes also as now these bishops been To keep the rites after their moralytee Of there gods, as in there books was seen Of their false laws as they did mien When he had reigned by thirty year and nine The dulful death made him to earth incline The xxv Chapter. ¶ Bladud king of Britain had Logres and Albany. He made an university and a study at Stamforde & a flaume and his temple at bath his city, which university dured to the coming of saint Augustyne, and the bishop of Room interdicted it for heresies that fell among the saxons and the Britons together mixed. BLadud his son, soon after him did succeed Bladud reigned twenty years. And reigned after then full twenty year Cair Bladud so that now is Bath I read He made anon the hot baths there infere When at Athenes he had studied clear He brought with him four philosophers wise School to hold in britain and exercise. ¶ Stanforde he made that Sanforde hight this day In which he made an university Stanforde. His philosophers as Merlin doth say Had scholars feel of great hability studying ever alway in unity In all the seven liberal science For to purchase wisdom and sapience ¶ In cair bla 〈…〉 m he made a temple right And set a flamyne theirin to govern And afterward a* Fetherham he dight A man decked in feathers, To fly with wings as he could be'st discern Above the air nothing him to werne He flyed on high to the temple Apolyne And theridamas broke his neck for all his great doctrine The xxvi Chapter. ¶ King Leyr of Britain gave away with his daughter all his land and had it all again, and died king possessed. HIs soon was king high set in royalty Leyr king, Of all britains by name that hight king Leyr Who Laiceter made after him called to be Cair Leyr his city that builded was full fair He had daughters three to been his heir The first of them was called Gonorelle The next Ragan and the youngest Cordelle ¶ amongs them, as Leyr sat on a day He asked them, how much they him loved Gonorell said more than myself ay And Ragan said more than was after provid For joy of which, the king was greatly moved I love you more than all this world so fair He granted them two, of three parts to be heir ¶ Cordell the youngest, then said full soberly Father as much as ye been in value So much I love you, and shall sikirly At all my might and all my heart full true With that he grieved at her and changed hew Senne thou me loves, less than thy sisters twain The least portion shalt thou have of Bryteine ¶ With that Maglayn duke of Albaine Gonorell wedded, and had the land all out Euin of Walis, and of cornwall there by That duke was of those two lands stout Ragan wedded, to which two dukes no doubt King Leyr gave rule and governance Of all Bryteine, for age and none puissance The xxvii Chapter. ¶ How Leyr made a temple, and a Flamyne to rule at all Laiceter. A Temple that in his city of Kaireleir A Flamyne also, as he a bishop were In name of janus the folk into repere And then he went, Gonorell to require Of the great love, that she aught him so dear That of her promise she failed unkindly Wherefore he went, unto Ragan in high ¶ She failed also for all her great promise And to Cordell that wedded was into France Long after that he went in great distress To help to win him his inheritance She succurred him, anon with all pleasance Both with gold & silver of right great quantity To get his land again in all suertee ¶ Aganippe her lord, was king of France That grant him men, and goud sufficient And sent his wife with him, with great puisaunce With all array, that to her were apent His heir to been, by their bothes assent For he was old, and might not well travel In his person, the wars to prevail ¶ King Leyr thus wan his land, with all might again And riegned well there after full three year, And died so, buried at Kairleir men say In janus temple, in which time for age clear The king of France, Aganype infere Dyed, wherefore Cordell his air was so To rule Britain alone with outen more The xxviii Chapter. ¶ How Cordell queen of France and daughter of king Leyr, reigned after the death of her father. COrdell queen of France, and daughter to Cordell queen of France king Leyr, Queen of England after her father's day Five years reigned, as for her father's heir, And governed well the realm, all men to pay His sister son, than Morgan of Albany And Condage also of Cambre and Cornwall In battle great, her took and put in baill ¶ For sorrow then, she sleugh herself for tene And buried was, by side her father right In janus temple, which king Leyr made I went At Kairleyr, so that now Laicester hight Thus died this queen, that was of much might Her soul went to janus, whom she served And to minerve, whose love she had deserved The xxix Chapter. ¶ Morgan king of Albany, that cla●nyd all Briteyne, but this Isle of Britain was departed, for this king had but Albany. MOrgan that eldest soon of Dame Gonorell, Morgan. claimed Brytein, as for his heritage Warred soon of Condage as I spell That king was of Cambre, in young age Duke of Cornwall also for his homage But this king Morgan was king of Albany Son and heir of the eldest son varelie ¶ Condage was king of Cambre, that Walis is now And duke of Cornwall his patrimony, Condage is that which we now call Walis Claimed Logres as son and heir to Regawe The myddill sister for his mother's proprete As she that aught to have her partourye At Glomorgane, with Morgan did he meet In battle sleugh him, there casten under feet The xxx Chapter. ¶ Condage king of Logres Cambre, and duke of Cornwall, got all Bryteine again, and made a temple with a Flamyne at Bangor, COndage was king of all great Britain Condage reigned xxxiii. years. And in his hand, he seized all Albany For his escheat, that aught to him again Resort of right, and return verily He made a Flamyne, a temple also in high, Of Mars at Perch, that now his. s. john's town In Albany that now is Scotland region ¶ He made another temple of minerve In Cambre, which now is named bangour The third he made in cornwall for to serve Of Mercury, in place where he was boar For his people to serve the gods there Whereby he reigned xxx year and three In rest and peace and all tranquilitee. ¶ Ryveall his son that was pacifical Crowned was than easy of governaile Ryveall reigned vxii. years. In whose time the great tempest did befall That days three the flies did him assail Enuenoned foul unto the death no fail And rained blood the same iii days also Great people died, the land to mickle woe. ¶ Gurgustyus his son so reigned then Gurgustius reigned xv. years. In mykill joy and worldly celynesse Keeping his lands from enemies as a man But drunken he was echedaye express Vnaccording to a prince of worthiness Out of drunkenness succeedeth every vice Which all men should eschew if they were wise. ¶ Scicilius his son then did succeed In whose time echeman did other oppress The law and peace was exiled so in deed Scicilius reigned xiiii. years. That civil wars and slaughter of men express Was, in every part of the land without redress And murderers foul through all his land daily Without redress or any other remedy. ¶ jago succeeded, and king was of this land King jago reigned x. year. As evil as was the king of Scicilus The same vices, as I understand or else worse, and more malicious Wherefore our lord, took vengeance of him thus He smote them both, in such aletargie That soon they died, for married with frenzy ¶ Kymar his son had then the diadem King Kimar reigned twenty & viii. year. And king than was, with all kinds of royalty Keeping his land, as well did so him seem In law and peace, with great felicity The common weal and their utility He did prefer ever in universal Which to a prince is a virtue principal ¶ First if he keep not law nor peace certain His people will nothing dread ne doubt Than stand he most in apparel to be slain or else put down right by his underlout No better is he be he never so stout Then is his subject, or another wight That with rebel, unlawful kill him might ¶ Gorbonyan that was his son and heir Gorbonian reigned xi year. Was king, who had that time but sons two The eldre hight Ferrex that was full fair The younger height Porrex which discordid so That either of them was alway others foo For that the father sent Ferrex into France To king Syward, that was of great puissance ¶ But after long, when he had reigned xi years Died away from all royalty leaving his land by his good rule inclere In sufficient and all prosperity Ferrex hearing of his mortality With power strong came to this land again And with Porrex fought sore where he was slain, ¶ For sorrow of which their mother that judom hight To Ferrex came with her maidens all in ire Sleeping in bed slew him upon the night And smote him all on pieces set a fire Loo this cruel mother set on fire With such rancour that she could not cease Which for passing ire was merciless The xxxi Chapter. ¶ Clotane, Pynner, Ruddan & Stater reigned with barons wars xl year, how this Isle of Britain was departed in four parties & stood departed xl year in barons wars. CLotane that then was duke of Cornwall Clotane with his fields reigned. x●. years. Next heir than was by all succession But Pinner then had Logres in governaile And king there of was by wrong ingression Ruddan had Cambre in his possession And Stater was then king of Albany Thus was this Isle then lead by tyranny ¶ Thus britain was to four kings divided Echeon of them warring on other The barons also on war were so provided That all the people to waste father and mother They spared none, all were they sister or brother And each city on other both town and tour And each tyrant was a conqueror ¶ And lords feign subjects then to been, The poor men that afore that war were desolate Of all honour and worship that was seen Through their manhood with people congregate Lordship conquered and roose to high estate Lads and boys, the ladeiss though did wed Their kin afore, neither land ne house had ¶ Forty winter thus during barons war This Isle so stood in sorrow and in strife In fault of might, the weaker had the were And suffered wrong that was then their life For who that might, aught get with spear or knife He held it forth, as for his heritage And waxid a lord that afore was a page ¶ Defaute of peace & law, set them on hight To over run lords, and be victorious As worthy was for of their wrongful might The lords were cause that they were rygurous That would not so their wrongs malicious At first with stand and punish trespassoures But suffer them endure in their errors The xxx Chapter. ¶ The conseipt of the maker of this book touching barons wars, in default of peace and law. default of law, was cause of this mischief Wrongs sustained by mastery & by might And peace laid down that should have been the chief, Through which debates followed all unright Wherefore unto a prince, accordeth right The peace and law even with equity Within his realm, to save his dignity ¶ What is a king without law and peace Within his realm sufficiently conserved The poorest of his, may so increase By injury and force, of men preserved Till he his king, so with strength have overthrowed And set himself in royal majesty As traitor Cade made such an ivoperte ¶ O ye my lord of York and very heir Of England, so this matter well impress Deipe in your breast, let it sink soft and feire And such defaults, set you aye to repress At the beginning, let your high nobleness The trespassoures to chastes, and to restrain And let them not, law, ne peace, disobeine ¶ O ye lords, that been in high estate Keep well the law, with peace and governance Lest your hurts you hurt, and depreciate Which been as able with wrongful ordinance To reign as ye, and have also great puissance For law and justices, in lords unpreserued Causeth many of them to be overthrowed The xxxi Chapter. ¶ Dunwallo Moluncyus king of cornwall conquered Logers, Lambry, and Albany as right heir of britain he gave franchises to the temple, plough, merkettes, feyres and high ways, so that none should disturb by law nor by wrong, he made six temples in Logers Cambre & Albany and also many Flanynes to rule them of estate as bishops now done. King Clotein died, that reigned in Cornwall Wherefore his soon Dunwallo Moluncius Dunwallo reigned xl years. Was king of all his realm without fail A mannly prince in arms full cuorageous Assembled his host, and came full vigorous Of king Pynner in Logres intrusour And sleugh him there as wrongful governor ¶ King Ruddan and king Stater Of Albany with hosts strong and wight Gave him battle with mighty power Where Ruddan & Stater were slain down right, With all their hosts and their great might And Dunwallo had the victory With much joy and manhood mightily ¶ Dunwallo so called Moluncius At troynovaunt with royal diadem Of gold crowned most rich and precious Dunwallo was the first king of Bryteine that was croned with gold. Upon his heed as did him well beseen The first he was as chronicles expreme That in this Isle of Brytein had crown of gold For all afore, copre and gilt was to behold ¶ He granted pardon unto all trespasoures Of which they were full glad and ioyus Amending all their faults and errors With all their hearts full benevolous He eked then by his wit full curious With his law called law Moluntyne Charging all men to them fully to incline ¶ He granted unto the temples every one And to the plough and all comen ways To markets & fairs where men should gone Fraunchesies so great and liberties always That all men being in them night or days Should not betaken ne troubled in any wise Neither by law nor by no masteries ¶ Six temples he made in Cambre & Logres als And in the land also of Albany Of Flamynes as feel, to serve their gods falls A temple also in troynovaunt soothly This temple was. s Paul's church in London Of peace and concord he made verily In which when there fell any discord Among his lords, there were they made accord ¶ When he had stand so king by forty year He died away, and buried was full fair In his temple then of concord full clear At troynovaunt with great repeir To whom Belyn was eldest son and heir And Brenny next was borne of younger age Wherefore Belyn had all the whole heritage The xxxi Chapter. ¶ Belyne king of britain who gave to Brenny his brother, Albany that made him homage for it, and soon after made him great war and was false to him and after friends again in other lands, but not in England ne in Scotland. BElyn was king and sat in royal throne Crowned with all manner of royalty Bolyn. To Brenny his brother he gave the land anon Of Albany, for which homage & fealty He made forthwith as to the sovereignty His man became and king of Albany Confirmed was and made full honourably. ¶ But after soon, his men him set to war Upon Belyn, that fought in battle sore But Brenny fled and his men discomfit were For then he went unto Norway therefore And in that he dwelled thore Where he wedded the kings daughter fair That taken were by sea homeward in repair. ¶ By the king of Denmark, that Cuthelake hight Who by tempest into Logres were drive And brought unto Belyn mickle of might Where he band him, as chronicles doth brief Denmark to hold, of Belyn to have lief Home with his wife to pass so anon Whom Belyn granted home again so to gone ¶ Brenne anon great host of Belyne brought Where in the forest that time of Colatre In battle strong, king Brenny all forfought Discomfit, fled in Burgoyn for fear To duke Segwyn, to whom he 'gan him bear So manfully and wisely in all thing That he him wedded unto his daughter ying. soon afterward this duke Segwyn died So Brenny than was duke by his wife That to his brother alway full sore annoyed Came with great host to fight with him full rife Conwen their mother by her prerogative betwixt them treated & made there well accord On her blessing no more for to discord. ¶ With words peteous, and mother's naturesse Showing her paps and womb with great beauty Lo here the womb that bore you with sickness As womanhood would and femynitee Lo here the paps, as was necessity That fed you oft in your tender age For my love now let be all this outrage. The xxxij Chapter. ¶ These. ●i. brethren wan all France & all Italy to Rome and besieged Rome, got it and were Emperors of it. SO made she them at one and well accord And made them kiss & counseled them to gone To their lands lest they after discord Which they did with hosts great anon With manly men of arms full great won All France, they wan Savoy and Lunberdy Tuskayne also and all great italy. ¶ They sieged Rome, wherefore their councillors Galbo and Porcenna came it to rescue With hosts great, where then these Emperors Slew sir Galbo and Porcenna the true And Rome they wan that always was untrue italy throughout obeyed their domination Without more strife or altercation. ¶ King Belyne there no longer would abide But left Brenny alone with all that land▪ And home he came with mykill joy and pride And albion he seized in his own hand And so king and lord of all britain land A city fair he made that Kaire uske hight Which men now callen Carlyon by name full right. The xxxiii Chapter. ¶ He made the high ways through out britain, and he founded three archeflamynes, at London one for Logres, another at York for Albany that now is Scotland for that time fro Humbre north that was that time Scotland, & the third at Laklion in Wales, for all Wales. IN britain than he made from Cornwell sea Of lime and stone through all britain That men might ride and go in all suertee Unto the sea by north Catenes certain Which unto all men was broad and plain Another he made in breadth fro saint David town Unto the sea flowing at Southamptone. ¶ Three archeflamynes he made through all britain As archbishops now in our laws been There temples all to govern and domayne At troynovaunt on Logres to over seen Her false gods to serve and to queme At Ebranke another for Albany And at Karleon for Cambre on sovereignly. ¶ A town he made full high that height Belyn gate At Troynovaunt his city most royal Thyrtene flamynes of bishops high estate And temples as many, in cities all So that there were in his time over all With other so afore edificate Xxviii. flamynes in temples ordinate. ¶ And at his death, he bade his corpse to be brent Into powder all in a barrel of gold To put, and seat upon his tour to represent His body hole, who that seen it would His triumphs all, that enemies might behold Well wrought about, in ymagerie and scripture Full royally wrought for to refigure. ¶ He reigned had then one and forty year When he thus died and to his God had sent His woeful ghost out of his corpse full clear Among the gods, evermore to be present For which his people of weeping could not stint There sorrows great in tears bitter they did step Which in streams ran & fro their eyen did weep. The xxxiiii Chapter. GVrgwyn his son was crowned after him Of britain bore then the diadem Who made his law, upon life & limb Gurgwyn reigned thirty. years. His peace also he kept, as he did dame As his judges could it full well exprime Into Denmark he went for his truage Which king Cuthelake grant him in heritage ¶ He slew that king, and Danes great multitude His service had, and made the land to incline To his lord ship and to his altitude There truage pay, forthward no more decline And as he came by sea then homeward fine He found ships thirty full of mighty men According well as many fair women ¶ At whose request, of his special grace He gave to them the land, that now is Ireland Where they did won & make their dwelling place There governaunte, so than I understand Was Partheleyn to hold it then him band Of king Gurgwyn and all his lineage Perpetually by fealty and homage. ¶ Nevertheless some chronicles report That Irelamall their capitain had to name How Ireland was hold of this king & his heirs. By whom it was so bigged and support That out of spain were exiled and thither came And some saith that Hiberus of great fame There duke was then and there governor That of Spain afore had been the flower ¶ This king Gurgwyn his surname was Batrus Came home again after the voyage sore All forbeten, so was he corageus That from his corpse his ghost departed thore Reigned that had xxx year afore In Carlion after his high degree Was buried so with full great royalty. The xxxv Chapter. ¶ How Guytelyn king of Britain wedded Marcian to wife, that Mercian laws made by her great wisdom. GVytelyn his son 'gan reign as heir Guytelyn reigned ten year. Of all britain about, unto the sea Who wedded was to Marcyan bookful fair That was so wise in her femynitee That laws made of her syngularytee That called were the laws Marcyane In Britain tongue of her own wit alane. ¶ This Guytelyn was good of his estate Full just he was in all his judgement Wise and manly of port early and late Right meek and good ever in his intent Although of state he was right excellent, With each poor man that came to his presence Through which he waxed of most high sapience. ¶ When he had reigned full peaceably ten year He left the realm to his son and heir And to his wife to be his counsellor For his son then was vii year old full fair Whom at her death she sent for all repair Of Barons all their she delivered him To keep, in pain of loss life and limb. ¶ Sicilius his son reigned xxiiii year Sicilius reigned xxiiii years And crowned was and died in iwentude That governed well the realm full well and clear At Karlyon buried after consuetude As kings afore in all similitude With all repair of all his Baronage As well accorded unto his high parage ¶ Rymar his son the barons did crown With honour such as fell to his degree * Rymar king. Who twenty year and one so bare the crown And kept law and all tranquilytee And peteous was ever as a king should be In ryghtwesnesse according with his law Having pity and mercy where him saw ¶ Danius king his brother did succeed * Danius king. During ten year in war and great pain Withouten rest he was alway in deed The law unkept, was cause there of certain As mine author it list nothing to lain I will it now write and in this book express That men may know his folly and lewdness The xxxvi Chapter. ¶ How Moruile king of Britain was slain by his own immoderate Ire, without knowledge of any man with a fish bestial of the sea. MOruyle his son a baste gotten and boar Moruyle reigned xvii year. On Tangusta his special paramour Was crowned then after fought full sore with the king of Morions as a conqueror Where he him killed and had the field that hour And left no man on live and brent them all His Ire exceeded his wit and governal ¶ soon after then came fro the yrishe sea A bestyous fish, a monster sum did it call Whereof afraid was all the comontye For it devoured the folk both great and small Wherefore the king his ire might not appall Ne cease, afore he fought with it had All suddenly alone as a man right mad ¶ Where both were dead or any man it knew His ire full fell was and untemperate His discretion out of his brain flew But he could not by reason ordynate Prorogue his will ne ire inordynate By other means with people multitude It to have slain by wit and fortitude. ¶ He reigned had that time but seventeen year When he thus died and fond did expire Vnsemingly of any prince to hear That he with such a monster should desire To fight alone so privily of ire But sons he had full fair then five Of manly men also substantyfe. ¶ Gorbonian his eldest son of five Gorbony● reigned ten year. Was after king and held the majesty Ryghtwesse and true to every creature In peace his realm and all tranquillity And to his people he held all equity tillers of land with gold he did comfort And soldiers all, with goods he did support ¶ Arthegall his brother signed with Diadene Arthegall The king was then with all solemnity By native birth next brother as men dame Who good men hated of his iniquity Oppressing them by great subtlety And all falls folk with riches did advance His Barons all deposed him for that chance The xxvii Chapter. ¶ How this king was crowned in default of his elder brother, and after of pure pity crowned his brother again. CLydoure then the third brother generate * Eledoure king reigned v. years Was kine create by all succession And bare the crown with all royal estate By lords will and there concessyon That ruled well without oppression When he had reigned so fully five year Arthegall he found that was his brother dear ¶ As he was gone on hunting for his disport In the forest and wood of collatre That sought had friends and found had no comfort But heavy was and of full simple cheer Whom Eledoure took in his arms clear And brought him to his city of Alclude That then was of great might and fortitude. ¶ In Albany then was it the greatest city though Beside the wood that time of collatre Where his Barons and many other more At his bidding were come and present there Whom singularly he made them for to swear Unto Arthegall his brother to be true * Arthegall reigned. 〈◊〉. year. So purposed he, to crown him all new. ¶ And then anon in haste so forth they road To Ebranke and held then his parliament Where of good love and tender brotherhod The crown he set with very true intent On Arthegalles' heed & thought it was well spent By hole decree and judgement of his mouth And made him king again by north and south ¶ Arthegall king crowned so all new again Full well his lords after did love all perlees Forsook all vices and took to virtue plain And set his land and people in all kine and ease Reigning ten year, he fell in great disease In malady of diverse great sickness Dead and buried at Carleyle as Igesse. The xxxvii Chapter. ¶ How Eledoure was that second time crowned king of Britain for his good rule. THe Briteines all crowned Eledoure That reigned after xiii year in dignity Eledoure reigned xiii year So well them paid to have him governor For his goodness and his benignity And for he was so full of all pity That in all thing mercy he did preserve Well better ever then men could it deserve. ¶ jugen with force and eke sir Peredoure jugen and Peredour reigned. seven year together. His brethren two on him rose traitorously Deposed him out of his high honour And prisoned him full sore and wrongfully All in the tower of troynovaunt for thy And parted the realm betwixt them two Together reigning vii year and no more ¶ Paredour then had all the land full clear Paradour reigned by himself iiii. years And crowned was, reigning after worthily His law and peace, keeping full well four year And died then, and to his gods full high He passed so, and buried full royally After their rites and their old usage With great honour by all the baronage. The xxxix Chapter. ¶ Eledour king of Brytein thrice crowned, for his good rule and good conditions. ELedour was king all new made again Eledour reigned. ten years. Thrice crowned that kept his old condition Of whom the lords & commons were full feign And sorry for his wrongful deposition He reigned so fro loss and all perdition Reigning after full peaceably ten year Buried full fair, at Alclude his city clear, ¶ Gorbonian that was Gorbonian his son Gorbonian king of Britain. The crown after his uncle in all things That ruled well fro time that he begun Full well beloved with old and also with young He reigned ten year of Brytein king And died then with worship whole interred As to such a prince of right should be required ¶ Morgan that was the son of king Arthegall, Morgan reigned xiiii year Was crowned then and held the royalty Full fourteen year he ruled the realm over all The law and peace with all tranquillity He kept full well in all prosperity For which he was full greatly magnified In all his realm with people landefyed ¶ Emnan his brother so was crowned king Emnan king reigned vii year. Seven year reigned in all kind of tyranny For which he was deposed as an underling When he had reigned seven year fully That to god and man was ever contrary Till all his lords and commons everione Which were full glad away that he was gone, ¶ juall the son of king Ingen did reign King Ival reigned twenty year. Loving alway to keep all rightwesnese Hating all vices, and of good men was feign All vicious men, he held in sore distress Helping poor men falling in feebleness When he had reigned full well by twenty year He died away as saith the chronicler ¶ Rymo the son that of king Paradour King Rymo reigned xvi. year. Crowned was then, loving all gentleness All virtue ever he loved and all honour And in his time was plenty and largesse Of his people full well beloved I gese And died so in all felicity on high Sixten year whole reigned when he gan die ¶ Gerennes then the son of Eledour King Gerennes reigned, xx. year. To reign began and ruled well this day And soon the death him took and did devour If I the truth of him shall say That twenty year he reigned all men to pay The law and peace full well aye conserved Of his commons the love aye deserved, King Catellus Catellus his son then gan succeed reigned, x. year. Keeping the law and peace as he had height Oppressors all, that poor men did over lead He hanged ever on trees full high to sight That ensample of them every man take might Ten year reigned full of felicity And died so under his unsure deite ¶ Coil his soonue after him succeed King Coil reigned, xx year. And crowned was, reigning so twenty year In law and peace as to his worthihede According was for law and peace conserved clear As every man may see both far and near The flowers been of royal dignity In which he reigned twenty year ere he did die ¶ Porrex his son was crowned in his estate King Porrex, Esye of port to speak with every wight Their comonning to him was delicate Who reason spoke he favoured as was right Who viceous spoke or did in his sight He chastised them after the cause required Reigning five year, of no land had he feared ¶ Cheryn his son nourished in drunkenness King Cheryn. Customably, to which followed all kind of vice It exiled wit out of his brain doubtless And reason after that, made him full unwise He was of all his governance so nice And reigned so in Brytein but one year When he died laid, was on the bear ¶ His son Fulgen reigned but one year Fulgen, Eldred his brother and Androge hight the third Kings after him echeone were singular Fulgence, Eldred & Androge A year reigning whose good rules are hid For why, unto no man was it kyde They died soon, for long that might not dure In such drunkenness, full weak was their nature ¶ Vryan the son of king Androge Vryan. Three year reigned, that was full lecherous A maiden young, where he did ride or go He had every day, he was so vicious But yet he was gentle and bounteous All if he had maidens in such chart widows and wives, he had in great plenty ¶ Elind was king, & five year bore the crown, Elind. Full well ruled the realm in all kind of thing In astronomy, full ready aye and boon Dedancius also reigned five year full young Dedancius. Who the realm ruled in all manner thing Full peseably from that Elind was dead, Both two died in their floreshed youthede Deto●●. Gurguncius. Merian Bledudo Cap. Owen & Sicilius all these reigned each of them ii years. Bledud. Gabred. cantor. ¶ Detonus then was king reigning two year, Gurguncius so two year bore also the crown And Meryan two year by writing clear Bledudo then full ready bown Two year also bare the crown cap and Owen and then Sicilyus Each after other by two year reigned thus ¶ Bledud Gabred reigned, expert in song And in all music instruments far passing was all other and had been long Such was his cunning and his sentementes That for a god in all folks intents In mirth and joy and manner of melody Archivall. Eldoll. Redon Redrike, Samuel Pirry. Penisell & Capre. each of these reigned two years. They honoured him ten year only ¶ Archivall, than his brother reigned so And Eldoll after his son, succeeded anon And Redon then his son, came next him thoo Redrike his son, when his father was gone Crown and sceptre received, hath anon Samuel, Pirre, Peneysell and Capre Severally echeone reigned two year The xl Chapter. ¶ Elynguellus king of Brytein had great will to here all men when they came to him, which is a virtue. For great cunning maketh a man wise and to know much, and for mischiefs to find remedies, as my lord Vmfrewill commended never a man, that putteth a mischief and can find no remedy therefore. ELynguellus which was Capre his son Both wise and sad, and in his realm held right, He herd all men what counsel that they con For oft-times a simple man to sight More wisdom hath in his insight And better reason can in his brains find Then can a lord, though he may bears bind, ¶ Who in his land did wrong or any unright, He prisoned him in sore and great distress He gave his men that soldiers were full wight Lyvelode to live upon, from all destres Sick folk and poor cast into feebleness He visited aye, and reigned had seven year When that he died and left his realm full clear ¶ Hely his son, in all thing good and wise How Hely the son of Elyngwellus made the Isle of Hely. succeeded then, the Isle of Hely made His palais gay that might right well suffice He builded there that was both long and brade Wherein he dwelled much, and most abaide The law and peace he kept and conserved Which himupheld that he was never over terued ¶ Three sons he got, Lud and Cassibalain King Hely reigned xl year. The third was called that time sir Nemynus When he had reigned sixty year in certain The death cruel to men that is aye noyeous In his coming that is alway douteous Him sleugh a way, who was at Hely buried Afore his god that there was edified The xli Chapter. ¶ Lud king of britain builded from London stone to Lud gate & called that part Luds town, & after by process, was called London by turning of tongues. HIs son and heir was Lud of much King Lud reigned xl year. might Then crowned by all the baronage His cities all eke his heritage, castles wight He did repair that were his heritage And where was worthy his seruesse and homage To him was done, in lands all about Was none withstood so was he dread and doubt With walls fair, and towers fresh about His city great of Troynovaunt full fair Full well he made and batelled throughout And palace fair, for royalles to appear Amending other defectyfe and unfair From London stone to his * palace royal This palace is now the bishop of London's palace beside Paul's. That now Ludgate is known over all. ¶ Between Londonstone & Ludgate forth right That called was then for his name Ludstone He made men build, that London so then hight His palace fair then made he there anon With towers high, both of lime and stone Beside Ludgate, and his temple near thereby His God to serve and him to glorify. ¶ When he had reigned by forty year all out He died so, and in his temple fair Entoumbed was, with stories all about Androgeus was then his son and heir Passing of sight and july fair Tenancius his younger son of age Which were to young to rule the heritage. ¶ Cassibalayn there uncle than was king And found his nephews full honestly and well Cassibalayn reigned xxxiii year. And nourtred them while they were children ying And at there age when they could reason feel He them advanced right worshipfully and well Androge he made and created duke of Kent Of troynovaunt also by whole intent. The xlii Chapter. ¶ How julius Caesar came to britain, that now is England, and arrived in Thamis, and fled to France for new succour. HE made also then Tenancius Duke of Cornwail that time of mikel might In which time so came Caesar julius Into the land of France that now so hight And on a day walking up and down full right On the sea side, where he this land did see desiring sore of it the sovereignty. ¶ His navy great with many soudyoures To sail anon into this britain made In Thamis arove, where he had full sharp shores And countred was with Brytons that abade With Cassibalayn the king of Brytons brade Where after battle smitten and forfought julius fled and then prevailed nought. ¶ To France again and there he did sojourn The French were fain of his discomfiture And trowed to make him so fro them return But the Britons full busily did there cure In this battle as came them of nature The dukes of kent and eke of cornwall And Nemynus their Eme did most prevail. ¶ Crudan the king that time of Albany Gnechet the king also of Venedose That north-wales now is called specially And king Bretayle that was full virtuous A man in arms passingly curious Of Denycye, South-Wales that now hight He asked help of France that failed him right. ¶ Then sent he to all lands there about To poor men all, he gave full great riches And exiled men of war that were full stout He gave livelihood and felons all doubtless He delivered quite, free of all distress All outlawed men, he granted full pardon The bondmen also of every region. The xliii Chapter. ¶ How, when julius Caesar failed power, he got new power by wily policy, to have his purpose, and came again to britain and fled the second time. IN which mean time, when he was ready so With his navy came to britain again Into Thamis where Cassibalayn though Great piles of tree and iron set him again His ships to perish and so he did certain Through which, great part of his navy was drowned And some other in battle were confounded ¶ Then fled he eft with ships that he had Into the land of France where he was ere Him purposing to Rome, full woe by stad Of his rebuke with sorrow and with care, But then the king full glad of his evil fare A feast royal at troynovaunt he made Where great discord, with his nephews he had The xliiii Chapter. ¶ How julius Caesar came again to Britain the third time & accorded with the king and had truage of him. PVrposed fully on them to be avenged For which they sent anon to julius And prayed to come his right that he had challenged To claim it hole they wrote him right thus They should him help with people plenteous Through whose council, full gladly than he came At Dover arrived with mykeil joy and game. ¶ Where then the king Cassybalayn he met And fought full sore, where that Androgeus Out of a wood on Cassibalayn set And to a mount him drove, where that julius And he him sieged again full courageous He fought full sore with all manly defence All night afore, by mighty resistance. ¶ But some for dread of famyshement He treated with the duke Androgeus To pay his tribute to Room in good intent And to amend all things grievous With all his might and hearts benevolence Androgeus to all this did assent And made julius to this fully consent. ¶ This truage was iii M. ●i. well paid Each year to Rome of silver good and fine These princes thus accorded were and daied In peace and rest and julius went fro heyne To war upon Pompey, that nought would incline To Romys Senate after that julius Him had conquered by war full fortuous. ¶ With whom then went the duke Androgeus And in Britain no longer would abide He left his brother duke Tennancius In Britain with Cassybalyn that tide And so to Rome with julius did ride But Neminus brother of Cassybalayne Full manly fought on julius times twain. ¶ With strokes sore, ayther on other bet But at the last this prince sir julius Crosea mors, his sword in shield set Of the manly worthy sir Neminus Which of manly force and might vigorous The sword he brought away out of the field As julius it set fast in his shield. ¶ Through which stroke, sir Neminus then died And buried was at the north gate certain Of London then, where now is Scotland edified London cytee royal of all Britain Thus this worthy knight in his grave befayne Crosea mors, his sword laid by his side Which he brought from julius that tide. ¶ After which accorded this king Cassybalayn Reigned fully in Britain then vii year paying tribute to Rome alway certain ruling his land in law and peace full clear And reigned had in all, full thirty year And four above unto his god so go Buried at Ebranke with all knightly worthihede. The xlv Chapter. TEmancius his nephew then full fair Temancius reigned xvii year. King Luds son that duke was of cornwall With Diadem was crowned as right heir Of all Britain had the governalle Who kept the land in his time by good governalle Full xvii year to his god then went Buried full fair as to such a prince appente. ¶ Kymbalyne so was his son and heir nourished at Rome instruct with chevalre That knight was made with honour great & fair Kymbelyne. By octavian reigning then enterly Emperor then of Rome's great monerchy In whose time was both peace and all concord Through all that world, and borne was christ our lord This Kinbelyne reigned fully ten year And ruled this land in law and peace full well And died then as saith the chronycler That ilke same year that christ was borne with zeal Of his mother a maiden fair and we'll For christian folk by grace then to redeem From pain of hell to bliss as clerks dame ¶ From time that world first was begun and made Unto the time of Christ's nativytee Accounted ere through christendom full brade five. M. year ix score and xix be Or god's son came man for to be As Crosius the disciple of Austyne In this writing so as he could determine. ¶ Guider his son and heir full courageous Guider That crowned was and king of excellence reigned. xi iiii. year. The tribute which the romans had of us Denied then and made great resistance With great trouble and manly violence Unto the time that he had reigned clear In Bretayne by four and forty year. ¶ In which year then the Emperor Claudius At Cairo peers that now porchestre hight arrived a land with people full courageous He closed the gates afore with mickle might And the city assaulted both day and night The citizens to famish and conquer His name in arms and honour to proffer. ¶ But king Guider fought there with th'emperor And slew men on every side about rescued the town as very protector And made him to i'll, were he never so stout But one Hamon road fast into the rout Having on him the Britain's sign of war Who in the prees slew the king Guider. The xlvi Chapter. ¶ How arviragus king of Britain reigned xliiii year. And how in his time Cladeus Emperor had truage of this land, and married his daughter to the king. arviragus that saw his brother slain His brothers armis upon himself he cast arviragus reigned. xl.iiii. year. And king was then of all the great Britain Upon Hamon pursued till at the last He drove him into the haven full fast And drowned him there, after height Hamon town That men now call short speech Southampton To winchester king arviragus road Whether Claudius came with Romans full of pride Where arviragus with britains him abode But as they should have fought in that tide By both their councils they were drawn on side Claudius' daughter to wed they were accord And truage to pay each year without discord. Then Claudius sent for dame Gennyse His daughter fair full womanly to see She came in haste as than it might suffice To come out from so far land and country And in a meed with flowers of great beauty Wedded they were, where Claudius then made A city fair Cayre glow to name it had ¶ Of his name it was so denominate 〈◊〉 Where of Gloucester was so named. Now Gloucester standing on severne side The marriage after Christ was incarnate Was in the year forty and six that tide So in Britain two year he did abide Orcades isles in the mean time he conquered In which he enfeffid the king & him preferred. ¶ And home to Rome he passed so again But after again, the king truage denied And none would pay, wherefore vespasian Hither was sent with Romans fortified At Ruteporte that now Sandwiche is notified The king him met and put him from the land To Totenesse went and notwithstanding fande. ¶ So went he forth to Exeter his way Cairo Penelgorte then hight and it assayed Where then the king him met the seventeen day With host full strong, but then the king prevailed But Gennyse the queen greatly availed By her trety made them full well accord That with Rome he did no more discord. The xlvii Chapter. ¶ How joseph Aramathie came unto Britain with vespasian, and chrystened a part of this land. vespasian wintered then in Britain At the prayer of queen Gennyse And had truage then fully paid again To vespasian, as before was the guise With whom joseph full holy and full wise Of Aramathie with his fellows fourteen Into this land than came and gave contene. ¶ For whom so then vespasian prayed the king The queen also to him to be good lord Vespasian And good lady, which they granted in all thing Declaring then, and fully did record This worthy vespasian by his own word How he him took out of Cayphas prysone Preserved by god and not by man's reason. ¶ For forty year and two he in prison lay From Christ's death to time that he him fande Without meat or drink by any manner way But only was comforted by gods sonde And how he him brought out of Jerusalem land All this he told, the king and eke the queen And prayed them his supporters to been. ¶ After the winter next in summer tied vespasian to Rome then went again joseph abode and fully landifyed The law of Christ, to which he was full fain And the king gave the sooth to say Twelve hides of land the then Mewtryn hight Which Glastenbury is now named full right In bretayne then this joseph did convert Brytons ay how to know the incarnation Afore that paynims and also pervert He taught them of his conversation Of his passion and his resurrection With other things as the chronycler saith That apperteygneth to Christ's faith ¶ Agrestes reigned by four and sixty year When he was dead & in cairo glawe was buried Agrestes. In a temple entoumbed fair and clear Of his gods that there were deified About which time so our lady Mary died Or else assumpte in body and soul on live Unto the bliss after her joys five. ¶ But vespasian with his host full royal And joseph also came into Britain The year of christ was then account in all Seventy and two the sooth for to say When Vespasian to Room returned home again The king endued joseph in meutryne The xlviij Chapter. ¶ How joseph converted this king arviragus & gave him a shield of that arms that we call saint George his arms which arms he bore ever after, & thus became that arms to be that kings arms of this land, long afore saint George was gotten or borne, and as Maryan the profound chronicler saith, he bore of silver in token of cleanness, a cross of goules' signification of the blood that Christ bleedde on the cross, and for it must needs of reason by called a cross. joseph converted this king Aruigarus By his preaching to know the law divine And baptised him as written hath Neninus The chronicler in Bretain tongue full fyne And to Christ law, made him incline And gave him then a shield of silver white A cross endlong and over twhart full perfect ¶ These arms were used through all britain For a common sign each man to know his nation from enemies which now we call certain Saint George's arms by Nenyus information And thus this arms, by josephes' creation Full long afore saint George was generate Were worshipped heir of mickle elder date The xlix Chapter. ¶ Marius the king of britain reigned sixty year and three, how the pights inhabited first in Albany that is Sotclande now in these days, in Catenes & they were the North pights, and a part of them inhabited soon after betwixt the Scots sea and tweid that were called South pights. MAryus his son was then intronizate And set on high in throne of majesty With crown of gold full royally coronate As worthy was unto his royalty Who nourished was at Rome in his invent With his mother's kin the be'st of the empire With Claudius also, that was his own grandsire ¶ In whose time a peight hight Rodrike With power great by sea came fro Sythy As proud and bryme as lion marmerike Arreved so up in Albany Distroiing whole the land all suddenly With whom that king them fought in great battle And sleugh him with out any fail ¶ Where then in sign of his high victory He set there up a stone in remembrance Of his triumph, of his adversaty Titled on it, his fame for to advance How the pights, there brought to utterance Where the red cross is now in Westmerlande In Stanies more, as I can understand ¶ Then to the pights left a live, he gave catenese To dwell upon and have in heritage Which wedded where, with Irish as I guess Of which after Scots came on that lineage For Scots be to say their language A collection of many into one Of which the Scots were called so anon The l Chapter. ¶ How Scots came of Scota king Pharois daughter that came after many day into Albany so that of pights Irish & of Pharois' people collect togethers were Scots named For at the tavern or at a gathering of people or of money is called a scotte and so came first the name of Scots which Scots inhabited them by twixt catn & the Scottishe sea. But Mewynus the Bryton chronicler, saith in his chronicles orther wise That Gadelus and Scota in the year Of Christ seventy and five, by assize At stone inhabitte as might suffice And of her name that country there about Scotland she called that time with outen doubt ¶ This Scota was, as Mewyn saith the sage How Galway had first the name of king Gadelus Daughter and bastard of king Pharaoh that day Whom Gadele wedded, and in his old age Unto a land he went, where he inhabited ay Which yet of his name is call Gadelway And with the pights he came into Albany The year of Christ aforesaid openly ¶ And at her death she left a precious stone In Albany, on which Moses did preach And buried there she was by herself alone Which stone was holy, as some men than did teach And did miracles, so was that common speech In honour it was had, both of great and small And holden for a relic most special ¶ This stone was called the regal of Scotland The regal of scotland On which that Scottish kings were brechelesse set At their coronoment as I can understand For holiness of it so did they of debt All their kings upon this stone was set Unto the time king Edward with long shanks Brought it away again the Scots unthanks, ¶ At Westmonestery it offered to saint Edward Where it is kept and conserved To time that kings of England afterward The subjection of Scotland. Should coroned be, under their feet observed To this intent kept and reserved In remembrance of kings of Scots always Subjects should be, to kings of England ay ¶ Also afore the fift king Henry's day Their silver coin was as it ought to be The kings face looked on side all way To his sovereign lord of England as I see Which to been hetherwarde of egalite Unto their lord they have of new presumed To look even forth, which would now be consumed ¶ King Maryus kept that realm in law & peace Full of riches and of prosperity And died so at Sarum buried dowteles When he had reigned sixty year and three His tribute paid, full well to Room city Of Christ's faith somewhat he was enformid But much more he needed to have been reformid ¶ Coylus his son was king then crowned so Coylus, reigned xiii. year. Who mutryed was at Room in great virtue Held well his laws equal to friend and foo And in his doings full just he was and true, His life alway and rule in virtue grew That full great name of him was notified And in all lands of honour multiplied. ¶ The lords, gentiles, yeomen, and commontee He cherished well, and in no wise oppressed And to them gave, where was necessity And tribute paid to Rome undistressed And at his death with sickness impressed He buried was at Norwhiche then full clear When he reigned had fully xiii year. ¶ Somewhat in faith of Christ, he was instruct But not fully, as was necessity Like as he was in Rome with him induct So held he forth in all stabilitee And as he hard in all symylitee How joseph had his graundser informed With benign heart and will, he him confirmed. The li Chapter. ¶ Lucius king of britain reigned liiii year, and was the second Christened king of britain by Faggan & Dubyan that baptised all this land, and for the same cause bore the same arms after he was baptised. Also he made of four archeflamynes in britain three archbishops at London, York and Carlion. AFter king Coil, his son then Lucius Lucyus king. So crowned was with royal diadem In all virtue followed his father Coilus To compare him in all that might beseem He put his will after as his wit could dame In so far forth, that of Christentee He continued so a Christian man to be. ¶ And in the year of Christ's incarnation An. C. four score and ten Eleuthery the first, at supplication Of Lucyus, sent him two holy men That called were Faggan and Dwyen That baptised him, & all his realm throughout With hearts glad and labour devout. ¶ They taught that folk, the law of Christ each day And hallowed all the temples in Christ's name All mawmentes and Idols cast away Through all britain, of all false god's the same The temples flamynes, the Idols for to shame They hallowed eke and made bishops sees Twenty and viii at divers great cities. ¶ Of iii archeflamynes, they made archbishoprikes One at London, Troynovaunt that hight For all Logres with laws full autentikes To rule the church & christentee in right Another at Carlyon a town of might For all Cambre, at Ebranke the third From Trent north, for Albany is kyde. ¶ All these works Eugeny then confirmed The king than gave to Faggan and Dwyen The isle of Analoon and by cherter affirmed That was called otherwise Mewtryens Also freely as joseph and his holy men Had it afore, than forth for their dispense Whereof they were glad, and thought it sufficience. ¶ But when this king had reigned in cotemplation fifty and four year in all prosperity He departed to God, desiring his salvation In heaven to dwell, with all felycytee Where the Angels sing incessauntely Glory, honour and everlasting praise Be to the lamb of God, now and always. ¶ At Cairglowe buried, after his dignity For whom all men made great lamentation Who bore before the baptism of property His ancestors' arms, and after with consolation He bore the arms, by his baptization Which joseph gave unto Aruigarus As the Briton saith, that hight Mewynus. ¶ For cause he had none heir to keep the land Through all britain the barons 'gan discord Unto the time that romans took on hand To cheese a prince by there steadfast accord But four year were gone or then they could accord In which time then Sever the senator Hither came to be their governor. The lii Chapter. ¶ How that there was Britons war four year after the death of Lucius. Severus thus the worthy senator Severus king. Descended down, right heir to Androgeus The eldest son of Lud that with the Emperor Out of britain that went with julius Which senator afore said Severus To britain came and was intromizate And with a crown of gold was coronate. ¶ He brought with him from Rome two legion With whom great part of Britons held full sore And other part of the northern Britons With Fulgen stood was king of Scotland bore Gathered great people ever more and more With whom that pights & fugitives viii esenable Destroyed the land by war full violable The liij Chapter. ¶ How Sever made a dike with a wall on it, of turfs and sods to keep the pights and the Scots from the Britons, overthwart the land from the east sea unto that west sea. But king Sever him drove with battle sore far north unto the Scottish sea where they abode & dwelled forth evermore Between the Scottish sea and tweed no lee But some books sayen to Tyne in certain And so is like, for Sever there did make A dike, and wall for the Scots & pights sake. ¶ From Tymnouth to Alclud his fair city With turfs & sods & were them to againstand Where the water might not the Enemytee Keep of war from his true britain land By thirty miles accounted I understand To the west sea, that was of great britain This wall with dikes, pights & Scots did refrein ¶ But king Fulgen of pights & Scots again With host full great, sieged Ebranke city Which Sever rescued, and was slain And Fulgen also for beaten there did die Received his guerdon for his tyranny At Ebranke the king Sever was buried With victory and honours glorified. ¶ Getan his son, a Roman generate Getan king of Britain chosen by that romans. The Romans then, hastily did crown And Britons blood together congregate By hole assent, and plain election Bassyan chase without collusion For borne he was of the feminytee Of britain blood and consanguitee. ¶ This Bassian with Getan then did fight In great battle where Getan so was slain To Bassian so descended all the right Bassian reigned seven. year. Of which the Brytons all were full fain Within four weeks was all this done full plain But Bassian then his brother buried And romans all on heaps mortified. Bassian then was crowned king of britain Full well he held the realm vii year in peace To time Caranse confedered him again With Scots & pights upon him gone increase All fugitives, outlaws to him, came press For long he had a robber been by the sea And richer was, than any king might be. By his manhood set all on robbery Of low blood came, risen by insolence To soldiers he gave wages full greatly For to betray the king by diligence He to the king so made by violence Which promise kept, he slew the king anon● In place where as they were with him alone. The liiii Chapter. ¶ Carense king of Britain reigned four year by treason, borne of low blood and rose up of robbery by the sea. THrough treason of Carense Scots & the pights Caranse reigned liii. years. Assented so by false confederacion Through his gifts & his subtle slights Between them wrought in council privately This false Carense so got the monarchy Of all britain within the sea about Four year he reigned, of port that was full stout ¶ The Barons were so with gold englaymed By this Carense and by his language sweet Seeming like truth in manner as he proclaimed As nothing is more ready for to meet Then covetous and falsehood as men let So were they all with his gifts infect The king was slain and he was elect. ¶ But when to Rome was known that false deceit Of this Caranse and his wrong intrution The Senate sent a letter by their conceit Him to destroy by dew execution Who for his fault gave him absolution In battle strong slew him and had the field And Scots all and pyeghtes that with him held The lu Chapter. ¶ The words of the maker of this book unto my Lord of york touching governance of this land, by example of this king Caranse through robbery refen of poor blood to royal estate. O Worthy lord and duke of York that been Consider well this case full lamentable The righwes' kig well governed as it was seen Thus murdered was, of him that was unable And set himself in throne most honourable Of all Britain, yet came he up of nought And of low blood, and it were wisely sought. ¶ Good lord when ye be set well under crown With treytours and misruled ryatours Dispense right so, with all such absolution And let him seek no other correctors But maintain them, your laws governors And over all thing, be ye the chief justice To keep the peace, that no false you suppryse The lvi Chapter. ALlecto then crowned and made king * alectus king reigned iii year Of all Britain reigning fully years three And well he ruled in all manner working By power of the Romans great postee That brought with him from Rome legions three But britains than did set a parliament And chase a king by their hole assent ¶ Asclipiade that was duke of cornwall Who with Brytons to troynovaunt came Whilst Romans were by their hole governalle At sacrifice of their gods faint and lame Against whom Allecto of great fame Full mightily then fought till he was slain But Gallus drew all Romans in again. And kept the wallys for which Asclepiadote The siege about the city strongly laid In which mean while Britons broke in, god wot And slew Gallus and Romans sore afraid All out of array and sore dismayed Beside a broke that walbroke men now call That Galbroke then was called there over all Of Gallus name that slain was in that place And some sayne of walshemen afterward Walbroke it called for a sudden case That then befell upon a day full hard Of the Brytons that with them so miscaryed Over that ilk brook full sore & hard distressed By Cornyshmen slain down there, & oppressed The lvii Chapter. ¶ Asclepiadote king of Britain reigned ten year, in whose time was great persecution in Britain, sayncte Albon slain and many thousands slain for Christ'S sake. ASclepiadote was crowned king again In royal wise with all solemnity Asclepiadote reigned ten year. The laws well he held and put in great pain Over trespassers, for their perversity Thevys and robbers on galowiss hanged to be But in his time the Emperor dioclesian Into Britain then sent Maximian. ¶ This Maximian to surname Hercelyus' A tyrant false that christente annoyed Through all Britain of work malicious The christoned folk felly and sore destroyed And thus the people with him foul accloyed religious men the priests and clerks all Women with child and bedrid folks all ¶ Children souking upon the mother's pappis The mothers also withouten any pity And children all in their mother's lappies The crepyls eke and all the christentee He killed and slew with full great cruelty The churches brent all books or ornaments Bells, relyquys that to the church appendes The lviii Chapter. ¶ This persecution was in that year of Christ's birth a C. lxxx and four year, and the ten year of king Asclepiadote. HE slew that time & martyred saint Albone And with him also julus and Araon And Amphimabal that would not die alone But offered him to die with him anon For Christ's love as fast as he might gone For thousands sele were martyred in those days Whose souls be now in bliss and shall always ¶ Asclepiadote reigned fully but ten year. Who for great fear suffered all this pain And durst nothing again this tyrant steer But him withdrew to hide him was full fain This persecution as some chroniclers say The ten year was of Asclepiadote For which duke Coyle again him rose full hot ¶ The duke Cairo colun that hight Coylus Which city now this day Colchester hight Then crowned was that slew Asclepiadotus For cause he came not fourth with all his might The tyrant fell to agaynstande as he hight Wherefore britains were all full glad & fain Of king Coylus that succured all their pain. The lix Chapter. ¶ King Coyle of Briteyne reigned xi year, that was father to saint Elyne. HE ruled the realm in law and peace full well King Coylus reigned xi year That for his wit and vertuosyte Able he was as chronicles could feel To have ruled all the emperalyte For ryghtwesnesse, manhood, and moralytee A daughter had he and none other heir Elyne that height far passing good and fair. ¶ That afterward she was and is canonized In shrine at Rome that is saint Elyne Her father Coyle set her to be excercised In philosophy and other science clean In which she could herself right well demean That she was able by wit and sapience The realm to rule and have thereof the regence The lx Chapter. ¶ How Constancius senator and Emperor of Rome wedded saint Elyne, and by her was king of this land. THe Romans sent to Britain Constancius That Spain had put in hole subjection Unto Rome, as chronicles have written thus Who landed here without rejection To whom king Coyle by good direction His message sent, offering him his truage And he to stand king, and hold his heritage. ¶ Of which, Constance was glad of his intent And here abode at prayer of the king His daughter wed by their whole assent Elyne his heir that was both good and young Of high wisdom and womanly cunning And there with all the fairest that men knew More angelic than womannyshe of hew ¶ Within five weeks after her father died Buried at Care Colune his own city Greatly commended, well famed and laudifyed, Both on this side and beyond the sea Eleven year reigned in great dignity And over all thing always common public Of his realm wrought not many kings him like The lxi Chapter. COnstance was king crowned with Diadem constance king reigned. xv year And Elin queen through all great britain On whom he gate a son that had bapteme That Constantyne called was then in certain But king constance of Rome was high cheftaine By the senate first made the Emperor And after king of Britain and governor. Whiles he laboured for Rome's public profete With his fellow that height Galerius That Emperor of Rome by great delight Which of maxence of port malicious warrayed full sore with work full chivalrous And all the west this constance had and held Galerius had the Este there into build. ¶ And after when this constance of Britain Was crowned king the common weal preferred Of all his realm not letting for disdain He wrought it aye and no time it differed As chronicles of him said and referred And when he had reigned hole xu year At Ebranke was he buried full clear. The lxii Chapter. ¶ Constantyne king of Britain son of constance and of saint Elyn, by. xxxiiii, year, was first king of britain, and afterward Emperor of Rome. HIs son full young Constantyne his heir Then crowned was by all the baronage Constantyne reigned xxxiiii year. Who likely was, seemly and right feire Of xu years, so in his tender age Great manhood had to rule his heritage Of great wisdom was and of sapience By discretion had he intelligence. ¶ He had also a lambishe patience To here all pleyntes meekly with soberness A lions cheer in field with good regence Discretion good, to chastysh wickedness The welfare of his realm with business Preserved ever and kept in regiment And where need was, he made suppowelment ¶ The Senators of Room by letters well indite Prayed him to come to Room as emperor For to destroy Maxence and disherit Of Christian folk the cruel turmeutour Of Christian faith, the cursed confoundour For of his birth they said it set him so Maxence to stroy that was his father's foe ¶ For which he went to Room with great power Of Britons strong, with flemings and Barbayns Henauldes, Gelder's, Burgomen & French full clear Duchemennes, Lombard's also many Almains The year of Christ three. C. and ten with Romans Met with Maxence and with Dioclesian And their fellow that hight Maximian ¶ somewhat afraid of their multitude Constantyne then he held up to heaven And saw a cross in which was include This reason good in hoc vinco. full even His ferdnes so anon then did him leaven In sign of which, a cross of goules he bore In his banner white, & with him fought he there ¶ He had the field and put them to the flight Wherefore ever after he bore two arms clear In all likeness to every man's sight As englishmen in this land bore them here Saint George's arms now called withouten were Thus hath the king of england, to them right Through elders gootten, by god his very might ¶ The senate whole, him met and magnified His high triumph, and mighty victory With laud and honour fully glorified As usage was, that time of Romanye At certain gates set up for memory And crowned him in imperial throne That so manly had quit them of their foone The lxiii Chapter. ¶ Thanswer of Constantyne when he was a leper & should have been heeled with the blood of innocentes, and how he sent his mother saint Elyn to seek the holy cross. And how he gave his palis and dignity imperial of Room to Silvester. And how he went to Besaunce and builded it all new, & called it Constantyne & destroyed all the Aryanes' heresies and died there at saint nicomede whose day is hallowed with the Greeks in the twenty and one day of may. But how that he a leper after grew And by his leches, utterly informed Many innocentes which there were borne new For his health should slain been & disformed By them into heal again returned In whose blood bathed, he should have been His leprous swames, to have weshed of clean ¶ But how their death of imperial pity He then released, rather to have his pain Then to recover by tyrant purveyance His health and life so to get again For whom these innocentes, should have been slain And how he was, by Silvester made clean With holy water that yet in Room is seen Sorcery ¶ Nor how he sent his mother saint Elin To seek the holy cross, which she him brought Ne how she brought the clerks with her again Of jews' law, it to approve for nought With Christian clerks, by reason well out sought Ne when our law by Silvester for true Was best approved, that other law untrue ¶ How then he gave his own palais royal Constantine first granted to the. b. of Rom● that primacy. With Room all whole, and all the dignity Through out Romany, with sea imperial To Silvester that had the papal sea He gave it to him all quite and free And to his successors perpetually Ne how he destroyed the aryans' heresy ¶ Nor how he went from Room to Besaunce And of his name, than called it Constantyne Now men it call, by all rememoraunce Constantyne noble, where to dwell he did incline There his laws to keep and to determine And there he set his throne imperial And for his domes, his sea judicial ¶ Nor how he died, after that Nichomeyd In cathologe among the saints numbered Of may the twenty and one day in deed Under shrine buried and subumbred Among all Christian kings worthy to be remembered Whose day & feast the Greeks have each year solemnly, as for a saint full clear ¶ And when he died, reigned had and imperate In britain, Room, and also at Constantyne By thirty and four year end, and determinate And in the year of Christ as men did determine When this worthy emperor, his life should fine Three hundred was and forty also full even So when his soul was ravished into heaven ¶ And these longing not to Brytons governance But unto Room and the empire Which me need not with my style advance For Marian hath the Rooman chronicler All the whole substance and the matter So well it may with rhetoric terms fayred Which by my simpleness I would not were appaired ¶ But after his day came one Octavius Octavius Duke of Westesax that crowned was for king That sleugh the werdeins of constatynus Which that he set for britain governing In his absence to keipe it in all thing For which the senate Traherne to britain sent Saint Elyns uncle that into britain went ¶ With legyons' three at Portesmouth did land And to Wynchester then road forth right Where Octavius came, him to withstand And with him fought and put him to flight Went to Portesmouth again full right Where then he shipped full fast to Albany Where on stanemore they fought again on high ¶ Where Traherne wan the field with victory, King Traherne. And into Logres came crowned with dignity And well did rule then all his monarchy All men him loved for his sanguynite In his time in great nobility He kept it well from all tyranny Four year complete in all thing worthily ¶ In which time, so then the said Octavius Procured his death by which then was he slain By a traitor full false and odyus So was he king of britain then again And soon then after, he fell in age unbain A daughter he had, that was both good & fair Whom sum counseled, because she was his here ¶ To Conan Meryadoke anon for to mary And other counseled unto Maximian King Traherne his son a prince of Romanye To Constantyne next heir he was alaane Which marriage was fulfilled and ta'en Maximian her wed, than Octavius By fourteen year then reigned and died thus ¶ Maximian after him gan succeed And crowned was maugre of all his fone For ire of which Conan departed in deed And warred sore on Logres so anon Maximian reigned in all thirty four year. Wherefore the king, full fast with host 'gan gone And countred him with battle fell and strong The king prevailed, that other so did among ¶ Till on a day, their friends made them accord The king ruled the land, full well in peace Five year fully, without any discord In which time, he got full great riches Thought in himself, over the sea to pass Having no will, in Bryton long to abide But into France, he was so set in pride ¶ With host full great he landed in Armorike A duchy that was longing unto France The less britain, now of Gaul kyngrike And conquered it by martial governance To Conan then, it gave him to advance To hold of him, and called it less britain And stuffed it then with Brytons, soothe to said ¶ And forth he went & won the realm of France And so by process, Almaigny him obeyed So did a great part of Italy, by accordance He put to flight gracian, that him desobeyed And Valentynyan, with him conveyed And sleugh by battle, Fulgen mightily And Emperor was made of Romany ¶ Conan the king, then of little britain To Dyanote the duke of Cornwall sent For Ursula his daughter, letters plain His wife to be, in very good enteut With her also of maidens, that were gente The xi M. virgins. Xi. thousand, in his land to be wed For Frenchewemen, they would have none to bed ¶ This Dianote, custos was of a britain His daughters with those virgins then forth sent In Thamis shipped, and cast in Almaigne By tempest great, there ships all to rent Many of them were dead, and many shent In sickness, frayed in storms, and sore tempest That full fain them there, would have had there rest. ¶ Gwames was then king of Houndelande And Malga king of pights, paynymes hatous In whose lands they arrived, I understand Unto them then, they were full odious Passing ireful, and full malicious And for they would not, be devirgynate They slew them all, through cruelty and hate. ¶ Which now been saints, & martyrs everichone In nuns minster, conserved in Coleyn That noumbred been, both with friend and foone Xi. thousand virgins, of great britain Maximian the emperor of roman When he had reigned xxxiiii year By Gracyan friends was buried, & laid on bear. The lxiiii Chapter. ¶ Gracian king of Britain, in whose time king Malga & Gwaymes destroyed all Britain GRacian, when Maximian was slain To britain sent then, by the Senators Gracian king. In whose time king Malga & king Gwayme This land over road, standing in all honours That mortal foes, and cruel tormentors To Christian faith were and malicious All merciless and passing rigorous. ¶ Which kings two, root of all cruelty Full false paynemes replete of felony The churches brent, and slew the commontee wives nor children, ne yet the clergy Ne religious ne yet the prelacy They spared not, but merciless them killed Of wickedness so foul, they were fulfilled. ¶ But Gracian that crowned was and king In domys false, and in his judgements Fell dispiteous great tallages taking Both of the lords there lands and rents And of gentiles again all there intents So did he also of all the commontee For which they slay him without pity ¶ Gwames and also Malga the kings two destroying britain without any rest The Senate sent a legion of knights though Into this land, of each region the best Chosen out of all the worthiest The which put Gwames and Malga to flight That shipped home unto there land full right. The .lxv. Chapter. ¶ The Senate of Rome sent a legion of knights into britain, who made the Britons to make a wall of lime and stone from the east sea unto the west sea and called it the peight wall. THis legion and Britons hole assembled That made a wall well wrought of lime and stone Where Sever made of turfs & sods sembled With castles strong and towers for the nonce At each miles end to agaynstande all the foonyse From sea to sea as yet it is well seen In divers places, where it was wont to been. ¶ This legion home returned then again For britain then suffered great disease The Scots & pights there did them full great pain Syxe year then next, of which to have some ease To king Aldrye there sorrows to appease Of esser britain, then sent them Constantyne To be there head and also there medicine. ¶ This Constantyn king Aldries' brother's wife Was crowned then with royal diadem constantine reigned ten year. At Caircester as Brytons could devise That with his host royal as did him seem Gwayme and Malga, as chronicles do exprieme The Scots and pights he venged & overcame That britain wrought afore full mickle shame. ¶ Three sons he had full fair by his wife Constance then was the eldest son of all That was not wise, wherefore then in his life He made him monk, he was so bestial To get the life above celestial His second son that hight Aurelius His surname was called Ambrose. ¶ The youngest son hight Vterpendragon These two were wise, but young they were of age To there uncle sent, to be at his direction Nurture to learn, and all manner language By which after they may have acknowledge With discretion and all good ordinance To rule and have the realm by governance ¶ When Constantyne had reigned well ten year Upon a day, as he in his garden went A Peight that was in his house, him full near Him slew anon, by treason and consent Of Vortiger, that ever in his intent Conspired had, to have the regaltee Of great britain, the king so to be. The lxvi Chapter. ¶ constance king of Britain reigned but one year, that was monk first and after made king, and was not wise but an idiot, whom Vortiger crowned to that intent to make himself king by false contriving, seeing the king full simple to rule the land. constance his son the monk was in Cairgwente constance king. Vortiger duke of westsex, was that day In haste crowned, by barons hole assent Knowing he should, be but a fool alway The realm to save, and keep out of disraye He waged pights, on hundredth to serve that king Alway upon his body abiding ¶ He made the king, full certainly believe They should espy among the enemytee By their friends, that no pights should him grieve Ne Scots of their great perversitee But they of it, afore in certayntee Should let him wit, there malice to understand Such subtle mean, to fage the king he fande. ¶ And under that, a while he paid their wage Full well with cheer, full good & all pleasance Unto a day he said, to their knowledge The king no more would have their attendance But were he king, he should them well advance Which thing, and ever came to proof About his person, they should be cherished as chief ¶ There wages also, full well should be paid For which behest, anon they slew the king And brought his head to him full foul arrayed Of which he made him wroth, in all seeming But to London, by his subtle writing He gave charge, the pights all to kill And none escape, neither for good ne ill. ¶ This Vortiger, protector was that year And in his hands, the kings castles all He had, and saw he might the crown full clear Have at his will, so dread the lords temporal And prelate's high, that were spiritual His heaviness and indignation That they assented to his coronation. ¶ When constance thus, that king had been one year And could nothing, of rule ne governance The commons saw, he was an idiot clear Their voices all gave, with all their obeisance To Vortiger with their hole attendance As commons would ever yet of old and new Each year their king to change and renew. The lxvii Chapter. ¶ How Vortiger king of Britain reigned xviii year through his falsehood and treason conspired with pights, to slay his king. And how Engist and Horsus paiens landed in Kent and were beloved with Vortiger, and how wednesday and frydaye had name, and what gods and goddisses they honoured. How and when Engist and Horsus landed in Kente, & made Thoncastre & horn castre in the country of Lyncolne, & how Engist sent for his daughter & married her to king Vortiger, and brought in with her great multitude of paiens, that accumbered all the realm both of war & of Christian faith, wherefore the Britons crowned the kings son. THis Vortiger then crowned king of might Vortiger king of britain reigned xviii years The pights and Scots for he there king so killed They slandered him, that mikell good he hight Unto pights, the king have slain and spilled By such treason his will they so fulfilled And after by his privy ordinance He made the same be slain, for the same chance ¶ For which they aroose on him to been avenged With full great host destroyed both corn & town And brent his land, and felly revenged In which time came into this region Engist and Horsus dukes of great renown By sort sent out all void of saxony With men of war also of germany. ¶ In ships three arrived so then in Kent When Vortyger at Caunterbury lay Which he withheld anon, and far him sent To war on the Scots and Pyeghtes aye That brent his land and noyed day by day Peynemis they were and trowed of Mercury And on Venus their gods of Payanie. ¶ That Mercury wooden, in their language Was called so by his proper name For whom they honoured of old and age The fourth day in every week at hame * Wednysdaye, whereof it was named. And so of Mercury giving it a name And of wooden called it wednisdaye Of old custom as they have used alway ¶ And Venus also, was their high goddess For whom alway they hallowed the sixth day Of every week in prayer and holiness Who in their tongue friday was called alway For whose honour, that named was frydaye The Son the Moon, jubiter and Saturn And Mars the God of arms, they did adorn ¶ The year after of Christ's incarnation Four hundredth bookful forty and two also Was when Engyst into this region first came, and haven with three ships and no more As saint Bede sayeth in gestis anglorum so with scots & Pieghtes they fought full mightily And drove them out and had the victory. ¶ This Engist had then none habitation desiring so a castle in to dwell Him and his men, to keep from all adversacyon Of Scots & peyghtes that enemies were then fell As all old chroniclers can you tell Asked as much ground, as a bulleiss skin thong Might circuit fully of breed and long ¶ Which the king him granted then anon He made a thong then of a bulls skin So small and long, that round about did gone A stony ground to set his castle in And thus by subtelty and his sleighty begin Where then he made Thongcastre as men told In lindsay, that now is Castre of the would. ¶ Engyst then sent for his daughter Rowan That came anon, with ships eighteen Well stuffed of men, for they were of Britain Again the Scots and pights to obtain Whom Vortiger then, thought full long to seen She proffered him a drink and said wassail As he was learned, he said to her drink hail ¶ Which words first came up so into this land With that he set his heart her for to love That he her wed by all kinds of lawful bond As then the church could best him learn & move And thus the Saxons by Vortiger set above For which his sons, and all the Baronage Him hated sore, right for his marriage ¶ Of paynims blood, for to their idolatry Great people were then, turned and pervert And great also in Pilagien heresy Were accumbered, and hole to it advert Wherefore his son, the people to convert For Lupus sent, and his fellow Germayne Christian faith to preach, in all Britain. Which bishops. two, the folk convert did again By process so, and home again then went This Engyst then, to please the king full fain For his son Occa, to Germany sent For Ebissa and Cherdryk by consent Of Vortiger, that iii C. ships brought Of men of war, the best that might be sought. Of which his son, that then hight Vortimer Of his first wife, and also the barons all Of such multitude of people, afraid were And to the king, as than it did befall complained had, without help in general Wherefore anon, together they did consent This Vortymer to crown by hole assent. The lxviii Chapter. ¶ How Vortymer the son of king Vortyger, king of britain to withstand the power of Engyste, and of Saxons was twice crowned. How this Engyst under treaty slew all the Baronage of Brytons on that plain of salisbury. THen Vortimer they crowned anon right With royalty, that might to it append Vortymer king of Britain. That was full wise approved, like a knight In all courage, that to knighthood did extend For to assail or else for to defend Who with miscreants fought sore upon De●went So did he else at all place where he went ¶ At Abirforth he fought with them also The better ay he had where as he go But Catigerne his brother was killed tho And horn also was slain by great manhood And thus Vortimer victorius where so he go An other time upon the north sea banks He fought with them, in battle their unthanks ¶ They fled unto the isle then of Tenecte Where he them syeged fearfully and assailed And slew them down on heaps ay as they met That their power almost then was failed All forefoughten and full sore battled Besought the king they might have his licence To Germany to make their revertence. ¶ So went they home, with little folk alyfe That in his time, they came no more again But cities all, and churches amended full ryfe The christentee to maintain was full fain But then anon the subtle queen Rowayne Made him to be poisoned, of which he died With her venymes thus was he mortified. ¶ In a pillar of brass he laid on height At the gate where Saxons, had landed afore He bade his men for also far as he might Him see, he trust they would not near come thore But nevertheless, they letted not therefore But buried him at troynovaunt cite● As he them bade, with all solemnity ¶ King Vortiger was crowned then again For Engest scent and bade him come anon For Vortimer his son was dead and slain Who with three hundred ships full of men eachone In britain landed, and to the king gan gone Of whom he was full glad and well rejoiced And of his folk that were of great power noised ¶ But Brytons all, and also the baronage To fight with him, arose by whole consent For which he sent to them by message That to the realm, none evil he meant But for to help the land in his intent And if they were of his host, displeased As they could best devise, they should been eased ¶ And bad them set a day where they might meet By their avise his power home to send Or all to hold, for their common quiet From their enemies, the realm for to defend All his default by their avise tamende The Brytons thought his proffer reasonable And to the realm also full profitable ¶ They sent him word to meet the first day of may With four hundred so on every side Upon the plain of Sarum in meek array The craft & policy of Engist That Cairo Cradok was called so that tide Byside Awmesbury full fair edified Again which day, this Engist bad his men Within their hoses a long knife to have then ¶ And when he said Nemyth, your sexes then Each man then slay, a Bryton with his knife For so I shall, us marshal as I can A fore a Bryton, a Saxon set full rife So shall we reave them soonest of their life And set us ay in rest and most quiet At a day lymete, together when we meet ¶ A day assigned, as was his ordinance The watch word said, each paynim a Bryton slew Four. C. lords, of Christ's holy creance Betrayed were, by Engist so untrue The death of whom, many a Bryton did rue Whose corpse all, were buried at Awmisbury Which after that day, was made a Nonnorye ¶ With the host of paynims came full fast And took the king, held him at troynovaunt For marred sore and greatly was aghast What so they asked, anon he did them grant The cities all and castles sufficiaunt To let him pass away without troublaunce Which Engist granted, because of alliance The lxix Chapter. ¶ How Engist caused Logres to be called then Engestlande, of which the commons put guessed away in their common speech, and call● it England for shortness of speech. ENgist with his host had all th'orient The South & North, in all the great Britain In his keeping, except th'occident England whereof it was so named. Which Brytons held of war and much pain By old chronicles, as I have herd sane And then anon, he called it Engestes land Which after was shorted, and called England ¶ Through the commons, that thought it long to say And much lighter, in tongue to say England Then with their mouth, over long to name it aye By long producing, to call it Engistislande And thus came first in, as I understand As I conceive, thus came first England's name For short speech, corrupt per sincopene ¶ But Engist then, gave all the land about To Saxons all, and king was so of Kent But Vortiger in Cambre sought through out To build upon, a castle to his intent To hold him in, fro the paynims violent Which in Cambre, the castle of Genoren He made full strong, in the land of Hergigyen ¶ Upon the river of Ewey, on Cloarte hill But of dragons and of the water under That Merlin said, that castle did so spill Ne of his birth that many men on wonder Of that work, both above and under That no father had, ne of his prophecy I cannot write of such affirmably ¶ notwithstanding, that philophiers wise Affirm well, that spirits such there been between the moon and th'earth called Incubice That have gotten children of women unseen As in stories diverse I have so seen How the philosophier, wise Magancius Affirmeth it also, and Apuleyus The lxx Chapter. ¶ Aurelius Ambrose king of britain the second son of Constantyne, AVrelius Ambrose brother of constance Into Britain with strong & great power And segid than Vortiger by ordinance In his castle of Genoren full clear Which with wild fire he brent, and him in fear And crowned was by all the baronage To rejoice Britain that was his heritage ¶ He sought Engist that paynim was full grim With hosts they fought, but Aurele had that better The Saxons fled, before that were full brim For in their quarrel, it might be no better Duke Eldoll took Engist and did him fetter In Kent as he him met away fleeing At Conanburgh him brought to the king ¶ Where he was heeded with sword, and decollate And Occa then and his son Ebissa His cousins dear at York came, in full late And with him Saxons full many one more Where then the king, him segid with much woe But Occa then, and all his company Came to the king to whom he gave mercy ¶ The king than made a worthy sepulture With that stone hengles, by Merlin's whole advise For all the lords Brytons high nature That there were slain in false and cruel wise By false Engest and his feloes unwise In remembrance of his forcasten treason Without cause, or any else encheson ¶ But Pascencius the son of Vortiger With host of Irish, Cambre he destroyed With whom the king fought with his power And drove him out, to Ireland sore annoyed Of his people many slain and foul accloyed But Eopa then clad in monks clothing With his poysonis, than poisoned had the king ¶ But then the king of Ireland and Pascence In Cambre brent, the king full sick then lay He sent Vterpendragon for defence With host royal and mighty great array He fought with him, for which they fled that day With shame and hurt to Ireland home again Vterpendragon the field so had full plain ¶ Then Uter saw a starry beam full bright And asked Merlin, what that it might mean He said it is Stella Cometa right It signifieth the king his death to been That now is gone to the bliss I ween The dragon also, thyself doth signify With beams two extending severally ¶ The beam southward, to France that doth extend Thy son that thou shalt have doth signify That shall conquer, all France unto th'end Almaignie also and all Germany And so to Room, throughout all Romanie Above all princes, in his time most feigned Through Christente most dread and best named ¶ That other beam to Ireland extending Thy daughters eke doth also signify Their children also, that of them shallbe coming The realm to have with all the regalie Thus Merlin to him doth specify So went he forth anon to Cairgwente Where he had word of his brother's enterrement ¶ Within the Giants carole that so than hight The stone hengles, that now so named been Where prelate's & duke's, earls & lords of might His sepulture to worship there were seen Thus this worthy king, was buried by dene That reigned had, that time but thirten year When he was dead and laid so on beer The lxxi Chapter. ¶ Uter Pendragon king of britain and of his arms that he bore. HIs brother Uter, at Cairgwent was crowned Uter Pendragon king of britain. In throne royal then fully was admit Two dragons made of gold royal that stound That one offered of his devout wit In the minster there as he had promit That other before him, ever in battle bare Of gold in goulis, where so he 'gan to far ¶ Tharms also of Troy, that Brutus bare Tharms also, of good king Lucius Which after baptism, his arms alway aware The same arms that king Constantynus At his battle against Maxencius So bore alway, that saint George arms we call Which englishmen now worship over all. ¶ And for he bore, the dragon so in war The people all, him called then Pendragor. For his surname, in lands near and far Which is to say, in britain region In their language, the head of the dragon And in the north, as he a castle made Pendragon hight, where he his dwelling had. ¶ But Occa son then, of that false Engist And Oysa also, the son of Occa with That northlande brent, of which when Uter wist He fought with them, there saved them no grith Nor none of the people, that came them with He took Occa and Oysa, in battle Beside Dane hill, where they did him assail. ¶ The saxons also he slew, that with him came And had the field, with all the victory For joy of which, he made great joy and game Proclaimed his feast, of Pasche solemnly To hold at London, where then he made his cry That every lord, his wife with him should bring For worship of that feast, and of the king. The lxxii Chapter. ¶ How the king was an amoured of the duke of Gorloys wife, and how he got on her king Arthure. amongs other, Gorloys duke of cornwall His wife did bring Igrene fair of figure Whose beauty their, all others made to fail So well and hole advised was nature Her womanhead exceeded every creature That though nature, her beauty would have amend Her cunning might thereto in no wise extend. ¶ Of which beauty, and of her goodlihead The king with love, so greatly was oppressed It changed all his courage and manhood In kalends of exchange, he was so impressed For which the duke with her then home addressed perceiving well, the kings fykelnesse Was set for love, on her womanlynesse ¶ In tintagel his castle strong, he her set Himself then lay, in castle Dymyoke Where then the king him sieged her to get But merlin then, from it him did revoke And by his council subtly did provoke Knowing his love; he had to dame Igrene By coniurisons made in haste full yern. ¶ He made the king, unto duke Gorloys like Himself like to Brethel in all semblance That then was the dukes privy myke And Vlfyn like, by all kyns governance Unto jordan in all manner cognisance That moste knew of the duke's prevytee By which he brought to Igrene all three. ¶ Thus lay the king her by, ever when he would She trusting then, that he had been her lord But ever his siege he made sadly to been hold His people assaulting the castle by one accord But Gerloys men, then plainly did record Their lord was slain and Uter had the field Of which she marveled, & then fast him beheld. ¶ There got he then, on her a son full fair And fro her went, unto his host again The duke was slain, with all his most repair Of which the king, glad is not to lain To tintagel with all his host full fain He came anon, and had it at his will He comforted her, and bade her hold it still ¶ But then between them two he did discure The privetee in all, as it was wrought And set his day to wed her and to cure Of heaviness, that she was then in brought Her lords death so much was in her thought For her so slain, her wifehood also defouled Afore that time, that ever was kept unfouled. ¶ And at the day, he wedded her and crowned And she farforth with child was then begun To comfort her, he set the table round At Wynchester, of worthiest knights alone Approved best in knighthood of their foone Which table round joseph of Arimathie For brother made of the saint Grall only. ¶ In which he made, the siege pereleous Where none should sit, without great mischief But one that should be most religious Of knights all, & of the round table chief The saint Graal, that should recover and achieve By adventure of his fortunitee And at his death, a virgin should be. ¶ But at her time, the queen had borne a son That Arthure hight, and was of statur fair More large of limb, and wisest under sun Of his age then, to be his father's heir Of all his limbs, right comely, strong & fair But Occa then and Oysa, that afore Stolen home, were come & warred in britain sore. ¶ The king sent forth, sir Loath of Lowthian A worthy prince, hardy and bounteous His daughter had wedded, that hight them dame Anne A manly man, and right chivalrous The first knight, that was elect right fortunous Of the table round, that oft with them did fight That oft prevailed, and sometime put to flight. ¶ For which the king, ordained a horse litter To bear him so then, unto the verolam Where Occa lay, and Oysa also in fear That saint Alban's, now hight of noble fame Bet down the walls, but to him forth they came Where in battle, Occa and Oysa were slain The field he had, and thereof was full fain. ¶ There was a well, which his enemies espied That he used the water oft to allay His drinks, all his sores to be medifyed Which they venomed, with poison on a day Of which he died, and went to bliss for aye In the carole, beside his brother dear As to such a prince, it did right well affere. ¶ He reigned had then. ix, and thirty year And in the year of Christ'S nativity five hundredth and sixteen, then was full clear The realm he left, in good felicity Arthure his son, to have the royalty To reign and rule the realm, that then was able That of his age, was none so commendable. The lxxiii Chapter. ¶ Arthure king of Britain, reigned xxvi year. How the king bore two banners in his war, and how he renewed and increased the table round, and held up royally the rule of it, and how he conquered Ireland and Denmark's with all the isles of them. ARthure his son up grown, then peerless Throughout that world approved of his age Of wit and strength, beauty and largesse King Arthure. Of person high, above his Baronage And other all, of Brytons vasselage By his shoulders, exceeded in longitude. Of all membres, full fair in latitude, ¶ At Circestre then of xu year of age When Dubryk archbishop of Carilyon With all estates within his heritage Assembled there Duke, earl, lord, and baron And commentye of all the region Upon his head did set the diadem In royal wise, as weal him did beseem. ¶ The year of Christ's birth .v. C. and sixteen Was when he was crowned all with gold Where than he made, a vow for to sustain. The christian faith, the church also to uphold The peace and laws, mawgres who so other would The Saxons also, to war and destroy That of long time, had done us great annoy ¶ King Arthure sought that Saxons in Scotland His chief banner of goules was to see An image of our Lady of gold enthronde Crowned of gold, as fresh as it might be His other banner was of the trinity Of gold and goulis of saint george was that third The four was Brutus arms known and kid ¶ The fift banner of goulis iii crowns of gold The sixth of Goulis, a dragon of gold fine With host full great, of Britons that were hold On Douglas water the Saxons he did untwine Colgrim that was their captain fled fro thine To York anon, and it with people held His men then slain, the king had so the field▪ ¶ Cheldrik & Baldoffe, two dukes of Germany With hosts great, then landed in Britain To Colgrym came, and brent that land in high But to Arthure king howel came full fain With host great, his sisters son certain Of less Britain, that with his uncle went Against Colgrym to fight in his intent. ¶ Cador the duke, that time of cornwall The kings brother of his mother's side Came to the king, with people that might avail So did all other, of all Britain full wide With their enemies then met of mikell pride And vanquished them at Lyncolne then seging For which they fled full fast that, siege leaving ¶ Too Calydon would near unto the sea Where the kings two, them seged sore about That for famishment & fought, they swore to be The kings men and their land throughout For to void their people, of all the land out & out Colgrym, Baldolffe, and also duke Cheldryk That chieftains were with dughty duke Cordrik ¶ And laid him hostage, all this to speed And when they were upon the sea again They landed eft at Totnesse so in deed And seged bath where Arthure was full feign Their hostages hanged in their sight full plain And with them fought Colgrym & Baldof slew To Cordryk gave westsex to be his man true. ¶ Duke Cador then followed upon the chase And slew Cheldryk, and his of Saxony And to the king again came for this case That king besieged was in Albany Wherefore they went, with host full manly To Alclud, where Scots & pights lay about Them discomfited, and him delivered out. The Scots & pights, he drove into out ysles Of Scotland then, & there became his men To live in peace, that ever were full of wiles. But Gwillomare, the king of Ireland then Over king Arthure, full hard war began With host full great, of Irish and saxony In Scotland brent, and also in Albany. ¶ But then that king him met, & with him fought discomfited him, and put him to the flygt Unto Ireland, with battle sore unsought Of Scotland, then of Lowthyan by right The king was then, that loath of Lowthian hight The first knight, was so of the table round To Arthure true, & also his lyegeman found ¶ His sister Anne, unto his wife had wed On whom he gate the courteous knight Gawen In Dunbar castle, his life there he led And Aguzell was king, that time certain Of Albany, and Vryan, of Murref plain The king was then, to king Arthure full true His lyegeman aye, and changed not of new. ¶ The king Arthure, then wedded to his wife Gwaynore faiereste of any creature That time accounted, for passing birth natyse So july fair, she was of her figure More aungelyk, then womannyshe of nature In so ferfurth, men thought themselves well eased Her to behold, so well all folk she pleased. ¶ The table round, of knights honourable That time were void, by great defycience For many were, through acts marcyable Dispended then, by wars violence Wherefore the king, then of his sapience The worthiest of every realm about In the table round, then sent without doubt. ¶ The three kings foresaid of Scotland Two kings also of wales, full chivalrous howel the king of less Briteyne land And duke Cador, of cornwall courageous And worthy Gawen, gentle and amorous And other fell, their rule was wrongs to oppress with their bodies, where law might not redress The faith, that church, Maidens, & widows clean Children also, that were in tender age The common profit, ever more to sustain Again enchantments, his body for to wage Again which craft, of the devels rage's Them to destroy, and all kind of sorcery Of which were many, that time in Brytaynye. ¶ On whitsunday, alway every year They should each one at the feast be with the king In any place, where ever so that he were But if he were in prison, or hard letting By deed of arms, death, or else sick lying In which cases, one of the table round Should seek him all that year, till here were found. ¶ Also their rule was each one should tell His own acts of wars adventure Afore the king at meat how him befell In his travail or of his misauenture The Secretorye, should put it in scripture For none avaunt, it should not then betake But for his rule to hold, the king than did it make ¶ Also to steer & move, young knights courage To seche arms and wars of worthiness And of diverse lands, to learn the language That else would live at home in ydylnesse For honour & ease, abideth not together doubtless Also it moveth these poor & young knighthood To be advanced, by their ladies livelihood. ¶ For doubt it not, Ladies ne gentylwemen No cowards love, in manner that is abusion And shameful also reprovable amongs men His cowardice doth him great confusion A man to withdraw him, by faint collusion For better is, with honour for to die Then with life, ay ashamed for to be ¶ The summer next, Arthure went to Ireland With battle sore forfoughten it conquered And of the king had homage of that land To hold of him, so was he of him feared And also gate as chronicles have us lered Denmark, Friselande, Gotelande, & Norway Iselande, Greneland, Thisle of Man & Orkynay ¶ He conquered these, to hold of him evermore He made king Loath that was of Lowthian Of Norway king, where he had fought full sore And Lowthyan he made his son Gawayne The king to hold of him by homage then For Norway was his very heritage Descent of blood of king Sechelynes lineage ¶ King Arthure then, through Christenty most famed And conqueror above all kings royal Was then most doubted of manhood & best named But kings and princes of Septentrional His to present most high imperial Each day came new, that then more like it semid An heavenly life, then earthly as men demid ¶ He held his household, and the round table Some time at Edinburgh, some time at Strive line Of kings renowned, and most honourable At Carleile sumwhile, at Alclud his city fine Among all his knights and ladies full feminine At Bamburgh also and Ebrank city At London at Wynchester, with great royalty ¶ At Carlion, Cardif, and Aualyne In Cornwall also Dover and Cairelegion And in Scotland at Perthe and Dunbrytain At Dunbar, Dumfrise and saint john's town All of worthy knights, more then a legion At Donydoure also in Murith region And in many other places, both city and town ¶ But ever as next, the valley is the hill After long rest cometh sharp labour King Arthure then had so firmly set his will To conquer France as his progenitor Maximian did, with full great honour Wherefore he sent, to all his homagers That to him came with all their powers The lxxiiii Chapter. ¶ How king Arthure conquered France, and sleugh king Frolle of france, and won many lands thitherward, and when he had won France and ruled it nine year, he came to Carlion and he and the queen were crowned there again with great solemnity & dew service done by his homagers. ANd into France anon so forth he went And in Paris Frolle that was governor Bysegid then, who unto Arthure sent Proffered him battle, with full great honour With hand for hand, for right of th'emperor To fight with him, to iudgen all the right Which to fulfil, Arthure granted and hight ¶ At a day assigned, they two together met Within an Isle without Paris city Where either other, with weapons sore then bet But king Arthure, by great humanity That day having, of him the sovereingte Sleugh Froll that day, with Caleburne his sword For which all France, of him were sore afeard ¶ Paris they yield, and all the realm of France The royals all, to king Arthure obeyed Service did him, and all whole obeisance As to their king, and him no more disobeyed He sent howel, with host and him conveyed To Guyan then, who made Guytard obey To king Arthure, with all that ever he may ¶ Naverne and Spain, Portyngale, Arragon Province, Savoy, and Langdok with also Flaundres, Braban, Henauld and Burgoyn orleans, Poitiers and Lectoo Cateloigue eke Almaignie and many more Holande, Selande, and Gelder's within fere His men became, as prince without peer ¶ At Paris than he feasted all thestates By forty days, were he and also the queen Were crowned then and had the land subjects In all honour and ryalte as was seen He feasted all the commonalte full clean The prelate's whole and the university And ladies all, with their feminite ¶ Nine year, he held his throne rial in France And open house, greatly magnified Through all the world, of wealth and suffisance Was never prince, so highly glorified The round table, with princes multipled That adventures than sought cotidianly With great honour, as made is memory ¶ And when he had, so ruled France neni year To britain went, he home then again At Cairlion his city fair and clear At witsondaye to see, his knights feign He set his feast royal, the sooth to say By forty days, for all that there would been most for his knights, that he desired to seen ¶ At which feast he, and the queen also Crowned were, with royal diadem By Dubrice, that tharchbishop was tho At Carlion as the church did dame With all rialtie as well did beseem Tharchebishopes of London and Ebrank Came to that feast, and had full much thank ¶ At the Anointing of this most noble king Tharchbishop of London the right arm Tharchbishop of York by all writing The left held up, without any harm While the people to see that sight, did swarm This was their charge and very dew service Of anonxtion time, to do and exercise ¶ King Agurell that was of Albany The king Possess of Southwalis that hight And of Northwalis Ewayn the king manly And duke Cader of Cornwall by right Afore the king bore four swords full bright Which was service of great antiquity For their lands dew, to his sovereignty ¶ Afore that queen Gwaynour, the queens came Of Southwalis, Northwalis and Albany And the duchess of Cornwall, of great fame Right well be seen of cheer benignly Each of them bare on her hand on high A turteldove, that was of colour white To please the queen, so was her most delight. ¶ Sir Kay was then the duke of Aungeoy At Paris made by Arthur and create His steward was that had with mickle joy A thousand knights, to serve early and late intentively not faint, weary ne mate During the feast, clothed all in Ermyn For best array, that he could best imagine. ¶ Sir Bedwer then at that feast was Boteler A thousand knights with him consociate The feast to serve, of wines good and clear Clad all in grey, of pelury preordinate That was full rich, according to there estate Thetis goddess of waters there had no might For Bacchus' god of wines, shed his power right ¶ thousands many, of lords & knights honourable Each day during the feast imperial Afore the king and queen incomparable To mass and meat, went in especial A thousand ladies of estate temporal Beside thousands that were of less degree wives and widows with other virginity. The .lxxv. Chapter. ¶ A good cause to make knights worthy and courageous, and ladies and gentlewomen to live in great cleanness. there was no knight, accounted of honour But if he were, in war approved thrice Nor with ladies, beloved as paramour Which caused knights, arms to exercise To be virtuous, and clean of life and wise It comfort also ladies, and their femynitee To live the more, in perfit chastity. ¶ And when this feast royal was dissolved The king rewarded so highly, each estate And in his mind, ymagened and involved How soon and when, at time preordinate They might again be consociate And commanded them, at the next Pentecost There for to be with him, both least and most. ¶ Dubricyus, than archbishop of Cairlyon meekly ceased, and hole forsook his cure Purposing so of good religion An hermits life, thence forward to endure In whose stead, David of life full pure Was set to rule the church's dignity To God's pleasance with all liberty. ¶ To Mangavero, the sea Pontifical Of Chichester he gave withouten let Of Wynchester with the commodities all To Dwyan he gave, and him in set To God and the church, as fell of dew debt Thysse of alclud also Pontifical To Eledoure, he granted, as might befall. ¶ As than befell, the feast of whitsunday That all his knights, of the table round To his presence, were comen in good array And every knight, his adventure that stound Had told the king, as his order was found Which adventures, the king made all be written In his register, ever to be known and weten. The lxxvii Chapter. ¶ How Galaad came to king Arthure and atheved that siege pereleous in the round table, & how the saint Graal appeared at supper in that hall, wherefore he made a vow, never to abide two nights in one place, to time he knew what it was, and that he might see it again. GAlaad that time, was xu year of age The goodliest afore, that men had seen Whom Lancelot got in very clean spousage On Pelles daughter, that king full long had been Of Venedose, that North-Wales is now, men ween Clean armed, came at meat & obeyed the king The queen also, and estates there sitting. ¶ And sat him down, in the siege pereleous Of the table round, where none durst sit afore But joseph, that was full religious That made it so, ere Galaad was boar And king Arthure, that sat therein therefore And never more, that it had aught presumed But they were brent therein, shamed & consumed. ¶ Which joseph said, afore that time full long In Mewyns book, the britain chronicler As written is, the Britons jests among That Galaad the knight and virgin clear Should it achieve and adventures in all fere Of the seyntgraale and of the great Briteyn And afterward a virgin, die certain ¶ But the knights all then of the round table conceived well and fully then believed He was the same person incomparable Of whom Merlin said ever should been well chewed Most fortunate of all knights that then lived For which they all anon to him attend In all things that to knighthood append. ¶ At supper as he sat again at even In the same siege with full knightly constance That proved well, which made them all believen That by his rule and noble governance To all knights he should do great pleasance In special to all of that order Full great worship and all knightly honour ¶ So suddenly, doors and windows all clapped With hideous noise, far passing marvelous Opened and sperred, all by themselves fast rapped For which they trust of some cause marvelous As with that noise the saint Graall precious flow thrice about, within the hall full oft Flyttering full fast, above them high on loft. ¶ And as it came suddenly unknown Right so it went away withouten lees The knights all that time that had it sawen Amerueled were, of it doubtless Wherefore they all with weapons 'gan to press To see and weet, what thing it might be But whether it went, they could no more it see.. The lxxvii Chapter. ¶ How Galaad and the knights of the round table made their avows to seek the saint Graal, some till they found it, and some for a year. But on that morrow, Galaad & other knights Afore the king by one assent compered Where Galaad made his avows & hightes Never to lie, but he were prisoned In one place in no manner of ground Two nights together, no where till he it see Besought the king his knight that he might be. ¶ The king him made a knight of the table round And arms would have give him, but he would none Afore that he got them in a strong ground By adventure, or else upon his foone And took his leave to pass so forth anon The knights all, then of the round table Grant him service a year, then perdurable. The lxxviii Chapter. ¶ The lamentation of king Arthure for his knights upon their departing from him, & of the rule which Galaad made among the knights in the quee●● of the saint Graal, and how at A●elon he found a shield of the same arms, a spear & a swcorde that joseph left there for him, which arms, arviragus, Lucyus and Constantyne bore of silver a cross of Goules. FOr which the king with heavy & dulful cheer Thus said: O God what shall I do or say That my knights all, which I had in quere Thus suddenly fro me, that pass away They my bliss, my hearts he'll each day My lands help, custodyes of my crown And membres of my corpse, to keep my region. ¶ O God, that death would breast mine heart on twain Who shall maintain, my crown & my rights I trow no more, to see you eft again Thus hole together, and so goodly knights Would God, I might make mine avow & hightes To pass with you, in what land so ye go And take my part with you, both in well and wo. ¶ This Galaad then, road forth, with his rout At every way, he made a knight for to depart To time they were, all severally gone out And none with him, so had eachone their part And if any met, another at any arcte His rule was so, he should his fellow tell His adventures, what so that him befell. ¶ And also soon, as their way lay on sundrywise They should depart, and meet no more again But adventure, it made of exercise Of divers streets, that together lain Of this matter, is no more to say. But when he had, his fellows all conveyed He took his way, full like a knight arrayed. ¶ Of adventure he came to Auelon Where that he found a shield, that was full white A cross therein of Gowlys, by it one A spear also, a sword of great delight The which with him, he bore away full tyte He gird him with the sword, anon full right The shield he hung, upon his shoulder light. ¶ The spear he took on hand, full like a knight But there he found in books clearly written How joseph lost that shield, therein forth right When he there died, as than it was well weten And also in scripture, left there written That no man should it bear, without mischief But one that should, the doughteous siege achieve. ¶ That same was written, right there of the sword Which Vacyan left there, when he died And of the spear, he was nothing a feared All, if the same apparel of it was notified Like as to fore of it was specified But when that he had, laboured so four year He found in wales, the Saintgraal full clear. ¶ Then road he forth, unto the holy land Through god and holy inspiration To god he gave his service, and him bond To chastity, and great contemplation And king was made, by hole coronation Of Garras then, and duke of Orboryk Of whom the people, full well did them like. ¶ Sir Boers with him went, and sir percival And other more of the table round. Whom knights he made of the saint Graall Which order so he ordained then, and found At Sarras, that to Egypt land doth bound To live chaste, and maintain christentye Like as joseph did of Armathye. ¶ But long after upon the whitsondaye Sir Boers and percival came to the king With knights all, that living were that day At Carlyon, but percival did bring Unto that court full dolorous tiding Sir Galaad his heart closed all with gold Unto the king full openly and told. ¶ How Galaad had achieved the adventure In king Pellis household with great honour That called was that saint Graall by scripture And King was made, by his worthy labour As he that was of knighthood a worthy flower Of Sarras so and duke of Orboryk Beside Egypte, where there was none him like Where then he made xii knights of the order Of saint Graall in full signification Of the table, which joseph was the founder The saint Graall what it is. At Aualon, as Mewyn made relation. In token of the table refiguration Of the brotherhood of Christ's souper & maundy Afore his death of highest dignity. ¶ And how Galaad then at his death you prayed His heart to bury, beside king Eualake And duke Saraphe, in gold thus arrayed Where they be buried, beside joseph their make And thus much he prayed you to do, for his sake In the chapel of our Lady, Christ'S mother At Glastenbury, with divers saints other ¶ This king Arthure with Princes & barons all And all knights of the round table To Glastenbury then road as might befall And there interred the heart of Galaad honourable With all service for the death accordable And over it he hanged his shield that he bore The which afore, saint George arms were. ¶ And when this feast, was come unto an end The king Arthure also and queen Gwaynour To all estates, great gifts gave and send As they were wont each year afore For his great honour increased more and more Of high knighthood, household and all largesse Above all princes most famous he was doubtless ¶ These were knights then of the table round Morued the Earl that time of Gloucestre Of shrewisbury, th'earl Herald that stound th'earl Mawrens also of worcester th'earl Ingence that was of leicester Arthegall th'earl of warwick full courageous th'earl Curson of Chestre full bounteons ¶ Kymar then Earl of Caunterbury When the Earl of bath, and jonathall Thearle of Dorcestre, Gallus earl of Salisbury The earl Gurgen, of Herforde known over all Bevyse, Earl of Oxenford, that men did call Gwerande earl, that was of Excestre And Paradoure, the earl of wynchester Cador the duke, that then was of cornwall The kings brother was, on the sister side Dame Igrene was their mother, without fail Gwytelene earl of Carlele, was that tide Waldeve the duke, commended and landifyed Of Northumberlande, a lord of great power From Humbar north, to tweed then was full clear ¶ King Aguzell, that was of Albany King Vriayn, of Murref, with Ewayne His son, that was courageous and manly And the noble and courteous knight Gawayne That king was then, of all fair Lowthyan And sister son, unto the king Arthure Mordred his brother, was of the same ordure. ¶ Loath of Lowthian, that king was of Norway Of Lowthyan, that king afore had been Father to Gawayne, and murdered was that days King Vryan of South wales I ween The king Pellis, of Northwalis full clean The king howel also of little Britain Boers and Hester, Degionaunt and Ewayn. ¶ Sir percival Lancelot, Delake and kaye Sir Colingraunt Bedewer, and sir Degarye Geryn of Charters, the douzepers of France gay The kings of man, Orkeney, Ireland all three Of Iselande, Gotlande, and dukes of dignity Of Portyngale, Naverne, and Cateloyne Of Spain the kings, & the duke of Burgoyne ¶ Sir Lionel Gryffith, Kynkar Olenius donald Macoyle, Cynmarke, & Gorbonian Kymbalyn Rydran, Eualake, and Carthelius Crade, and Cradok, Dunwallon, and Morgan Gadwaloure, Aeneas, and Ternuan And many more, that were full long to write Which with my style, I can not now indite. The lxxix Chapter. ¶ How the embassado of the Emperor Lucius was received solemnly, and presented the emperors letters unto king Arthure, and also of the tenor of the same letters, the which Lucius sent to him. But whiles the king sat in his throne royal His princes all, and knights of dignity About him there thambassade imperial Were fair brought unto his royal dignity That Princes were of authority Of most ripe age, and reverend cheer With olive Braunchies, in their lands clear ¶ Otokyn of message, and legacy A stately pace, unto his high presence Where they offered, of Lucius Heberye The letters then, on knees with reverence Of which this, the words and comprehence As followeth now, when they were reed and seen As chroniclers written, thus do contene. ¶ Lucius of Rome, the Emperor Procurator for all the hole senate Of the public profit, chief governor By hole Senate made and denominate To Arthure king of Britain procreate Sendeth greeting, like as thou haste deserved Now in France, which was to us preserved. ¶ Amerueled much, of wrongs that thou hast done Within our land of France by great rigour Without right, that better had been undone But if thy wit amend, thy foul error That sith of France, than were the governor No tribute paid, but as thine own conquest Haste hold it aye, under thine areste. ¶ And for thou haste no will, it to amend And were so proud, to do so cruel a deed King Froyle to slay, to us that did apende. And mekell more, for cause thou takest no heed Of the gate imperial, that we lead To which all lands obey, and pay truage Save thou alone, gaynstandest of thine outrage ¶ Wherefore we bid straightly and command That from August now, next within a year Thou come to Rome, and pay that we demand The truage, which thou haste of thy power Of Britain long withhold, so in fear And thy defaults, amend thou did in France By sentence of the Senate's ordinance. ¶ And else, we shall approach to thy country And what so thy folly hath us be refte With swords, we shall it make restored be Till our senate, as first it was infefte The livelihood, that thy father so the left Thou art else like for thine intrusion To lose and be brought into confusion ¶ written at Room in the consistory By whole avise, of all the wise senate At Pasche last passed, to bide in memory Their registered and determinate Lest thy youthed, our letters and the date Would cover, with feigned forgetfulness Trusting in us, the same default I guess ¶ With that the king, went to the Giants tour With princes all that were of his counsel By their advise, to write to the th'emperor For his honour, and for his governal Of which so wise, would not for get ne fail So well were made to Lucius and indite Which said right thus, as in my style I write The lxxx Chapter. ¶ The letter that king Arthure sent again to Lucius th'emperor of Room. ARthure king of all the great britain And Emperor of Rome, by title of right Which deforced by Lucius Romain Pretending him for Emperor of might Unto the same Lucius, for thine unright Usurper of the sea imperial Sendeth greeting, as enemy most mortal ¶ To the senate of Room it is well known How julyus Caesar with injury The truage had, britain was brought so low By help of earl Androgeus, and his traytorye That brought him in, by his false policy Without right or title of descent Or any right, that to the senate appent ¶ And what so he had, then by injury leeful to us, now is it to withstand For what ever thing, is take unjustly May never be had, as I can understand By any other, to hold it with strong hand from him that had it, well and rightfully By none other may be had lawfully ¶ By which reason, the wrong we shall defend And hold our realm so, in our first estate Of servage free, as it to Brute apende Who held it free, afore that Room bare date Whose right to us, is now determinate And by such right, as thou doest now pretend We may claim Room, & to th'empire ascend ¶ For king Belyn, that was our ancestor And Brenny also, the king of Albany All Roomain did win, by conquest there Of Room they had, and all great Italy And sleugh th'emperor, by their great mastery And crowned were in the sea empiriall Where no prince was, that time to them equal ¶ But yet we have, a better title of right To th'empire which now we will pretend For Constantyne, saint Elyn son of right By right of blood, of constance down descend Emperor was, that Room did well defend Again Maxence, and his feloes twain Which there made, much Christian people to dien ¶ Maximian king of great britain By whole decree, and will of the senate Was emperor of Room, and ruled almaigne Whose rights we have, and all their whole estate And heir of blood, borne and generate Wherefore we claim, the throne empirial from hens forth, by law judicial ¶ As to the day, which thou hast us set To pay to Room, the tribute and truage We shall be their, to challenge of dew debt Truage of Room, with all their rerage And to enjoyse and hold our heritage Of Room city, to keep the sovereign sea With all that longeth to themperalite ¶ And if thou wilt me sooner have or seek Bring Romanye with thee, where so thou will With me I shall bring, britain eke And which of us, that day may other kill Bear Room with him, and britain also their till Written at our city of Cairlion By whole advise of all our region The lxxxi Chapter ¶ He gave to thambassadors royal gifts, and sent his letters with his ambassatis to pass to Room with them in company & he with his host followed soon after them. THe king than gave unto that high ambassate Full rich gifts & gold enough to spend And bade them give their lords in whole senate His letters so, which he then to him send And bade them say, that sooner than he wend He should him see, before the day assigned In trust of which, them with his seal assigned ¶ This noble king Arthure, his princes prayed And barons all, and knights honourable To pass with him, at wages to be paid With their power, and their retinue able For to direct, his right full reasonable Martial acts, th'empire to obtain To whom they all consented, whole and clean ¶ And with the king, they passed forth anon Into britain, where howel then was king Where then he hard, the country make great moan For a Giant, horrible in all thing That ravished had, by his cruel working King howel sister, Elein without peer between his arms, was slain and laid on bear ¶ For which that king, to mount Michael then went With that Giant, that fought a battle sore With Caliborne his sword, or that he stint He sleugh him there, to death for evermore And charged Kay, for his victory thore To smite his head of, then for memory In worship of his worthy victory ¶ In which mount, king howel her tomb made A chapel fair, thereon edified Sith that time hither, upon that place abade Where that Giant, and she were homycied But all his host, and people him magnified And all the lands about, wholly enjoyed Of that Giants death, so felly annoyed ¶ The kings all, of Portyngale and Spain Of Naverne also, and eke of Catheloyne Unto him came, and dukes of Almaigne The dukes of Savoy, and of Burgoyne Douze peers of France, and the duke of Lorain The kings also, of Denmark and Ireland Of Norwey, Iselande and of Gotelande ¶ Through France, Burgoyn, Savoy & Lombardy Into Italy, and so through all Tuskayn Fro Tuskayn, then so into Romany To Awbe river, king Arthure came so then And lodged on that water as man Where with Lucius, he fought, in battle strong Either other proved, with strokes sore among ¶ But king Arthure, and the princes all His knights also there, of the round table So manfully them bare, that day over all That never their better were seen, nor more able So were Romans, that day full commendable Ne none might do better in any wise So worthily they fought without feyntise ¶ And at the last the Brytons bore the bell And had the field, and all the victory Where Arthure sleugh, as chronicles doth tell Themperor Lucius Hibery And took his feloe contributory But Lucyus head, to Room for his truage He sent his corpse also, for their arrearage The lxxxii Chapter. ¶ How the senate and the city of Room, met him in seven processions, and crowned him and there wintered him by all the whole winter. THe senate sent unto the king Arthure And prayed him, th'empire to admit Which became him, & seemed him of nature As Constantyne did in the honour sit And all truage forthward, they would remit Of great britain, never to ask it more But make it free, as it was ever before ¶ To which prayer, king Arthure did consent And came to Room, in royal high estate Where the city, by good and whole assent Full richly him met, and the senate With greatest laud, that might been estimate And every gate, his triumph and his glory Full curyously was wrought, in great story ¶ The seven orders in procession Full solemnly, at Peter's church him met The wife's whole by good discretion The widows after full devoutly set In order came then, next as was there debt The virgins then, of pure virgynitee And then thinnocents of tender iwentee ¶ Thorders' all of good religion The priests, and clerks secular The bishop and cardinals in unyon With the sacrament, and lights clear And Bells ringing, therewith in fere Every order with laud and reverence rejoiced greatly of his magnificence. ¶ At the Capytole, in the sea imperial They crowned him, with crowns three of gold As Emperor, most principal And conqueror, that day most worthy hold Where then he fested, the city manifold Of Rome the bishop, and all his cardinals The senators, with other estates als. The lxxxiii Chapter. ¶ How that tidings came to the king at Room, that Mordred had wedded his wife, and usurped the crown of England, for the which he came home again, and gave Mordred battle at Dover, where Arthure prevailed, and after again at Wynchester, where the round table began and fell for ever. ALl that winter, at Rome he did sojourn In palace of Mayns palacium The summer can, that home he might return At which summer, so when it was come tidings came to Arthure, hole and some That duke Mordred, was king of all britain And wedded Gwaynour, to his wife certain ¶ For which at Rome, he made his ordinance To rule that land, and all the hole Empire And home in haste, with full great purveyance To Britain came, to venge him on that sire That traitorously, again him did conspire To ravish his wife, by strong and mighty hand And also for usurping the crown of his land. ¶ At port Rupyn, which now Dover hight He landed then, where duke Mordred him met And fought full sore, by all a day to night Where sir Gawen & Anguzell, were sore bet And slain both two, so sore they were over set But Arthure had the field, and Mordred fled To Wynchester that night, full fast him sped. ¶ The king followed fast, upon the chase And there he fought again, with him full sore Where many princes and lords in that case Were slain on both sides, for evermore Of the round table, that long had been afore Many worthy knights, there were spended For Arthures' love, that might not been amended. ¶ The round table, at Wynchester began And there it ended, and there it hangeth yet For there were slain, at this ilk battle than The knights all, that ever did at it sit Of Britain borne, save Lancelot yode quite And with the king, followed on the chase When Mordred fled to cornwall, for. that case. The lxxxiiii Chapter. ¶ The battle of Camblayn, where Arthure prevailed and show Mordred, and Arthure had his deaths wound, and how Arthure died and was buried in the Black chapel of Glastenbury. Where on the water, that called was Camblayne Mordred abode, with mighty host & strong With Arthur fought, that day of high disdain Full oft alone, ever as they met among But Arthure slew Mordred, with his knife long That Calibourne was called, of such virtue That whomsoever he smote therewith he slew. ¶ But this Mordred, gave Arthure deaths wound For which he yode, his wounds to medifie Into thisle of Aualon, that stound And gave Britain, that was full solitary To Constantyne, duke Cader son on high His nephew was, for Cader was his brother As well was known, they had but one mother. ¶ King Arthure then, in Aualon so died Where he was buried, in a chapel fair Which now is made, and fully edified The death of king Arthure. The minster church, this day of great repair Of Glastenbury, where now he hath his leyre But than it was called the black chapel Of our Lady, as chronicles can tell. ¶ Where Geryn earl of Charters than abode Beside his tomb, for whole devotion Whether Lancelot delake, came as he road Upon the chase, with trumpet and clarion And Geryn told him, there all up and down How Arthure was, there laid in sepulture For which with him to bide, he hight full sure ¶ And so they abode, together in contemplation And priests were, about his tomb alway In prayers great, and holy meditation With hear, the flesh repressing night and day Three days each week, at bread and water aye They fasted & lived in great sorrow and penance To soul's health and Gods high pleasance. ¶ But when the queen Gwaynour had perceived How Mordred was fled away then thrice Fron York then yode, lest she were deceived On foot by night, with a maiden full wise To Carlion to live, in God's service In the minster of saint july, with nuns In prayers whole, and great devotions. ¶ This king Arthure, to whom none was condign Through all the world, so was he then peerless His life and soul, to God he did resign The year of Christ, as chronicles express five hudreth and two, in soothfastness And forty also, accounted hole and clear At his ending, without any were. The lxxxv. Chapter. ¶ The commendation of Arthure, after the conceit of the maker of this book in few words, and also the complaint and lamentation of the said maker for the death of Arthure REigned he had then, six and twenty year Most redoubted in earth & most famous The worthiest, and wisest without peer The hardyest man, and most courageous In acts martial, most victorious In him was never, a drop of cowardice Nor in his heart a point of covetise. ¶ There was never prince, of gifts more liberal Of lands giving, ne of meat so plenteous Again his fooens, was most imperial And with his own subjects most bounteous As a Lion in field, was most douteous In house a lamb, of mercy ever replete And in judgement ever equal was and discrete. ¶ O good lord God, such treason & unrightes Why suffered thy divine omnipotent That of them had precience and forsightes That might have let, that cursed violence Of Mordredes pride, and all his insolence That noble king forpassing conqueror So to destroy, by treason and error. ¶ Fortune false, executryse of weerdes That evermore, so with thy subtility To all debates, thou strongly so enherdes That where men ever, would live in charity Thou dost perturb, with mutabilitee Why stretchest thou so thy wheel upon Mordred Again his eme, to do so cruel deed ¶ Wherethrough that high, & noble conqueror Without cause, should algates perished be With so many kings, and princes of honour In all the world, might none there better be O falls Fallas, of Mordredes propertee How might thou so, in Gwynoure have such might That she the death caused of so many knights ¶ O false beauty, of Gwaynour predestinate What unhap made thee, false to thy lord So good a prince, and so fortunate Was never yet seen, as all men can record The which between you made so great discord That he and all his princes, were there slain Thy changeable heart, to venge he was so fain ¶ But O Mordred tofore, so good a knight In great manhood, proudly aye approved In whom thine eme, the noblest prince of might Put all his trust, so greatly he the loved What unhap, thy manly ghost hath moved Unto so foul, and cruel hardiness So many to be slain, through thine unhappiness ¶ The highness of thine honour, had a fall When thou began, to do that injury That great falsehood, thy prowess did appall As soon as in the entered perjury By consequens, treason and traitourie Thy lord and eme, and also thy king sovereign So to betray thy fellows eke certain. The lxxxvi Chapter. ¶ Constantyne, king of Britain, son of duke Cador of cornwall reigned four year. COnstantine his brother son was crowned Duke Cador, son of Cornwall bounteous Afore had been, one of the table round In Arthures' time, a knight was full adventurous In throne royal was set, full precious With Diadem on his head signified At troynovaunt, where no wight it replied. ¶ Who then anon, with Saxons sore did fight And also with Mordred sons two Their captains were, & put them to the flight That one fled to wynchester, and hid him so That other to London, with mickle woe Where constantine them both in churches slew At the autres, where they were hid in mewe. ¶ This constantyne set all his land in peace And reigned well four year, in great noblesse And died then, buried at carol no less Beside Vterpendragon full express Arthures' father, of great worthiness Which called is the stone, Hengles certain Beside Salysbury upon the plain. ¶ Aurelius Conan, his cousin fair * Aurelius Conan, king of Britain, reigned three year. The sea royal then held, and gan succeed To him, as next then of blood and heir His uncle, and his sons two in deed In prison slew, to crown himself I read That should have been, kings of all Britain Afore him so, if they had not be slain. ¶ He maintained aye civil war and debate between cities, Castles, and counties Through all his realm, with misruled men associate Which was greatly against his royaltees And but three year, he reigned in dignities As God so would, of his high ordinance For wrong laws, maketh short governance. ¶ Then Vortyper, succeeded after him Crowned was then, with all the royalty * Vortiper king of Britain reigned. seven year Against whom, the Saxons strong & grim Made full great war, destroyed the comment But in battle, by great humanity He them overcame, and set his land in peace Unto the time, that death made him decease. ¶ Seven year he reigned, and his people pleased And tender was he, of his commonalty Above all thing, he saw that they were eased The public cause, afore the syngulerte Preserved also, as it of right should be For commons first, for princes supportation Were set, and nought been waste by domination ¶ Malgo next him, to the crown attained Feyrest of other, that ever was in his day Malgo king of britain reigned xxii year. All tyranny, fully he restrained And conquered holy, thrice of Orkenay Irelonde, Denmark, Iselonde, and eke Norway And Gotlande also, obeyed his royalty He was so wise, full of fortunyte. Within his realm, was none so large ne strong Ne none that was, in feat of war so wise With sword or axe, to fight in the throng Nor with his spear, that had such exercise For to assail his foes, and them surprise And defence also, he had great keening As any prince ever had, or any king. ¶ But one default he had, of great offence Of Sodom sin, he would it not amend He haunted it ever, without any defence Which grieved god, and brought him to an end Two and twenty year, as did append His land he held, in peace and unity Without surprise of any enmytee. ¶ Carreys was then crowned king anon That loved well in all cities debate * Carreys', king of Britain, reigned three year. Between towns and cities every eachone And in such wise, maintained early and late imagined of his will preordinate So much in war, that cities and countries Full comen were, of his malicyousnesse. ¶ For which Britons, made him full mickle war And Saxons also, unto king Gurmound sent Of affrycans, that then in Ireland were Who with his fleet to perform his intent To Britain came, by all their hole assent But Saxons then, and he were full accord And Britons also, that had civil discord The lxxxvii Chapter. ¶ How Gurmounde king of Affrycans, conquered britain, and departed it in seven kingdoms, to Saxons, 〈◊〉 english, and went to win more lands, & made Gurmonde Chester. Gvrmounde, that then was mighty conqueror King of Africans, most dread in every land with help of Britons & their great succour And of English & Saxons had made them bond That dwelled that time in Northumberlande And other places in Britain, under truage Rose with him whole, again that kings outrage ¶ And fought with him, and put him to that flight To Circestre went, and strongly held the town But king Gurmound, that town then seeged right And gate it so, with might & great renown Wherefore he fled to wales, for his protection what came of him, mine author nought expnssed But with the death, I trow he was oppressed ¶ But Gurmound then, Britain hole destroyed Both church and town, & eke the christian faith For he a paynim was, and sore annoyed The chrystentye, as Gyldas wrote and saith Through Logres that whole was lost, with paynin layeth The prelate's, all curates, and religious With relics all fled away, full dolorous. ¶ And hide them then in hills, woods and caves Tharchbishops, the one of London then And Tadyok of York, that fled fro Knauis With saints bones, to wilderness fast ran And hid him there, and Gurmond sore did ban With cross and bell, & with great candle light Cursing They cursed him, as far as the churches might ¶ This king Gurmond gave all Northumberland from Trent North, that then hight Berun & deyre Norfolk, Southfolke and cambridge shire at hand Which Estangle, Bede calleth in his story And all fro Trent to Themis, for memory Mers he called, all to English gave That dwelled there, for ever to rejoice and have ¶ He gave all these, to English men in deed Which came out of a land, hight angulo In Germany that was, and with woods I read Replenished of wild beasts, buck and do Sith that time hither, hath been and yet is so Wherefore they were, of it called englishmen All Logres & Northumberlande, Anglande then ¶ He gave Sussex then to the Saxons Essex, Midelsed, with Surry whole and Kent But than Hamshire, Berkshire, towers & towns And Shropshire whole, & Gloucester as then apent All these were called, Westsex as Bede meant Thus dalt he the land, to them therein dwelling Which long afore, paid truage to the king ¶ Then went he home, through France & it destroyed And many other lands and regions But Brytons then, to that West parties sore annoyed drove them of Logres, with all religions To live in peace, for dread of rebelions For after Carreis was fled, they had no king To time Cadwan, was made by their choosing ¶ So stood they then, kyngles by twenty year How that Britons were kin glesse xx. year. From the year of Christ, five hundred and four score And thereto three, as clearly doth apere Unto the year after that Christ was boar Six hundredth and three, without any more When Cadwan was of Brytons, king elect And crowned was, to rule them and protect ¶ O king Carreis, unhappiest creature A lamentable of that maker of this book to that lords. That in britain reigned ever afore What infortune made the flee from thy cure What caused the to maintain so evermore Eyvile discord within thy realm so sore That might have reigned, over many a land Through which, thine own is lost I understand ¶ Thou understandest full little thevangilye That every realm, within itself divide Shall desolate be made, as clerks tell Mat▪ xii. And every house on other, shall fall and slide Thy wicked will, that now is known wide That suffered so debate, bytwyne lord and lord Bytwyne cities and lands, civil discord ¶ The cause was of thy disheriteson And of thy realms desolation That with law and peaceable constitution Might have been saved, with great consolation And the church preserved, in great prosperation The Christian faith, in thy land destroyed That with the peace, should have be kept unnoyed ¶ O woeful Carreis, thine heirs & thy Brytons Their children all, the widows and their wives The commonalte in cities and in towns The church also may ban, full sore those strives By thy support, that rest so many their lives Where law and peace, if thou had well conserved All had been saved, with thank of god deserved ¶ Defaute of law, was cause of this mischiefs Wrongs sustened, by mastery and by might And peace laid down, that should have been the chief For which debate followed and unright Wherefore unto a prince accordeth right To keep the peace, with all tranquillity Within his realm, to save his royalty ¶ What is a king, without law and peace Within his realm sufficiently conserved The poorest of his realm, may so increase By injury and force, to be preferred Till he his king, with strength have overterued And set himself in royal majesty If that he be, in such a jeopardy ¶ O ye lords and princes of high estate The council of the maker to duke Richard of York. Keep well the law and peace in governance Lest your subjects defoul you and depreciate Which been as able, with wrongful governance To reign as ye, and have as great puissance If peace and law been void, and unytee The flowers are lost, of all your soverentee ¶ O worthy prince, O duke of York I mean Discendid down of highest blood royal Se. to such ryotes, that none sustain And specially, that aliens none at all Inhabit not with power, great ne small That may this land, ought trouble or over ride For twies it was so won, with much pride ¶ Through Vortiger, by Engist and Horsus Whom he received, which after him destroyed And with his help full false and noyous The worthy blood of britain, sore annoyed At the Carol murdered, and all accloyed And now again, when Carreis was exiled The king Gurmond, & the Saxons him beguiled ¶ For Saxons, pights, and englishmen Reigned then through all the Logres land Divided in seven realms fully then Westser Sussex, and Kente I understand Estser and Mers, Estangle, & Northumberlande That drove Brytons, into the West country To Walis and Cornwall, fro town and city The lxxxviii Chapter. ¶ Ethelbert king of Saxons. hills Ethelberte was reigning king of Kent W Saint Austin sent by Gregory of R. bishop Landed in Tenet, with clerks of his assent And many monks, to teach the faith I hope That clothed were, echeone under ablacke cope Which in procession, with cross and bells came The latinies singing in jesus his name ¶ In the year of Christ his incarnation Five hundredth four score and sixteen King Ethelbert, had in his domination All Kent throughout, with great joy as was seen Were baptised then, in holy water clean To whom Gregory sent Mellito and justo With other clerks, and doctors many more ¶ Gregory him made, archbishop of Caunterbury Of all England, highest then primate And had the paul with highest legacy By Gregory, sent to him and ordinate Fro London then, thus was that time translate To Caunterbury, the sea Metropolitan And London set, as for his suffrigan. ¶ Saint Augustyne then, with help of Ethelbert Saint Augustyns made, & Christ's church also That Christ's church hight, as it was advert And sacred so by him, and hallowed tho For the chief sea, Metropolitan so Of all England, by Gregory ordinate And saint Augustyne, of all England primate. ¶ Then Augustyne made Peter a clerk devout Of saint augustine's th'abbot religious And made Mellito, as Bede clearly hath note Of London then bishop full virtuous A clerk that was then benevolus Who then converted, of Essex the king Sebert And all his land, baptised with holy heart ¶ King Ethelbert, saint Paul's edified And king Sebert Westminster founded Mellito them both hallowed and edified Austyn then, made clerk full well grounded Just o that height, of Rochester full well bounded The bishop then to preach, and help Austyn And to baptize the folk by his doctrine ¶ Saint Austyn set full near to Walis his seant That prelate's all, bishops and doctors wise Of Brytons blood, thither might well attain To make all rest and love in humble wise Through all that church and land, by good avice To which scene came, th'archbishop of britain And bishops five, with doctors wise certain ¶ In which Austyn sitting as precedent Archbishop and also the high primate Required and prayed, with all his whole intent As he that was of England high prelate By Gregory sacred and ordinate Of fraterne love and due obedience To help him forth, with all their diligence ¶ To convert and to teach the Saxons all The English also, in Christian faith and true And baptise them, through britain over all The pasche to keep, as Room did then full dew To which Brytons answered, that they not knew That he had such estate, in all britain For they had three archbishops to obeyn. ¶ Of Cairlyon, London and York city By bishops of Rome granted to us & ordinate Full long afore ye had such dignity Wherefore we will obey, no new primate And specially none english new prelate For englishmen, and Saxons have us noyed And have our land, and all our kin destroyed ¶ And Pasche we will hold forth as we afore And holy fathers, unto this day have used We will not change, for your doctrine ne lore There shall no new, among us been abused As saint john did, we have it not refused That on Christ's bosom, saw his great privetees So will we use, and none other solempnitees. ¶ S. Austyne said, sith ye now thus forsake The seed of God, to sow by your doctrine The Christian faith, for to increase and make By rightful doom of God, ye must incline Under their hands, that fro the faith decline The cruel death to suffer, for high vengeance Sith ye refuse Christ's will and ordinance ¶ This time, each king warred on others land Of seven kings, of saxons nation And of english with pights I understand And Britons also, did great adversation But Ethelfryde of english governation Of Northumberlande king, and paynim cruel Fought with Aydan, the king of Scots fell. The lxxxix Chapter. ¶ How king Ethelfryde of Northumberlande had service of Aydan king of Scots, the year of Christ vi hundredth and three, after saint Bede. AT Degfastan, where Ethelfryde prevailed And set Aydan, in his subjection To Bedes days, the Scots no more assailed Homage of the Scots. England, but aye obeyed his ediction And was his man, without contradiction And held of him, his land as was accord By many years, thence forth no more discord. ¶ This battle was, of Christ's incarnation Syxe hundredth year & three, as saith saint Bede And of his reign, by Bedes computation The eleventh year it was then, as I read That twenty year and four reigned there in deed In all his time, to whom the pights obeyed And Irish also, and no more him disobeyed. ¶ In that same year, of Christ's incarnation The Britons all, did set their parliament At Cairlion, by good information Cairlegeocestre hight, as some men meant That Westchester is become of intent Where they did chose, Cadwan unto there king Them to defend, fro their foes warring. The xc Chapter. ¶ Cadwan king of Britain, that first was prince of North-wales. This Cadwan was crowned in the year of Christ six hundredth and three, and after Bede by. xiii year reigned over the Britons, in the west parties of all Wales and Cornwayll. THis king Cadwan, at wynchester crowned Was made the king, of Britain & Britons Again whom king Ethelfrede, that stound Warred full sore, all the regions Where Brytons were, so did he all religions Who westchester sieged, with violence Where Brochewall th'earl, made great defence. ¶ But there he slew, Brochewall in battle And got the town of westchester, in that tide Where xii C. monks, without fail A murder of Monks. He slew down, right a little there beside That came to pray for peace, without pride From Banger there, in hole procession That martyrs were there, by his oppression. ¶ Whom king Cadwan, with mighty host & strong Met in field, full ready for to fight But both their friends treated, so them among That good accord between them, was made right During their lives, well kept as they hight With all friendship, great love and unytee That both their realms, stood in great dignity ¶ But Ethelfrides' wife, with child far gone Violently exiled and repudiate And wedded another, full wrongfully anon Wherefore she went, to recover his estate To king Cadwan, full sick and desolate Whom he received, with noble reverence And sorry was, for her woeful offence. ¶ But then his wife, as great was gone with child For which he kept her in house to abide To time he might, him have reconciled Her to receive, and set the other on side But in the mean time, they might no longer abide Both queens delivered, were of sons two That one Edwin, that other height Cadwallo. ¶ The childer two, together nourished were In tender age, to time that they were men At which time, there rose full cruel war Between Redwald, king of Estangle then And Ethelfride, that fought as folk did ken Where Ethelfryde on Idle, was down slain And Redwald the field, there had with pain. ¶ King Cadwan then, out of this world so died Thesame year, so did Austyne also And Laurens made fully, and glorified archbishop of Caunterbury tho And Ethelbert of Kent, to heaven did go Thus changed they their habitation Some to pain, and some to salvation. ¶ Cadwall then, the son of king Cadwan Cadwall lxi. years. reigned After his father had reigned xiii year Was crowned at Westchester as a man Of Britons all, as clearly did appear The year of Christ vi C. and xvi clear That reigned well, full syxtye year and one Above all kings, as sovereign of echeone. ¶ But king Edwin then, of Northumberland The son and heir, unto king Ethelfryde Was crowned king at York, I understand For which, the king Cadwall him defied And made him war, with Britons fortified And sent him word, no crown for to were And else he should under it, his head of shear Which Edwin then accounted, at right nought But kept estate full royal, and condign with crown of gold, at york full freshly wrought Elfrydes' sons, of his wrong wife vndigne gotten and borne, he felly did repugn Him did exile, in Scotland did abide For his mother was exiled, by Ethelfryde. ¶ And Ethelfryde him gate, on his wrong wife And had exiled, his own wife truly wed Edwyns mother, as known was full rife Full great with child, with him, as Bede hath red Then made he wells, in diverse countries spread By the high ways, in cups of copper clean For traveling folk, fast chained as it was seen ¶ And every day, he road withouten rest With trumpets loud, afore him where he road That every wight, might surely in him trust That he would then, of his ryghtwyshode Do every man right, without more abode All complaints here, & as law would reform So all his life to rule, he did confirm. ¶ He sent unto Ethilbalde, king of kent His sister for to have, and wed her to wife Dame Ethelburge, that was full fair and gent But Ethelbalde, then sent him word by life It was not good, but likely to make strife That a christian woman, to a Paynim should be wed And else he said, his message had be sped. ¶ edwin then sent his message so again He would well, she kept her own creance And bade him send, with her a chaplain And clerks wise, without any variance To keep her in her faith, and in all surance And if her faith be better than is mine When it is known, I will thereto incline. ¶ King Ethelbald, her scent with pauline That sacred was bishop of York that time By justo archbishop, that was full fine Of Caunterbury to keep her true Bapteme And her believe, that none her feathers lime With heresy, to foul his own creance Thus wedded he her, at York in all surance. ¶ The year of our Lord vi hundredth & twenty tho And five thereto, as Bede hath clearly written And in the year vi hundredth and twenty so And six thereto, king Edwin as is weten To westsex went, where battle sore was smitten Between him, and bishop Quychelyne King Kinigils son, of westsex then so fine. ¶ Where then he slew, this manly Quichelyne For cause he had, compassed his death afore By privy wise, as he could imagine He put the land then under tribute sore And Kynygell, the king of westsex thore Became his man, and held of him his land At his bidding to ride with him, and stand. The xci Chapter. ¶ How Cadwall fled, and was driven from his realm by king Edwin, and held it in subjection, and was baptized by saint Pawlyn archbishop of York. King Cadwallo then, of all Brytons The year of christ vi C. and eighteen By wrong council, on Edwyns regions Great wars made, but Edwin then full keen fought with him there, full sore as it was seen And to the flight him drove, out of the field All Britain land he conquered so, and held ¶ Cadwallo fled, unto little Britain And dwelled there, in heaviness and in pain By divers years, and durst not come again The subjection of the Scots. For power none he might, not yet obtain The britains durst him not obeyne For king Edwin, had hole domination Of them and Saxons, & of the scottish nation ¶ And in the year of christ vi C twenty and vi Edwyns daughter that named was Eufled At York was borne, to whom men did complex maidens twelve, to take the chrystenhede That lords daughters were, of great worthihed● Which saint Paulyn archbishop did baptize In York minster, in full holy wise. ¶ And in the year of christ vi C twenty & seven The christian law, disputed among his lords Was found best, to win the bliss of heaven Wherefore Edwin, by good and hole concords Both of his commons, and also of his lords With all his realm, baptism took as god's men Of saint Paulin, that archbishop was then ¶ In that same year, bishop Honorius To Paulyn sent, the pall of dignity The king Edwin, and this ilk Paulins York minster made new, of great beauty And commons all, full well so baptised he In Northumberlande, in Small, Owse, & Trent And other rivers in countries, where he went. ¶ By thirty days, and six laboured he thus And then he came, to Lyncolne with Edwin Where he converted Blecca, as Bede saith to us The Mayor, and all the commons by his doctrine And Lyndsey hole, unto the faith divine And made the minster of Lincoln, at his costage Of king Edwin, and also the colage. ¶ And in the year vi hundredth and thirty more justo died, to whom Honour did succeed Of Caunterbury, archbishop made was tho Whom saint Paulin, as written hath sent Bede Did sacre then at Lyncolne, so in deed In the minster that he and Edwin found The kings colage, named that ilk stound. ¶ And in the year vi hundredth thirty and two King edwin, by holy doctrine, Of saint felix, an holy pressed that was tho And preaching of the holy archbishop Paulyn Of Christ'S word, and virtuous discipline Converted Edordwolde, of Estangle the king And all the realm, where felix was dwelling ¶ At Dommok then, was felix first bishop Of Estangle, and taught the christian faith That is full high, in heaven I hope But then the king Edwin, as Bede saith Had made the people stable in the christian lay To York went home, with him also Paulyn To rule the land, after the law divine. The xcii Chapter. ¶ How Cadwall and Penda slew king Edwin, and reigned over Brytons again. But in the year vi hundredth thirty & three King Cadwall, of Britain that had been With king Penda, of Merces great country Assembled strong, with hosts fell and keen And Northumberlande brent, as then was seen And slew both wife, and child old and yinge priests and clerks, they spared there no thing. The churches all, they brent and foul destroyed Whom Edwin met, with power that he might At Hatfelde town, in heart full sore annoyed All ready so, in battle for to fight within yorkeshyre, where Edwin was slain right And all his realm, was wasted and subvert By king Penda, that a paynim was pervert. ¶ The same year then, for cause of war & strife Saint Paulyn went to Kent there to dwell With Ethelburge, that was king Edwyns wife That welcome were, as Bede surely doth tell At Rochester, as that time befell Saint Paulyn was, unto the sea translate And bishop thereof, then denominate. ¶ King Cadwall reigned full hole again In Britain land, as prince without peer Above english, as lord sovereign Over Saxons, Scots, & pights, clear Subieccton of Scots And english also, as clear did appear And Eufryde then, and Osdryk paynims fell Northumberlande then held, as Bede doth tell ¶ Whom Cadwall and Penda, felly slew From time they two, had reigned but a year Oswolde their cousin, as known was full true That in Scotland nourished was full clear To England came, with mighty great power And gate his right, and all his heritage With help and succour, of his Baronage The xciii Chapter. ¶ How Oswolde king of England reigned over Brytons, Scots, and pights, Irish, and over all Logres and Cambre. THis king Oswolde, in England 'gan succeed Oswold. The year of Christ, vi c was then clear Thirty and five, replete of all manhood And afterward, full clearly did apere As to such a prince, of nature should affere That York minster, repaired then all new Of lime and stone as Christian prince and true ¶ Who for aid then, into Scotland sent An holy monk he was and religious And bishop sacred, after Christ's intent In Christ's doctrine, he was full laborious Whom for teaching and preaching virtuous He made him bishop of all Northumberlande Whose sea was chief then, at the holy Isse land ¶ In that same year, Oswold to Westsex road For Christ his love, at prayer of saint Biryne Where they the king Kynygill, of paynymhode baptized, and made a Christian man full fine And set Westsex under tribute sign For to be paid to him and his heirs Perpetually by year, at certain feires ¶ Saint Biryne bishop, they made forth right Of all Westsex, at Dorchester was his sea from Oxenford, but little way to sight King Oswold wedded Beblam his wife to be King Kynygilles' daughter, full fair to see And on her he got, a son hight Cidilwold In Deyre reigned, under his father Oswold ¶ And in the year six hundrith thirty and six King Penda sleugh Ordewold of Estanglande In battle strong, and mighty 'gan to vex That wastid sore about him every land As tyrant fell, where he the Christian fond He sleugh them down, and cruelly over ran Sparing neither wife, child, ne man ¶ The king Oswold, so mighty was in deed That over Scots, pights, and Britain's Irish, Westsex, and English I read And over Logres and all the Saxons None so mighty above all regions As Flores and Bede hath written thus Whose writings are full virtuous ¶ As he at meat, did sit upon a day At Bamburgh, a palmer came to his gate Asked some good, for Christ his love alway To whom he sent his dish of silver plate For cause he had not else for his estate The poor man to refresh and comfort Saint Bede of him, thus clearly doth report ¶ An holy man, within his hermitage Desired sore in his meditation If any better, of any manner age Were in the land of any nation To whom was said by revelation That king Oswold, more holy was of life notwithstanding, he had wedded a wife The xciiii Chapter. ¶ How an hermit proved saint Oswold his wife at his desire by bidding of saint Oswold Wherefore he came, unto the king Oswold And prayed him, he might know his life And of his revelation then him told Wherefore he took to him, his ring by life And bade him say, the queen that was his wife To do with him, on nights two or three As she was wont, at home to do with me ¶ This token had he, he sat with her at meat His meat & drink, when he would have the best But water and breed, he might none other get And then at night, she leide him for to rest Right with herself, so well herself she trest And when he was, ought set to do amiss In water he was cast, his flesh to keel and lisse ¶ But when the day came, he was full fain And of the queen, full soon he took his leave Unto the king, he went anon again And prayed him fast, he might pass home at eve For of his life, he would no more prove Which more holy, was one day and night Then all his life, he ever been might ¶ But Cadwall the king of Brytons sent The king Penda, to war on king Oswold Whom Oswold met, with great assemblemend In battle strong, at Hevenfeld as God would Where people fled, with people manifold To king Cadwall, who with Penda anon Assembled an host, on Oswold for to gone ¶ Oswold they met, on Marfeld that tide Where he was slain the year of Christ was than Six hundred whole, and forty and two beside His head and arms, as Bede the holy man In his chronicle hath write, who so read it can Upon a tree was hung many a day That rotted not, nor in this world never may ¶ Oswy then in all Northumberlande The crown had, and all the royalty Oswy king of Northumberland With Cadwallo he hight, allway to stand As sovereign lord of Bryton, then was he And over all other, had then the majesty But this Oswy made Humwald for to kill The king Oswyn, that fellow was him till ¶ For cause he rose, on him with multitude And nought for thy, when they together met All his people of full great fortitude He withdrew then, and with Humwald set In prive wise, without any let But false Humwald, privily him slew On whom he trusted, and trowed had be true ¶ Queen Eufled that was king Oswys wife King Edwin his daughter full of goodness For Oswyns soul, a minster in her life Made at Tynmouth, and for Oswy causeless That him so be slain, and killed helpless For she was kin to Oswy and Oswyn As Bede in chronicle doth determine ¶ This Oswyn now is canonised in shrine Saint Oswyn called, at Tynmouth gloriously But king Oswy, to Cadwall did incline And Oswalde his head, and arm had leave to bury Which he betook to queen Bebla in high Who closed them in silver, fair and clean And them betook, to saint Aydan I ween. ¶ This king Cadwall, his feast at London made To him all kings, as sovereign lord obeyed King Cadwal Save king Oswy, at home that time abade For which he trowed, that he him disobeyed Wherefore he sent to Penda, and him prayed To war on Oswy, without delay And make him, to his sovereign lord obey. ¶ In which mean time, this Penda slew Anne Of Estangle, that long had been king A Christian prince, and a full manly man And so came on king Oswy fast riding Where on the field, they met sore fighting Whom Oswy slew, and xxx dukes also That with him came, and xxx M. more. The 95 Chapter. ¶ In the year of our lord God vi hundredth and. ●v. Penda slew the king of Escangles, and the year of our Lord God vi hundredth and vi Oswyne slew Penda king of Marchelande, and the foresaid king Oswyne condescended to hold and keep his Easter according to the use of Room and Caunterburye, the year of our Lord vi. hundredth and lxiii which before was celebrated according to the judeicall custom. THose battles two, after thincarnation Syxe hundredth year, thirty were & also five In the year after, by computation, That king Oswy, made Penda king believe Of Marces land, and to convert his live By teaching of Dwyma, made bishop there And all his land, by virtue of his lare. ¶ King Oswy made houses xii of religion Six in Dairy, and six in Berun to be With his daughter elfled for devotion Whom he avowed, in clean virginity To sacre so, and live in chastity For his triumph, and for his victory Of king Penda, and his panymerye. ¶ The king Oswy, of Christ's incarnation The year vi C lx and also three Had all the clerks, of his domination With many other clerks, of far country For to dispute the Pasche, when it should be The which afore, was held diversly One use at York, another at Caunterbury ¶ But this saint Oswy, then held it at Whitby Where then saint Hilde, in all devinitee Was hole instruct, among all the clergy Where Wilfride, with Egilbert and she Concluded all the clerks of the country And fro thence forth, they held it in certain As Caunterbury used, and did obeyne ¶ This king Oswyn, than died in the year Six hundredth hole, sixti and also ten At Whytby then, where Hild was abbess clear At Streyneshalgh, named was so then among the covent, of this holy woman And in Hildes' school vi bishops were informed In holy write, as she them had conformed. ¶ These were the names of the bishops right Bosa, Oskford, Etla and also Tatfryde john of Beverley the fift, that then so hight The sixth then, was the holy man Wilfryde All in the law of Christ informed that tide With this virgin clean, of royal descent Of king Edwin and Oswalde blood full gent. ¶ Which virgin clean, died so in the year Of Christ vi C. and four score also About which time, saint Awdry the virgin clear At Hely died, among her flowers though Of holy virgins, and widows also Which she had gathered, & kept in cloister clean While she there was th'abbess, as was seen. ¶ Who wife was twice, in westsex first espoused The second time, unto the king Egfryde Of Northumberland, her maydenhed ever housed I dare well say, it was never set aside There might no man, her heart from Christ divide So hole it was set unto chastity Inviolate she kept her virginity. ¶ For good ne gold nor any great richesse With her husbands to been devirginate Hitherto might never eschaunge her sekirnesse So sad it was, it was never violate But ever clean, as in her first estate By her husband's, for aught they could her height But virgin died, through grace of God almight ¶ Thus Awdry then, from Egfride was divorced For cause, she would not lose her maidenhead To time her soul, were loosed and uncursed In hely abode, where then she made in deed An house of Nuns, as written hath saint Bede To serve the God, above celestial In prayers good, and matins nocturnal. ¶ Wylfride from York, exiled and expelled The king of Sussex, and all his land Convert all hole, and mammetry down felled Where, so three year afore, I understand Such vengeance reigned, in that kings land That there grew no grass, nor no manner of corn The people died, for hunger all for lost. ¶ And that same day, when they were convert The grass and corn, that welked were afore By three year passed, waxed green and 'gan revert Through prayer of Wylfryde, that prayed therefore For which the king, made him bishop thore That five year hole, there so occupied The byshopyes cure, and Christ's faith edified. ¶ And in the year vi hundredth lxxx and five King Egfride road with host into Scotland And warred on pights & Scots with mekel strive Whom then they show, as Bede could understand With many worthy knights, of Northumberland At Nettansmore, in an high minster buried A worthy place, in Scotland edified. ¶ Each king of seven, on other warred sore But king Cadwas, that then was sovereign lord Accorded them, as mister was ay where By his good rule, he made ever good accord Where any strife or war was, and discord And all the realines, in britain hole baptised And bishops in them set, and authorised. ¶ King Ethelride of Mors, and queen Ostride His wife, daughter of Oswy Berdnaye Buried oswald, with miracles glorified Where many year, full still there after he lay Unto the time the sister, as books say Of king Edward th'elder, him translate To Gloucester abbey, to his estate. ¶ Cadwallo king of Britons, in the year Of Christ gods son vi C. sixty and sixteen So died away, who reigned had full clear Full sixty year and one, as well was seen That sovereign lord, of all britain had been After the decease, of the good king Edwin And made all seven kings, to him incline. ¶ He made his image, of laton full clean In which he put his body balsomate Upon an horse of laton, fair to seen With a sword in hand, crowned like his estate Full high set up, to sight on Ludgate His battles all, and his great victory About him wrought, was made for memory The xcvi Chapter. ¶ Cadwallader king of britain, and lord of all vii kings in Britain. CAdwaladrus, after him 'gan succeed Cadwallader king. Both young and fair, in flourishing iwent That Cadwallader was called as I read Who of britain, had all the soverayntee Of english and Saxons, in each country Of Pyghtes, Irish & Scots his under regence Subiertion of that Scots. As sovereign lord, and most of excellence. ¶ Kentwyne the king, of westsexe than died The year of Christ six hundredth lxxx and six The mekill war, had made and fortified Upon Britons, and felly did him wax So cumbrous he was and cruel 'gan to wax Whose realm the king Cadwallader conquered And Sussex also, and slew the king with his sword ¶ In which year then, Gatta by shop died Whose sea was then, at Hexham upon tyne That bishop was, of York notified For Wilfryde was, hold out with mickle pine And exiled from his benefice that time From York that time, by the king Alfride Of Northumberland, whose cure Gatta occupied ¶ After whose decease then john of Beverlay Was made bishop of York, and had the sea Then the Cathedral at Hexham so alway For wylfryde was in Sussex far country But then certain Alfryde of cruelty Commanded john, to vex and noye wylfryde But tender love, they held on either side The xcvii Chapter. ¶ How Cadwallader fell in great impotency, that he might not govern the land, wherefore in default of law & peace fell Baron's war and civil discord in all the realms. THe king Cadwaladre being impotent So every day, & held no governance Nether law ne peace within his regiment Wherefore Britons, dread none ordinance But each one took on other great vengeance From that time forth, each country on other warred And every city against other marred. ¶ Thus in defavee of law and peace conserved Common profit, was wasted and devoured partial profit, was sped and observed And Venus also, was commonly honoured For lechery and adultery, was most adored Among them was common, as the cart way Riot, robbery, oppression, night and day Of which came then, manslaughter, & homicide And civil strife, with sore contentions Through Britons land, every where, on each side With battles great, and fell dissensions As Bede writeth among his mentions They dread neither the king, ne god almight Wherefore he sent vengeance on them full right That through the war, the tilth was all destroyed * A great plague. Churches all, and husbandry unoccupied That with hunger, the people were sore annoyed That people great, in streets and fields died And much folk, as Bede hath specified The faith of christ, for hunger than forsook And drowned themselves, so sore the pain them took. ¶ Their cattles died, for fault of food each day Without meat, or any sustenance In towns and fields, and the common way Through which their infect, was with that chance That multitude of folk, in great substance On heaps lay, full like unto mountains That horrible was of sight, above the plains. Unburied hole, without Sacrament By pestilence also, many one died Some wood, some raynage went And some were in lytargie implied An other some, with battle mortified With murder also, among themselves dispent Full many were, that none an other lament. Through which defaults, not amended nor correct The bishops fled, the prestees & clerks annoyed To wales went, there to be protect In caves hid, accumbered and accloyed Full heavily diseased, and full greatly annoyed With saints bones, and relics many one Morning full sore, and making there their moon ¶ Then fell a year of pardon, and of grace At Rome, where the king Cadwaladrus All desolate, and sorry for that case In pilgrimage thither, purposed thus With heart devout, and will benevelous With his Brytons together consociate Of worthy blood so borne and generate. ¶ To have pardon, and plain remission Of their trespass, sins, and negligence That they put nought, reddour ne punissyon By law, pain, and discrete providence On trespassers, that did violence Through which their land, & they were so mischieved That with law kept, might well have been achieved To Rome they came, of whom the bishop was glad Sergio that height, who them grant remission Of all their sins, with heart and will glad Save only then, of their omissyon And negligence, of hole punissyon That they put nought upon the trespassoures Of common people, that were destroyours Which was not in his power to release Without amends made, and restitution To common weal, and their due eucrease As they were hurt, in fault of due punissyon He charged them, for their plain remission The commonty to support and amend Of as 〈…〉 te good, as they were so offend. In the mean while, whiles they at Rome so were The Saxons hole, and english consociate Took all their land, livelihood, and other gear To Saxon they sent ambassyate To Angulo, to be associate With many more of their country men For Britons all, at Rome were biding then ¶ And bad them come in haste, and tarry nought For their own help, and for their waryson The which they did, and hither fast they sought The Brytons land, they took in possession And kept it forth, with many a garrison For Brytons came no more thereto again For king Cadwallader, them died at Rome certain His Brytous also died homeward by the way In diverse places, and some went to Britain Other some to France, there to abide for aye And some also to Normandy, and to Spain That to their own, they came no more again But Saxons hole, and english it occupied Ever more after, and strongly edified. ¶ Some chroniclers say, he had by vision No more to come into Britain the more But to the bishop of Rome with great contrition Confess him, and take his penance thore And absolution for his sins sore And how the bishop of Rome buried him royally And on his tomb, set his Epitaphye ¶ In latin letters, in marble stone well grave Declared hole his conversation Forsaking all the world, heaven to have And how the bishop of Rome, by his confirmation Called him Peter, whom Bede by relation Calleth a saint in bliss, hole disposed From which he may in no wise be deposed. ¶ This Cadwallader of Britons was the king That reigned full, as sovereign lord xii year And in the year vi hundredth and nynte being And died so, as sayeth the chronyclere That of westsex, then had be king two year Of whom Welshmen holden opinion Of England yet to have the reversion ¶ When that his bones be brought fro rome again Among them all, have such a prophecy And England then, eft since called Britain Thus stand they yet, in such fond matesye In trust of which vain fantasy They have full oft, England sore annoyed And yet they will prove, if it may be destroyed. The xcviii Chapter. ¶ The lamentation of the maker of this book, and his counsel to my Lord of York, for good rule in the realm of England. O Gracious lord, O very heir in right Of great Britain, enclosed with a sea O very heir of Logres, the now England height Of wales also, of scotland, which all three Britain so height, of old antiquity O very heir of Portyngale and Spain Which castle is, and Lions soothe to say. ¶ O very heir, of France and Normandye Of Guyan, Peytowe, Bayen, Man, & Angeoy Membrys of France, of old war openly O very heir of jerusalem, and Surry All this mean, I by you that should enjoy Ye or your heirs, my lord of York certain That wrongfully have been hold out to say ¶ But O good lord, take heed of this mischieve How Cadwaladore, not keeping law ne peace Suffering debates, and common wars achieve And fully reign, and put him nought in press By law nor might, to make it for to cease For which there fell so great division That he was put unto deheryteson. ¶ Not he alone, but all his nation devolved were, and from their right expelled Full fain to flee, with great lamentation From great Britain, in which they had excelled In which their auncetour, afore long time had dwelled And knew their foes mortal, should it occupy For evermore without remedy. ¶ Which is the pain, most fell above all pain A man to have been in high felicity And to fall down, by infortune again In misery and fell adversity How may a man have a thing more contraye Mat xii Then to have been well, and after woebegone incomparable to it, be pains eachone. ¶ Wherefore good lord, the peace evermore maintain And ryottes all, chastise by provision And law uphold rightfully, and sustain And over all thing, see there be no division But rest and peace, without dissension For where a realm, or a city is divided It may not stand, as late was verified ¶ In France as fallen, full great division Through which, that first Henry king of England Over road their land, by great provision And conquered them, they might not him with stand All their cities, were yield into his hand For cause of their cruel descension Among them sustened by contention ¶ Room, Carthage, and many other cities And many realms, as clerks have specified Have been subvert, and also many countries By division, among them fortified Where unite and love, had been edified Might them have saved in all prosperity from all hurt, and all adversity ¶ Whexfore good lord, think on this lesson now And teach it to my lord of March your heir While he is young, it may be for his prow To think on it, when that the wether waxeth fair And his people, unto him doth repair And little hath, them to relieve and pease Then may it hap, with it his people case ¶ For what savour a new shell is taken with When it is old, it tasteth of the same Or what kind of imp, in garden or in frith Ymped is in stock, fro whence it came It savourith ever, and it nothing to blame For of his rote, from which he doth out spring He must ever taste, and savour in eating ¶ While he is young, in wisdom him endow Which is full hard to get, without labour Which labour may not be, with ease now For of labour came king and emperor Let him not be idill, that shall be your successor For honour and ease, together may not been Wherefore writhe now the wand, while it is green ¶ Endow him now, with noble sapience By which he may the wolf, were from the gate For wisdom is more worth in all defence Then any gold, or riches congregate For who wanteth wit, is alway desolate Of all good rule and manly governance And ever infect, by his contrariaunce ¶ Endow him also in humility And wrath defer, by humble patience Through which he shall, increase in dignity And catch always, full great intelligence Of all good rule and noble regymence And to conclude, wrath will ever set a side All manner of thing, which wisdom would provide ¶ Behold Bochas, what prices have through pride Be cast down from all their dignity Where sapience and meekness had be guide Full surely might have saved be And have stand alway in might & great suertee If in their hearts, meekness had be ground And wisdom also, they had not be confound ¶ Now followeth of the english kings and saxons. The xcix Chapter. THis Cadwallader, now laid in sepulture That some time was that king of great britain And of Westsex also their with full sure To whom succeeded juore his son certain reigning over Brytons that did remain In Wales then, without any succour But only he became their governor ¶ With whom Ivo, his cousin was at need That warred sore the English and saxony Many winters, and nought prevailed in deed Saving they reigned, upon the Vasselry That were out casts, of all Britanny But Ingils and Ive his brother dear In westsex reigned, which Conrede his sons were ¶ Whom English then, and all the saxony Them chose and made, to be their protectors Again Iuor and his cousin ivy That were that time, the Brytons governors To Wales fled, for help and great socours But Ingils and Ive of English blood descent Then kept England, full well by one assent ¶ A year all whole, and then this Ingils died And Ive was king, of Westsex fully crowned That reigned then, full greatly magnified Eight and thirty winter, full well and sound With his brother, and what alloens that stound In whose time, Theodore then died Of Cauntorbury archbishop signified ¶ Which Ingile & Ive, did call this land England After Inglis, as they had hard afore After Engest, it called was Engestes land By corrupt speech, England it hight therefore And afterward, so that name it hath ever boar As Gurmound also, afore it had so named Which sith that time, hath been full hougely famed ¶ King Ive and Ingils, in Westsex first began The year six hundred four score, & thereto nine So did Iuo and Ive in Wales then Over the Walshe, that were of Brytons line In much trouble and woe as fill that time King Alfride in all Northumberlande Wittred and Welbard, in Kent I understand ¶ In England yet, were kings seven Under king Ive, that twenty battles smote Upon Iuor and Ive, accounted even But in the year, as Bede hath said and write That every man his debt, to kind pay mote King Ive died at Room, than was the year Seven hundred and seven and twenty clear ¶ And at his death, he gave to Room each year The Room pence through Westsex all about Room pence, Perpetually to be well paid and clear For unto Room he went without doubt And with them, lords and gentiles a great rout In pilgrimage, for Eld and impotence When he might not the land well defence The. C. Chapter. ¶ Etheldred king of Westsex protector of England that reigned thirty year. ETheldred in Westsex, to him 'gan succeed And king was then, and held the royalty Etheldred. Protector was of England their in deed And held his time, ever forth the sovereingtee In heritage and perpetualitee That thyrten year reigned in good estate Which cherished peace, and chastised all debate ¶ Where any wrath was, growing in his land Among prelate's or lords temporal In cities or in countries where he fande accorded them, in every place over all And in his time the kings inspeciall Under his rule and sure protection He kept in peace, by lawful direction ¶ Who died so, of Christ his incarnation The year six hundredth & forty accounted tho Entombed at bath, with sore lamentation Of all England, as well of friend as foo Which bath city, some time was called so Achamany, in britain language By Achaman that had it in heritage ¶ In his time was Oswyk in Northumberland And died then, to whom Colwolphe did succeed Edbertprens in Kent I understand And Ethelbald in Mers was then I read In Essex also, was then reigning Selrede And Ethelrede in Estangle that day All these were kings, and under him alway ¶ So fro that time forth, & fro the Scottish sea To Sulwath ●loud, and to the water of Tyne The pights had and kept without lee Where king Edwin, their king was by right line ruling that land in peace and law full fine That changed then maiden castle name To Edenbrough a town of great fame The. C i Chapter. ¶ Cuthred king of Westsex protectonr of England and reigned sixteen year, CVthred was king, crowned of all Westser King Cuthred. And protector of all England that day His kings under him, that then were full six Did him homage anon withouten delay Save Ethelbald of Mers, that said him nay For which he warred on him then full sore That both their lands, troubled were therefore ¶ Full oft they met, & fought with great power Some that one, some time that other had Victory in field, with strokes bought full deer But when that king Ethelbald was most glad This king Cuthred, that was nothing a dread At Berford with him met in strong battle And slew him then, as Bede maketh rehearsal ¶ Which Ethelbald in Mers, one & forty year Had reigned hole, and diverse abbeys founded In Mers land, at Crouland one full clear Of Monks black, within the fens grounded To which Turketyll his chancellor founded Gave six manners, to their foundation And abbot there was made by installation ¶ This battle was, of Christ's nativity Seven hundredth and five and fifty year Where Ethelbalde of Mers, the king did die To whom Borrede, there was the king full clear But this Cuthrede of Westsex laid on here Was in the year of Christ's birth to weten Seven hundredth hole, and six and thirty written. ¶ To whom Segbert, in all regalites His cousin next of blood by all record Segbert. king. Was king crowned, and had the dignity But full he was, of malice and discord That with his kings, could no time well accord Wherefore they would, no longer of him hold But drove him out, of all his land full bold ¶ For law ne peace, he did not well conserve But changed law, ever after his devise From good to evil, each other to overterue To spoil and rob, his commons to surprise Thus in the land, he made full great parties Wherefore the kings, and lords did him expel That but one year, he did in it excel. ¶ And afterward exiled, as he him hid Within a wood, a swynherd made his end Then with his staff, he slew him so betid For all his high estate, thus was he spend A proverb is of old, was wisemen kend That wrong laws, make ever short lords Which wisemen yet remember, and records. The. C ii Chapter. ¶ Kynulphe king of Westsex protector of England, the which reigned xxvi year. KYnulphe succeeded & had the governance Kynulph king. Of Westsex then, with all to it appente Protector was by all thordinance Of kings all, and the lords assent As his elders afore had regiment The year of Christ vii hundredth fifty and seven As Bede hath written, and accounted full even. ¶ Of all the kings, and lords of England He took fealty and royal hole homage As sovereign lord, honoured in all the land And mightily maintained his heritage His kings all, and all his baronage The peace and law, he kept by diligence Was none that would displease his excellence. ¶ He reigned hole, in all kinds suffisance Six and twenty year fully accounted In great honour and mighty great puissance Was none him like, nor none him surmounted But death alone, to his corpse amounted driving his soul, out fro the worldly nest To heavens bliss, eternally there to rest. ¶ At wynchester he was full fair buried The year vii hundredth four score and also three Among the people, highly magnified As to such a prince, longeth of royalty Right well beloved, of his lords and commontee In whose time Offa of Mers king Unto the B. of Room, sent his letters praying. ¶ To deprive Lambert of Cauntorbury Of primacy, and also of the pall Which the bishop Adrian, anon hastily Granted him then, by bulls written papal Lambert depriving, of his sea primall By which Aldulphe, bishop then of lichfield high primate was, and th'estate there held. ¶ The pall he had, and all the dignity Lambert deprived, without any delay Of primacy, and of all sovereignty Of all the church of England hole that day From Humber south, to Aldulphe did obey And Lychfeld then for metropolitan sea Was set above, and had the dignity. ¶ But Egfryde then, the son of Offa king Of Mers, the pall and all the primacy Did well restore, to Christ's high pleasing To Award then bishop of Caunterburye Where it abode, ever after worthily Unto this day, with all the dignity As of old right, it should have sovereignty ¶ This time Kynot, of Pyghtes was the king Fro forth to Carleile, and from the Scottish sea To Tyne that time his lordship was & dwelling The which he held, by homage and fealty Of the king then of Northumberlande in fee And was his man also, in war and peace As his elders had done, without leace. ¶ In whose days, th'archbishop Egbert Of York, brother was as I can understand To the king of Northumberlande Edbert The primacy and pall, brought to York's land By the B. of Rome granted, without gaynstand Which from the death, of the good king Edwin Had ceased long, from the time of saint Paulyn ¶ About this time, as well is expressed Vnguste the king of Pyghtes, road in England On war, where then he was full sore distressed By the manly king of Northumberlande Where he avoiwed, if he came to his land A church to make of full great dignity In worship of saint Andrew should it be ¶ And at his home coming one Regalo Fro Constantyne by revelation Brought certain bones of saint Andrew though Ignorance in those days. To king Vngust, where by his relation He founded then, a minster of his foundation Of saint Andrew, where his bones shrined been As there in deed I was, and have it seen. The. C iii Chapter. ¶ Brightryke king of Westsex protector of England reigned xvi year, that began to reign in the year of our Lord seven. hundredth four score and three, and died in the year vii C. four score and nineteen. BRightrike cousin, that was next of blood To king Kenulphe, by hole intelligence Of Westsex, was king full wise & good And protector of England in regence Which governed right well, with great sapience The year of Christ vii hundredth four score & three When that he took on him the dignity ¶ He wedded Edburge king Offa his daughter fair Of Mers, for love & peace & good accord Between their lands, with all their hole repair The king Albert, also of good accord Only of purpose, to make concord Of Eastlande came, to Offa for peace Between their land, the wars for to cease ¶ And his daughter to wed, unto his wife For more suertee of love, and good accord Whom queen Eburge, of Mers because of strife Afore had be, between him and her lord And for she would not unto the marriage accord Made him to be slain, in full prive wise Within his bed, afore that he might rise. ¶ For which Offa, greatly was aggrieved And buried him, at Harforde his city And Offa then and Humbert, as is breved Bishop of lichfield, where then was his see Which king and bishop, with great royalty Translate that time, saint Albone in shrine Of silver gilt, with stones fair and fine. ¶ Which Offa died, the year of Christ full clear Seven hundredth four score and thereto seventeen When he had reigned so, ix. and thirty year At Offa aye buried, that time as well is seen With all honour, as to such a king beseem To whom Egfride his son, than 'gan succeed And after him, Kynuphe reigned in deed. ¶ Which Offa gave through Mers, the Rome penny Unto the church of Rome, full long afore Tharchebyshoprych from Cauntorburye Unto Lychefeld, translated for evermore By his will, ever to abide thore So stood it then, for certain all his live As Flores saith, and doth it so subscrive. ¶ This Azdulphe, king of Northumberlande Slew Wade his duke, that again him was rebel Beside Mulgreve, where as men understand His grave is yet men say, upon the fell For his falsehood and treason, as books tell Between Gysburgh and Whitby, sooth to say Where for treason, he was laid in the high way. ¶ In his fourth year, with duke Kylrike he fought And drove him to his ships then again In Humbar, so that he had not to his fraught But few persons, were left alive unslain And in his year eleven, with mickle pain With Danes he fought, again yorkeshyre right where many thousands he slew, that were full wight ¶ And on a day, as he from hunting came All hot chased, his men bottelles found In his chamber, in which was wine of name men called that time, Vernage of strange land Which wine was poisoned, as I understand Of which he drank, and poisoned was anon Unto the death, and might no ferther gone. ¶ He died the year vii C lxxx and nyntene At Tewkisbury, buried in sepulture Of whose death, Edburge that was queen Was blamed then, for that misadventure For she did make that drink, men said full sure Certain persons by venom to have slain That loved her nought, and was her ever again But what for fear, and what for speech she fled With great richesse, of passing great measure In France unto the king, full fast she sped But of her rule, thence forth I set no cure It was so lewd to report in scripture I will not break my brain, it to report For wemen weal, the which I would comfort The. C four Chapter. ¶ Egbert king of Westsex, protector of England that reigned xxxv year, & died in the year of christ, viii. hundredth thirty and three, as after shall appear. EGberte, cousin to the said Segberte King of Westsex, was royally accept King Egberte. with all honour, that the lords could advert And each man glad, no creature except So graciously fortune, than had him kept That all people joyed, his coronation For cause he was, of Britons generation. ¶ For down he was, from Asserake descent King Ebrank, son of consanguinytee Sith Cadwallader died, and was dispent Was none right heir, of Brytons blood but he As chronicles tell, like as a man may see For sisters son, he was to king Sygbert Of Westsex hole, as Flores could advert. ¶ Also men said, he came of Ingils' blood And very heir he was, to him and Ive For which English & Saxons, with him stood And held with him, as for their blood native Protector was he made, there so believe Of all England and Wales, hole conquered And cornwall asso, as it is chronicled. ¶ Then took he, of all kings liege homage Except Bernulphe, that king of Mers was though Would do him none then, for his heritage Wherefore he brent his land, & did him mikyl woe And so they gathered great host, on both sides though Where Bernulphe, then at Glenden him met In Mers land, trowing him to overset. ¶ But king Egberte had then the victory And slew Bernulphe, for all his boast and pride To Ludican, he gave that land in high To hold of him, as other did on every side Through all England, that was both long & wide Then drove he king Balrede, out from all Kent And all his realm destroyed sore and brent ¶ But Ludican was false, by foul treason Whom king Egbert then slew in battle sore For his falsehood, and his rebellion And to Wylaffe, he gave that land right thore Was Bernulphs son, to have for evermore To hold of him, of right and heritage By service dew, of feaute and homage. ¶ Then in his time, the Danes sore destroyed The isles of shepey, and Tenet also And to the sea, they went again unanoyed And after soon, in Northumberlande though They did aryve, and wrought full mekell woe With whom Egbert, there fought with small many That out of the field, they made him to fly. ¶ King Egbert drew south, then into the land And held the field, to time his sons two Athylwolfe and Ethylbert, I understand With host full great, came riding to him though Where then he bore, the cross of gold ay so In his left hand, and in his right a sword With which he made, his foes therewith all afeard ¶ For there he had the field and victory And slew Dardan, a knight full chyvalrus The kings son, of Denmark sickerly And all his hos●e, that was full malicious By virtue of the cross, patyfe precious For which alway after, in his banner Of azuer whole, the cross of gold he bear ¶ Which arms so full, after this day King Kinigyll of Westsex, had them bore Fro his bapteme, thenne afterward alway And all the kings after, so did evermore Of Westsex, so in mind of Christ's lore His cross, his death, and his holy passion Which jews him wrought, without compassion When king Egbert had five and thirty year reigned in land, and felt full great sickness Of which he died, of Christ'S birth full clear The year so then viii C. was express Four and thirty, neither more ne less At Wynchester, then royally buried As Flores sayeth, and well hath notified. The. C .v. Chapter. ¶ Athelwolfe king of Westsex, reigned xix year, & died the year viii hundredth liii after Christ'S birth, AThelwolfe was king crowned at his city 〈◊〉 Tithes first granted to the clergy in England. Of Westchester, in all royal estate To whom the kings, & lords made feaute And homage liege as was preordynate That reigned after xix year fortunate And granted the church, tithes of corn & hay Of bestial also, through Westsex for aye ¶ In the year eight hundred thirty and eight The Danes arrived with ships fourscore & three Where Athelstane his son did with them fight And duke Wolfward, by great fortunitee Them took and sleugh with all felicity But Athelstane, in that battle was slain Of his wars, that was the captain ¶ And in the year eight hundred thirty and nine The king fought sore with Danes at Mersyngton Where earl Harbart was slain a prince full fine But Danes all were take and slain their a down Without mercy, cracked upon the crown The king came home, with honour and victory As Flores saith, right in his memory ¶ And in the year eight hundred forty and one The Danes watched thest sea cost throughout With divers hosts, for which that king made great moan All helpless them, the Danes that were so stout In many places, with many diverse rout All harmless went, without hurt or pain By divers time, that year home again ¶ In the year eight hundred four and forty At Carham then, the king full sore did fight With Danes fell, and had the victory And at Alnewik he fought, again forth right With Danes also, where king Redwolf that hight Of Northumberland, and earl Alffride was slain And full great part, of their host certain ¶ King Athilwolf came to the South country Where Danes then in battle with him fought In Somersetshire, where he made many die And gate the field, and sleugh all that he caught Where great people that day the death hath reached Tharchbishop with his full wise clergy Bysyde Sandwiche, of Danes had victory ¶ And in the year eight hundred fifty and one The Danishe host, in Thamis did arrive Kent, and Southray, Sussex, and Hanshire anon Destroyed sore and through that South 'gan drive Where much folk they sleugh, both man & wife Which host the king, with battle slew down sore That home again returned they no more ¶ And in the year eight hundred fifty and three The king Edmond of Estangle began To reign after Albert of great beauty That holy was, as his legend tell can But Athilwolf the king buried then The king of Mers, that had his daughter wed All Wales won, them thought they had well sped ¶ This Athilwolf to Room took his way In pilgrimage with him, his son alured Cardinal was of Wynchester that day Where then he had, the bishopric, in deed A perfect clerk, he was as saith saint Bede A philosophier wise, and well approved And by the bishop of Rome, commended well, & loved ¶ And there they were abiding full two year And home they came, unto the king of France And his daughter Indith there wedded clear By assent of him, and all his hole puissance And so with worship, and noble governance From thence he came, soon into England With her and with his son as I understand ¶ And in the year eight hundred fifty and three The death his soul, 'gan from his body drive Unto the bliss eternal, there to be In heaven above, where is everlasting life To Peter and Pole he granted infenitife The Room pence then of all England As Flores saith, as I can understand ¶ He was then buried, at Winchester in royal wise As to such a prince, of reason should affere And with his wife, as did full well suffice Four sons he had, worthy without peer Sir Athilwold, Ethelbert, Elfride the dear And Alrude the youngest of eachone Afore them all, one baste had Athelston ¶ Athelbold was king after him and heir And protector, with all the prerogatif His stepdame wed, men said it was not fair The church him 'gan punish and chastive For cause he wed, her so unto his wife Again the law and christian conciense Vnaccordant, with his magnificence ¶ That reigned whole, two year and no more In great sickness and pain inmorderate Greatly vexed, and punished was right sore men said it was, for sin inordinate With his stepdame, that was so consociate But than he had, as God would repentance For his trespass and misgovernance ¶ Afore he died, he did full sore repent And for his sin, stood to correction Of holy church, for his amendment Submitted whole, without objection And for to live, in clean perfection Departed were by law and divorced Afore his soul was passed and uncorced The. C vi Chapter. ¶ Ethelbert king of Westsex protector of England that reigned five year. SIr Ethelbert his brother 'gan succeed King Ethel bert. In whose days, the Danes destroyed sore The east parties of England then in deed And home again, they went harmless therefore Destroyed the people, and the land right sore But soon there after, king Ethelbert them met And sleugh them down, in battle sore and bet ¶ An other host, then new spoiled all Kent And by treaty, wyntred within the Isle Of Tenet, then by kentish men's assent But at last, they with a subtle wile Despoiled all Kent, and falsely did beguile And to their shipis went without delay Into Denmark, with much rich array ¶ This Ethelbert reigned whole five year And died the year of very Christ his date Eight hundred whole and thereto sixty clear As Flores saith, and hath it approbate But with sickness he was so alterate He died then, and at Shirborne buried With great worship and honour laudified The. C vii Chapter. ¶ Elfride king of Westsex protector of England reigned six year, and died in the year of Christ eight hundred lxvi. ELfride was king, after his brother then King Elfride. That reigned so, with all the dignity In Westsex whole, and mightily began Protector was as was necessity For Danes then of great iniquity His land foul brent, wasted and destroyed That all England, was cumbered and annoyed ¶ In the east cost of England specially In Estangle, where Edmond then was king There did great hurt full cruelly In Northumberlande full felly warring The people destroying, and the land brenning Where Danes then, sleugh the king of that land Byside York, so as Flores doth understand ¶ Also they sleugh, in Norfolk all about The people down, and in Suffolk also The king Edmond they sleugh without doubt Of Estangland, with arrows sharp though Was shot to death, with much other woe That is a saint honoured this day in bliss At Edmondes bury canonized I wiss ¶ Hungar and Vbba sleugh hyw full cruelly And brent abbeys throut all England that time By North and South, and priests full cursedly All holy folk fled out of that realm They sleugh all people that had take bapteme At Colyngham saint Ebb, that was abbess Their nuns put from them in sore distress ¶ For dread of the tyrants two, full cruel And their people cursed and full of malice That ravished nuns, ever where their herd tell In her chapter, ordained again their enemies Should not deffoule, their clean virginitees She cut her nose of, and her over lip To make her loath that she might from him slip ¶ And counseled all her sisters to do the same To make their foes to hog so with the sight And so they did, afore thenemies came Echon their nose and over lip full right Cut of anon which was an hogly sight For which tho fooes th'abbey and nuns brent For they themself disfigured had shent ¶ Fron tweed to Thamys, abbais than they brent And churches hole and people sleugh right down Wives maidens widows and nuns shent Through all the land and the est region People slaying in every borough and town The women ever they diviciate In every place and foully defflorate ¶ And in the year viii hundredth fifty and six He died so, and from this world expired Whom all his time, the Danes full sore did vex Again him ever, full sore they had conspired Their hearts in malice, alway sore affcerd Sometime the worse they had, sometime that better As Flores saith, and written hath in letter The. C viii Chapter. ¶ alured king of Westsex protector of England reigned xxi. year and died the year viii C 95 alured, king was of this region alured king. That brother was to this noble Elfryde A perfect clerk, proved in opinion As clerks could discern, and proved In knighthood also approved and notified So plenerly, that no man knew his peer So good a knight, he was and singular. ¶ In battles many, in his father's days And also in his brethren time all three He fought full oft, and bore him well always That for his deeds and singularitee He was commended among thenmity Within the land and out, as well was know His fame among the people high was blow. ¶ Whiles he was king, he had adversity With Danes oft, that on him did rive Destroyed his land, with great iniquity The which full oft, with might he did out drive And slew thousands, that lost their live Through the wars, begun of their outrage That marvel was to seen, of one lineage. ¶ And in the year. viii, hundredth sixty and eight The Danes came to York, and took the town Hunger and Vbba, with many a wile slight Wasted the land about, both up and down And so came forth to Mars, with hosts boon And to Westsex, whom then the king alured Discomfited there, with the host that he did lead. ¶ The Danyshe host, to reading came again Another host at London, was with pride Of Danes also, that wrought him mickle pain But whiles these hosts, were parted and divide With his power, alured 'gan to ride And at Anglefeld he fought, in berkshire right Where victory he had, maugre of their might ¶ At reading in Berkshire, than he met An host full great, where he had then again The victory, and his foes down bet At Basyng also, he slew them down certain At Asshenden, he drove them out all plain And got the field, with all the victories As Flores sayeth right in his memories ¶ And in the year viii C. sixty and fourteen The Danishe host, road Lyndsey & Mars country And home again, as then was well seen In Northumberlande, with great prosperity The Danes road, doing great adversity Where the bishop then of holy Isselande And all his monks were, full fast fleand ¶ With s. Cuthberts' bones, bare about vii year Superstition. Now here, now there, in divers places about For dread of Danes, and enemies that there were In Northumberlande dwelling, that time full stout But then the king, the sea sailed throughout▪ And ships got, with much great riches For to defend his land, fro great distress. ¶ In Westsex then, with foes again he met Where they fro him, to Exeter that night Fled full fast, where alured them over set And slew them down, in battle and in fight And then in Mers, anon he fought forth right With Danes tho, and also with Norway's That wasted had all Mers, in many ways. ¶ Then fought he also, at Chipnan in Wiltshire And Hunger and Vbba and duke Haldene tyrants cruel, hot as any fire The Christian folk did burn, waist and slene With cruel torments, did them care and tene Where alured had the victory And slew that day, all the Danyshyre The. C ix Chapter. ¶ How king Alurede fled, to Ethelyngay in Hidils, for dread of Danes, and served an oxherde of the country. GVtron the king of Denmark that was tho In Westser warred full sore, & brent the land With which the king so married was with woe He wist not well whether to ride or stand. But to Ethelyngay anon he took on hand To ride, where then he hid him in a place For dread of Danes, such was his hap & grace. ¶ In Denwolfes' house, thoxerd of the town So was he then, in poor and simple array Where Denwolf, clad him in his own gown And tender was to him there alway But his wife made him to labour aye With baking and with brewing wonder sore In water bearing, she made him work ever more Where then his lords & knights in good array Came to him then, with host and great power Where than the king upon Gutron that day In battle strong, with courage fresh and clear fought sore, and took Gutron prisoner And thirty dukes with him in company. Vnchrysten were, they all of panymrye ¶ And had the field with all the victory. And of Danes many thousand slew He baptized than as made is memory This king Gutron, that after was full true And named was Athylstan all new. To whom the king, gave than all Estenglande As Edmonde had, to hold of him that land. ¶ And all his dukes were also there baptized, And christian men, became for gods love The year of christ viii C. then compeysed Sevente and viii as Flores doth approve The king was then, again at his above Remembered him of Denwolfe, that him hid And sent for him to Ethelingay, he did. ¶ His wife was deed, & somewhat was he letred At his desire, the king set him to learn To time that he was wise, and mekell betred In holy writ that he could well discern And then the king made him bishop as yearn Of Winchester, when Dunbert there so died That bishop was afore him sacrafyed. ¶ In the year viii C. and four score The Danes in Thamis, & wintered at Foulham The king came in summer after thore And slew them all, that they went never hame The deed, the quick, the maimed, and the lam● All buried were, where the battle was smitten As Flores sayeth, and clearly hath it written. ¶ At Rochester the Danes were eft on land With whom the king, there fought, & many slew Many drowned, and lying on the sonde As they unto their ships, agaynwarde flew He drove them there, unto a warmly stowe After their labour, to have recreation Upon the sondes, to make their habitation. The. C ten Chapter. ¶ How Marine bishop of Rome, granted to king alured to found an universytee and study for clerks, which he made at Dxenforde, where the clerks be sworn, they shall not read for their form at Stamforde. ANd in the year viii C lxxx and twain Marine bishop of Rome, granted to king A lurede To found & make a study then again And an university for clerks in to read The which he made, at Oxenford in deed To that intent, that clerks by sapience Again heretics, should make resistance. And christian faith maintain, by their doctrine The king also, to comfort and counsel By their teaching, and witty discipline As Philosophers of old, did great avail To kings, princes, and cities, governail Gave all their wit, in study and diligence Again mischiefs, to find and make defence ¶ And in the year viii C lxxx and eight All his riches, in five parts he gan divide One part to men of war, to keep his right another part, to land tillers in that tide The husbandry to maintain and to guide The third part, all churches wasted to restore The four unto the study for their lore And to the judges, and men of law well learned The fift part, full wisely he dispend To hold the law in peace truly governed Disposed thus, he was the realm tamende This was a king, full greatly to commend That thus could keep his land from all vexation And not to hurt, his commons by taxation. ¶ For trust it well, as god is now in heaven Who hurt the poor people, and the commontee By taxes sore, and their goods fro them riven For any cause, but necessytee The dimes to pay, compel of royalty Though they speak fast & mumble with the mouth They pray full evil with heart, both north & south The year of christ viii C. lxxx and thirteen The duke Hastyne of Danes, ever untrue Destroyed the land, with hosts proud & keen By east and West, that all the land did rue Whom the king in battle, felly slew After diverse battles, among them smitten In sundry places, there as it was well weten ¶ In every shire, the king made captains To keep the land, with folk of their country And ships many, & galaies long with Chieftains And Balyngers, with bargys' in the sea With which he gate riches, great quantity And at a flood, was called Vthermare He slew an host of Danes, with battle sare The. C xi Chapter. ¶ How duke Rollo a paynim, gate Normandye, of whom all the dukes of Normandye, be lynally descended. ANd in the year viii C lxxx and senentene The duke Rollo, of Denmark nation A Painim stout, with mighty host & keen In England brent without any delation Whom alured by good supportation drove then again: unto his navy right And of his men, a thousand he slew in fight ¶ Which Rollo then, landed in Normandye Of whom all dukes, of that province descent And won that land, with sword full manfully And duke there was made, of hole intent By process after, and by the kings assent Of France, whose daughter he wed unto his wife And christian man became so all his life. ¶ At charters first, he seged so the town Superset, cyonsnesse with damnable idolatry. Where they within, our ladies smock then showed For their banner, and their salvation For fear of which, full sore in heart he rued All suddenly, and unto Rouen removed Where then his wife, dame Gill was deed and buried Without child between them notified. ¶ But then he wedded Pepam, the sister fair Of duke Robert, of Normandye and Roone On whom he gate William his son & heir That after him was duke thereof anon When years many were passed and overgone But now at this to cease, I will incline Till afterward, I shall tell forth their line ¶ King alured, the laws of Troy and Brute Laws Moluntynes, and Marcians congregate With Danyshe laws, that were well constitute And Grekyshe also, well made and approbate In english tongue, he did then all translate Which yet be called, the laws of alured At Westmynster, remembered it in deed ¶ And in the year viii C lxxx and eighteen Then Alurede, this noble king so died When he had reigned xxix year clean And with the Danes, in battles multiplied He fought often, as Colman notified In his chronicle, and in his cathologe entitled well, as in his dialogue ¶ That fifty battles, and six he smote Sometime the worse, and sometime had the better Sometime the field, he had at his note Sometime he fled away, as saith the letter Like as fortune, his cause left unfeter But nevertheless, as oft when so they came He contred them, and kept the land fro shame. The. C xii Chapter. ¶ Edward the first king of England reigned, xxiiii. year and died the year of christ ix C. and, nineteen. EDwarde his son, so crowned was anon Of Westsex, then by all the parliament Protector was made, again the fone Which warred sore, in England by assent The year viii C lxxx and fifteen spent Earl Athylwolde he exiled, into France For he a nun had ravished, to his usance. ¶ But after that, this same earl Athylwolde With Danyshe host, Mers and Estanglande Destroyed sore both, king Edward full bold Slew Ethalwode, and his host I understand Discomfet hole, and drove them out of land And made all kings of England, his subjects For so he thought, it was his very debts ¶ He summoned then at London, his parliament Where he deposed, the kings everichone Of all England, and made them by assent Dukes and earls, thence forward so anon In every kingdom, than he ordained one. And in some three, he made by ordinance And all kingdoms, foringed by governance ¶ And he to be the king, of all england Proclaimed hole, to void all variance Discord and war, that many years had stand Whiles seven kings, had the governance Theridamas might no law, ne peace have perseverance Wherefore he took, of every Duke homage Of Earls also, and of the Baronage. ¶ Scotland and Wales, he warred sore in deed Homage of the Scots Till they became his men, and made homage For sovereign Lord of Britain, as I read The kings than did for their heritage For all their men, and for their vasselage To ride with him, where that ever he go In war and peace, again friend and foe. ¶ Duke Ethelrede of Mers, and also his wife Elfled that height Westchester, then repaired That wasted was, by Danes war and strife Which Roomaynes first builded, had and feired In time when, they to this land repeired Of Roomayne work, whiles they here occupied That city first, full freshly edified ¶ Then fought the king, with Danes at Wodefeld sore In Mers & also at Herford with great pain Where victory he had, of them evermore Again he fought with Danes soothe to said At Towcester, and laid them on the plain In Yorkshire also, he slew the Danes down And voided them all out of his region The. C xiii Chapter. ¶ This king made an union of all the realms, and called it England, and after it failed never of that name. THis noble king thus made an union Of seven realms, that stood three hundred year Six and thirty also in great division And wars many, as Colman saith full clear From Gurmond had driven out Carreis here Which was the year five. C four score & thirteen Unto the year of Christ nine hundred & nientene ¶ These earls all, and dukes than held the law As shrives now in shires done and maintain That the commons overlaid, full sore with awe And sore oppressed their states to sustain Wherefore he voided them out of office clean And shrives made through all his region Which have not forget extortion ¶ This noble king, Edward th'elder height When he had reigned full twenty & four year Buried he was at Winchester full right As in Flores, full clearly doth apere Who in his time surely had no peer Of wisdom nor manhood as was seen The law and peace that could so well sustain The. C xiiij Chapter. ¶ Athelstane king of England reigned fifteen year and died in the year of Christ nine hundred thirty & five. How Constantyne king of Scots warred again Athelstane but he recovered his homage by miracle of saint john of Beverley as showeth here afterward. SIr Athilstane his eldest son of age In wisdom ever full sadly & well advised At Kyngston was crowned & took homage Of all the lords right as he had devised Against whom all Wales as they sufficed Then he warred, but he made them obey And made homage, his meune to be for aye ¶ In wohse time so, the year of Christ nine hundred And thirty more and five full accounted Robert Rollo his soul and corpse asondred His corpse to the earth, his soul amounted Which in knighthod, his Danes surmounted That reigned had then duke of Normandy By thirty year accounted full clearly ¶ To whom succeeded his soon william longspee That after him was duke of Normandy But then the king of Scots by cruelty rebellion of the Scots. height Constantyne, him warred cruelly For which, king Athilstane mightily Stroyed all Scotland till his people died For cold and hunger died and mortified ¶ But he was so comforted even by miracle That he fought a none, with this king constantine And had the field and his habitacle Them drove through all the land with much pain To time he was, full fain to incline To Athilstane, for to make his homage Homage of the Scots. For all Scotland that was his heritage ¶ Anlaaf the king of Denmark, full of pride Cousyn to king Constantyne of Scotland With ships many arrived on Humberside At Burnesburgh and claimed of England For to have of the king as I understand The truage, which his elders had afore And with him brought Colbrond to fight therefore ¶ And Athilstane at the day assigned Made him ready the battle to have smitten Again Colbrond, armed with heart benyngned But then sir Guy of Warwick as was weten Guy of Warwick. In palmer wise as Colman hath it written The battle took on him for Englandis right With Colbrond in arms for to fight ¶ Where then he sleugh, this Danyshe champion By which battle, the truage was released By covenant made and composition Between the kings afore and wars ceased Thus king Anlaaf, home to Denmark presid Without more war or conturbation And sir Guy went to his contemplation ¶ King Athelston then, fraunchesid Beverley In the worship of God and saint john Where in his life, is written for ever and aye The miracle of his stroke so in the stone That never man might do but Athilston Through grace of God and his direction Through prayer of saint john and affection ¶ This noble king was ever more just & true To God his faith, and to church's devotion To poor men grace, on subjects ever did rue To priests and age reverence in field and town In doom sadness, troth and discretion And in the year nene hundred thirty and five When he had reigned sixteen year with life ¶ His brother Edmond for king than was crowned King E●mond reigned ●i. year. Of England whole by consent of all estate To whom Dothowe king of Scotland that stound And howel of Walis the king then create As was afore used and determinate Homage of the scots. Feaute to him made and liege homage For Wales and Scotland that was their heritage ¶ He set saint Dunstan then at Glastenbury Under th'abbot of monks and religion That abbot was with him at Canturbury This king Edmond was slain by a felon Which of malice, and his false treason That forfeit had, and dampened was to die For his forfeit, and for his felony. ¶ At Cauntorbury, as the king him saw on a day For ire on him, he ran and sore him wound For which he struck, the king for aye So they died both two, there in that stound Each of them, of his mortal wound Which to a prince, accorded in no wise To put himself in dread, where law may chastise ¶ He reigned but vi year then all out And died the year ix hundredth forty and one At Glastenbury buried without doubt For whom the people, made then full great moan For law and peace, he kept to everichone And his commons, never his time supprissed And oppressors of him alway were chastised ¶ His brother Edrede, after him had the crown Edrede king of England At London then, and took royal fealty Of all estates, within his region Except Scotland, that through their unlewtee Rebellion, of the Scots. Crowned Gilryke, a Dane of great beauty Of royal blood borne and generate And for their king, him fully had create. ¶ King Edrede went to Scotland with his power And all the land, wasted sore and brent Wherefore the Scots, by hole consent for fear Put down Gilryke, from all the regiment And drove him to Denmark or they stint And to Edrede came all the Baronage Homage of the Scots. And to him made fealty and homage ¶ And in the year ix hundredth forty and nine He died, buried at Wynchester his city When that he had, his soul made to incline Out of his corpse, to pass away and flee Where God of heaven, would that it should be But viii year full, he reigned and no more When death him took, with sickness great & sore. ¶ Edwin his brother, received then the crown Edwin king. foolish and proud, and of his will malign And in his wit, was full little reason Whom his barons, for cause he was undigne Made him his crown, for to resign Deposed him then, out fro his regiment At the parliament, by their comen assent. ¶ Whom saint Dunstane, for advoutre blamed But it amend, he would in no kin wise Of which he was, full openly defamed Through all the realm, he was the more unwise For which the lords, and commons all did rise And drove him out, away where no man knew Thus sins old, make shames come full new. ¶ He reigned had, but four year and no more When he was deprived of his estate Without thank of God or man therefore And well worse, was of all men most behate Of his reign having no longer date Who died the year ix hundredth fifty and three Foringed hole from all his magestee The. C xu Chapter. ¶ Edgar king of England, reigned xviii year & died in that year of Christ ix hundredth three score and eleven. HIs brother edgar by a comen assent Edgare. Was chosen king, as chronicles record With diadem crowned, at his parliament And homage took royal of every lord So merciful and full of misericorde Was he, that saint Dunstan reconciled Whom king Edwin, wrongfully had exiled. ¶ Whom archbishop of Cauntorbury he made With all estate and primates dignity Of Monks and nuns, minsters fair & glad forty founded of religioustee Within his realm, of his own royalty Endued them all in land and tenement Sufficiently with all establyshement ¶ He wedded Elfbede that dukes daughter Ozmere On whom he gate a son, both good and fair That after was saint Edward the martyr Who was his eldest son and his heir A likely prince toward, both comely and fair elfled died, he wedded Elfrith to wife That daughter was to duke Orgare be life ¶ On whom he gate Ethelbert so anon The kings of Wales, he had in subjection The Scots king Kynowth withouten moon Homage of that Scots. Made him homage, without objection Thus all were under his protection And road with him, alway in war and peace In all his time, withouten leas. ¶ So true he was, and in his doom wise That for no meed, nor favour would he false The true levers, his law did not despise He succoured ever, and felons hanged by the halse Conspirators, murderers and traitors als The common weal, above all thing preferred Which every prince, should see were well observed ¶ He taxed not his commons, ne surprised Ne holy church, nor yet the clergy But lived on his own, as it was assised Upon his rents, and lands morally His officers him ruled, full no tably In every shire he went in privetee To spy and know, who hurts the commontee. ¶ He was a king, full worthy and condign That let not, for his ease nor his labour To search and see defaults, that were malign And them correct, he was a governor God set never king, to be a ryotoure Thoffice of a king To trip on tapets, and live in idleness But for to rule, with all kinds of business ¶ He died the year ix hundredth sixty and eleven When he had reigned full eighteen year Buried he was, at Glastenbury to neven His corpse to the earth, his soul to heaven clear When he had been dead, four and twenty year Bishop Oswald, of that same diocise By counsel of th'abbot, that was wise ¶ Abbot Edward of that place that hight Who laid him in a tomb, made of new For it was short, he broke his legs wight Of which the blood, as red and fresh of hew As ever it was sprent out, all hot and new Into his eyen, by which he lost his sight Men said it was, for he had so him dight ¶ Edward his son, that eldest was and heir Saint Dunstan then, as made is mention Edward martyr king of England. Tharchbishop of Cauntorbury fair So crowned him, king of this region Whom dame Alfrith of false presumption His stepmother, to crown sir ethelred At Cornisgate, so cut his throat in deed ¶ As he with her did drink, of good intent And buried was, at Warham then anon But afterward the B. of Rome, to England sent To take him up, and lay him high anon In a tomb made of silver gold and stone As a martyr, then him canonised At Shaftesbury, where he is authorized. ¶ And died in the year of Christ ix hundredth clear Sixty also accounted and fifteen That reigned had in England, but four year His soul to bliss, went then as is well seen Where now he must, ever dwell and been In joy eterne, among the saints of heaven And there with Christ gods son believen The. C xvi Chapter. ¶ King Ethelrede, king of England reigned xxxviii year and died in the year of Christ, a thousand and thirteen THen Ethilrede, withouten tarrying At King stone tho, by all the baronage Crowned was, fair & royally as king Ethilrede king. His brother was, and heir of heritage But saint Dunstan then, by his true language Prophesied and said, withouten leas In all his time, he should not reign in peace. ¶ For to this realm he said he had no right But by murder and cruel homycede Of your brother, that for you was dight Which murder ever asketh vengeance on every side Wherefore he said, serve God what so betide And then it is the fairest chastisement To be put out, fro that same regiment. ¶ Saint Dunstan died, and went to heaven The king road forth, to London his city And as he road, he saw a cloud full even A wonderful token. As red as blood, as all the people did see Which England hold overspread in quantity From which the blood, rained upon the ground That men trouwed to have been perished that stound The next year after, the Danes at Southampton arrived, and brent the country there about Also they spoiled, and sore brent the town And so they did all cornwall throughout And Devenshire also, and somersault no doubt With Dorsetshire, and wilshire, & Barkeshrye brent And to London came, or ever that they stint The suburbs there, they spoiled sore and brent Two dukes then, of Denmark and Norway Norfolk, Southfolke, & Essex, or they stint Brent and spoiled, and so forth held the way To London then, where their fellows lay So assembled they, and passed into Kente Where that country, they spoiled sore and brent ¶ The land of kent to them granted truage To live in peace, and home again they went But in Norfolk an other host their passage Made then, and so to Lyncolne or they stint All Lyncolneshyre throughout, than they brent And yorkshire also, and home they went again With pylage great, of which they were full feign ¶ The king might get, no help with them to fight For which he treated, with king Anlaaf of Norway And with king Swaan, of Denmark for his right That destroyed had the land, in fell array And truage hight, them furthwarde to pay For they had no power, amongst them to praise And was full fain, the wars for to cease But yet king Swayne, would nothing rest for this He came again, and crowned was for king Great tallage, of all this land a miss He took alway, and specially all other thing Saint Edmund's lands, he hurt by great tasking And tallage, which of it that he raised Vnegally, he pondered then and poised. For which wars, queen Emme to Normandy To her brother, duke richard the third With her sons, alured and Edward her by And Edmund Ironesyde, than it so betide All these the took, and in a ship she did And with king ethelred by the sea led privily For help to have got his land there by ¶ In which time, whiles he in Normandye Was sojourning, king Swain full loud then cried And said unto his men, & fast 'gan cry I am but deed, saint Edmund hath me spied And with a spear, hath me here mortified Woe worth that day, I noied S. edmund's ground For with his spear, my heart he hath sore wound ¶ He died right so, without confession And whither he went, I ne wot ne where But well I wot, in good and true profession Saint Edmonde king died, and made his fare To bliss eterne, without any care But then the Barons, and lords of England Sent word to Ethylrede, with him for to stand And wrote to him, how that king Swain was deed And bade him come, to his land again And so he did, by council and their rede He exiled all the Danes, with great disoayne And slew them down in battle, with great pain For which th'earl Edryk, sent to king Knowte To England to come, with host great and stout ¶ This ilk king knowte, that son was to king Swain To England came with host & great power Whom Ethylrede then met, and fought again In battle strong, & drove him home full clear With whom Edryk, then fled as did apere Into Denmark, as a false traitor untrue Purposing so to come again all new But king Ethelred in the mean time, than died The year of christ, a thousand and thirteen And reigned had, as Colman notified Thirty and eight, in war and intene Ever ne we and new vexed as was seen His own land fled, for dread of enmity Without succour, fro it he was fain to flee. ¶ Thus was he chastised, for his mother's guilt According well, to holy true scripture For cause that she, his brother had slain & spilled And like the words of saint Dunstane, full sure That said it was, a punishing full pure Out of the realm, to be driven and expelled In which by sin, he had so high excelled. The. C xvii Chapter. EDmond Ironeside gotten & generate Of his first wife, a duke's daughter of England Edmonde Ironesyde reigned king of England three year. After Ethelrede his father was ꝓrogate Unto the crown, of all this royal land Men called him so, as I can understand Where ever he road, armed was he ay Oppressors all, to chastise in his way. ¶Knowt of Denmark, assailed oft this land So in this time, that ever he armed went To use the feat of arms, I understand As to knighthood, full well it did appent Thus Colman saith, and Flores that he meant But two battles, again kingKnowt he smote With victory, as Flores hath it note. ¶ But then to void, the great effusion Of christian blood, they two together accord To fight themself, for full conclusion Within an yke of Severne, by concord Withouten war, or any more discord And who so then, might get the victory Rejoice the realm, and all the monarchy ¶ And at their day, and place so assigned They armed, met with strokes knyghly set With spear and sword, either other so repugned With axe and dagger, either on other bet Either of them tryste, the overhand to get But at last kingKnowt, to him allayed These words there, and thus to him he said. ¶ Would god Edmonde, thou were so covetous As I am now, and as mine heart now would And in this case, as glad and desirous We should not long, this battle thus hold And to our men, great gladness manifold If thou the half, of Denmark had with me And I the half of England, had with the. With which they both the weapons fro them cast And either other, in arms 'gan them embrace That both their hosts, amarueled were full fast What it did mean to cease, in so little space But when they knew, between them the case They kneeled all, and christ they laudifyed With heart devout, the each of them so victoryed. ¶ Their realms both, they parted then in two By hole accord, between them so concorded And loved ever, as brethren after so As chronicles, have well hold recorded From that time forth, no more than they discorded This isle where they fought, height clives Of common language, as than it did them please ¶ But Edryk of Lyncolne, ever untrue reconciled home, by Edmonde was again By subtle mean, this good king Edmond slew In pride wise without wound or main But in what form, I can not write nor say When he had reigned, that time fully iii year Buried he was, but where no man durst spear ¶ But in the year of christ, a thousand so He died away account, and sixteen Unknown to his people, and Lords though For whom they made great dole, as then was seen But nevertheless, it might no better been This false Edryk, so falsely it covered That openly it was, not then discovered. The. C xviii Chapter. *Knowt king of England and of Denmark. KingKnowt, reigned in England then anon And wedded had queen Eme of England Ethelrede wife, which gate him love anon In England, of all the estates of the land Of commons also, that were both fire and bond On her he gate a son, that hardKnowt hight On his first wife, had Swayne & Herold right ¶ He sent Edmonde and Edward, that sons two Of Edmond Ironeside, to Swithen to kingKnowt To slay or louse, to keep in poverty so That they should never have power in nor out To claim England, neither with host ne rout Whom he sent forth, then into Hungry To the emperor, with letters worthily ¶ beseeching him, to nourish them and save Declaring him, whose sons that they were The which he did, full worthy and gave Unto Edmonde, his own daughter dear Which Edmonde then died, and she in fere Without child, wherefore Agas his coosyn Daughter of Herry, he gave to Edward fine ¶ Of which Edward, called Edward thexyl● Came edgar, then called Edgar Atheling ButKnowt it let, himself then crouning That to London to hold his Christmas With his household, went then with great solas ¶ Where earl Edrik, to kingKnowt him confessed That he had slain, king Edmond Ironeside His own liege lord with cruel death impressed To get his love, and with him dwell and bide For unlikely it was to go or ride Two kings together in England He said was not according in the land ¶ The king his words well herd and conceived And how he asked a reward for his meed There made him tell, how he his lord deceived Afore the lords, as he had done in deed The which boldly he did without dread Having no shame, to ask a great reward For which the king & lords gave whole award ¶ To hang him on the tour during his liue To he were dead, that all folk might him see And his treason there, openly to shrive And after that, to hang there till he die For whom then was among the commons truily A great biworde, as many one that wonder & run As did on th'earl Edryke of Strettoun ¶ The king went to Norway and it conquered And drove the king O 〈…〉 f out of that land And held it so by conquest of his sword Full worthily he governed every land To peace and law, he kept them as he faund And in his domes, was rightwise and stable And to the poor always merciable ¶ King Malcom of Scotland, them did homage To him and forth became, for ever his man Homage of that Scots, So did the kings of Wales of high parage And all the North West Occian For their kyngdonies, and for their lands then And in his time moste he was redoubted Of all princes and in all lands loaved ¶ To Room he road, in royal goodly wise And there was with the bishop greatly commed As Christian prince, by papal whole advise The cardinals four, which the bishop had said At Malburgate, four mile fro Room extend With great main him met, & great honour As if he had been of Room th'emperor ¶ At his coming again into England He gave Norway unto his son sir Swayne And to Herold his son as I understand England he gave, of which he was full fain And to Harknowt, Denmark he gave certain And so died in Christian whole creance At Shaftisbury buried by his ordinance ¶ The year of Christ a thousand so was then And thirty four also truly written When he had reigned, fro the time that he began eighteen year whole, as well it was written With the dart of death, when that he was smitten In whose days the land was inquiet Full of riches and of welfare whole replete The. C xviij Chapter. ¶ Herold king of England the son of kingKnowt reigned five year, and died in the year a thousand and xxxix herold his son; was crowned then in deed Herold, By Loofrike that duke of Leiscestre By Londoners, in Flores as I reed By Danyshyr also, as saith the letter That strong were then, and of power greater Than other lords of English nation At London made was this coronation ¶ alured the son, of king ethelred With fifty sails, landed at Southampton Where king Herold with host him met in deed Ready to fight with him for the crown But certain lords of Englondes region Between them treated, that alured went again To Normandy, to duke Robert full plain ¶ But afterward, as Alurede so road Fro his mother unto the king Herold The duke Goodwin on Gyldismore him bode With people great, of number manifold And slew his men down there as he would And led him forth to Ely and him slew As traitor false, that ever had be untrue ¶ Some chronicle saith, he put out both his eyen From which he died soon for pain and woe Some other sayin, he slette his womb full keen The longest gut to a stack he nailed though Led him about the stack there with much woe Till all came out that was his womb within Thus sleugh they him, with sobteltie and begin ¶ His mother queen Eme, Edward then sent To Normandy to duke William anon That her cousin was, to keep he were not shent By king Herold, of his cruelty alone Warning him of the treason that Herold had done For which cause Herold her exiled Out of England, and Edward also her child ¶ To Flaundres she fled, then full sore amoved To earl Badwyn her cousin nigh of blood Declaring to him, how Herold had destroyed Her son Alurede that heir of England stood And exiled her, without succour or good And Edward also her son, heir of England His brother children also, away in uncouth land ¶ Wherefore th'earl, to king Hardknowt then wrote All her complaint and of his succour prayed And he should help, with all his might God wot It were amended of that she was afraid He came anon, in war full well aryed Into Flaundres, his mother for to please Her for to succour, and set her heart in ease ¶ In which mean while, the king Herold died At Westminster, and buried was full feire After he had reigned, as it is notified Five year reigned without any heir Of his body gotten, after him to repair England to govern, wherefore the lords by assent To king Hardknowte then into Flaundres sent ¶ To be their king, sith Herold was a gone To please him with, and his mother to comfort Who came to England forth with anon And crowned was with all the whole disport That lords could, as Flores doth report Thus king Hardknowt was king of England than Who worthily that time to reign though began ¶ This king began his brother's death to venge Kingknowt. On earl Gowyn, that earl was then of Kent That peased was, for he should not revenge With rich gifts, which that he on him spent With meekness low, & swore that he was sent To do that thing, on pein of high treason By king Herold, charged without reason ¶ Through good and gifts, & mighty high riches And of his kin, that meekly him obeyed And by acquaintance, that they made then express Upon the holy euangels sworn undelayed The king granted him his grace & was well paid To make him of his counsel, & of governance Without more wrath or any discordance ¶ He married then his sister Gunylde to Henry Themperor, that falsely was accused Of sin and crime used in adultery With a young man the which her excused After the law of the land that was there used By battle of his hand that than their flew His accuser approving him untrue ¶ For the which she would, no more come in his bed But lived sole ever after, so her life For good ne gold for aught that he her bead For love ne threte, for beating ne for strife With him dwelling, forthward as his wife In all things else, ever at his governance Both day and night in womanly pleasance ¶ King Hardknowt then, his daughter married Unto a duke of the Danishrie At Lambirgh died at his feast magnified Among his lords and all his prelacy And put him whole in God his high mercy And charged them, his brother Edward to croune To rejoice the land of England's region ¶ This was the year of Christ then inscrived A thousand whole forty also and one When that he had reigned, as was subscribed The two year whole, when he was thus wise gone For whom was made that time full much moan At Wynchester, beside his father buried With lords all, thither full well accompanied The. C xix Chapter. ¶ King Edward the confessor king of England reigned twenty and four years, that began the year of Christ a thousand forty and one and died the year a thousand sixty and five. EDward his brother, son of king Ethelrede King Edward that 〈…〉 confessou was crowned then, king of England The year of Christ, a M. then in deed forty & one, as Flores could understand To whom the king Swain, of Denmark land The tribute which he had, fully released And wars all between them ceased. ¶ To send him then, the hole english navy Again Magnus, that king was of Norway That held it so, by wrong and tyranny Which Edward sent anon in great array With lords, knights and squires fresh & gay With archers many, by which he gate his land Of Norway hole, and seized it in his hand. ¶ Earl Eustace of Boleyn, that had wed Edward's sister, on his mother side To Edward came, at Dover sore bestead Where then his men, a burges slew that tide Wherefore th'earl Goodwin, set full of pride th'earl Goodwin. Asked the king, to have deliverance Of th'earls men, to bide his ordinance. ¶ notwithstanding, that Burges slew his knight For that same cause, wherefore he it denied But made peace then, as he th'earl had height Of Boleyne, so his brother in law allied For which th'earl Goodwin sore replied And warred sore, upon the king each day With his sons five, in full great array ¶ Not considering, that king his daughter had wed And his treason pardoned had and hid Of his brother's death, when that he murdered had Whom then the king, Somond command & bid Upon his legiance, whatsoever betided For to answer in his court, and amend Defaults all, between them might be kende. ¶ At whose summons, he would not then appear But warred sore, both he and his sons five For which the king, them exiled out all clear But after they landed and did aryve At Sandwiche, so the king them met believe Where lords then, them treated and accorded And afterward no more they discorded. The. C twenty Chapter. ¶ How Sywarde duke of Northumberlande, slew in battle Maclom king of Scotland, and crowned Malclome king at Scum, according to saint Edward the confessoures' commandment which Malclome did homage to saint Edward, as appeareth by his letters patent. Duke Siwarde then, was of Northumberland In battle slew king Maclom so in deed Of Scotland then, that false was of his band Which to the king he made, who taketh heed Wherefore the king, in Marian as I read By his letters charged, duke Siward take on hand To crown Malcolin that was of Comberland ¶ The which he did full mightily anon At Skone abbey, where kings were all crowned Upon his head he set the crown anon And took homage of him, upon the ground Homage of that Scots. In Edward's name, as he of right was bound For that ilk realm, and as his elders did Such fortune then, to England was betided. ¶ The king Gryffyn of Wales, then was slain That Herford shire spoiled had and brent His head set up, at Gloucester full plain For his untruth, and falsehood, that he meant And soon thereafter, his brother's head was sent Unto the king for his rebellion So were they both foringed for treason ¶ And as king Edward, in his palace of pride Duke goodwin, then sitting at his table Saw the butler on his one foot slide And like to fall, that other foot full stable As he was serving the king at his table Then held him up, that he fell not to ground King Edward said, to Gudwyn in that stound ¶ As his one foot, ye see help that other Full well and true, I find it daily now Had ye ne been, thus had help me my brother th'earl than to the king on side 'gan bow And said, if I were cause, I pray God now This bread pass not my throat, but dead I be And straungled here anon, that ye may see. ¶ At his prayer anon, with that he died For with that bread, straungled was he that stound It might not pass his throat, as men espied Wherefore the king then, bade draw out that hound Under the board, as he that false was found On whom God showed an hasty judgement Approved well, by good experiment. ¶ Where Herolde had, th'earl Algare exiled From leicester, where earl he was so then The king Eward, again him reconciled And pardoned him, and took him for his man Of coventry, as Flores tell it can The lord he was, and there th'abbey found And buried there is, with his wife that stound ¶ This Algare was, the son of earl Leofryke Which Leofrike was, the duke Lofwynes son That earls had been there, none afore them like But duke Siwarde, as he did won sickness him took, and sore upon him run In which he did, him arm in all degree And had his axe in hand, full like to die. ¶ He said unto the lords, then him about Thus seemeth well, in arms a knight to die And not in bed to lie, louvre and lout Till death him kill, with pains cruelly As would God, here were my most enemy That I might die upon him, now in right In arms thus arrayed like a knight. ¶ With that he died, for pains that he felt Upon his feet standing in that arays And shaken his axe, while that his heart 'gan swelled And to the ground he fell in that afraye Who buried was, at saint Marie abbey At York city, with worship and honour As likely was, for such a governor. ¶ The king Edward, the duke of Northumberland To Tosty gave the son of duke Goodwin Under the name of earl, as Flores doth understand After which time, all have been earls sign With lands and rents, both fair and fine Which estate suffice, for princes been both two In every land accounted, where they go. ¶ He disherited earl Waldyve, his own son Who earl was then, create of Huntyngdon Of Northampton also, as chronicles tell can A worthy prince, of all this region That rule a realm could, well then by reason Another prince, was Loafrike that day earl of leicester and Coventry no nay ¶ Which Loefrike had a wife, that Godive hight That naked, throughout all coventry The tolls sore, and servage again right To redeem hole of her femynitee She in her hear, hanging beneath her knee Upon a day, road so through all the town To buy it free, by her redemption. ¶ For otherwise, th'earl would not it free But if that she, road naked through all the town Upon the day, that all men might her see Trusting she would not for no waryson Have done it so, by such redemption But thus by wit, she kept herself unshamed And freed the town, worthy was he blamed ¶ King Edward sent then into Hungary For his cousin, the son of Emond Ironesyde Themperor sent him, Edward gladly His brother son, and folk with him to ride His son Edward Atheling by his side Margarete and eke Christine his daughter dear Which king Edward, received with good cheer ¶ He married Margarete, mighty with great riches To king Malcolyne, of Scotland was that day That on her got, five sons of great noblinesse Edward, Dunkan, Edgare, Alixander the gay And David also that kings were all no nay Each after other, of Scotland throughout Whose mother is now S. Margrete without doubt ¶ At Dumfermlyn shrined and canonised On whom Malcolyne a daughter gate also King Henry's wife, the first full well advised Queen Maud that height, that well loved England though These crosses fair and royal as men go Through all England, she made at hic expense And diverse good orders throw his providence ¶ Another sister, this same saint Margarete had That Christine hight, king Edward them ꝓfessed In religion to live, she was full glad To holy life, disposed and addressed An holy woman of life, and of god blessed Who at her death her soul then uncovered And to our lord, full meekly so it offered. ¶ In his forest, as he pursued a dear In Essex, a palmer with him met asking him good, whom gladly he did here He clave his ring, and insunder it bet The half of which, he gave without let To the Palmer, that went away anon That other good to give him, there had he none ¶ But after that, full long and many a day Two pylgrames came, unto that noble king And said, saint john thapostle in poor array Us prayed, and bade straightly above all thing Ignorance and superstition. To you present, and take this half gold ring Which ye gave him of alms and charity And bade us say, that right soon ye should him see ¶ Which ring he set together there anon And that ilk place he called, ay after havering And that same place, where they it burst alone He called ay after that time, Clavering In Essex be both fair standing Where that he made two churches of saint john Thevangelyst, and hallowed were anon ¶ soon after that, he died and went to bliss But first he made duke Herold protector Of his cousyne, to govern and to wysse Edgar Atheling, full young a governor Whom he ordained to be his successor As very heir to Edmonde Ironesyde But thus herold, then set all that aside When he had be king xxiiii year He died the year, a thousand syxtye and five * herold king of England duke Good wins son. At Westminster canonized is full clear All new he made, the church there in his live All were he not right heir, as men in strive A confessor he is, full high in heaven With God to dwell, evermore and believen. herold by strength, then crowned was for king Forsworn that was, upon the evangelists For to crown Edgar Atheling And him protect, and defend in all wise Unto his age, that none the realm suppryse This was his oath, of which he was forswore All if he made Edgar an Earl therefore. ¶ The earl Tosty, then of Northumberlande That brother was, unto the king herold By king exiled, out of the land To England came, with king Herold full bold Of Norway then, in chronicle as is told But king herold of England, with them met At Staunford bridge, to death they both were bet. ¶ Beside york, was this battle full sore smitten Where king herold of England, had the field And slew herold Harngrey, as was written King of Norway, and earl Tosty under shield That never after, might arms weld And thousands fell, of Danes and Norway's He killed there that day, as Flores says. A year he reigned, whom William Conquerous. That duke was then, of all fair Normandye Him slew in battle, for his imagined error Again him, that he did so cruelly And not would mend, ne yet satisfy The duke Willyan, so the field then conquered With strokes sore, for which the land was fir This king herold at Waltam, which he found Of four score canons, full fair was buried At the high altar, & as a king was crowned All if he were intrusor notified And in battle slain, and victoryed Of gentleness, the Conqueror bade so All if he were afore his mortal foe ¶ William Conqueror, king of England, and Duke of Nor mandye, began to reign, the year of christ, a thousand lxvi and reigned xxiiii year, and died, the year, a thousand. lxxxx. and the said Conqueror founded the abbey of battle, for the souls of the people slain there, the fourenene day of October, in the year of christ a thousand, three score and two. The. C xxi Chapter. THe xiiii day of October accounted The duke William that was of Normandye Duke william of Normandye. At London was crowned, and anointed In throne royal, to havethe monarchy By his conquest, and his victory Without title of right to him discente But only of his triumphal intent ¶ The year of christ, was when alured him crowned Tharchbishop of York, & high primate A thousand hole lxvi well found Queen Mawde his wife, to him assocyate He crowned also, that time in her estate The abbey of battle, that then he bounded And for the souls there slain, he founded. ¶ He called it so then for a memory Of his battle, by which England he gate In token of his mighty victory That England there he had, so well overset To pray for the souls slain, as was his det Which abbey is in Sussex, in that stead Where the battle was, and the people deed. ¶ The South part of England than he road And dalt it largely unto his men The North again him rebelled then abode With help of Danes, in that country were then And Scots also, that false were, when and when But king William, that worthy conqueror Discomfit them, with long and sore labour ¶ To Normandy he went, then right anon And with him had Edgar called Atheling Edwin and Morkar afore that were his fooens For cause they should not, then make more rising In his absence, while he were there abiding But at his home coming with him again He borough them all, of which the folk were fain ¶ Gospatrik that then was earl of Cumberland That not again stood king Malcolin in his were When he destroyed th'earldom and his land But him withdrew out of way full far Wherefore the king, as saith the chronicler Him disherited, and gave to Rauf Mesthyne His erldo, meto whom men did incline The. C xxii Chapter. ¶ Homage of Scotland done to king William conqueror, at Birmithi in Scotland, and also how the king of France scorned the king William & he quit it him after THen road the king into Scotland anon And brent the land unto Abirnythy Where king Malcolyne submitted him with great moan And homage liege him did full humbly Homage of the Scots. And amended there all his injury Then went he forth, to Duram where he offered And to the church, he gave great good uncoffred ¶ He then his law and peace alway proclaimed Officers made in every shire about And so held on, to London unreclaymed Where his justice he set that land throughout The king of France, thus scorned him out of doubt That king William in Gesine had lain long And time him were been kyrked, with good song ¶ When he this hard, to France he went anon There to be kirked, he offered his candle bright A thousand towns he brent, as he did gone At them he prayed, the king of France to light His candle then, if that he goodly might Which at his kirkehale and puryfication To Mars he thought, that time to make his oblation ¶ Edwin th'earl proclaimed of Leicester After decease of Algary his father dear And earl Morcare his brother that after Died both two, Lucy their sister clear Of Leicester then, and Lyncolne both in fere The countess was, whom king William married To Ive Tailboys earl of Angeou magnified ¶ To king William then came full glad again At Wynchester he held his parliament Where he then slew, for wrath and great disdain The duke Waldive, that no harm to him meant But only for he counseled and consent To earl Edgar, to get his heritage Of England whole, and made to him homage ¶ Who duke was then of Northumberland And earl create was, also of Huntyngton By chronicles old as men can understand Entitled whole, as of all Northampton beheaded was at Wynchester town Whose head together, grew to the neck again Buried at Crowland, for saint the sooth to said ¶ The king then made, as I understand The bishop then, of Duresme that Walter hight earl proclaimed of Northumberland Whom at Catteshede, that country slew down right The king then made, a lord that Awbryke height Earl of that country, that durst not Scots withstand Wherefore he gave, Robert Mowbray that land ¶ And made him earl of Northumberland The king then sent unto every shire justices to sit, throughout all the land Of all lordshipis, and knights fees inquire What temporales he had, to know he had desire And what pertained unto his royal crown And what the church had of devotion ¶ Unto his son, eldest then generate All Normandy he gave in heritage And England whole, to William nominate His second son gave with all thadvantage And to Henry his third son young of age Thearldom gave then of Gloucester sea With the honour of slede, for ever in certente ¶ He died the year a thousand four score and ten And of his reign twenty year and four though At Cane buried, in th'abbey that hight then Saint Stephen's abbey, by Cane that standeth so His daughter Ade, afore had married tho Unto th'earl Stephen of Bloyes, a prince of might Of wars wise, and a full manly knight The. C xxiij Chapter. ¶ William Rufus king of England reigned thirteen year, and began to reign in the year of our lord a thousand four score and ten, & died that year a thousand one hundred & three. HIs soon William Rufus as he devised King W●lliam Rufus Was crowned then with great solemnity But after soon, duke Robert was advised To claim England by his priority And Normandy also, as for his proprete As he that was his eldest soone and heir With host full great, in England game repeire ¶ And made great war upon his brother so Three year all out, between them so continued Till at last they both, between them two Did condescend, as well to them pertained With whole heart and will, nothing feigned The judgement of king Philip of France To undergo and bide his ordinance ¶ In which mean while, his brother earl Henry The castles all belonging to the crown As high constable of England properly Then seized had in his possession As his office by good derection Asked of right and of good consuetude To keep them sure to the crowns excelsitude ¶ The king Philip, by his avised parliament Gave judgement, between the brethren two As king William their father full meant All Normandy, Robert should have ever more And William England, & friends should be so And live in peace, without any claim And either other release, and whole disclaim ¶ th'earl Henry of England then constable Delivered all the castles and cities right To king William his brother enheritable As he was bound, and fully so had height Duke Robert then, his brother a worthy knight To England came, to sport him with his brother At which time, either was glad of other The. C xxiiij Chapter. ¶ How king Malcolyn of Scotland warred in England for his wife's' right, pretending that she was right heir of England, and afterward he did homage to king wyllyam Rufus for the realm of Scotland. His Malcolin of Scotland greatly claimed T To have England then by his wife's right Margarete sister of Edgar, heir ꝓclamed Of England whole, that expelled was by might Of king William conqueror by unright So for his right, the Northland he destroyed And home he went again, nothing annoyed ¶ But then the king and his brethren two To Scotland road and wasted sore the land Till Malcolyne came, and did his homage Homage of the Scots. By letter written and sealed I understand Which Harding gave, in to king Henry's hand Without reward or any recompense Of main labour, his costagiss and expense ¶ The duke Robert went home to Normandy And king Malcolyne & his son, than Edward Warred again Northumberland in high But earl Robert that keeping had and ward Of Northumberland, with him than fought full hard Byside Alnwike at Malcolyne well were slain There Malcolyne and Edward his soon certain ¶ When queen Margaret, so of that tidings knew She eat never meat, for sorrow died anon At Dunfermelyn, buried as then was dew But now she is there shrined in flesh and bone Working miracles, as sayeth many one Entombed fair, and in the firetree translate Of which abbey now is she advocate ¶ The Scots then made, Dunwalde so their king Malcolynes' brother, that to it had no right But Dunkan, son of Malcolyne that knowing With help of king William, and royal might Of Scotland, so drove him away to flight And crowned was, as chronicles understand Homage of that Scots. And homage made to wyllyam for his land ¶ soon after, king Dunkan of Scotland slain By treason was, and Dunwall restitute Unto the crown of Scotland then again Whom Edgare then, by succour and refute Of king William drove out, all destitute Of any help, and crowned was in Scotland To king William did homage for his land Homage of that Scots. ¶ Of whose homage, john Harding gave that letter Full clearly made, written well and sealed The which also, with other letters better That by reason may not be repealed The which, if he would have enbeseled The king james unto his waryson A M. mark, him hight of his discretion. ¶ And in his time, Roes that Richard hight The king of Wales, in battle strong was slain Beside the castle of Brekenham, then full right From which time forth, their kings seized full plain And princes called they were, soothe to say The king with host, on Robert Monbraye road Who with the king, fought of his traytourhode. ¶ And discomfit, held Bamburgh castle then And the king enduring, full vii year Consenting with the lords, that so began For to depose the king, of his crown clear And duke Robert his brother, with great power To crown and make, the king of all England With Normandy to joys, I understand. ¶ The king exiled Anselme of Cauntorbury Tharchebyshop, that withstood his wrongs done to the church, and to the prelacy To the commons also, that them belongs seventeen towns, with also many churches amongs And abbeys four, he wasted and confound The new forest in Hamshire for to found ¶ He builded the Newcastle upon Tyne The Scots to gaynstande, and to defend And dwell therein, the people to incline The town to build, and wall as did append He gave them ground, & gold full great to spend To build it well, and wall it all about And fraunchised them, to pay a free rent out ¶ The rents & fruits, to th'archbishop ꝑteining And to the bishops of Wynchester & Sarum And also ix abbeys lyvelod containing In his hands leazed, and held all and some But for his works & buylynges held each crome With which he made then, westminster hall And the castle, of Newecastell withal. ¶ That standeth on Tyne, therein to dwell in war Again the Scots, the country to defend Which as men said, was to him mekill deer And more pleasing, then otherwise dispend And much people for it, did him commend For cause he did the comen wealth sustain Of marchers unnumerable to maintain. The. C xxv Chapter. ¶ This king William Rufus taxed so sore the commons, that they'might not maintain tilth, for which fell great dearth and great mischief and murrain of cattle for default of food, for which the commons were glad of his death. GReat tallage of England, then was raised In so farforth, that tilth of land was laid Of which sued mischief, nothing praised For fault of food, morayn of bestial frayed And death of people, for hunger sore arrayed A king woteth not what harmeth housbandrye Husband to pill, and tax outrageously. ¶ To God's doom, have no consideration How that this king, on hunting as he stood Under a tree, and as writings maketh mention Walter Tyrel at his game in that wood shooting at a dear, of which he drew no blood But struck the king, unto the deaths wound That there anon he died, upon the ground ¶ At Wynchester then, buried anon The date was then, of his reign xiii year For whom the folk, no sorrow made nor moon He hurt them so, with tax and tallage here Of Christ a thousand an. C. and three year clear Whose death the folk, in no wise did complain Were they all thereof, both glad and fain. The. C xxvi Chapter. ¶ Henry the first king of England and duke of Normandy● reigned xxxvi year, and died in the year of Christ a thousand. C. and xxxix HEnry his brother, that first was of that name was crowned them, with all that honour might be King Henry the first He reconciled saint Anselne that came hame Who crowned Maude his wife full fair & free That daughter was, full of benignity To king Malcolyne, & saint Margarete that queen Of Scotland, which afore that time had been. ¶ On whom he gate William, Richard & mould Whose goodness, is yet spoken of full wide If she were fair, her virtuous manifold Exceaded far and vices she set aside Debates all, that engendered were of pride She staunched hole, with all benevolence And visited sick and poor with diligence. ¶ The presoners also & women eke with child And in gesene living ay where about Clothes and meat, and bedding new unfiled Wine also and ale, she gave without doubt Where she saw need, in countries all throughout These crosses all, that yet be most royal In the high ways, with gold she made them all ¶ King Edgare then, her brother was of Scotland That to king Henry then made homage The bishop of Duresme, then took on hand Homaeg of that Scots. The duke Robert, to gone in message To make him claim England his heritage The which he did, anon without delay As they accorded upon a certain day. ¶ But Anselne, bishop of Caunturbury And also queen Maude, then made them well accord The king to pay, three. M. mark yearly To duke Robert, without more discord And counseled then the king, as was record To love the lords, that made the dissension betwixt his brother, and him by convention ¶ The king Henry, warred Robert Estenuyle The eldest son of Roger Mountgomery And his brother, that was so called that while And create Earl of Shrewysbury Who his castle of Arundel held for thy And Shrewysbury also, and the city With other more castles, in his country ¶ Which to the king, he yield by convention He and his brother, to pass to Normandye With all their men, without dissension To their father, Roger Mountgomerye That earl was there, of Bolesmo manly The king went then, to Cave and to Baxhous Held them with force, and heart full covetous Which towers Robert the duke of Normandy Asked of him, to have deliverance And his money, of three thousand mark yearly Which he ought him, by the hole concordance Which he again said, and stood at variance Wherefore they fell on war, and took the field With hosts great, full sore fought under shield ¶ At Tenarthbray, that is in Normandye Where Nigell then, of Albany that height Took duke Robert, in battle manfully And brought him bound, unto the king with might For which that king anon there made him knight And gave him lands, that were forfeit afore By Robert Stutuyle, in England for evermore ¶ He gate also a castle, besieged long Which he scaled, with noble policy And to the king it gave, though it were wrong For which, the king gave him anon in high The lands, all that forfeit were only By Robert Monbray, earl of Northumberland In his brother's time, as I understand. ¶ The same Nygell, that height Albany A son had then, whom the king Henry Roger Monbray, did call ever after ay Thus Albany was changed morally Unto Monbray, for the livelihood only Which Monbray had afore of heritage These Monbrayes now, rose first of high courage ¶ This king Henry then seized Normandye And made his son William duke of that land And home came to England then in high And in the year of christ, to understand A thousand hole, an. C. and ten on hand His daughter Maude, he married to Henry That Emperor was then of Romanye. He put his brother duke Robert in strait ward And many other, that were of his cognisance Where he released covenants and forward Afore written of his inheritance That between them, might make any distance And found him ever, in all royal estate By good advice, and council ordynate ¶ Which duke ordered was so, for he forsook The realm, of all the land of jerusalem When he was chose thereto, and nought it took For covetise, to have this english realm For he forsook that fortune, as men did dame Again gods will, and his high ordinance For chosen he was, by all christian creance. ¶ For at winning of jerusalem Where princes many, kings and dukes were He was the worthiest of any realm And bore him best, in knightly deed of war At all assaults, most knightly did him bear The honour all, and fame he had evermore And chosen was there, to be king therefore, ¶ Men said, that God gave him such punishment His brother, to put him in great misery Unto his death, again his own intent For he forsake Christ'S own monarchy In which he was borne, & for man list to die The christian faith, to maintain and increase For covetise his brother, to discreace. ¶ The year of christ, a thousand was full cle● And an hundredth also, and therewithal eighteen When good queen Maude was deed, & laid on be● At Westminster buried, as well was seen For heaviness of which, the king I ween To Normandy, then went unto his son The duke William, & there with him did won ¶ The third year after, to England came agay● The duke his son, William of Normandye His brother richard also, the sooth to sayne And earl richard, of Chester in company With many other lords, in ships them buy Upon the sea were dreynt in great distress Of the which the king, had then great heaviness ¶ Which duke William had wed the daughter then Of Fowke Tailboys, Earl of Angeou had been With whom a. C lx knights with many men And ladies many, were drowned as was seen And then the king wed Hadelyse the queen The duke Godfrey daughter, that was of Loreyne Of his mourning, to comfort him again. ¶ And in the year, a thousand fully account And an. C. twenty, and also five Themperor Henry, the death surmount And passed to God fro Maude that was his wife Who to her father, king Henry came belief Abode with him in England, then▪ two year Maude Empryce, was called then full clear ¶ And in the year of Christ'S incarnation A thousand was, an. C. twenty and seven When king Henry, in great prosperation His daughter Maude, thempryce to neven The earl Geffrey Plantagenet even Earl of Angeou, the son of Fowke Tailboys So married had of fame, that had the voice. ¶ On whom he gate a son, that Henry height By surname called Henry fitz Empryce Then died his eme alexander forth right * Homage of that Scots. The king of Scots, a prince of great enterprise That homage did for Scotland, as suffice So died, then to whom david succeed His brother was, saint Margarete son in deed. ¶ That to king Henry, made his homage And then to Maude, the foresaid Empryce * Homage of that Scots By hole assent, of all his Baronage By letter written and sealed, as may suffice which john Harding, in Scotland brought of pce with many more, for four. C. mark and fifty At bidding & commandment of the with king Henry ¶ Cadwalan, prince of Wales at Wadeyet In battle fought, where king Henry him slew And great people of Wales, that there forset Were slain that day, to him that were untrue Of which battle, Wales may always rue The year a thousand, an. C. and thirty And there till two, as made is memory. ¶ Then went the king to Normandye again And there abode, and kept all Normandy To time he died, of whom that land was fain But England then of it, was full heavy When he had reigned so full worthy He died in the six and thirty year At Boys Leon, of his reign then full clear. ¶ Of Christ'S date, was then a thousand year An hundredth also, and. ix, and thirty more Buried at reading, as well it doth appear In the abbey, which there he founded so Of monks black, where ever they ride or go That pray for him, & for queen Maude his wife Who either other loved withouten strife The. C xxvii Chapter. ¶ Stephan of Bloys, king of England reigned xix year, & began the year of Chryst, a thousand. C. and. xxxix, and died in the year a thousand. C lviii Stephan of Blois, his sister son was crowned A manly man, was then of great power King Stephan. And king was made of England that stound Without strife, or any manner war To Normandy he went, and seized all there and gave it to his son, sir Eustace And made him duke thereof, with great solace ¶ Thus Eustace, than duke of Normandy To Paris went, to king lewis of France His homage made for his land so in high And put out then, with great contraryaunce The officers, that did to Maude pleasance And wed the sister of king Lewes to wife For supowaill of it without strife ¶ The king Stephan to England then home came And tidings had, how king David had destroyed The North parties, & done full much harm Wherefore he brent Edinburgh then and noyed And the country about, he sore accloyed For which David his son to Henry then sent To be his man, thence forth at his intent ¶ To whom king Stephan therldomearldom of Huntyngton Then gave, and earl thereof him so create Who then for it, by very due reason His homage did as it was ordinate Homage of the Scots. Which Henry died, and never had kings estate For which the Scots, say they own no service To English kings, but only of this wise ¶ King Stephan then bet the castle down In England, so that stood him to defence His men they gave to their enheritesoun And all soon, for cause of their offence He disherit with might violence divers earls and lords he disherit And many other of his friends inherit ¶ The year of Christ a thousand was then gone An hundred thirty and eight also King Stephan broke all his oaths a none That he had made unto the barons though For which they rose full sore again him so And warred him felly on every side And he on them also with mikyl pride. ¶ The year a thousand, an. C. thirty and nine Maude Empryce, in England claimed her right With earl Robert, of Gloucestre her brother fine And earl Randolf of Chester, with all his might Sir Bygot earl of Norfolk then height Awbrey Ver then earl of Oxenford And William Bawne, that then was earl of Herforde ¶ William Legroos, earl of Almarle though Robert Lovel, & William lord Percy King david her eine, and many other more Of earls and barons, that were full hardy The castle than Lyncolne gate on high The city held of Lyncolne with also With host full great, ligging with them so ¶ Where then the king, the castle seged long Till he it had, by treaty and convention And bode therein, with power great and strong Till Maude and he, as made is mention With strong battles, and great dissension Beside Lyncolne, where then she had the field And Stephan taken, & hurt sore through his shield To bristol then, earl Roberte Clare him led And in the tower, there kept in strong prison The Empryce Mawde, with power that she had To Wynchester then, she road seging the town Where the queen Maude, as made is mention King Stephan his wife it rescued with battle sore And took the earl Clare his eme thore The. C xxviij Chapter. ¶ Thenterchaunge of king Stephan and of that duke Robert Clare duke of Gloucester. FOr which cause them, to have her eme again Thempress and queen Maude accorded To interchange, that king so then full fain For earl Robert without more, concordid This interchange, thus made and recordid The king her sued unto Oxenford From whence she went, by night to Walyngford ¶ Upon the frost, in the winter season In her smock alone, with her uncle dear That none her knew, of them without the town So like her smock and the snow was in feet The king knew not in what place that she were For Oxenford he gate, and Awbray slew Of Oxenford, that was an earl full true ¶ The king Stephan, a castle than began At Wilton, where king David with power And earl Robert, of Gloucester that was then Him drove away, out of that place full clear And bet it down, to the ground full near To Walyngford, the king with power went Thempress to sech was his intent ¶ Her party then, drove him then away With great slaughter of men and occ●sion And every lord on other, made great affray And spoiled other through all this region By great impression and cruel sore ransom The king treated with earl Randolf full true But false than was his treaty, as men knew ¶ For when he came unto his presence Anon he put him in sore prison To time he had by his magnificence The castle of Lyncolne unto his crown And put him then to fine and great ransom So vigilant he was alway of height Fro even to morrow, that no man trust him might The fifteen year of the same king Stephen th'earl Geffrey of Angeou deceased A noble prince as all men did believen Henry his son, of person well encressed Of childish wit also full released And of age he was then fifteen year To Scotland came, king David to require ¶ Of his succour, and of his supportation England to get, that was his heritage Who made him then, full great consolation And with him came without fee or wage With full assent of all his baronage Under banners, king David made him knight Upon the field, again king Stephen to fight ¶ But such treaty was made and good accord That king Stephen, to Henry should return As very heir, without more discord At his decease, to Henry whole return The crown of England, without more sojourn Who died then, after in his xix year At Feversham buried, he was full clear. ¶ Of Christ's date, was then a thousand year And an hundredth fifty and eight also His wife and he, there buried both in feet The which he found, whiles he was living so And reigned here, in much trouble and woe And had this realm, without any right For themprise Maude, that fair lady bright The. C xxix Chapter. ¶ Henry fitz Emprice king of England and earl of Angeou, duke of Normandye and Guienne, by xxxvi year and began to reign the year of our Lord a thousand a hundredth lviii and died the year a thousand an hundredth and xciiii HEnry th'earl of Angeou was tho king Henry the second. In this mean time, had been in Normandy And set his rule therein, for friend or foo And crowned was at London worthily With all the lords of his high monarchy And made him then, their fealty and homage The prince of Wales also for his heritage. ¶ He wedded then a lady, fair and bright Dame Alianor, the duke's daughter of Guienne And heir thereof, and lady by all right Possession had with all, the profits then And well-beloved was she with her men Divorced fro the king Lewes of France. That her had wed to wife, of his puissance. ¶ And on her got two daughters, fair & gente But for sibrede and consanguinitee They were departed, by papal judgement On whom king Henry, by Christ's decree Gat sons four, of great humanity Henry, Richard, Geffrey, and john also Elinor and Ihone, his daughters two. The. C xxx Chapter. ¶ How Malcolyne the second king of Scots made homage for Scotland & for th'earldom of huntyngdon. IN this mean while, king David then so died To whom Malcolyn, Henry's son was heir Which Henry was earl notified Of Huntyngdon, without any despair Of that earldom, both good and fair And son was, to this noble king Davy That wedded had, earl Waldens' daughter only. ¶ To enjoy th'earldom, by her inheritance That got on her, this Malcolyne that was king Of Scotland now, of mighty high puissance That homage made, for his enheriting Homage of that Scots. Unto Henry, that then was of England king For all Scotland, and also for Huntyngdon Which services both, were due unto the crown. The. C xxxi Chapter. ¶ This king Henrye exiled Thomas becket bishop of Cauntorburye. HE married then, his son the young Henry To the daughter of the king of France He exiled then, Thomas of Cauntorbury Out of England, and many of his alliance For cause of his rebellious governance And as he came fro Rome, by France away With language fell, he prayed the king that day ¶ The points to mend, and so to England went For which the king, was with him sore displeased That then he said, had I had men that meant Mine honest, I were not thus diseased With such a clerk, thus grieved and uneased Therefore three knights, Raynold le Fitz Vrsy Raynold fitz Vrsy Hugh Maruile Robert Tracy. Hugh Moruyle him slew with Robert Tracy. ¶ But king Malcolyne died, that was full true Of his homage, at Westchester ensealed To king Henry done, so as it was due For it should not be gainsaid ne counseled Homage of that Scots. Nor afterward of Scots be repealed To which Malcolyne, william his son & heir Was crowned king of Scotland then full fair. The. C xxxii Chapter. ¶ How king William of Scotland went in to Normandye, with king Henry of England the second, as his liegeman. THis king William then road with host full strong subjection of that Scots. The Northern land he brent & sore destroyed By east and west, of both Merches of England The lord Vesty, with it was annoyed The lord Vnfrevyle with sickness so accloyed With power great at Alnwike with him fought Where he was taken, in battle sore and caught ¶ Whom to the king, to London than they brought Unto king Henry, with great honour Then had the king, tidings he liked nought His son Henry, by king Lewis succour Besieged Rouen, with host great and rygoure For when the king, to Normandy then went The king William, with him his labour spent. ¶ And David also, his brother with all his might That earl was then, create of Huntyngdon, And Robert ferers earl of Leycester so hight And Roger clare, with them of great renown Of Gloucester, that earl was in possession With other lords, and the siege soon removed And his city of Rouen, full well rescued. ¶ The siege and saute, pardoned and forgiven At the prayer of king Lewis of France Within few years, in peace and rest to liven He crowned his son without distance King of England, and gave him governance And at the feast of his coronation. He sewed afore him, for his consolation, The. C xxxiii Chapter. ¶ This younger Henry reigned but four years, and died before his father, wherefore he is not accounted as king because his father outlyved him and reigned after his death. ANd to him said, son think I do you honour A king to serve you thus, now at your meat He answered him full unthankfully that hour And said, it was no reprove ne forfete An earls son to serve the kings son at meat For which the father Henry, to Ireland went Till young Henry the king was dead and spent Then came Henry, and had the government The father and king, was then admit again And reigned then, and had the regiment And but four year his son reigned sooth to say Wherefore he is among kings certain Not accounted, by no chronicler For his father was king afore and after clear. The. C xxxiiii Chapter. ¶ How king William of Scotland made his homage to king Henry the second. THe king William, at his day assigned To York came, to do there his homage Homage of that Scots. That made it then, & nothing it repugned But for his due debt, then for his heritage Of Scotland whole, by very due knowledge Of his barons, and by his evidence Again it found he then, no true defence. ¶ The king Henry then, conquered all Ireland By papal doom, there of his royalty The profits and revenues of the land The domination, and the sovereignty For error which again the spiritualtee They held full long, & would not been correct Of heresies, with which they were infect. ¶ He founded then, the priory of Newstede Within Shirwod, and Waltham founded new Afore were secular without heed Which regular he made, in order due And other two houses of order true He founded there, for his soul to pray Where was holy service kept every day. ¶ Geffreye his son, the third gotten and bore That duke of Britain was hole create By his wives right, to enjoy for evermore Which was a prince, of royal great estate At Paris died, that Arthure create To son and heir, and Isabella the fair His daughter was, without any despair ¶ In the year of Christ, a thousand clear An hundredth and sixty also and one Baudewyn the third, died taken prisoner By the Sarysens, that were his mortal foone Of his body, that issue than had none To whom his brother Almarike did succeed To jerusalem, and there was king in deed ¶ By treason of th'earl Triples than The Christian host, that had foul betrayed When Bawdewyn was so taken, through that false man That great people of Christian had them raised And on the field, nothing to be praised To the Sarysyns went, with all his power And discomfit the christian host full clear. The. C xxxv Chapter. ¶ How Geffrey Plantagenet, otherwise called Plantageneth Earl of Angeou, elder brother of Bawdewyne and Almaryk, should have been king of jerusalem afore, and so by consequens this king henry should have be king of it. But if right, had lynally proceed Geffray Plantagenet, Earl of Angeou The elder brother of Bawdwyn so in deed And of Almaryk, with mickle bliss and joy Which Geffray, so Earl of Angeou Should have be king afore of all that realm Both of Surry, and also jerusalem ¶ When duke Robert, jerusalem forsook For covetise to have, and joys England Godfray Boleyne, the realm of Surry took And of jerusalem eke, I understand And erowned was, to be king of that land That duke had been afore, of all Loveyne A noble prince, and a worthy Chyefteyne ¶ A thousand was, an hundredth sixty & sixteen Without issue, of his body coming Died, to whom his brother as was seen Bawdwin succeeded, and of that realm was king That ruled the land, as was full well seeming Full worthy accounted, among all estates That christian faith sustained, without debates To whom his son, king Bawdewin did succeed The second was, that had so borne that name A noble Prince, of all martial deed And in that land, great honour had and fame Which on his wife, gate without blame A daughter than had unto his heir That land to have enheryte, and repair. Whom then earl Fowke of Angeou, wed to wife And king was of that land then by her right On whom he gate three sons in his life Worthy knights, and men of great might The eldest Geffray Plantagenet height That gate this same Henry fytz emprise King of England, of noble and high enterprise. The ii son, of Fowke, was Bawdewin that third Died prisoner, as it is expressed afore Without issue of his body betid The third son then, of Fowke & last was boar height Almaryk, which two were kings thore Where earl Geffrey their elder brother had right That suffered them, to joy that land by might ¶ Which Almaryk died king so of that realm After whom then reigned, his son Bawdwyn That fourth was of that name of Yerlam That impotent was, without medicine To maintain war, he might no more incline Who called was Bawdewyn Paraliticus For with the palsy, stricken was he full hideous The. C xxxvi Chapter. ¶ How that king Henry the second was very heir of jerusalem, and by consequens, richard of York should be the same. Wherefore he sent to king Henry his crown His banner also, of his arms full fair Of jerusalem, that were of great renown As to him that was then the very heir Of earl Geffray eldest son full fair Was to king Fowke, and to his wife the queen Daughter and heir, to Baudewin the ii clean. ¶ This fourth Bawdewyn called Paraliticus This message sent, the year of Christ a thousand An hundredth full, four score and three, right thus When Henry was required, to have that land Which he prorogued, and sent again his sound He should be there, if that the king of France And he might well accord of governance ¶ He went so forth anon to Normandye With host full great, with king Philip to treat Of that voyage and war, accorded on high But then the death, him felly gan reherte Wherefore anon, he sat up in his seat And to his son richard, great some he gave Thither to go, that holy land to save. ¶ And then he died, at Pount Euerard buried The sorrow of heart, and great contrition A prince christian, fully notified Withouten peer in all comparison Of worthy knygthode, and manly renown A thousand year, an. C, lxxx. and fourteen And of his reign, was six & thirty clean The. C xxxvii Chapter. ¶ How Richard king of England, duke of Normandy, & earl of Angeou, reigned ten year, and began the year of Chryst a. M. an. C. lxxxxiiii. & died the year. M. CC. and four RYchard his son, to king them was crowned King richard the first, called Cure de L● 〈…〉. By Bawdewyn archbishop & primate Of Cauntorbury, & of England that stound That ruled the church, then by law ordynate His brother Geffray, of baste so procreate Archbishop was of York, then new elect The Northern church, under him to be protect. ¶ The lord Lueye, that Godfray lucy hight Afore him bare a royal pyllyon And john Marshal, his spurs of gold full bright William Maundevile, his mighty high crown That earl was then of Almarle up and down Of his wives right, & willyam Marshal bold Earl of Strigeyll, the sceptre bore of gold. ¶ William Patryk, that was then Longspee That Earl was, then create of Salysbury A staff of gold, for constable than was he Of England hole, to have the regeny By right of his office of constablery For if the land were void, & none heir know To keep the realm, by his office him owe. ¶ This ilk William, was earl also create Of Gloucestre, by which that office grew To him of right, for he was generate Of Roberte Clare earl of Gloucestre true Four Barons bare, by their service full dew Above his head, then in procession A cloth of gold, by good direction. ¶ Earl david then, that time of Huntyngdon Brother, of the king William of Scotland And john the earl of Morten of renown King Rychardes' brother, as I understand Right worthy lords, that time of this land And Robert Ferrer, earl of Leycester though Three sword bare, afore the king there so Syxe Earls then, and Barons of estate A cheker bare, with jueles full royal And clothes rich, that were well ordynaté For that ilk feast, and state imperial From South, unto the Septentrional Where then, none such accounted of richesse As there were then, as written is express The. C xxxviii Chapter. ¶ How king William of Scotland, made homage for Scotland, and then after his coronation at Westmynster, he went to France, and so to jerusalem, by the assent of the King Phylippe. THe bishop of Duresme on his right hand The bishop also of bath on his left side Homage o the Scots The king of Scots william for Scotland Made him homage and feaute liege that tide King Richard then, to France with much pride Anon so yode th'archbishop Bawdewyne With him than went, worthy clerks and fyne ¶ Sir Rauf Fulgence earl of Perch then also Robert Ferrer earl of Leicester then With earls fell and barons many more Of all this land, went many a worthy then Of England and Scotland many a man Of Ireland Wales, Guyan and Normandy Then with him went, in that voyage on high ¶ The king Philip, shippid his host at Iene The king Richard took the sea at Marsile With all his host, without other mean Within short time, arrived up in Cisile Where he full fair, received was that while By king Tancred son of William Which william wed his sister, johan by name ¶ The king Richard, two Isles there conquered Byside Cisile, to his sister them gave To her living, and bade her not be feared For he should see her dower, she should have Longing to the right that she should crave And at Meschyne, king Richard then did make A Bastell strong, the Sarsyns for to wake ¶ And sailed forth, to Cypress then hy sea Where his mother him meet with dame Barnage The king his daughter of Naverne fair & free Whom there he wed, in lawful marriage At Lymosyn in his pilgrimage A city great full of all abundance Which by assault, he gate of his puissance ¶ The king Richard road then to Nichosie And gate the city, with force and might The city also of Cheryn mightily Where his daughter and heir, he took full right To Buffenet and Baffe that were full wight To Dendamour and candour his cities He went anon with great felicitees ¶ He gate them all, & all the realm throughout And took the king Isaak and him slew And wed his daughter, unto the king full stout Of jerusalem, whose wife was dead then new That Sibyl hight, that daughter was men knew Of Almarike, king of jerusalem The brother of Geffrey, of Angeou her eme ¶ This king Richard, that realm of Cyprus wan To whom the lords, echeone did their homage And anon by sea, with many a man To Acres where in that ilke voyage He took a ship of high and great advantage Of ablementes for war, and ordinance The which he had, with him in governance ¶ But fifteen Sarsyns there he dreyncte And two hundred he kept, that ship to gnie To Acres then, where king Philip full feyn● Had sieged long without remedy But king Richard, of Acres took in high The stronger side, and gave it great affraies Late and early, both by nights and days ¶ He gate it soon, with his great ordinance And on the walls his banners full hie he set The kings arms, he set up also of France And king Guyes arms of, jerusalem well bet The duke of Oistrich Lympold without let Set up his arms after above them all Which king Richard, did cast down over that wall ¶ With wages great, and riches manifold He ryched his men, & road throughout all Surry The cities all and castles that he would He gate with force, and came again in high To castle Pilgrym, which king Philip plainly besieged had full long, and went his way Which Richard besieged in great array ¶ To the which there was, no way but one full strait On a causey with dikes deep and wide Strongly walled, with towers on to wait With many draw bridges, where none might go ne ride Strongly cheined, with barris on each side Which castle then he gate in days ten With battle sore, where he sleugh many men ¶ The chains of iron, he struck up with his axe Both at Acres and at castle Pilgrym And brent them all, as they had been of wax Chains & bars, with much might that time The saracens also, he slew with much grime The king Philip fell sick and home would gone To France anon, and took his men echeone ¶ Unto the duke of Burgoyn them to lead To bide for him, upon the wars there And home so went to France without dread Where then he made great war and much dear In Normandy and Guyan, foully him bear Against his oath, and his great assurance At their passage, by covenant and concordance The. C xxxix Chapter. ¶ How king Richard sold the realm of Cypress to Statyn once, & an other time to the king Guy● Lezinaunt to resort to him & to his heirs, in default of issue of them. HE sold Cypress to king Statyn of might another time to Guy Lizenaunt full bold For great riches, the resort again of right And for great sums of innumerable of gold His prisoners he ransomed, sore and sold But with his host, full well he distribute All that he gate, unto their great refute ¶ joppen he gate and it repaired new He and the duke of Burgoyn full sore sought On the Sultan and felly did pursue To castle Assure, fro whence he fled unfought But king Richard, that of no peril wrought Was hurt right there, with darts venomous Five wounds sore, mortal and perilous ¶ The drove him then, into jerusalem And laid a siege, about the city round And king Richard hard, how fro Egypt realm Came strong victual, and riches in that stound With full great host, the Christian to confound By night he came, and there them discomfete With worship great, and farpassing profit ¶ Gaze he builded full fair, and Ascaloyn To the templars, to whom afore they longid He delivered, and made him ready boun For to assail the city, and have fongid With might of men, & laddirs full well hongid engines and gonnes, great stones for to cast Which to have won, they were full like at last ¶ The Sultan out by night, then stolen away And christian men, the city gate anon And king Richard, with all the host his way Took to the Flum of Cedar on his soon He followed fast, with host as he might gone With the Sultan fought, & put him fro that field And mightily fro him, he rest his shield The. C xl Chapter. ¶ How the Sultan took a truce with king Richard, after he had put him to flight & won his city and castles in Surry. King Richard gave jerusalem and that realm of Surry, to his sisters son Henry earl of Campanya, with the heir Sibyl to his wife, and homewardwas taken prisoner in Oistrich, but in his gift of Surrry 〈◊〉 jerusalem, he reserved the resort to him & to his heirs THe Sultan took a truce with king Richard For three year whole to buy all merchandise And sell and pass saufly thitherward To the sepulchre, in all manner wise With entercomen, as than it did suffice And home he went, for cause his brother john Then purposed had, for to be crowned anon ¶ He sent his mother, and wife to Cisile And of Acres he made then captain The baron bold, sir Richard Vmfrevile jerusalem to Henry earl of Champein With all Surry to have and to demain And made him king thereof without delay For his sisters son, he was without nay ¶ For the marquis William Mountferrate That king thereof was, by his wife inherit Was slain in Tire, his city by debate All suddenly for cause of great despite Vetulo de Mount, his brother's death to quite His brethren two to Tire, with power hath sent That slew him there, by Vetulo his assent ¶ Whose wife he gave, to Henry his cousin For she was heir of jerusalem He made keepers, in every place full fyne And homeward came, then by the sea stream Hoosting by diverse countries and realm To Romany Tuscan and Lumberdy In to Oistrich, and there was take in high ¶ Themperour led home, them to Menske he brought In strong ward brought, to time that his finance Was fully paid, among his commons & sought Of holy church, unto full great grievance The merchants also, them made great chevisaunce Of all the shrives, was take full great riches Through all England, to ransom with, his highness ¶ And home he came, & john his brother chastised And his fautors, imprisoned all full sore To Normandy then went, and there surprised The king Philip, and warred him ever thore That stroyed his land of Normandy afore Against his oath, and his high assurance Whilst he laboured upon the miscreaunce ¶ He than appealed the king Philip to fight They two alone, hand for hand in field That he was false of his promise and height Which king Philip granted, but not it held But cowardly, with royal host him beld Upon him came, all suddenly to fight Within three days then, for their brother's right ¶ Beside Gysours' they fought with hosts sore Where king Richard had the victory King Philip fled fro his banner thore With much shame, reproof and villainy King Richard segid a castle then in high That Caluce hight, not far fro Lymosyne Where hurt he was, full sore and died fyne ¶ An arblaster with a quarrel him smote As he about the castle went to spy But than he made thereto a saute full hot On every side, about full cruelly And got the place so then full mightily And slew them all, without any grace Again him so that holden had, that strong place. ¶ He shrove him then, unto abbots three With great sobbing, and high contrition And weeping tears, that pity was to see meekly asking penance and absolution That it might please God, at his petition To forgive his offences till domysday So afterward in bliss, he might been ay. ¶ He quethed his corpse, then to be buried All Fount Euerard, there at his father's feet To whom he granted, and made it notified Traitor he was, and false of his behete His heart invincible, to Rouen he sent full meet For their great truth & steadfast great constance His bowels lose to Poytou, for deceivance ¶ Whose soul, from the body did depart And into heaven went, where is eternal joy Because from sin, he did convert Longing for that blessed day To see Christ, that for his sin did pay That crucified was upon the rood Redeeming his sin, by the shedding of his blood. ¶ And of his reign, he died the ten year And in the year of Christ's incarnation A thousand hole, two hundredth and four clear As written is, by clear computation Who in his life had hole domination In Normandy, Guienne, Cypers and Surry Whose honour shone, above all other clearly The. C xli Chapter. ¶ john king of England, duke of Normandy and guian 〈◊〉 earl of Angeou, began to reign the year. M. CC. and four and reigned xvii year and died the year. M. CC xxi HIs brother john, was king then of England Ihonking of England. And crowned was, at westminster full fair By all estates and lords of his land And soon thereafter divorced, full unfair From his wife wedded, that there afore was heir Unto th'earl of Gloucestre full wise That sons had, that time of great enterprise ¶ For cause of which, and of consanguinitye divorce was made, and took another wife Dame Isabella, th'earls daughter fair and free Of England, and his heir known rife Which after made him full great war & strife For she was wife, of Hugh Brune of Toreyn The Viscount then, took fro him a virgin. ¶ Wherefore Hugh Brune, no more of him would hold But warred him, on every side about Till he him took, with other many fold And slew them all, were they never so stout In his first year, a tax he took full out Of each plough land three shillings fully paid For which the people bitterly for him prayed The. C lxii Chapter. ¶ How king William of Scotland did homage liege to king john at Lyncolne, the duke Arthure of Britain & all the lords of Ireland did the same IN his first year, king William of Scotland Made his homage, in Lyncolne his city And Arthure duke of Britain, I understand soon after, made his homage & fealty At London then, with great humility The prince of Wales, there made his homage For Wales then, that was his heritage. ¶ The great a Needle, and Makmurre also And all the lords, and kings of Ireland Thearls also of Ulster, did right so Of Ormond and Desmond, for there land And all estates there, as I understand Were sworn to him, and to him did homage For their livelihoods, and their heritage ¶ The king Philip confedered with Arthure To rebel sore, again his eme king john And grant him men, & power strong and sure To get guian Poytou and Angeou anon Wherefore king john to Normandy 'gan gone And there he took Arthure duke of britain In castle Mirable died, in mickle pain ¶ Dame Isabella the sister also of Arthure. In the castle of Bristol, was then hold And died there in prison, then full sure As king john her uncle, so it would A lady of great beauty, she was hold Beshet in prison, in pains strong So endeth her life, for sorrow lived not long ¶ Thus slew he both, Athure and Isabella The children of his brother, duke Geffrey To joy the crown of England, as men tell Wherefore most part, of all his lands that day Beyond the sea, forsook him then for ay Returning to the king of France in high To hold of him and his perpetually ¶ Bishop Hubert of Cauntorbury though died Wherefore king john, unto the covent sent To choose his clerk, which they refused & denied Wherefore the king, was wroth in his intent For they disobeyed the letter, which he sent For they had chosen master Stephan Langton The piteous & lamentable story of king John who by the Roomyshe bishop and his adherents was most shame fully & vylanously abused, as by this history doth appear. An worthy clerk, of all disposition. ¶ Whom king john, then would not admit For roman bull, ne for the prelate's prayer But prisoned some, and some to death commit Some he exiled and their eyen clear And all persons and prelate's in fere He then put out and seized their benefice Through all the land, as his mortal enemies The romish bishop cursed him openly And all the realm fully did enterdite That sacraments none, therein should occupy And to the king of France, without respite He wrote his letters so full fair indite To take England hole in governance For king john his great misgovernance. ¶ Many earls also, and many great barons Unto the king of France, wrote openly To send his son Lewes, the rebellions To help, to whom they promised sickerly To crown him king of England worthily If that king john, would not his trespass amend Unto the church, in which he had offend. ¶ Wherefore that king of France, to England sent His son Lewes, with host and power strong With whom many lords sustained his intent And other some, maintained king john in wrong Thus stood this land, England & Wales long Hole enterdite, from all holy sacraments That none was done, without privelegementes ¶ Lewes the son, of king Philip of France Had castles, fees, and cities many one At his good rule, and full wise governance In England then, well more, than had king john Till on a day, to lords he made his moon By whose council, unto that romish bishop he wrote His letters meek, as best he could them note ¶ Beseking him of mercy, and of grace Of forgiveness and absolution His defaults all to mend, and his trespass And undirguage all his punysion For to release thenterdiction For which the romish bishop as he that letters see Wept fore, having full great pity ¶ Thenterdiction fully he released And to the king of France, anon sent To cease the war, the peace to be encreassed Between him, and king john bayssent To which he would, put so all his intent To Lewes then, he sent the same message And of England, to have his hole costage ¶ And for Lewes, with Lords of England Obeyed not the bishops commandment He sent Gwalo his legate I understand To curse Lewes, and all of his assent Then died king john, in Christian hole intent At Croxton abbey, and buried was full fair At Worcester, with lords and great repair ¶ Some books say, he poisoned was to dead Of plums so sitting at his meat In th'abbey of Cistews at Swynsheade With which a monk, there him did rehete weening of God great thank to get At Newerke died, at Worcester sepultured In chronicles, as is plainly scriptured. ¶ He gate a son, that Henry of Wynchester hight And other after, and Richard was his name That earl was of cornwall, of great might A Worthy knight, and of right noble fame These sons on his wife, that noble dame And gate Isabella, the wife of frederik Emperor of Rome, a lord full poletyk. ¶ In his times were these earls in England Geoffrey Maundevile, earl of Essex than Sir Quincy, as I can understand Earl of Winchester, that was a manly man And the earl of cornwall that was than Roger of Clare, than earl of Gloucester That in England was, none his better. ¶ Roger Bygot, earl of Norfolk then That Martial was, that time of England Henry Bowne, than earl of Herforde, as I can conceive was then, Constable of the land Aright worthy knight, of his hand And david, then was of Huntyngdon William Martial, earl of Penbroke full boon ¶ Randolfe of Chester, the earl of good estate Robert Veer of Oxenford full wise William Groos, of Almaryk generate William Longspee, earl then, of great enterprise In acts martial, a man knightly and wise Of Salysbury, a mighty lord that day Through all England, known of great array. ¶ William, the earl of Arundel that height Awbeny by his surname, full well then know At Wimondham, in Norfolk buried right Father was of Philip, full young unknown That full courteous was, both to high and low That after him was earl of Arundel As chronicles written, can clearly tell ¶ This king john died in hole creance The year of christ, a. M, was then gnaw Two hundredth xxi by remembrance In chronicles, as I have red and saw And full cumbreous, both to high and law At Worcester, buried in good array As a prince royal of reason, aught that day. The. C xliii Chapter. ¶ Henry the third, king of England, duke of Normandye and Guienne, and Earl of Angeou, that began to reign the year of christ, a thousand. CC. xxi, and died in the year, a thousand. CC lxxiii and of his reign the lvi year ¶ In his time was a battle at Lincoln, where Earl Raudolfe of Chester discomfited Lewis, that son of king philip of France. HEnry his son, than was of ix year age King Henry that third At Gloucester, crowned with the diadem By the Legate Gwalo, & the Baronage Stephan of Langton, helping as did well seem Archbishop then, as the bishop could dame The same year then, the king with Lewis fought Beside Lincoln, where Lewis was near caught ¶ Four. C. knights, of Lewis there was slain th'earl of Perch, was slain on Lewis side And many fled, with Lewis soothe again th'earl Randolf, of Chester known wide The field there gate, that day with mikell pride And Lewis then, all his right relesed And home he went, with money well appeased. ¶ In the second year, he wedded Alyanor Th'earl's daughter of province, good and fair Whose elder sister, king Lewis wed afore This earl was then, famed among repair The noblest prince, without any despair That time alive, through all chrystente Of all honour, and great nobility And john, the son of david of Huntingdon That of Huntyngdon, & Chester earl had been Without child died, his earldom to the crown Then sezed were, to time that it was seen How his sisters might them depart between The parliament granted, that wards to the king That held of him, by knights service doing ¶ Too make statutes, at Oxenford & ordinance By which, there should none alyence enheryte And put the kyngunder the governance Of certain lords, wisest & most perfit Which after made among them great despite And battles strong, & great contrariaunce Through all the land, by long continuance The. C xliiii Chapter. ¶ Of the birth of Edward his eldest son, and heir was in the xxix year of his father, and in the year of christ a thousand. CC xxxix How Symonde Mountforte Earl of Leycester was create. HIs eldest son, and heir that Edward high At Westmynster, of Christ'S incarnation The year a thousand. CC ix and xxx right Whom the legate Otho by information baptized in font, saint Edmondes' confirmacy 〈…〉 To him then made, as the church devised In his baptism holy, then autoryzed. ¶ Symond the son, of earl Symond Mountfort Came out of France, for ferdnesse of that queen To king Henry, whom he gave great comfort He gave him then, his man for ay to been Of Leycester, the earldom fair and clean With the Steward of England, in heritage Which is an office, of great privelage. ¶ And wed his daughter, dame Elyanore To William Martial, earl of Penbroke After whose death, she avowed chastity for evermore But he her married, and her betook For all her vow, as sayeth the book To Earl Symond Mountfort to be his wife notwithstanding, that she vowed chastity her life. ¶ though died Lewelyn, the prince of Wales then Between his sons Gryffyth, and David grew Great dissension and strife ay, when and when And dame beatrice, the kings daughter true To earl Symonde, of Britain wedded new The year of christ, a thousand was accounted Two hundredth moo, forty and one amounted The. C xlv Chapter. ¶ The 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 of Lancaster and of Leicester, long after in the year of his father one and thirty, and in the year of Christ M. iiC xli. THe same year then, Edmond his soon was At Lancastre that year of Christ then written A thousand whole, two. C, and forty more boar And one thereto, in Flores as is written And in the year next after then oversetten The king his daughter, Margaret then married. To alexander king of Scotland notified ¶ At York city, where he then did homage Homage of the Scots. For Scotland whole, and Isles appertaining Then died ●hemperour full sage Wherefore the lords of Almaignie varying Some chose Richard king, Henry's brother being And some that king of Castille would have algate But earl Richard of Menske had all the state ¶ Then rose discord, between the king Henry Battle of Lewes And certain lords of mighty great power Symond Mountfort, upon him took boldly To be cheftein, to hold the field full clear At Lewis fought, of christ then was the year A thousand two, hundred and sixty accounted And four also, so much more amounted ¶ This earl Symond, had then the king Henry And his brother, Richard th'emperor In his keeping and ward, were hold strongly But prince Edward, was set in Herford tour And earl Henry of Herford that was flower Themperours son, at Herford with him lay A mile about, disported them every ●aye ¶ From whence at last, with horse they broke away 〈…〉 And to Wigmour castle they came in high The battle of Euesh 〈…〉. To sir Roger mortimer where he lay That them received, then full gladly And so they assembled with great host manfully And held the field, the lords fast to them drew And at Euesham, they struck a battle new ¶ In the year of Christ, a thousand was though Two hundred more, sirty also and five When prince Edward fought with his foo Symond Mountfort, and reached him fro his liue The field discomfited, there anon as believe With help of earl Gilbert, then called Clare And other lords with him that were there ¶ He slew many, and some away exiled And some he held in prison and distress He took out then his father, as is compiled His eme Richard, holden in great dures And all his friends, of his high worthiness He succoured ever, and with his gold supported And where it want, with his word them comforted The. C xlvi Chapter. ¶ How Robert Ferrer earl of Derby was dish rite and many other of their company. RObert Ferrer, that earl was of Derby Disherit then, for his insurrection With many other at Chesterfeld in high fought with Edward, of their presumption And fled away, with great confusion Unto the Isle of Axholme, and fro thence Unto Lyncolne, and spoiled the citizens ¶ Fro thence to Ely they went anon Where prince Edward, thisle proudly assailed They fled fro it soon, to Yorkshire 'gan gone In freres clothes, that were full long tailed Robbing their foes, when they of good failed And other some to Kilyngworth then fled To Henry Hastynges, who then the castle had ¶ Where then that king, great siege laid all about But nought availed, so strongly they defend And for theridamas was, in every shire throughout So great robbery, and nothing amend The king was fain, for lords then to send By whose advise, he ordained for that case That all disherit and exiled, should have grace ¶ All disherit, should buy their lands again To pay for them gold, as they might accord With theowners', so that no man should payen More than the land were worth, by great record In seven year whole, and if they might concord For less money, so it exceed a year The value of the yearly rend full clear ¶ Robet Ferrer earl of Derby then The sons also, of earl Symond exclude That perpetual judgement fully than Never to redeem their lands, but been exclude So that theowners', be not with them delude Unto a day, that fifty thousand pound Be paid of nobles whole and round ¶ Edmond the son, of the same king Henry Was wedded first unto dame Auelyn earl William his daughter, of Almarle womanly None issue had, neither male ne feminine Then was he wed to Blaunche that queen full fine Of Naverne, and so of Lancaster create With Leicestre also th'earl denominate The. C xlvii Chapter. ¶ How Edward th'elder soon & heir of king Henry the third, and his brother earl Edmond of Lancaster and of Leicestre went to Jerusalem with great power which two princes were counted the semeliest of all the host of Christendom. HIs brother Edward, and he associate To jerusalem, their voyage then avowed Two seemly princes, together adjoinate In all the world, was none them like allowed So large & fair they were, each man he bowed Edward above his men, was largely seen By his shoulders more high and made full clean ¶ Edmond next him, the comeliest prince alive Not croak backed, ne in no wise disfugured As some men wrote, the right line to deprive Through great falsehood, made it to be scriptured For cause it should alway be refigured And mentioned well, his issue to prevail Unto the crown, by such a governaile ¶ But prince Edward and he held fourth their way To jerusalem, so did th'emperor Richard his eme, and Henry his son full gay To Cisile came by sea, through many a shower Edward with him, than had his wife that hour Elianour daughter of the king of Arragon A princess fair at his election ¶ The king Lewes also then thither went And in his way died and expired Saint Lewes now is named by all assent Of holy church, as it is well inquired Approved true as reason well required But Edward prince, and Edmond abode two year With wars great, and mighty strong power ¶ For nations all, unto prince Edward drew And to Edmond his brother, for their seemliness And great manhood, which in them that they knew Sir Charles, that brother of king Lewes doubtless King of Cisile of noble worthiness By the Sultan was chasid without beld Whom prince Edward succoured, & had the field ¶ And with the Sultan fought in battle sore Discomfit him, and put him to the flight Where Edward then was hurt and wounded thore Of wounds five, that mortal were to sighed His brother Edmond also wounded in that fight But as Edward in his bed, sick then lay A Sarasyne came, to him upon a day ¶ To leche his hurts, with salves many one But false he was, for with a knife full sore He struck him foul, as they were then alone But yet that prince, the knife fro him gate thore And slew him then, with it for evermore At Acres lay he then, with wounds feel With medicyns, to lech and to hele ¶ The lech so false, was by the Sultan sent Him to have slain, in any manner wise For cause he had, discomfit him and shent And when he was all whole, that he might rise Message he had, fro all the lords wise Of England then, of his father dead That prayed him home to come, & been their heed ¶ King Henry had then made, the minster fair Of Westminster, as it is now at this day The remnant he left unto his heir To edify and make in like array Or else a some of money for to pay The which he granted to the edification At his death, then bequeath and assignation ¶ Edward then, took a truce for ten year With the Sultan, and to Cisile saylid And landed at Rome, where then he had good cheer Both of the bishop and cardinals not failed That sore had mourned, and greatly bewailed That cursed sore, sir Guy Mountforte each day For the slaughter of Henry his cousin gay. ¶ The son that was of Richard th'emperor earl of cornwall, whom at Veterbe he slew Right in the church, for old wrath and rancour In England done, his father's death to renew At mass kneeling horribly him all to hew Fro Acres as he came, as god's knight Without cause of reason or of right ¶ But price Edward & Edmound his brother dear To Savoy can, where jousts were made & tournament And there desired they, & their knights in fere With the duke of Savoy, and his there present To just, and prove each other in good intent Their knights young, to learn as did suffice In martial feet, knighthood to exercise ¶ Where he foriust, the duke full manly His brother also, the duke's nephew And bore him down, both horse and man eagerly And every knight, with other ever jousted new Day by day, whiles echeone other knew By xiiii days enduring and contained With feast solemn, by the duke sustained. ¶ An hundredth ladies, of worthy good estate Were set on high, above within a tent By the duke of Savoy, well ordinate To give the gree, and thank by judgement Which then award, plainly by hole assent To prince Edward, & earl Edmound his brother That had foriust the duke and many other. ¶ The duke him gave, gifts of great honour And to his brother, gifts of high pleasance And to his knights, gifts of great valour And conveyed him, into the land of France Where of the king with worthy governance Received he was, as prince full excellent And homage made to him, in good intent. ¶ For his lands, lying beyond the sea The which was true, as chronicles witness And home he came, with great felicity Of whose coming, the people had great gladness Him to receive, in all kind of worthiness And of his brother Edmound also in fear They were full glad, at all their hole power ¶ But king Henry was gone to God afore The year of Christ, a thousand hole accounted Two hundredth hole, sixty and thirteen more On saint Edmondes' day, when he amounted This world leaving, full of trouble accounted Unto the bliss of heaven, for ever to rest Among good souls, where Christ so liked best. The. C xlviii Chapter. ¶ How king Edward of England, the first after the conquest, called Edward with the long shanks, began to reign on the morrow after saint Edmondes' day that king in the year a. M. CC. and lxxiii & died the year. M. CCC. and vii the eight day of july, and the xxxiiii year of his reign. EDwarde his son & heir, first generate King Edward the first after that conquest. With all honour by all the baronage Crowned was, in all royal estate And of th'estates, received hole homage King Alexander for his heritage The homage of that king of Scotland to king Edward. Of Scotland hole, and isles appertaining His homage did, right then unto the king. ¶ The duke also of Britain made homage For britain hole, and there became his man Which princes two, had wed in marriage His sisters two, Margarete and Beatrice then Margarete to Scotland, & Beatrice to Britain Both two married, and wed in high estate By their father full wisely ordinate ¶ A merchant took the wife of prince Lewlyn earl Symonds daughter, of Leycester that had been And to the king her brought full femenyn Wherefore the prince, by hest as then was seen To be his man, and homage did full clear And led his wife to Wales in good intent By the kings grace, and by hole assent ¶ The king then, did great right and justice Upon clippers and peirers of the coin And new money made, that then might suffice Of silver plate, made out of Boloyne The groat, half groat, all in new coin He coined fast, penny, halfpenny, and ferthing For porayll to buy with, their leaving. ¶ That same time he made a new statute That no man should grant land ne tenement A restraint of lands to be given to the clergy. To the church, ne give nor constitute No manner ground, nor no manner rent Without licence, of the lord and his assent Of whom it is holden, above in chief And else that church, this realm had put in mischief ¶ The prince Lewlyn, and of David his brother Made war upon the king in great array The March brent and many harms other In England did, wherefore the king his way To Wales held, in all the haste he may The lord Mortimer, took then the prince Lewlyn And to the king him brought, for to incline ¶ The king him headed, and to the tour it sent The Walshemen made, David his brother then Prince of Wales, by their comen assent Wherefore the king, to war on them began And of the Walshemen, slew full many a man And had David unto his presence brought Hanged and drawn, as than he had it sought. ¶ Then seized he Wales, for ever into his hand And ordained, that no prince therein should be But he or else his heir I understand And that no man, of Wales hole country One night should lie, in castle nor city But void out fro sun to sun, them every night Thus kept he Wales, his time by royal might. The. C xlix Chapter. ¶ How Gladowies Dewy, the daughter of david, prince of Wales, was wedded to sir Ralph mortimer, of whom came the Earls of March. GWenlyan, that daughter was of Lewlyne Without child died, a virgin aye In a ●onnery, of the order of Gylbertyne And Gladowies Dewy, david's daughter gay young, fresh and lusty, as the rose in may To Ralph was wed, that was lord mortimer Of whom that earls of March, become full clear ¶ Then went the king, and queen to Gasc●yne And Gwyan, to set that land in peace And so forth then, he went to Arragon To sport them with their father there no lees To Gwyan then, again for his increases He came anon, and set in peace that land And so came again to England. The. C l Chapter. ¶ How the king did attaint his justices, and set inquiry of peace breakers, ryouters, oppressors, extortioners, and of the usury of jews. HIs justyces all, by law he did attaint For wrong domes, & false judgement For covetise, that false were then & faint To help the poor commons, to their intent He set justyces in heir by all assent That called was, that time Troilebaston For to inquire, of all extortion ¶ Of Ryouters', fighters, and baratours Of market beters, that raised great debates Of peace breakers, and all the susteynours That were with them of privy assocyates Of oppressors, of all the poor estates And all that were then found culpable imprisoned were, or by their purse excusable ¶ Of jews' within this land, that was abiding Great plaints were made, of Okoure and usury How they did waste, the folk by such winning And privy bonds, made without measure In pain of double, or else forfeiture The king then voided, for which that church a disme Him granted, so did the commons a quindecyme. ¶ Rys Ap Madoke, a war in Wales 'gan take Again the king, that great wars had sustened And prince him called, of Wales without make Who then at York, by law full well maintained On galous high, as to him well appertained Was drawn and hanged, his head upon the tower was set anon, as rebel and traitor. The. C li Chapter. ¶ How Edmonde Earl of Lancaster, and of Leycester, kept Gwyan, and wed queen Blaunche of Naverne the kings sister of France, and therefore he bore the label in his arms for difference fro the kings of England ever after. King Edward sent, his brother then full dear To keep Guyan, and with him strong chivalry Who governed there, that land without peer To high honour, as made is memory In France sore dread, among the adversary And other lands, lying there all about Above all men, he was there most bedoute For ever he put them, to the worse in field In arms ay, he had the victory And in Paris, at justes under shield Far passing was, and did ay notably That for his manhood, and famous chivalry In so farforth, that all lands him commend For his manhood, which so in him they kende. ¶ He wed dame Blaunche, of Naverne that was queen King Philip sister, that was full good & fair Of whom he gate, Thomas of Lancaster I ween And Henry his brother, that afterward was heir And earls both, they were without despair Of Lancaster, and also of leicester As Flores hath expressed well, by letter. ¶ For which wedding, and noble alliance He and his heirs, bare for a difference England arms, with label hole of France By which all men, may have intelligence That Edmonde was younger in existence Then king Edward, though some say that contrary And from the truth, yet have they will to vary The. C lii Chapter. ¶ How the five ports, took the navy of France on the se● in battle. THe king of France, a navy great than sē● Upon England, to war in great array Which that .v. ports took on the sea & shent And people great, there slew & dreynt that day Their ships all, by battle and affray Were take, and brought then into England With captains many, and lords of that land ¶ King Philip then, at Paris in parliament Somonde Edward, afore him to appear Surmitting him, of robbery felonoment Upon his fleet, so done by times sear For fault of answer, foreiuged him there Destroyed his land, in each place where he might But king Edward, then went to France right ¶ And gate again, his lands everichone And sought ay where, upon the king of France But he fled ever, and battle would give none soon after, so Philip by ordinance A truce took, by good ordinance For all his lands beyond the sea To set in peace, with all tranquillity The. C liii Chapter. ¶ How Morgan and Madoke his brother, were set in the tower for rebellion in Wales made by comfort of king Phylip of France. IN Wales, Morgan made war & great distance And Madoke also, his brother full untrue For which the king, with all his ordinance To Wales went, & fought with them all new At straits great, which tho traitors knew Yet were they take, and put in sore prison Within the tower, for their rebellion. ¶ The king Philip had sent then gold to wa● On England then, with sir Thomas Turbiruile Who was espied, by sotell means afferre And heeded was anon, for all his guile His wit not holp him then, ne yet his wile He died with shame, reproof and villainy Engendered all of meed and surquidry. The. C liiii Chapter. ¶ How Earl Edmonde was lieutenant of Guyan, and warred upon the king of France, and defied him by letter, for he broke the promise made to Edward his brother king of England. SIr Edmond earl of Lancaster then full true lieutenant then of Guian, all throughout On whom that king Philip, then road all new And broke the truce, with hosts great and stout Wherefore he went to him without doubt To see how that, it might be well defend He bade him thus, set to his knee and amend. ¶ Wherefore in ire, he gave him up homage The which he ought for his land that he held And answered him again, of great courage From hens forward, I shall you hold the field And at my power, each day under shield Prove how ye do unto my lord great wrong The which I shall amend, or it be long. And so departed, without more language And into Guyan came, with all his might And to his brother wrote, & made him knowledge And bade him come with power for to fight With spear and bow, for other writ of right May not be got, within the court of France For to recover, his high inheritance. ¶ Each day thence forth, with bamners' hole displeyed He held the field, and king Philip warred And letters sent him defyals and umbrayde Of his surance, and oath that he had erred And castles gate, f●ll many & not differred King Edward sent, his brother then suppowaile The French party, to war and assail. The. C lu Chapter. ¶ How sir Roger mortimer was made Earl of March at Kyllyngworthe, and set the round table of a thousand knights, and as many ladies. ANd in the year, a. M. was full than Two hundredth also sixty and nyntene When sir Roger mortimer so began At Kelyngworth, the round table as was seen Of a thousand knights, for discipline Of young men after he could devise Of turnementes, and jousts to exercise. ¶ A thousand ladies, excelling in beauty He had there also, in tents high above The jousts, that they might well & clearly see Who jousted best, there for their lady love For whose beauty, it should the knights move In arms so etchone other to revie To get a fame in play of chivalry ¶ This Mortimer, was then lord Mortimer But in these jousts, he held great feasts each day By forty days contained whole and clear At which one part of ladies fair and gay Gave him the price of fame, of all that play Wherefore the king, to increase his estate Proclaimed him earl of March there create The. C lvi Chapter. ¶ How Edmond earl of Lancaster and of Leicester fought at Bayon with the power of France and was slain there & sir William Valence earl of Pen broke was dead there and many other lords, in the year a thousand two hundred four score & sixteen. But earl Edmond the kings brother dear With twenty & six banners, proud & stout The fifth day of june, was accounted clear Of Christ his date a thousand year all out Four score and sixteen with out doubt At Bayon fought, with the frenchmen certain Where he in that field that day, like a knight was slain ¶ Sir William Valence, earl of Pembroke was then Sir john Rychmond and many other baron Sir john saint john, right a full manly man Thenglishe host felly, there was boar down By a bushment, laid by colution That broke on them, sore fight in the field Out of a wode, in which that day were beld The. C lvii Chapter. WHen john of Gaunt, that son of king Edward How a chronicle was feigned to make Edmond the elder brother. For cause his brother that duke was of Clarence None issue male had then, that men of herd But female by all intelligence When king Richard in his great excellence None issue had, he would have been his heir Apparent then, by act in parliament feire ¶ The which Thomas Wodstok, duke of Gloucester And all nobles of England there present Proclaimed then, by writing and by letter How that th'earl of March, then in parliament Unto the king, was then heir apparent Where duke john in divers places made Feigned chronicles, that showed were full brade ¶ How this Edmond th'elder son of king Henry Broke backed and bowbacked boar Was unabled to have the monarch And Edward so the younger king therefore Shuche chronicles then, he feigned full sore And put in place, of divers religion To make his son, right heir of this region ¶ But when king Henry, this chronicle showed It was defect, and clearly set at nought And underfoot cast down and eke stroyed The contrary by chronicles truly wrought Was proved true, and then his title he sought By resignment and renunciation By depoisale and plain coronation ¶ It is not true, that croak backed he hight For valiant he was, in all his doings And personable with all, to every man's sight Although false chronicles, have other sayings King Alexander of Scotland, then died That wedded had, the kings sister Margarete And Alexander his son, being in the same stead Who with Margatete his wife, on the sea perished. The. C lviii Chapter. ¶ How Florence earl of Holland & his pursuers bound him to vide the judgement of the king Edward, if he should be king of Scotland. FLorence th'earl of Holland & his compeers That claimed then, the crown of Scotland After the death of Margaret as pursuers Came to king Edward, then of England Requering him in God his name all weldand As he that was, of Scotland sovereign lord To try the right, and set them in accord ¶ For which he set, at Norham a parliament After Easter than next following In the kirk of Norham, to that intent That all Scots, and other that were pursuing Might there appear, their titles claiming At which parliament, the pursuantes them bond At his decree and judgement to stand ¶ By one letter, with all their seals ensealed Which doublid was, they gave unto the king The other part, for it should not be repealed They kept with theim selfes, alway abiding Which letter, john Harding maker of this book This was to Henry the fifth. To king Henry delivered, that gave him in recompense The manor of Gedyngton, with all that appurtenence. ¶ For which manor, than the cardinal Of Wynchester unto the queen disposed In her dower and fro him took it all When that the king, by death was deposed Him recompense, he promised and composid But nought he had, but might that prince have lived He durst full evil, his excellence have grieved ¶ another letter, double in like wise The said heirs delivered to the king That other part as should of right suffice Semblably with them, was remaining By which they bond, themself by their sealing Him to deliver, the king his castles all To keep, to time his judgement were byfall ¶ Of which judgement without possession Of castle strong throughout their all the land He might not well done execution Wherefore the heirs to him, so their them bond Which letter also, john Harding took on hand And did deliver, so then at Boys Vincent For the said reward, together by one intent The. C lix Chapter. ¶ How king Edward made sir john Balyoll king of Scotland. AND in the year of Christ his incarnation A thousand whole two hundred & four scour And thereto three by very computation At the feast of saint Michael set afore The king Edward to Scotland came therefore Where twenty then, chosen were of England And other twenty persons, also of Scotland ¶ By whose advise, all other rights excls ude The king judged, to john Bailyol the crown That was descent, as clearly was conclude Of th'elder daughter, of David of Huntyngdon As chronicles make, thereof good mention Margarete wedded to Aleyne of Galawaye Whose daughter was king john's mother that day ¶ That Dernegull hight, and was john Bailiols' wife. Whose son & heir, king john was then crowned That bailiol hight, that known was full rife In that minster of Skone, within Scotland ground sitting upon the regal stone full sound As all the kings, there used had afore On saint Andrew's day, with all joy therefore ¶ At Christmas next after, the same king john To Newcastle, to king Edward came His homage made, and fealty liege anon Homage of the Scots. Of his free will, without any blame And with great joy, again returned hame But then that Scots, chose them xii lords by assent To rule the king john, by their intent. The. C lx Chapter. ¶ How king john of Scotland, made confederacy with France again England. Which made him then, to make confederacy With king Philip of France and alliance Perpetually to be contributory Ether with other, by strong & great assurance England to war, with all their hole puissance The king Edward, saying this high falsehood To Barwike came, with host and great manhood ¶ At the nuns of Barwyke, than he lay And laid a siege, about on every side At after Easter, but flemings than that day The Leden hall, there held full strong that tide Which with wild fire, was brent & might not bide That same night, than sir Wyllym Douglas yald Barwyke castle, to king Edward and salde. The. C lxi Chapter. ¶ How king john of Scotland surrendered his homage to king Edward, and disclaimed to hold of him. IN this same time vii earls of Scotland Sieged Carleile, and so to Hexham brent And home again, harmless out of England They went anon, and none harms hent Worse to have done, was there intent But than king john, surrendered up his homage To king Edward, for him and his lineage ¶ By letters which the king, Edward then sent To abbeys great, in England of record To be remembered, of his false intent Renouncing king Edward, for his sovereign lord The seven earls, at Dunbarre by concord Then sieged it, fro which earl Patrick went And granted to hold of him, at his intent. The. C lxii Chapter. ¶ Of the battle of Dunbarre, where that king Edward prevailed. Which castle so, than the king rescued And drove th'earls, there out of the field And much people unto the death there bowed Without help, there slain under shield To Ronkesburgh, the king Edward so held That soon was yield, to him without strife Their good safe also, and their life. ¶ So he forth to Edinburgh went anon That yelden was, on the same condition Then was Stryvelyn void and left alone Without defence, or any garrison That Edward took, in his possession Which king Edward, took into his power And saved the people, both far and near. ¶ Then came th'earl of Ulster with great power Of Iryshemen, and so to saint john's town The king them went, with host through Fyfe full cher And brent that shire, throughout both upon & down submission of the Scottish king & all his lords unto king Edward the first. When then king john, by good direction To Edward sent, and prayed him then of peace And to his grace, submit him or he would cease ¶ Then king Edward took his submission At Brighyn then, upon the water of Taye And gave him there, his realm without condition Of Scotland so, to him and his for ay The lords all, made him homage that day The ten day was of july, and in the year Of king john then the four was counpted clear ¶ And thereupon, he sent him to the tour Of London then, with certain rebels more King john he kept, in worship and honour Like his estate, where he would ride or god Ten mile about, for his disport there so Then king Edward, on the mountains went That months there be called in their intent ¶ And as he came homeward, by Skone away The regal there, of Scotland than he brought And sent it forth, to Westmynster for ay To be there in a cheire cleanly wrought For a mass preaste to sit in, when he aught Which there was standing, beside the shrine In a cheire, of old time made full fyne ¶ Then made the king, john Wareyn his regent That earl was then, of Sussex and Surray And treasurer he made, at his intent ●ugh Cressyngham, and William Ormesby The chief justice, through Scotland generally His chancellor at Skone, and treasurer Abiding were, to rule the land full clear. ¶ Then went king john, to Flaunders for succour Of the dukes of Geldre and Brabant And also of the noble Emperor That him had height, great help & succour then But none he had, and home again he want For in that mean time, while he in Flaunders abode William Valois, all Scotland over road ¶ He slew the judge, and the chancellor Thofficers also, and the chaumberleyn The Captains and the treasurer And got the land, fro Englishmen again And slew them all, with cruel death and pain Wherefore the king, upon the Maudeleyn day At Fowkirke fought, with Scots in great array ¶ Where Scots fled, and forty. M. slain And into Fiffes he went, and brent it clean And Andrewstoune, he wasted then full plain And Blakmanshire & Menteth as men mean And on the ford of Trippour, with host I ween To Bothbile, Glascowe, and to the town of Are And so to Lanarke, Longhmaban & Anand there ¶ Which all he had, ever where he came And then he wed king philip's sister Margarete A fair lady, and full of noble fame Her son and heir, Edward Carnavan heat A maiden wed, king philip's daughter sweet Whom his father, than prince of Wales create Duke of cornwall, & earl of Chester nominate ¶ Then went the king to Scotland again And won the land, and had there all obeisance Saving Wales, that would not him obeyn But fled him ever, for dread of mischance He ordained then by statute ordinance That none should be, the prince of Wales more Except of the king, his eldest son first bore The. C lxiii Chapter. ¶ How the bishop of Rome, at the suggestion of the Scots wrote to king Edward under this form. ANd in the year, a thousand. CCC. & one Bishop Boniface, at that Scots suggestion To king Edward, by letter wrote anon Charging him, then upon his benison For to deliver the Scots out of prison Which in England, he had holden with wrong And his officers, call home that there had be long. ¶ Alleged all, how Scotland hole was hold Of Peter's church of Rome, & nought of him But by great wrong, and oppression bold He them overled, with wars sore and brim And them compelled, in pain of life and limb To become his men, & the realm of him to hold By homage liege, whether they would or nolde ¶ And bad him also, afore him then appear At the court of Rome, his right there for to show And if it might beknow, his right were clear Without delay, by judgement just and true He should it have by execution due By sensors of their church and hole sentence For to obey his high magnificence. The. C lxiiii Chapter. ¶ How king Edward wrote again an answer of his letter. THen king Edward, wrote unto him again An answer, by his letters meek and due All his titles and duties full plain Nought in form, never in effect to sue Nor in his court, no judgement to pursue Remembering well, his fatherhede Now Brutus had Albion, and did it possede ¶ In Hely time, which to his sons he divide Unto his son locrine, first propagate He gave Logres, that hath this tide To Albanacte, the second procreate He gave Albany, Scotland now denomynate And to Cambre, his youngest son he gave Cambre, that now is Wales, to joy and have ¶ To king Locrine, of Logres and to his heirs The sovereignty, and homage ay reserved Of Albanacte and Cambre, and all theirs Perpetually Trojan law observed By which laws, Bryton hath been conserved Sith hitherward, without interruption Afore the time, that Rome had prescryption. ¶ Afore the time also, that christ was boar By many years, the kings of Logres had Scotland by escheat, for fault of heirs thore And removed kings, that were there known bad And other kings there made, with hearts glad Which that land couth, there govern mikel better And service did to Logres, oft by letter. ¶ Also, the same john Baylioll I made King of Scotland as law and reason would Who made homage, to me with heart full glad And afterward, was false manifold He stroyed my land, with hosts stout and bold Wherefore I made him war, till he were fain To my presence to come, and him obeyne ¶ Where then for trespass, and rebellion He surrendered to me, and to my heirs The realm of Scotland, & also the crown The lords of all Scotland, for them & theirs Made me homage, for their proper lands By their letter written, and their bands ¶ Wherefore then, having thereof possession The pride of my subjects, and insolence How the scottish king & all the lords of Scotland made homage unto ding Edward. Where I did find, their false rebellion As right and law, would be my regence I chastised ay, at mine intelligence Wherefore, please it to your fatherhede Mine ancient rights, to have commend in deed The. C .lxv. Chapter. ¶ How the lords wrote to the bishop of Rome for the same cause. THe date was of this letter, a. M. year Three hundredth also & one, the. viii day of Mayr And of his reign xxix clear With that the lords in England were that day By their letter, and the bishop did pray The kings right, not to put in question Of eldest time, longing to his crown. ¶ For in their letter, the bishop they did remember They would not suffer his disherityson His crown so foul to hurt, and dismember His royalty to put in question For desire of his rebels false suggestion The which rights, for death or life maintain They were so bound, they could none other mean ¶ So seized the bishop, and the matter let And king Edward then, in to Scotland went Through all Catnesse, destroyed it in great heat The months high, & out ysles straight he shent Till they obeyed all, hole his regiment And wyntred then, at Dunfermlin abbey Where saint Margarete, is worshpped ever & ay The. C lxvi Chapter. ¶ Of the battle of Argyle, where Vmfrevyle took William Waleys, and john Waleys. ANd then th'earl of Angos Robert Vmfrevile That regent was, of Scotland constitute Took william Wales, then at Argyle His brother john also without resute With rebels more, that were all destitute By battle sore, there smitten full cruelly Where Vmfrevile then had the victory ¶ And to London them brought, to judgement Where they were drawn, & hanged on gallow tree And quartered then, their quarters home were sent At certain towns, hanged up there to be Their traytourhede, and falsehood for to see Their heads also, full high upon the tower At London bridge, were set to great terror The. C lxvii Chapter. ¶ How Peirs of Gaverstone, earl of Cornwall was exiled ANd in the year a thousand iii C. and five He exiled out Peyrs Gaverston of cornwall That Earl was then, for treason known rive And in the year after, without any fail Earl Robert Bruis, of Carrike gan assail Earl john Comen of Bongham, at Dunfryse And slew him there, in February when it did fryse ¶ Because he would not, to him there assent To be crowned then, king of Scotland And forth he fled, to see who would consent And many one drew to him in that land Became his men, and made syker bond To whom Walter Wareyne, the younger son Of th'earl of Surrey, that then did won ¶ With the lord Vesty, that had his sister wed That fro her went, unto this Robert Bruys Either of other were fain, for they were fled Out of England, their living had such Guris For their riotous living, and male adventures Thus went they about, hearkening every where Who were foes, and who their friends were. ¶ All Scotland through, this Robert went about On foot to spy, who would with him hold And who would not, he warred them all out And killed them down, in places manifold And much harm did, in chronicle as is told And with him was, alway Walter Wareyne That with him went, through mountains wood and plain ¶ On nights they lay, in woods & in mountain At morrow, on their foes came down and kill On day they were thousands, at even but twain There knows no more at even, where they drew till So were they ever at night of lodging will For dread of guile and of great traytourye They lodged them on nights full privily ¶ But on the feast of the Annuncyation Of our lady, saint Mary the virgin Robert Bruys, with great supportation Was crowned at Skone, as he could imagine To whom great folk, with good will did incline Full glad of his welfare, & his coronation With great host came, to Perch with prosperation The. C lxviii Chapter. ¶ How sir Robert Vmfrevile, Earl of Angeou, and sir Aymer Valence Earl of Pembroke discomfited king Robert Bruys, beside saint john's town, and put him unto the flight. ON the morrow, sir Robert earl Vmfrevile Of Angeous' then, that regent was by north The Scots sea, and Aymer Valence that while earl of Pembroke, by south the water of Forth Wardayne was, of Scotland forsooth That day fought, with king Robert Bruis Beside johnstoune, where he fled without rescowes ¶ Unto the Kentir, & many Scots there slain Where then they took, the wife of king Robert And his brother Nygell, the sooth to sayne And the earl of Athels, might not a start And sent them to the king, with full glad heart Whom the king kept, after their estate At London, well together conso●yate ¶ Henry Percy, took the brethren two Of king Robert Alexaunder, & Thomas that hight To the justes them sent, that hanged were though His other brother, at London hanged right King Roberte then, sieged the Percy full wight But Vmfreuyle, him anon rescued. And the siege, from him anon removed ¶ King Robert Bruys, fought with Aimer Valence Earl of Penbroke, and put him to the flight At Methfen so, and slew with violence All englishmen, in battle there down right th'earl of Gloucester, Gylbert Clare that hight Three days after, he syeged him in Are But king Edward th'earl, then rescued there ¶ The king Edward with host him sought full sore But ay he fled, into woods & straight forest And slew his men at straits & dangers thore And at marreys and mires was ay full priest. Englyshmen to kill without any rest In the mountains & crags, he slew ay where And in the night, his foes he frayed full sear The king Edward with horns, & hounds him sought With men on foot, through marris moss & mire Through woods also, & mountens where they fought And ever that king Edward, hight men great hire Him for to take, and by might conquer But they might him not get, by force ne by train He sat by the fire, when they in the rain ¶ The king Edward for anger, fell in access And homeward came, full sick and sore annoyed And bade his son, he should for no distress No truce take with Scots, that sore him noyed But were them aye, to time they were destroyed For he said thus, thou shalt never find them true But whiles they be, in thy subjection dew ¶ At Burgh upon the sand he died anon The death of Edward the first. And to London, carried then day by day At Westminster buried, with much moan With queen 〈…〉 garete, he had them sons tway Thomas Bro〈…〉ton earl of Norfolk gay And marshal of England, the other of Kent Edmond Wodstok, was earl in all intent ¶ This noble king died in july the third day And toward heaven he then took his way The year of Christ a thousand south to say Three hundred whole, and seven by calculation And of his 〈…〉 ne and coronation Five and thirty, not fully whole complete When he so went, unto the bliss so sweet The. C lxix Chapter. ¶ Edward the second king of England began to reign the year a thousand three hundred and seven, the eight day of july and was deposed the year a thousand three hundred twenty and six, and of his reign nyntene year. EDward his soon, prince of Wales & lord King Edward the second At Carnarvan, of his mother bore Was crouned king, by good & whole concord Of all the lords that were assembled thore At Westminster, as was his father afore And at the feast of th'assumption Of our lady, he sent for Peers Gaverston ¶ Whom then he made th'earl of Cornwall Again the will, of all the baronage Whom his father exiled, for misgovernaile The third year after, for his misused outrage The lords rose, of ire and great courage And heddid him as for an high traitor That wasted had, and spent the king his treasure ¶ And in that mean while, king Robert Bruys had ge● All Scotland near, wherefore that king Edward The battle of Bamnokesburne. To Scotland went, at Bannokesburne they me● And fought full sore, till slain was the vaward And discomfited was the midelward And to the rearward king Edward him drew For great succour, where he had battle new ¶ Which killed was down, safe few that led the king To Dunbarre then fleand with him away There was th'earl of Gloucester slain fleeing The lord Clifford, and all the lords that day th'earl of Herford to Bothuile fled his way th'earl Edmond of Arundel, and earl of Valence Thearls of Warwick & Oxenford take at defence ¶ This battle was the year of Christ smitten A thousand whole three hundred and fifteen On midsummer day, and of his reign them written The seventh year, by chronicle as is seen Then was umfrey earl of Herford frethed clean And enterchaungid for king Robertes wife That holden was in England then full rife, The. C lxx Chapter. ¶ Of the release that king Edward made to Robert Bruys at Dunbarre which release john Harding delivered in to the treasury, in the days of king Henry the fifth at Boys Vincent in France with other, for which he gave him Godyngton that the queen hath now. PAtrike Dunbarre earl of March that day To king Edward was liege man long afore To his father, and true had been alway Sent king Edward to Barwik, but therefore He took of him a release for evermore Of his service, that due was to the crown Anentes king Bruys to execute his treason ¶ Which release the maker of this book john Harding brought with other evidence And to the king Henry the fifth it took With other more, afore at Boys Vincent pertaining to England royal regiment And nought he hath unto his sustenance As oft afore here, in his remembrance The. C lxxi Chapter: ¶ How king Robert Bruis took all the lords of England, and sleugh many at Stryvelin bridge & destroyed the Marches and bete down castles therein. King Robert Bruys, took Robert Vmfrevile Earl of Angeos Henry then lord Percy th'earl of March and also that lord Nevile Acton and Scropen and also the lord Lucy At Stryvelyn bridge, fighting mightily In the vaward of the foresaid battle Taken prisoners, and ransomed for avail ¶ Then king Robert, that Marchis whole destroyed The castles wan and bet them to the ground And all Scotland afore that he had noyed Obeyed to him and were his lieges bound And maintained well, then forth all Scotland ground The bishopric of Duresme all throughout Northumberland, he brent with host full stout ¶ Two cardinals that B. of Rome to Scotland sent To treat a truce, a tween the kings two And for to stall Lewes Beaumont present Bishop of Duresme, that then was sacred so Whose brother was Henry, lord Beaumond tho Licenced and granted, by the king of France To be liege men, to Edward's whole pleasance ¶ But sir Gilbert Middleton them met And sir Walter Selby, misruled knights A little fro Duresme their way forsett Gilbert Middleton rob that cardinals. And rob them openly, on the lights And to Midford castle, led them fourth rights And held them there, in mighty and strong hold To time they had, their iwels and their gold ¶ Which knights two, rob the land about That castle held, by force and rebellion A quarter of a year, with rebels stout But they were take within that garrison And to the king sent, by that enchesone That hanged were▪ as traitors all should been On gallows high, that all might them seen ¶ Then after soon, sir Gosselyn Deynuile His brother Robert, with two hundred in habit As they were friars, went about in exile Robbing the land, in full great despite The bishops places, of Duresme in circuit They spoilt clean, leaving nothing in them But walls bare, which they would not claim The. C lxxii Chapter. ¶ How the lords of England with power royal dur 〈…〉 not ride into Scotland passing fourteen mile, England was so at under that time. Thearl Edmond then of Arundel warden of the Marches, then constitute th'earl Robert of Angeos Vmfrevile Of his lands having no refute th'earl David of Athell destitute Of his earldom, the lord Percy full hardy The lord Nevell, the lord Beaumond manly ¶ With all the power of the North country Destroyed then Scotland and brent Upon the March unto Lyntell Lee Whom sir Walter Wareyn, by whole assent Of james Douglas, pursued as they went With great power, alway at their side That they were fain, again to England ride ¶ But sir Walter Wareyn and Douglas With their power, brent all Northumberland Tyndale became Scots, and false than was And road with them, & brent through all the land To Alerton, and so road home to Scotland Through the West March, & brent it all through out And home they went, without any doubt ¶ The castle then of Berwyke and the town King Robert got, after strong & great defence By treaty with peace, Spalding and treason The Wendesoaye before Easters reverence Where that traitor, without long suspense Betrayed the town, and into Scotland went By Scots slain, as to a traitor appent The. C lxxiii Chapter. ¶ How king Edward laid siege to Barwyke and forsook the siege and went South, for Robert Bruys had destroyed mikell of Yorkshire, & discomfited that archbishop of York & his clergy, at Milton on small THe king Edward began to siege Berwyk like And won it had, but false tales it let And tidings new, that nought the king did For Robert Bruys, the king of Scotland met With the bishop of York, and him overset Wherefore he lost the siege, and went away But Bruys had stroyed England in fell array ¶ To Borough bridge, by east and west he brent And home again, with many a prisoner Without harm or let of his intent With mickle good, but in Myton meadow near To Small water, lay then with great power Walter Wareyn among the hay kockes bushed Upon the bishop suddenly with Scots issued ¶ And xu hundredth english there he slew And home he went, with king Edward full glad With prisoners many, more than men knew The bishop fled fro the field full woe bestead With his clerks, that then were full mad For which th'earl Thomas, of Lancastre there And king Edward, depatted half in were. The. C lxxiiii Chapter. ¶ how at the next parliament after, Thomas of Lancaster and Leycester earl and certain lords, exiled the two Spencers out of the land, but then that Spencer's made great persecution with the king again the lords, and slew the earl of Lancaster and the other lords. AT the parliament then at westminster next hold earl Thomas, that then was called full true th'earl umfrey of Herford, that was bold th'earl of March, full manly as men knew The Monbrey also Percy and Clyfford drew All armed came, and two Spencers exiled Out fro England, never to be reconciled. ¶ But son, the Spencers came to that king again Sir Hugh the lord, and sir Hugh his son And put th'earl of March, in great disdain Roger his son, that with him did won appeached him then of high treason Against the king, wherefore the king him sent Into the tour, tabyde the parliament. ¶ Then went the king, and Spencer's both two With hosts full great, to Burton upon Trent Where the lords lay, and sparled them then so That north they went, than ways by one assent To raise more men, they trust in their intent The Spencers two, fully for to destroy Who all the realm, full cruelly did noye. ¶ At Borinbrig, sir Andrew Hertlaw met With earl umfrey of Herford, and him slew And took the earl Thomas, without let And to the king, that then to Pountfret drew Where then were set, upon him judges new th'earl Edmound of Arondell for justice And sir Robert Mapilthorpe, his enemies. ¶ There he was headed, anon upon the hill And buried was there in a chapel fair, Henry his brother, stood at the kings will Whom the king granted to be his heir That wedded then Alyce, without despair The daughter and heir, of th'earl Henry Lacie Of Lyncolne, so granted by the kings mercy. ¶ william fitz Wareyn, & many another knight In divers shires, some hanged and some head That hold with him, or with his compeers right Sir Bartholomewe Badelismore, without rede Drawn and hanged, and put to foul dead Roger Clyfford and john Monbraye barons Headed then were, for their rebellions. ¶ th'earl of March, sir Roger mortimer His son Roger, forjudged were for treason And by the king, of death pardoned were And put were then, in perpetual prison Into the tower, for that same encheson Fro that time forth, the Spencer's other exceed The queen was, but an hand maiden in deed ¶ To time the king, to her brother her scent And also his son Edward to done homage For Guienne, so to have at his intent And for they dwelled, so long in that voyage The king them had suspect, of their message By council of the Spencers, them exiled As in chronicle plainly is compiled. ¶ The king then made, and plainly did create Andrew Hertlawe, earl then of Carlele Which time, the king Robert full fortunate Road all the east March, full proudly and well The byshopryke and Yorkshire every deal Andrew Hertlawe, earl of Carlele absent To Lancastre him drew in false intent. ¶ The king Robert, was passed home again With prays great, and many prisoners From Humber north, the people down were slain Of which the king, and all his counsellors Blamed th'earl Andrew, and his compeers For he had men enough, with him arrayed The Scots all, that might have slain & frayed. ¶ He hight the king, have brought to him great powers Into yorkshyre & held nothing his height Therefore the king, by counsel of the Spencers Gave charge to take him, either by day or night Or kill him down, where they meet with him might To all shrives, was sent this commandment From Trent northward by writs & mandment. The. C .lxxv. Chapter. ¶ How sir Roger mortimer the younger went out of the tour of London & went into France to the queen of England and to the prince Edward her son, and also how the lord lucy took sir Andrew Hertlawe earl of carlele, and headed him at Carlele for treason. THen ●r Roger, the youngest Mortimer Made his keepers drunk, and went away Out of the tour by night & other in fear And into France, anon he took his way Unto the queen Isabella, in poor array And bode with her, at her governance All time that she was sojourning in France ¶ And then Antony lucy lord of Cokirmouth Sir Robert Lowther, with other many in fear At Carlele town, as know was full couth Took sir Andrew Hertlawe, with mekill stee● They put on him, he took royal power In truce taking, with th'earl of Murrey Withouten power, in traitorous array. ¶ In wronging of the kings high estate And of his right, full great derogation And how he took great gold immoderate Of king Edward, through cavelation To bring him power for his supportacion Again the king Robert, that then destroyed His land full foul, and had himself annoyed. ¶ And how he had the people hole withdraw With him Westward, by false confederacy Between him and th'earl of Marrow Covened fully before cast traytorie Wherefore they drew him first all openly And hanged after, and to London sent Unto the king his head, for great present. The. C lxxvi Chapter. ¶ How the queen Isabella treated marriage, of one of the daughters of th'earl of Henaulde for her son Edward to have to wife, by thadvice of her brother king Charles & came to England with great power, and took that king and slew his counsel for treason. THere by advise, and good consideration Of the king of France, her brother dear Queen Isabella accorded for supportation Her son should wed, one of the daughters clear Of th'earl of Henauld, that five then were Through whose succour, she & her son Edward Took then the sea, to England ward ¶ Earl Edmond of Kent, then with her came King Edward's brother, & sir Aymer valence earl of Penbroke, which came with her fro hame And mortimer the younger, in her presence Henauldes and French, with great sufficience Of people strong, at Orwell with her land Where lords many, her met I understand ¶ To London then, she & her son though wrote The councillors and traitors for to take That ruled had, in mickle mysryote The king Edward, her lord & also her make And in prison, to keep them for her sake Wherefore they voided, out of the city than The queens enemies, eachone ay when & when. ¶ The king then, fled into the west country She and the prince, full sore him then pursued And at Bristol, she headed, as men might see Sir Hugh Spenser the father that was renewed And sir Hugh his son, that was transumed In high estate, and earl had be create Of Wynchester, where he stood all mate. ¶ Sir Hugh Spenser, his son at Herforde take Was headed then, and unto London sent So was Edmond, there headed for her sake That was earl of Arondel there present His head smote of, for treason so was shent Their heads set up, in diverse sear place In recompense, of all their great trespass ¶ And at London, they heeded the Chancellor With divers other, which they found untrue So did they also, the kings treasurer And there set they a parliament all new But first they put the king, as all men knew In Killyngworth, there to be hold in ward To time they see, how lords would award. ¶ At which parliament iii bishops & earls three Three Barons also, & three Banarettes elect To Kyllyngworth, to ride with the commonalty All homage liege, by parliament hole direct To surrender up, without any reject The which they did, for his misgovernance With heavy cheer and mourning countenance ¶ The king full sad, with words well advised Thanked them all, knowing his high trespass And that he was, of rule not well provysed To the pleasure of God, whiles he had space Ne common weal to keep in-every case Ne to his wife, had been a true husband But falsely had her exiled out of land ¶ meekly he prayed, the lords at parliament His son to admit unto the region Sith he unable was to the regiment And foul had ruled, the land without reason He them besought, for guilt of his carrion His son were not refused, ne chastyzed But set in rule, by council well advised. ¶ These lords twelve, with heavy countenance Reported unto the queen, and lords all The sorrowful cheer, and words with repentance Of king Edward, as than it was befall His prayer meek, and his desire final Of which the lords, in that same parliament rejoiced were, of his noble agreement The. C lxxvii Chapter. ¶ Edward the third, king of England and of France, began to reign, the year a thousand three hundredth twenty and six, and died the year, a thousand three hundredth three score and seventeen, and of his reign one and fifty year. EDward his son, that prince of wales was Edward the third. In tender age, that time of xiii year Was crowned on saint Brice day & begun than The year of Christ was then accounted clear A thousand hole, three. C. and six and twenty were Whose father then had reigned xix year out And in his twenty year, withouten doubt. ¶ From the third day of july by computation Of the year, unto sayncte Brycez day So much in his twenty, by relation He reigned had, & then put down for aye From Kyllingworth, to the castle of Berkeley By night he was carried, and translate From wife and child, forsake and repudyate Where he was slain, with an hot brenning spit Through his towayle, up to his heart within In September, his bowels brent for heat That deed he was, without noise or din On saint Mathewes day, so they did him bre● The first year was it then accounted, & won Of king Edward the third, that was his son ¶ At Gloucester entombed fair, and buried Where some say, god showed for him great grace Sith that time, with miracles laudifyed Oft times, in diverse many case As is written there, in that same place For which king Richard, called the second To translate him was purposed hole and sound ¶ Sir james Douglas, in England with an host Destroyed the land, wherefore the king Edward With French henauldes, & English for that most In mighty host & great then came northward The second year of his reign, to regard Whom in Stanhope park, he besieged then That counted were of Scots, ten. M. menn● ¶ By xu days, that siege there endured He held them in, they might not pass out But through a moss, that all men trowed was sured So deep of mire, and broad it was about No siege was laid, for there they had no doubt By which that Scots, cast them what so betide To escape away, in the nights tide But james Douglas, their flekes fell did make Which over the moss, echeone at others end He laid anon, with faggots fell over the lake There gate away, and passage to pretend On which by night, they led their horse unkend And home they went, to Scotland harmless Whereof the king was heavy there doubtless ¶ When they were over that quaking moss & mire They drew the flekes ay after as they went That english should not them sue ne conquer This was a point of war, full sapyent But on our side, there was by consequent But little wit, that left the mire unwatched And by good watch, that Scots might have be cached ¶ And in the year, a thousand counted clear Queen Isabella, her daughter married Dame jane of the tower, to David Bruis her peer King Robertes son, and heir hole notified At Berwyk town, the second day signified Of juill, and of king Edward then was three By cause of which, the king in pryvite. The. C lxxviii Chapter. ¶ Of the release that king Edward made in his tender age to king Robert of his service of Scotland, which john harding delivered to king Edward the four at Leycester with a patent, by which the earl of Dunbar bound him and his heirs, to hold his lands of that kings of England. BY council of his mother, & the mortimer were released there the hole sovereignty And service dew, that to the crown then ●t Berwick then without authority Or any parliament in especialte In tender age, and youths intelligence In his third year, so of his high regence ¶ He sent 〈…〉 th' then, to Henauld for a wife A bishop 〈…〉 other lords temporal Where in chambered privy and secretife At discoverit dischenely also in all As seeming was to estate virginal Among theim selfes, our lords for high prudence Of the bishop asked counsel and sentence ¶ Which daughter of five, should be the queen Who counciled thus, with sad advisement We will have her, with good hippis I mean For she will bear good sons, at mine intent To which they all accorded by one assent And chase Philip, that was full feminine As the bishop most wise did determine ¶ But then among theim selfes, they laugh fast ay The lords than said, the bishop couth Full mekill skill, of a woman alway That so couth cheese, a lady that was uncouth And for that merry words, that came of his mouth They trowed he had, right great experience Of womanes rule, and her convenience ¶ King Robert Bruys, smitten in lepry died To whom his son David, than did succeed And crowned was, for king and notified His wife also, was crowned queen in deed King Edward's sister, she was then as I read Sir Roger then that was lord Mortimer With Isabella the queen was holden deer ¶ Through hardiness of which he wasted clean The king his treasure as was notified For which Henry earl of Lancastre for tene Rose with great host, as then was fortified To have withstand, and clearly have replied The wantonness of Roger mortimer That was that time the queens playfeer ¶ But treated he was, to sit in rest and peace notwithstanding, at the coronation Of king Edward, chose he was without lees His custode then for good information Of the king his person, and preservation But queen Isabella, and the Mortimer Would not suffer, ne while that so it were ¶ Edmond woodstock, that then was earl of Kent By king Edward, of Carnarvan create Whose brother he was, by queen Isabelles intent And Mortimer his mighty and great estate Arrested was and stood repudiate At Winchester foriudged in parliament And hedid there again the common assent ¶ A brother he had, hight Thomas of Brotherton earl of Northfolk, and marshal of England That of his death made none execution For lords all, the greatest of the land Full sorry were, but nought they took on hand From noon till even without the castle gate He stood condemned as a repudiate ¶ Whom then at even, a boy of the marshals Stroke of his head, for whom the lords then And commons all, displeased were inwardly At Notyngham soon after they began Where Mortimer, th'earl of March then Arrested were, and his son sir Roger And to the tour of London sent they were ¶ On saint Andrew's day they were draw and hung At London, so by doom of the parliament At Westminster holden by process long Sir Simond Bedford, was of their assent Draw and hanged, therefore they went And fro the queen his mother he resumed His lands all, for she had so consumed ¶ His treasure foul, and all his great riches He put her to her dower, and no more To live upon, at the frere minours doubtless Where she had not been brought before And there she died, and buried is therefore At London now, full feire and reverently Where she had dwelled long, full honourably ¶ Edward Baylioll, to claim Scotland then went And with him went, sir Gilbert Vmfrevile Claiming to be earl, by his whole intent Of Angeous' then, as chroniclers compile Sir Henry Beaumond also went that while His heritage to get and to conquer Therledome of Boughan, should be his clear ¶ Henry Percy, with Edward bailiol went Galoway to claim, as for his heritage By ship they went, all whole by one assent At Ravensporne and landed with great courage At Kincorne well in Fife by all knowledge David Strabolgy earl of Athellis by right With them then went, for his lands there to fight ¶ They were accounted two. M. fighting men And five hundred beside the mariners At their landing, their shipis they brent right then And bored some, and sank at good leysers They thought themself, of good & strong powers They took none heed, of ships home again But landeway ride, for all the Scots deign ¶ They took none heed, nor yet consideration Of thousands many, ne of great multitude As lords do now of commons congregation But put their cause to god his high excelsitude And in their own hands solicitude At Kincorne, then fought with th'earl of Fyffe Discomfit him and fled away with life ¶ His men were slain, upon the field echeone Then Robert Bruys, the bastard soon their Guide The lord Seton, with power came anon And new battle them gave, with mickle pride That numbered were, ten thousand on their side Which slain were all, for they would take none safe the chiefteynes, that fled away alone ¶ The king Edward Baylioll with his power To Dunfermelyne abbey, than forth so went Where in Glasinore, that Scots then sembled were Forty thousand, full proud in their intent And all were slain, without suppowelment th'earl of Marre and th'earl of Murray th'earl of Carryk, and Menth died that day ¶ And after soon, at Depling More met Sir Neel Bruys, with ten thousand in fear That slain were there, and to th'earth down beet The English had the field that day full clear Their ordinance was, to take no prisoner Wherefore they slew the Scots without mercy Lest new battle came on them in high ¶ At these battles, afore that been written Sixty thosaund Scots, slain and mortified Were more with prees, as afterward was weten Then with man's hand, they were so feel multiplied Echeone on other, of pride so revied Without rule of marcill governance They smored were, by their contrariaunce ¶ And but two knights, & thirty & three squires Which there were dead of the English power In four battles fought, with axe sword & speris At Dipling Moor, fro time the soon rose clear To three after noon, as saith the chronicler Within seven days they smote these four battailies As chronicles make full clear rehersailes ¶ Then went they forth, unto saint john's town That was replete, and full of all victual And kept the town with manly direction Archebald Douglas and earl Patrick no fail Of Dunbarre then, the town began tassaile With thirty thousand, but there they were well bet With cast of stones, and great defence overset ¶ The cities then, and towns to the sea side At their costage, to Scotland sent a fleet To help our lords, and get them good that tide And with the ships, of Scotland for to meet And so they did, and sore them all to beat And brought them home, and some with wildfire brent In Taye water and some they sank & shent ¶ Wherefore the Scots, the siege than forsook Thenglish lords, at Skone the king did crown Edward Balliol the son was, who will look To john Balliol king of that region Whom then afore, Henry Beaumount brought from Balliol, where he was lord in France As his ancestors had been of remembrance ¶ This king Edward Balliol his foes sought And at Rokisburgh, fought▪ with th'earl of Murrey Discomfited them, in battle sore there fought And to Duresme sent him fro thence away There to be kept in siker strong array Then sir Archbald Douglas and earl Patrick Then of Dunbar, their king thought to be swi 〈…〉 ¶ They took with him a truce to Candylmasse From, October, in trust of which he sent Thenglishe lords, to England home express Trusting he had been sure in his intent All was falsehood, that the two earls meant For they upheld David, in tender age King Robartes son, to whom they did homage ¶ Sir james Douglas & earl Patrick Dumbare With all their help, at the Candilmasse On Edward roase the Bailiol, or he were ware And slew all that they found doubtless That fain he was, to England to flee helpless At March after, he entered then Scotland With the same lords, then of the north land ¶ On both sides they road, and fast destroyed And to Berwick Edward Bailol came And sieged it, and felly was annoyed To which Edward of England, with great fame Came with his host, and lay there at the same The Douglas then, and Dunbare with power Northumberlande all through brent full clear. The. C lxxix Chapter. ¶ Of the battle of Halidon hill, and how Edward Bayliol did homage liege, to king Edward of England. TO Halydon hill, they came with their prays Barwike castle and town so to rescue Where to our host, full oft they made frays Both day & even, and morrows or day dew But then the king of England to him drew The king also of Scotland with his might Full sore that day in battle did they fight. ¶ Where Edwardes two, had all the victory The royaltes of all Scotland, there were slain thirty thousand, with them liggand by Of men of arms, and archers dead certain Then in the year, next after sooth to say At newcastle, Edward king of Scotland His homage did, to the king of England. Homage of that Scots. ¶ For which, that commons of Scotland on him rose And slew his men, that he into England came And got an host, and road upon his foes Through Anand, through Kylay & Conyngham, Carrike and Glascowe, slew all that he found at hame The king Edward of England with power Through Lowthian, so did to Stryvelyn clear. ¶ And both met there, with great gladness And home they came, destroying all the way Another year in jule, for to redress Scotland again, with hosts they 'gan a fray At saint john's town they met in great array And there they made, th'earl of Athelis regent Whom the commons felly slew and shent. ¶ King Edward sent after in another year In may Henry Lancastre, a noble knight To Scotland, with an host of good power And afterward he came with mekill might To saint john's town, & on the months right Through Murrey to Elgyne, Giluernes & Rosse Throughout mountains woods mire & moss. ¶ King Edward, then came home into England And proclaimed his son, Edward nominate The prince of Wales, thence forth I understand Henry Lancastre, the younger he create Earl of Derby, to bear the hole estate William Montague, earl of Salisbury Of Northampton, William Bowne full manly. ¶ Of Gloucester he made, Hugh of Awdely Of Suffolk then, he made Robert Hufforth Of Huntyngdon, William Clinton gay Which earls, the king took with him forth With many a worthy knight, both of south and north And with the queen, so unto Andwarpe And there abode, by all the winter sharp. ¶ With great people, and worthy chivalry Again the king of France, to claim his right And wrote his title, unto that romish bishop on high The duke of Bar, and other lords of might The queens friends, then succour had him hight Where then the queen, of her son Lionel delivered was, as chronicles do tell ¶ He cherished then Flaundres, that they forsook Their natural lord, and swore fealty To him and his, their power they betook To bide and dwell, under his sovereignty Because they saw in him such humanity He changed his arms, in banners and pennons And in his seal, quartered of both regions. ¶ And in the year, then of his reign thirteen His arms changed, and called king of France He road in France on war, as then was seen A thousand towns he brent, by his puissance The king of France, without variance Sent him word, that he would with him fight But at the point, he did not as he hight ¶ For at that time, insunder they were a mile He fled away, king Edward held the field Two days after he sued and Vmfrevile Of him had sight, and then he found his shield By which he knew, his covenant he not held Wherefore the king, to Brabant went again The dukes three of Bar Earl and Brabayn ¶ The parliament them, at Westmynster was hold Where they granted him, the ix lamb flees & shave Of the commons, but the church no more would Him grant, but one dime of them to have For which he granted general pardon and gave The ix lamb slees & shave, grant was two year To help the king, his right to conquer The. C lxxx Chapter. 〈◊〉 ¶ How king Edward smote the battle on the sea at Sluse beside bridges, & how the king first road into France, and quartered his arms with the arms of France, and sent to king Philip, to try the right between them two. ANd in his year next after, then fourteen At Sluse that king fought, with the French navy From noon to eve & to the morrow, as was seen Where all were drowned & slain mightily And king Edward, to France went hastily With host full great, destroyed the land & brent The city of Turnais, besieged and shent ¶ Then wrote he to the king Philip of France Not naming him king of that land But to Philip of Valois, for grievance Willing alone, they two to take on hand To fight for the cause, and for to stand Who hath the better, for ever to hold France Without war, or any more distance ¶ Or else, they two either with an. C. knights And if these ways, please him not to except Come with his host, & all his strongest wights To the city of Tournay, none except At a certain day, justly to be kept And who the field may get, brook well France Without more strife, or any variance ¶ The king than wrote unto king Edward again That he would not for the letters fight Which touch not king Philip in certain But Philip Valois, as showeth well to sight To which he would set, neither day ne hight But when he thought it were for his honour He should him chase away without succour ¶ Out of his land, which wrongfully he showeth Again his faith, feautye made and homage To his ancestors by letter, as it showeth Under his seal, of hole and good knowledge For Guyan, and his other heritage And fro Turnace into Brabane again The king Edward, in winter did remain ¶ To bide the bishops rule and disposition Of good accord, for then two cardinals To take a truce, by good provision During two year, between them generals And all their friends, that were princypalles Then came the king to Edward into England His officers new made, I understand. ¶ To the truce then taken at Maltrete The dukes two, of Burgoyne and Burbone In the kings soul of France, swore and heat Truly to keep, for friends or for foone And duke Henry of Lancaster, sad as stone William Bowne Earl of Northhampton And William Montague, full high of renown ¶ Earl of Salisbury, in king Edward's soul there In like manner, were sworn and behest The xix day, then of january The year of Christ, a. M. than was seste Three hundredth and two, and forty at least When these trues were taken so, and sealed For afterward, they should not be repealed The. C lxxxi Chapter. ¶ How Henry duke of Lancaster went to Guyan, in that year of Christ, a thousand three hundredth xlv And of the battle of Cressy, in the year of Christ, a thousand, three hundeeths forty and six. ANd then Henry duke of Lancaster create Went to Guienne, with many bold baron Where then he gate, the cities of estate And castles feel, & many a walled town And made the land english, both up & down And to the king Edward obeyed, as they ought And great worship and riches there he caught ¶ And in the year a thousand and. CCC. gone Syxe and forty, king Edward at Cressy Met with Philip, of Valois there anon That king of France was by intrusery At which battle, Edward had the victory And with honour and might, there gate that field And Philip fled, and cast there down his shield ¶ And his eldest son, with him went away With an hundredth banners, in her company The kings of Beme, were slain that day And of Maliogres, there full manfully The dukes of Alaunson, also them by And of Loreyn slain were, in battle And earls five, without any fail ¶ Of Flaunders, Bloys Harcourt & Melayne Of gentiles and other, without any Essayne And of Guntpre, were there in battle slain five score thousand, the twenty day certain And two also of August, accounted plain The king Edward had all the victory The king Philip, had all the villainy. ¶ The king David theu, of Scotland with power To Duresme brent, where on saint Luke's day The archbishop, with his clergy clear And sir Gylbert Vnifrevyle, in good array The Lord Percy the nevil, then lay With all the north, a little from Duresme Where then they fought, & on that king David came ¶ And take he was, that year of Christ was then A thousand, full three hundredth forty and two Full sore wounded, full like he was a man And also of his lords, more than five or two Brought to London privily, through Essex For lords should not him take with great power From john of Coupland, that was his taker clear ¶ And in the tower of London, then kept in ward To time the king were come home out of France That then in France, more castles to regard And towns walled, gotten by his high puissance Then had the king Philip in governance And like was then, all France to have conquered With his allies, he made that land afeared The. C lxxxii Chapter. ¶ Of the great pestilence, in the year of christ a thousand three hundredth forty and nine, and the year next after, the king went unto France, and the prince of Wales unto Guyan. ANd in the year of Christ clearly accounted A thousand hole, three. C. forty & nine The pestilence was in England amounted That king Edward new war gan imagine The next year after, again France fine Thither he went, & prince Edward then went With great power to Given, as Regent. ¶ The king than put his sons young of age In France then forth, in mighty governance Sir Lionel, Earl of Ulster in wage Regent of France, him made by ordinance Sir john of Gaunt, to have hole attendance Of all the host, as high and great constable To which he was account, that time full able. ¶ Sir Edmonde Langeley, full of gentleness Sir Thomas Woodstok full of courage To their banners, them put for worthiness To have rule in that worthy voyage Which princes five, approved in young age There was no king christian, had such sons five Of likeliness, and persons that time on live ¶ So high and large, they were of all stature The lest of them, was of person able To have fought with any creature Singler battle in acts marcyable The bishops wit, me thinketh was commendable So well could cheese the princess that them bare For by practise he knew it, or by lare The. C lxxxiii Chapter. ¶ How the king of France was taken prisoner at the battle of poitiers, the year of Christ, a thousand, three hundredth fifty and six. IN the year of Christ, a M accounted right Three hundredth and six, and thirty more The prince Edward, at Poytexs' sore did fight The xix day of September, was tho Where king john of France, his son also He took and had the field, with victory His eldst son then, fled fro him cowardly ¶ The king david died, and let his hostage For his ransom lygge ay forth in England The year, a thousand. CCC. by knowledge Eight and fifty, as I can understand And paid not yet, ne quit not out his bond Ne his hostage, he would not so displease To deliver, ne put them fro their ease ¶ The queen Isabella, & the queen of Scotland Her daughter was, and king david's wife soon after died, and buried I understand At the grey Freres, in land known full rife The which that queen Isabella founded in their life Full fair entombed, & wrought full richly Where the two queens rest full honourably The. C lxxxiiii Chapter. ¶ Of the second pestilence and the great wind and earthquake, the year a thousand. CCC, lxi. ANd in the year of Christ, a. M. written Three hundredth also syxtye and one The ii pestilence, reigned as was weten Duke Henry died, for whom was mickle moon Dame Blaunche his daughter, full fair of flesh and bone His heir was then, whom john of Gaunt did wed The duchy by her had, men said he had well sped ¶ In that same year was, on saint Maurys' day The great wind and earth quake marvelous That greatly 'gan the people all affray So dreadful was it then and perilous Specially the wind was so boistous The stone walls, steeples houses and trees Were blow down in diverse far countries ¶ And in the year a thousand three hundred also Sixty and four, king john of France died King john of France In London then, in Savoy had been sick The duke's palace of Lancastre edified Full royally as it is notified His boweles buried, at Paul's with royalty His corpse in France, with all solemnity ¶ In that same year, sir john Mountfort of new Duke of britain was by heritage As heir male, his title was act true At Orrers fought, again the French lineage Sir Charles de Bloys, that clauned by marriage The duchy whole, of britain by the might Of his wise, where he was slain by might ¶ Duke john of Gaunt, was at that battle Sir Edmond also of Langley his brother dear Sir john Chaundos treated without fail All day, and fought at eve through his answer Which treaty is yet, oft remembered here For Chaundos truce, that treated all day to night And made both parties at eve together fight ¶ At which battle, duke john of Gaunt in deed And his brother Edmond, then fought full sore Were never two better knights, than they in deed That better fought upon a field afore It was but grace, that they escaped thore They put theim selfes so ferfurth ay in prces That wounded were they both, full sore no lees The. C lxxxv. Chapter. ¶ How prince Edward of Wales wedded dame johan daughter of Edmond Wodstoke earl of Kent, he of that third degree and she of the second. THese brethren two with their English power Set john Mountfort in his whole ducherie With great honour & manhood all in fere earl john of Kent dead was afore soothly Earl Edmondes' soon, to whom dame johan truly His sister was heir, whom th'earl Montague Of Salisbury had wed of maiden new ¶ And her forsook, after repudiate Whom his steward sir Thomas Holland wed And gate on her, Thomas earl of Kent late And john Holland her other son she head Thomas their father, died of sickness bestead The prince her vowid unto a knight of his She said she would none, but himself I wis ¶ For her beauty, all only he her took And wed her so, and to Guyan went The year was then a thousand who so look Three hundred also, sixty and five extent Richard his son, whiles he was there regent In Burdaur borne was then with great gladness Supposing then, of him great worthiness ¶ The king Peter of Castle and Lion A battle in Spain To Bordeaux came, & their prince Edward beheld To get again his worthy region From which his brother bastard with full strong beeld Had put him out, & thought it for to wield For which the prince with all his hole power Road into Spain to help him to conquer ¶ Where then he fought, against the bastard strong The third day of April accounted then In battle sore ferfoughten there full long In which were slain full many a Spanish man The bastard fled, the prince the field there wan And set the king Peter in his region In peace and rest without rebellion The. C lxxxvi Chapter. ¶ How the lords of Italy sent ambassiate to king Edward for sir leonel of Andwarp, to make him king of Italy, who was create earl of Vister by his wife, daughter & heir to Richard earl of Vister of whom he gate dame Philip, wedded to Edmond Mortimer earl of March, which earl of March gate Roger earl of March and my lady Percy. THe duke of Milayn that hight sir Bernabo The lord Mantowe & the marquis Ferrar The lord of Mountpollestrme then also The lords of Iene, of Pyse that then were The lords of Venice, and Florence there To king Edward, sent ambassiate By comen assent, of papal senate ¶ For Lionel his son, with them to send The duke his daughter of Melayn, for to wed Promising him then, him so to recommend That of Itale the rule should all be led By him and his friends, of italy bred And in short time, to joy and bear the crown Of all italy the royal region ¶ His wife was dead, and at Clare was buried And none heir he had, but his daughter fair Philp that hight, as chronicles specified Whom queen Philip Christened for his heir Tharchbishop of York, for his compeire Her godmother also, of Warwyk the countess A lady was of all great worthiness ¶ The king his son, sir leonel create Duke of Clarence, and to Melayn him sent With chivalry of fame, well ordinate And squires fresh, galant and sufficient With officers and yeomen, as appent And with him went, that great ambassiate At his costage, to Melayn consociate The. C lxxxvii Chapter. ¶ How sir leonel when his wife Elionor was dead was create duke of Clarence, and wedded the duke's daughter of Melayn in Lombary, and died there & had no child with her, and some say he is buried there and some say, his bones were brought home and buried at Clare in Essex, but in troth of Clare he had his name, and honour of duke of Clarence, for Clare is called Clarencia in Latin, and also Clarence in French. THis duke royal, of Clarence excellent At Melayne, wedded was then in royal wise With that lady fair and benevolent Full royally, as to such a prince should suffice And all the rule he had, by council wise From mount Goddard, unto the city of Florence And well beloved was, for his sapience. ¶ In cities all, he held well unitees Great jousts ay, and ioyus tournementes Of lords & knights, he made great assemblies Through all the land, by his wise regiments They purposed hole, by their comen assents To crown him king, of all great Italy Within half a year, for his good governaly ¶ In all the world, was then no prince him like Of high stature, and of all seemliness Above all men, within his hole kyngrike By the shoulders, he might be seen doubtless As a maid in hall of gentleness And in all other places, son to rhetoric And in the field, a Lion marmorike ¶ In which mean time, his jousts & his excess His great riot, and wines delicacy His ghost exiled, out of his corpse doubtless Afore the day set of his regence For whom was made great moan, through Italy Some say he is buried at Melayn And other some say, at Clare certain. ¶ But children had he noon, but Philip heir By Elizabeth his first wife, which the king Edward married, to Emond mortimer th'earl of March, that was his ward fulying Who gate on her, Roger their dereling And Elizabeth wed to Henry Percy Son and heir, unto th'earl Henry ¶ Of Northumberland, which two both father & son Were knightly men, in wars ay occupied Beyond the sea great worship had they won In many a realm, full greatly magnified For martial acts by them multiplied The which were long here to report For in their time, they were of noble port. ¶ But of the prince Edward, yet would I say How he fro Spain depart then in deed The king Peter took him, his daughters tweyn Elder height dame constance as I read To duke john wedded, his life with her to lead The younger height dame Isabella by name The duke Edmond of York wedded of great fame ¶ And in the year, a thousand fully written Three hundredth eke sixty, and also fourteen The prince Edward died, as well was weten At Kenyngton, which was his palace clean And buried was, at Cauntorbury as I ween Betook him hole to god's disposition After his mercy to suffer his punition. ¶ And in the year of Christ's incarnation A thousand hole, and three hundredth signified The prince peerless, by all information Sixty and seventeen clearly notified Great sickness, so had him victoried And drove him out, from all his region That never prince might have done by persecution ¶ In june the xxii day express Was, when he died, & from this world expired That was the flower of earthly worthiness That to the height of knighthood had aspired His own hand peerless, as was inquired At Westmynster buried in royal wise As to such a prince, of reason ought suffice. ¶ Who was the first of english nation That ever had right, unto the crown of France By succession of blood and generation Of his mother without variance The which me thinketh, should be of most substance For Christ was king by his mother of judee Which sykerer side is ay, as thinketh me. ¶ And of his pedigree unto the crown of France With his blood, whereof he is descent Within this book, without any variance Mention is made, only to this intent That readers by all good avysement The title of his right and heritage May well conceive, and have thereof knowledge. The. C lxxxviii Chapter. ¶ Richard the second king of England and of France, began to reign the year a thousand three hundredth & lxxvii and was deposed by parliament, in the year a. M. CCC cxix and the xxii year of his reign. RIchard his heir, that son of prince Edward King Richard the second. Crowned was then, with all solemnity By all the lords and barons hole award Obeying hole unto his majesty Who that time, was in tender iwensee Of eleven year, fully accounted of age When he had so his crown and heritage. ¶ And king was called, of England, & of France In june the xxii day full clean Of Christ's death, without variance A thousand was, three hundredth sixty to neven And xvii year therewith to believen When the two realms, fell to him by discente As next heir, to king Edward thexcellent ¶ And in the year, a thousand three hundredth more Sixty adjoint, and therewith all nynetene The third pestilence reigned in England so So sore, that most part of the people clean Died away, as through the realm was seen And of his reigns of Eglande and of France The third year was, by very remembrance. ¶ And of his reign, in june then the .v. year And of our Lord, a thousand then accounted Three hundredth, eke four score and one full clear The commons rose, an hundredth thousand amounted Insurrec Of Kent and Essex, which that time surmounted The kings power, and all the high estates For which the lords fled then as exulates. ¶ And left the king, alone then in the tour With th'archbishop of Cauntorbury there so And the prior, to been his governor Of Clerken well, which the commons heeded tho And brought the king forth, with them to go They asked him, all bondmen to be free And tax none, ever after paid to be. ¶ They asked eke, jake Straw, & What Tiler To be made dukes, of Essex and Kente To rule the king thence forth, in peace and war For they be wise, of royal regiment Thus told they the king all their intent The which he grant, in all thing by and by For he durst no point, then them deny. ¶ Afore jake Straw, that king them stood hodlesse Of which Walworth, the Mayor of London true Areasoned him then, of his great lewdness With a dagger, in smithfield then him slew The citizens, with him then strongly drew And slew them down, and put them to flight And brought the king, into the city right. ¶ The commons brent the Savoy, a place fair For evil will they had unto duke john Wherefore he fled northward in great despair Into Scotland, for succour had he none In England then, to whom he durst make moon And there abode, till commons all were ceased In England hole, and all the land well peased ¶ The twenty day of may next following And one therewith, as calculers it know The date of Christ a thousand then being Three hundredth also four score & two on row th'earth quake was, which that time I saw That castles, walls, towers and steeples fill Houses and trees and crags fro the hill ¶ And in the year afore, king Richard wed Queen Anne, upon saint Agnes day that flower That daughter was, as I have seen and read Unto the king of Beeme and Emperor And sister also, unto his successor Themperor of Rome, that Segemond hight Who to king Henry in England came full right. The. C lxxxix Chapter. ¶ How king Richard went into Scotland, in the year a thousand three hundredth and lxxxvi and in his reign the ten year, and how he create two dukes of York and of Gloucestre. ANd in the year of Christ, a thousand so Three hundred also, four score & vi there till And of his reign, the ten year and more The king Richard, with host went at his will In to Scotland, his courage to fulfil To Edinburgh, and brent the land also Without letting there of any foo ¶ At London so then at his parliament He made th'earl of cambridge his uncle dear The duke of York, to be incontinent And so he was proclaimed there full clear That Edmonde height, of Langley of good cheer Glad and merry, and of his own ay lived Without wrong, as chronicles have breved When all the lords, to council and parliament Went, he would to hunt and also to haweking All gentle disport, as to a lord appent He used aye, and to the poor supporting Where ever he was, in any place biding Without surprise, or any extortion Of the porail, or any oppression. ¶ He made also the earl of Bokyngham Thomas Wodstoke, that same day and create His other uncle duke of Gloucester by name Proclaimed hole, and so denominate With his brother to be consociate The fox tail he bore ay on his spear Where he so road in peace, or else in war. ¶ The king then made that duke of york by name Master of the mewhouse, & his hawks fair Of his venery, and master of his game In what country he did repair Which was to him, without any despair Well more comfort and great gladness Then been a lord, of worldly great richesse ¶ His uncle Thomas, the duke then of Gloucester And wed the daughter, then of th'earl of Herforth By which he had, by writing & by letter The Constablery of England, then ay forth Both by South, Est, West, and North By heritage, of his wives land and right Of ancient time, by kings grant & height ¶ And in the year of king Richard eleven The duke Thomas that was of Gloucester * The battle of Rot●ote bridge Henry the earl of Derby did believen With him by word, and also by his letter The earl Martial did, so then for the better th'earl Beanchampe, of Warwyk by his name Of Arundel the earl, did the same. ¶ These lords five together, boldly sworn Again Robert Veer, than duke of Ireland The kings pleasure, & one of age both like borne Whom he loved most, as they could understand With battle strong, at Rotcot bridge took on hand To fight with him, where then he fled away Over Thamis, without return for ay. The. C xc Chapter. ¶ Of the great parliament, where the five lords forjudged that duke of Ireland, and his compeers AT Lenton next accounted in the year At London then, the king set his parliament At westminster to hold it there most clear Where these five lords came armed, by one assent Appealed the duke of Ireland, of great intent The archbishop of York, that height nevil And Michael pool, earl of Suffolk that while ¶ Sir Nichol Brembyr of London that was Mayre Tresilyan also, and sir Symonde Bourley Which they exiled, & some they hung unfeyre Some they heeded that time, that was full gay Holt and Belknap, exiled were away In to Ireland, for high contrived treason Again the king, and his royal crown. ¶ The earl Douglas, & the earl of March also * The battle of Otturborne Northumberlande, by west the new castle Unto Morpath norwarde, did mikyll woe At Otturborne, as chronicles did tell Henry Percy, with small host on him fell And slew Douglas, & many put to the flight And gate the field upon his enemies right ¶ He sent the lord, sir Thomas Vmfreuyle His brother Robert, & also sir Thomas Grey And sir Maw redmain, beyond that Scots that while To hold them in, that they fled not away Wherefore the Scots relieved again always Through which, Henry was take there anon To Dumbar led, for whom was made great moan ¶ The field was his, all if that he were take The Vmfrevyle Grey, Ogle and Redmayne Held the field hole, that might so for his sake And knew nothing whetherwarde he was gain The Earl of March, with privy men alane Full privily to Dunbarre, with him road And kept him there, for he was greatly feared. ¶ The Douglas all that many were that day Laboured full sore, with wiles and great wit Him to have slain, for ever and ay For Douglas death, so sore they rued it This battle was on saint Oswoldes day commit The xii year of the king, and of Christ's date thirteen. C. four score, and eight socyate The. C xci Chapter. ¶ How the queen Anne died, and how king Richard went first to Ireland with his host. ANd in the year, a thousand iii C. and more Four score & fourteen, queen Anne died The xviii year, was of the king then so And buried was, as well is notified Of all virtue, she was well laudefyed To womanhead, that might in ought append At Westminster, she is full well commend ¶ At Michelmasse next after following In that same year, the king to Ireland went With great power, & host therein warring Upon Makmur, with all his hole intent And on the great Aneell, by one ascent Of his lords, where Makmurre & great Aneel To him obeyed, and made him homage leel. ¶ The earl of March, sir Roger mortimer The king made then lieutenant of Ireland That young was then, and home he came that year And great hoshoulde held, as I can understand Far passing kings, of any other land For which, the voice on him rose and name Through christendom, he bore then forth that fame ¶ And in the year a thousand, as was then Three hundredth eke four score, & also sixteen Of his reign, the xviii year was then At Alhalowmasse king Richard as was seen At Calys wed, dame Isabella the queen King Charles daughter, that then was king of France At Christmas crowned by governance ¶ And in smithfield great, jousts & tornement Of all realms and divers nation Of english, Irish and Walshe present Of Scots also, were at the coronation And jousted there with great commendacy on By xiiii days jousted who so would Henry of Derby, bore him then full bold Henry Percy, and Ralph his brother gay Robert Morley, and sir john Grene Cornewell Heer Nichol Hauberke, and eke sir Mawburney Walter Bytterley, sir Thomas Blankeveile Sir Hugh Spencer, and jamco saunz fail Heer Hans, here john, & the lord fitz Walter Blaket Dynmoke, and also the lord Spencer. ¶ Vmfrevyle, and his brother Roberte umfrey Stafforde, and sir Richard Arundel These twenty held the field within full sinert Again all other, that would with justes mell Of what nation he were, that man can tell Of in any land, the knights jousted there And squires also without, that well them bore The. C xcii Chapter. ¶ How the king arrest the duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Warwyk, and Aroundell, and foreiuged them for treason, and made five Dukes, a Marquis, and four Earls, and watched day and night with Cheshyre men, for dread of insurrection. THe year of Christ, a. M. was so then Three. C. eke four score & also seventeen At midsummer, the king with many a man At Plash took Thomas, of Wodstoke full keen Of Gloucester, the duke that was full clean That smitten was, in fell and great sickness And in the tower him put in great distress ¶ Whom soon he sent, to Calyce secretly And murdered him, in the princes inn By hole advice, of his council privily And in each shire, of which he did great sin His confession of treason, more and mynne Of ix points feigned, he then proclaimed To staunch the folk, that for him cried & claimed. ¶ He than arrest Thomas, earl of warwick And Earl richard, of Arundel no lees The lord Cobham full true, and also manlike Foringed them, by strength of men and prees The earl of Warwyk, his name for to distress Unto this●e of Man in sore prison Of Arundel th'earl headed for treason ¶ The lord Cobham in to prison perpetual In the tower to abide for ever more At Mighelmasse next so then did bifall The king than held his great parliament thore At Westminster, where the king mustered sore At the Blakeheths, an hundred thousand men To make the commons, for to dread him then ¶ At which parliament, he made th'earl of Derby Duke of Herford, th'earl of Rutland also Of Almarle duke, th'earl of Kent duke of Surry th'earl of Huntyngton, duke of Excester though th'earl Martial he made and no more Duke of Norfolk, thus were there dukes five Of new create, and none was substantive ¶ He made th'earl of Somerset marquis Of Dorset then, sir john Beaufort that hight Of poor livelihood that was that time doubtless Four earls next he made, in mantiles full right With swords girt, the lord Spencer on height That create was then earl of Gloucester Thomas Percy also earl of Worcester ¶ The lord Nevell then earl of Westmoreland William Scrope earl of Wiltshire create That Chamberleyn was then, I understand And treasurer of England ordinate These four earls were thus consociate Then all these dukes, and earls with many more Of lords young he had aye with him ¶ bishops thirtyne, he held then forth each day Barons many, and many a worthy knight To great number, and squires fresh and gay And officers, well more than nedid right In each office, by tenfold more to sight Then were afore, for than he had each day Two hundred men, of Cheshire where he lay ¶ To watch him aye, where so ever he lay He dread him aye, so of insurrection Of the commons and of the people aye He trusted none of all his region But cheshire men for his protection Where ever he road, with arrows and bows bent They were with him, aye ready at his intent The. C xciii Chapter. ¶ how in the time of king Richard reigned over passing pride, advoutree, and lechery as well in men of the spirituality as in other of his house. TRuly I herd Robert Ireleffe say Clerk of the grenecloth, that to the household Came every day, for most party alway Ten thousand folk, by his messis told That followed the house, aye as they would And in the kechin three hundred servitors And in each office many occupiours ¶ And lady's fair with their gentlewomen Chamberers also and lavenders Three hundred of them were occupied then There was great pride among th●rfficers And of all men farpassing their compeers Of rich array, and much more costious Than was before, or sith, and more precious ¶ Yemennes and grooms, in cloth of silk arrayed Satin and damask, in doublets and gounes In cloth of green, and scarlet for unpaid Cut work was great, both in court and towns Both in men's hoddis, and also in their gounes Broudur and furs, & goldsmith work aye new In many awise, each day they did renew ¶ In his chapel, were bishops then of Beam Some of Ireland, and some also of France Some of England, and clerks of many a realm That little cunning had or conisaunce In music honourably, God his service to advance In the chapel, or in holy scripture On matter of Goddis to refigure ¶ lewd men, they were in clerks clothing Disguised fair, in form of clerks wise Their peryshyns full little enfourming In law divine, or else in God his service But right practyfe they were in covetise Each year to make full great collection At home, in stead of soul's correction ¶ Great lechery and fornication Was in that house, and also great advoutree Of paramoures was great consolation Of each degree, well more of prelacy Then of the temporal, or of the chivalry Great tax ay the king took through all the land For which commons him hated both free & bond The. C xciiii Chapter. ¶ How the duke of Herford and the duke of Norfolk were exiled out of England. ANd in the year. M. and three hundred clear Four score and therewithal eighteen And of his reign the twenty & two year The duke Henry of Herford as was seen At Coventry, in bars armed clean Again the duke of Northforke, for treason Which both, the king exiled fro his region ¶ The duke Henry, exiled was for ten year The other was also for term of life That died duke, at venice leide on bear But duke Henry exiled was believe Like as the chronicle can openly descrive For ten year whole, for to abide in France And to avoid the realm without variance ¶ Upon the pain of decollation And hiing soon before saint Edward's day In Octobre called the translation Upon which day, he shipid fourth his way At Calais landed, and so road on alway Unto Paris, where he was fair receipt With lords many, and worshipfully was met ¶ In lenten next, duke john his father died Of Lancaster, of weakness and of age Entombed fair, at saint Paul's buried His heir in france should have his heritage In may then next, the king with baronage To Ireland went, with host and great power The wild Irish to win, and to conquer ¶ For then Roger th'earl of March was slain With wild Irish, in ambushment for him lay His sons then, full young were both twein In ward were take, unto the king that day And then the king made full fell array In every shire, blank charters to be sealid Blank charters. For cause his acts should not be repeiled In the year of Christ a. M. was then clear King Richard his voyage in to Irelano Three. C. also four score and eke nineteen And of his reign the two & twenty year Beginning at Midsummer, then as I mean Which afterward turned him to mikell tene He was then landed, in Ireland with his host Of chivalry and power with the most The. C 95 Chapter. ¶ How duke Henry of Herford and of Leicestre landed in holderness in the same year, and Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cantorbury that before was exiled, and how duke Henry swore to th'earl of Northumberland and to sir Henry Percy wardens of the Marches and to th'earl of Westmoreland and to other lords of that North. AT which time so that duke Henry took land At Revensporn i Yorkshire as was know Tharchbishop Thomas I understand Of Cauntorbury Arondell that was low Both of riches and gold as men saw For the king had him out of the land exiled From Cauntorbury, never more to be reconciled ¶ In holderness, he landed with forty men Where the lords of Lyncolneshire him met Both Wyloughby Roos, and Darcy then And Beaumount also, with Penouns proudly bet By ordinance of Henry Percy set Earl of Northumberland, and sir Henry His son, wardens of the March severally ¶ To Dancaster he road full manfully Where both the wardens of the March met Then with the duke, with hosts great & chivalry th'earl also of Westmoreland was set With his power, as than it was his debt For he had wed the duke's sister dear A full good lady without any were ¶ There swore the duke upon the sacrament To claim no more, but his mother's heritage His father's lands, and his wife's in good intent And to lay down, both tax and tallage Whiles he might live, but of the baronage And all the states somouned in parliament Thought it needful and thereto whole assent ¶ He swore also, the king in governance To be put by good and hold provision And Cheshire men, for their misgovernance To void out of his house of evil condition And officers of good disposition To rule his house, like his estate royal Thus was his oath there made in special. ¶ Then road they forth to Bristol, were then lay Scrop and bush, and also sir Henry Grene And headed them, but Baget fled away And then the king, at Flynt as was seen Great monsters made, of people that was keen Which took his wage, and came to duke Henry And road ay forth, with him full readily ¶ In this mean while, th'earl of Northumberland Treated with the king, that time in Conwaye To meet with duke Henry, then in England And brought him then, to him in meek array With little speech to Chester then the way They road anon and put him there in ward And so to London, from thence came southward. The. C xcvi Chapter ¶ How duke Henry of Lancaster was made king, by resignation, renunciation and deposayle and election of the parliament and crowned at Westmynster on saint Edward's day in Octobre. ANd set him in the tour, where he resigned His right, his realm, & his royal crown To duke Henry, which no man them repugned And there he made a plain renunciation Of all his right, for which by provision The parliament then, for his misgovernance Deposed him so then, by great ordinance. ¶ Then went they to a free election Seeing the youth then of the Mortimer That earl of the March, by true direction Was then, and heir of England than most ner● To king Richard, as well then did appear considered also the might of duke Henry They chose him king, there durst none it deny. ¶ th'earl of Northumberlande, then had sent His power home, by council of duke Henry So did his son Henry, that truly meant Supposing well the duke would not vary From his oath, ne in no wise contrary And he and his, kept all their power Till he was crowned king, as it did appear. ¶ Thearls two, then of Northumberlande Of Worcester, and sir Henry Percy And the●●e also of Westmerlande counseled him then, fro his oath not to vary And though at eve he did to them apply On the morrow, by a prive counsel He would be crowned king without fail. The. C xcvii Chapter. ¶ Henry the fourth king of England and of France, was elect by that hole parliament, the morrow after Michelmasse day, the year of our Lord, a thousand three hundredth four score and nineteen, and reigned xiiii year, & died at Westmynster the xix day of March in the year of Christ a thousand four hundredth and xiii and of his own reign the xiiii year. THis duke Henry, by great love of the land King Henry that fourth Of many lords, and of the commontee Tharchebyshop Arondell took on hand To crown him then, in royal majesty On saint Edward's day, with great solemnity But king he was the morrow after Mighelmesse His reign beginning that day without distress ¶ th'earl of Warwick, and th'earl of Arondell That exiled were, and the Lord Cobham eke With all their friends, that king Richard did expel The duke's friends of Gloucester, nought to seek Which then began for to increase and eke Through all the realm, with king Henry to stand To crown him king, that time of all England. ¶ An hundredth thousand cried all at ones At Westmynster, to crown him for king So hated they king Richard, for the nonce For his misrule, and wrong governing For taxes and for blank charters sealing For murder of duke Thomas of Woodstoke That loved was well, more than all the floke ¶ The great parliament, than he made rehearsed The dukes of Almarle, Excestre and Surry He deprived and the judgement reversed That then was made, & gave full wilfully Again Woodstoke and warwick for envy Arondell and the lord Cobham full true Which was reversed and revoked new. ¶ The duke of Almarle, was then earl Rutland The duke of Surry, earl of kent was again And eke the duke of Excester I understand Of Hungtyngdon th'earl was to be fain The marquis eke of Dorset was full bayn Of Somerset earl again to been He chastised them, no feller as was seen ¶ th'earl of Gloucester, was lord Spencer Then set again, to his first estate The king than made his eldest son full clear The prince of Wales, in parliament hole create Duke of cornwall and earl denominate Of Chester also, that then was young of age But yet he was that time of high courage The. C xcviii Chapter. ¶ How the king gave the Constablerie and the Marshalsee to th'earls of Northumberlande and Westmerlande with certain lands, and how sir Robert Vmfrevile was made knight of the Garter & capitain of Rokesburgh, & fought on foot on Fulhoplewe and won the field with victory and was made lord Vmfrevile. AT this time that king granted by parliament The Constablery certain of England In heritage so at his coronoment To th'earl then of Northumberlande Also of Man thifle I understand To hold of him and of his heirs alway By service royal, as written was that day ¶ And to th'earl of Westmerlande also The Marshalsee of England than he gave All Richemond fee, that was in England though By patent also, for term of life to have The lords all he pleased, so God me save With office ay, or else with land or rent With liberal heart, as to a prince appent. ¶ And whiles that parliament so did endure The Scots road by North, and sore had stroyed In Cokedale then, where Vmfrevyle had cure That with them fought, & had them sore annoyed At Fulhaplowe, on foot he them accloyed For there he took sir Richard Rotherforde His sons five, full fell of deed and word. ¶ Sir William Stiwarde, also he took The lord of Gordowne, he put to flight And Willibarde, the field there then forsook And prisoners brought home, well more at night Then he had men with him the field to fight For which the king, him had ay after in cherte considering well his knightly apart. The. C xcix Chapter. ¶ How the king Henry removed king Richard from place to place, by night in privy wise, in which time theries of Kent, Salisbury and Huntyngdon, the lord Spencer and sir Raulfe Lomley were headed. THe king them sent, king Richard to Ledis There to be kept surely in previtee From thence after, to Pykering went he needs And to Knavesburgh, after led was he But to Pountfrete last, where he did die Both th'earls, of Kent and Salisbury th'earl of Huntyngdon, and Spencer's sothelye. ¶ And sir Raulfe Lomley with more in company After Christmas, thought to have slain the king They were distured, and fled away in high But they were slain at Circester fleeing By the commons, with them there fighting Thearls of Kent and of Salysbury And sir Raulfe Lomley in their company. ¶ The lord Spencer, take was upon the sea At Bristol was headed and decollate th'earl also of Huntyngdon did flee And brought unto the countess of estate Of Herforde then, who had him forth algate To plash, where she made men him heed Without counsel of any lord or read. ¶ Sir Thomas shelly, set full high in pride And Mawbleyn with Ferebye draw and hung Sir Barnard Brockeys, was heeded them beside The bishop also of Carleile them among In Westmynster, his life there to prolong Perpetually by judgement was commit Among his brethren in order for to sit. The. CC. Chapter. ¶ How king Richard was brought dead from Pountfret to Paul's, and after buried at Langley, for men should have no remembrance of him. And how sir Robert Vmfrevyle fought with that Scots at Redeswere and had the field and the victory. IN march next after, king Richard then was deed From Poumfret brought with great solemnity Men said forhungered he was & lapped in lead At Paul's his mass was done and diryge In hers royal, seemly to royalty The king & lords, clothes of gold there offerde Some viii some ix upon his she were proferde. ¶ At Westminster then did they so the same When trust he should there have buried been In that minster like to a prince of name In his own tomb, together with the queen Anne, that afore his first wife had been But then the king, him fast to Langley sent There in the freres to be buried secretement ¶ On Michelmasse day, next after his coronation Sir Robert then my master Vmfreuyle At Redeswyres, without excusation With Richard Rotherforde fought that while And took the steward, as I can compile And james Douglas, with the lord Seton And prisoners many, for to give ransom ¶ Two hundredth men, upon that field were slain Three hundredth fled, some hole, some maimed sore That died at home, with sorrow and with pain Some died homeward, the home they came no more Where so he fought unto his men right thore A merry word he wòlde say or they met To glad their hearts, enemies to overset. ¶ The ii year of his reign, than he went The kings voyage into Scotland. In harvest time, so into Scotland And Edinburgh, with the country brent In which time the Scots brent our land All Bamburgh shire in Northumberlande For both wardens, with the king were gone No warden there, but husbands by their own The. CC i Chapter. ¶ How Owen of Glendoure rose in Wales again the king and made war on the lord Grace Ruthin, and took the lord gray and sir Edmonde mortimer. THe king came home, and to London went At Michelmasse, where then he had message That Owen Glendoure, than felly blended In England sore, and did full great damage For cause the lord gray held his heritage And to the king of it, full sore had plained No remedy gate, so was he than demeaned ¶ The lord Grace Ruthin did him great wrong Destroyed his land, and he did him the same So both Marches, destroyed were full long But Owen wan himself, each day great name Of vasselrie, of gentiles and of fame That he them did, for which to him they drew And became his men, & to him were full true ¶ So on a day, the lord gray, and he met With great power upon either side Where then they fought in battle sore bet And took him then his prisoner that tide And there the field, he had with mikyll pride Great people took and slew, & home he went The lord gray he ransomed at his intent ¶ Sir Edmonde than Mortimer warred sore Upon Owen, and did him mickle tene But at last, Owen lay him before Where in battle they fought, as well was seen Where Owen took him prisoner, as then full keen With mickle folk, on either side slain And set Edmonde in prison, and great pain ¶ He wrote unto the king, for great succour For he had made with Owen his finance To whom that king would grant then no favour Ne nought he would them make him chevisance For to comfort his foes disobeisance Wherefore he lay, in feters and sore prison For none payment of his great ransom The. CC iii Chapter. ¶ The Earl of Northumberlande, & his son Henry Percy struck the battle of Hamildon with the Scots, & took two Earls, and discomfit xl thousand Scots. IN the iii year th'earl of Fyffe & Murrey Of Athell and Angos, & Douglas also And of Menteth, with barons fell that day The number was xl thousand and more Had brent the land, by south Northward tho To Homildon, where on holy road day The earl them met in good & strong array ¶ His son also, Henry Percy was there George of Dunbar, was in their company And with the Scots that day fought full sere discomfited them, and had the victory Six earls taken and xl thousand plainly Some fled, some died, some maimed there for ever That to Scotland, again came they never ¶ The king Henry, thrice to wales went In the hay time, and harvest divers year The kings voyages into Wales. In every time were mists and tempests sent Of wethers foul, that he had never power Glendour to noye, but ever his carriage clear Owen had at certain straits and passage And to our host did full great damage ¶ The king had never, but tempest foul & rain As long as he was ay in Wales ground Rocks & mists, winds & storms ever certain All men trowed, that witches it made that stound The commons all, then of all England ground Warred his gate, to Wales every year For hay and corn were lost both two in fere Which made great dearth, & of cattles morayne And even ay in hills and in mountains Kept him full strong, that king ay wrought in vain The king might not, but ever more held that pleines And waste his own lord ships, & his domains And full great part Owen had and occupied By process so in Wales, and victoryed ¶ th'earl Henry, then of Northumberland Brought to the king, his own prisoner th'earl of Fyffe, was then I understand Heir unto the duke of Albany clear Regent that was of Scotland without peer But sir Henry his son, then would not bring His prisoners in no wise to the king ¶ But the king he prayed for Mortimer That ransomed might he been with his friends so He said him nay, for he was taken prisoner By his consent and treason to his foo Whom he would not comfort for to overgoo The prince his lands, ne his own to destroy For ay he had great trust, that he should him noye ¶ The king him blamed, for he took not Owen When he came to him on his assurance And he answered then to the king again He might not so keep his affiance To shame himself with such a variance The king blamed him for his prisoner th'earl Douglas, for cause he was not there ¶ And said he should him fet, but he him send Sir Henry saw no grace for Mortimer His wife's brother, he went away unkende To Berwyk so, and after came no near Afore they met, at Shrowesbury in fere Where then they fought, for cause of his intent He purposed had, Mortimer his coronoment ¶ The lords all of England had him height And Owayn also on severne him to meet Except th'earl of Stafford young to fight By their letters, under their seals meet But in the point, they broke all their behete And he was slain, and all the cause conselid Why he the field took and the king appelid The. CC iii Chapter. ¶ how for th'earl of March his right, sir Henry Percy and sir Thomas Percy his uncle earl of Worcester, fought with the king and were slain at the battle of Shrewesbury where all the lords deceived them the year of Christ a thousand four hundred and three and of his reign the fourth year, that were bound to them by their seals except th'earl of Stafford, which letters I saw in the castle of Werkeworth when I was constable of it under my lord sir Robert Vmfre vile who had that castle of king Henry his gift by forfeiture of th'earl of Northumberland. ON Madleyn even was on the saturday After long treat, the prince began to fight The year of Christ a thousand was no nay Four hundred also and three, thereto full right When the battle was streken of mikell might And of the king than was the fourth year Of his reign, accounted well and clear ¶ His uncle dear, was with him there dead His father came not out of Northumberland But failed him foul, without wit or rede But to the king he came I understand Holy submitting him unto his royal hand Whom then he put to hold in sore prison With two men of his own in Bagyngton ¶ His castles, all his men held then full strong To time the king had, grant him plener grace But the lords, in counsel then among height him to help, the sixth year at the Pasche But none durst come that time, so fell the case But bishop Scrop and th'earl marshal The lord Bardolfe, then of our lords all The. CC four Chapter. ¶ how in that year of his reign & in that year of Christ a thousand four hundred and five, master Richard Scorpe archbishop of York, Thomas Mombray●●rle marshal sir john Lamplewe and sir William Plompton were headed beside York. IN lenten after he came home to his land By perliament, whole delivered and acquit And two year after, in peace I understand With king Henry, full peasebly did sit Then in the year as men remember it Of his reign the sixth, the bishop Scorp went th'earl marshal with him of one intent ¶ To York's More, and there assembled power Of their own, and their friends also Of th'earls men of Northumberland that were To the number of twenty thousand tho Afore the day, assigned that was so By th'earl then of Northumberland That there Cheften with them should have stand ¶ With other lords that were to them assent But the bishop and th'earl marshal Where slain afore the day of assignment Between them made afore in special Headed were then, near York as then did fall Sir john Lamplewe and sir William Plomton With the bishop were headed there for treason The. CC .v. Chapter. ¶ How the lord Hastynges, the lord Fauconbridge and sir john Coluile of the Dale and his make, and sir john Ruthyn were headed at Duresme by the king for th'earls of Northumberland & then he gate th'earls castles and stroke of seven heads at Berwyke. THe lord Hastynges at Duresme was then take The lord Faucombrige together in company Sir john Coluile of the Dale & his make Sir john Ruthyn that knights were full manly To th'earl of Northumberland openly Were headed there all four upon a day And to Werkworth remevid in great array ¶ Where the castle with in a week was yold Unto the king, after assaults fell and sore The casteleyns to pass free where they would With horse and harness, without challenge more Then to Alnwike, the king removed thore Where the captains unto the king than sent Wyn Berwyke once, he should have his intent ¶ So went he then to Berwyke without delay With assault and shot, of gonnis strong that were He had it then, and there headed on a day The barons son of Graistoke taken there Sir Henry Bowton and Blenkensop therefore And Prendirgest ran on the sea also And Tuwile with other squires two ¶ Too Alnwike then, the king laid siege again Without assault, by whole convention Henry Percy of Athel, with heart fain And William Clifford, without dissension The castle yield at the kings entention With horse and harness, without enpechement Or forfeiture or else impediment ¶ Prodhow Langley and also Cokirmouth Alnham Newsted, delivered were anon They removed then forth in to the south th'earl of Northumberland was then gone Afore Northward, to Scotland with great moan The lord Bardolf with him thither went And there abode, with their suppowelment ¶ The summer next, by sea to Wales they went Unto Glendour, and after then to britain And so by sea, to Flaunders or they stint The other summer, to Scotland came again By thest sea, and there they did remain To the winter then, of snow full deep That they were slain, for whom that folk sore weep ¶ The ninth year was then of the king Henry In Feveryer afore the fastyngange Of Christ his date a thousand certainly Four hundred and eight, counted among At Bramham more with spears sharp and long In Yorkshire, so the Rokeby with them met Shrief of the shire, with power that he get The. C. C vi Chapter ¶ How the king his son of Scotland & heir james was taken on the sea and brought unto the king and then died Owayn and the king of Scotland. THe same year also, that prince then of Scotland Upon the sea sailing, then in to France Was taken & brought to that king of England Eleven year old was he then, by remembrance Whom the king then put in governance For like a prince, as to a king appent In all honour as was convenient ¶ The tenth year then of the king his date The king of Scotland, and Owayn of Glendor His son also, the world forsook then algate And died away, of them then was no more The prince of Scotland then was king therefore And Wales all became the king his men In rest and peace without rebellion then ¶ In that same year Gilbert Vmfrevile Lord was then of Riddisdale in keyme That passed not seventeen year that while And ward was to the king that time But seventeen year of age was that time At Arrays then fought full worthily With George Turnuile, in lyestes singularly ¶ With axe and sword, and dagger upon foot Twenty strokes with every weepen smitten Vndeparted without any mote And on the morrow, there they syten Twenty coursses, with spears together hitten A quarter bore unarmed and unarrayed Save there serkes slew with spears unasayed. The. CC vii Chapter. ¶ How Robert Vmfrevile went into Scotland and lay in the Scottish sea xiiii days, and every day fought with that Scots, somedaye on the northside, and some day on the southside, and got xiiii great ships, & brent there Galiot with ordinance and sore battle in the Scottish sea afore Edynburghe and at the Blakenesse. THe year eleventh, of this same king Henry Sir Robert Vmfrevile took the see With ten sails, to keep it notably When truce was taken in specialtee Between Scotland and us in ce●tentee To the Scottish sea, both by sea and land And to Monshole on our side I understand ¶ In the Scottish sea, with his ships he lay Where xiiii ships he took with his manhood And fought full sore, at full sea every day Sometime upon the northside so in deed And some time on the southside out of dread With the duke of Albany and of Fyffe And his proud scots, that fought then full ryffe. ¶ With th'earl of Douglas, and them of Lothian And brought his fires, brenning upon the sea In boats and cogs ordained by them than With other boats, with men of arms in property And archers good, well pavynshed in specialitee That brent their ships and their galiot A ship of advantage was then God wot ¶ When he had been, there xiiii days to th'end With his prizes, he came to England Full of cloth, woollen & linen, that land to amend Pitch and tar, both for fire and bond For to amend the sheeps of our land Flower and meal of wheat and rye he sold The market he so amended manifold ¶ And would he had, and other merchandise wol and hide, and iron great quantity wol skins, cloth of gold and spyceries jewels in chests and stones of precioustee And other merchants in specioustee And prisoners also, and mickle flax wines sweet, and mickle poleyn wax. The. CC viii Chapter. ¶ How sir Robert Vmfrevile brent Pebbles on there market day, and made his men to meet their cloth with spears & bows, and after the Scots called him Robyne Mendmarket, and his nephew brent jedworth and Tevidale soon after. AT Pebbles long, afore that time four year He brent the town, upon their market day And met their cloth, with spears & bows sear By his bidding without any nay Wherefore the Scots from thence forthward ay Called him, Robin mendmarket in certain For his measures were so large and plain. Robin mendmarket. ¶ His nephew Gilbert, and he the xi year Of king Henry, upon the water of Calm than And also on Roll and jedworth forest clear Forrayed full sore, with many a manly man His banner first, there was displayed then When he was clearly but xiiii year no more When his uncle had battled him so sore. The. CC ix Chapter. ¶ How the prince Henry of Wales sent power to the duke of Burgoyn to help him, the two Vmfreviles, sir john gray with other, where Vmfrevile with the english men held the field for he would not kill the prisoners, as the duke of Burgoyn had ordained THe prince Henry, to duke Philip then sent That of Burgoyn was so both sir & lord Sir Gilbert Vmfrevile, & his uncle verament His cousin also sir John Grace, as men record With many other worthy, with spear & sword William Porter again the duke of orleans And his armagnacs with men of great defence ¶ At S 〈…〉 ncle then, again the duke of orleans And the duke of Bourbon by all a day Thenglyshe fought with great sufficience And wan the bridge, with battle bet away Tharmynakes, with many sore affray Where Vmfrevile proclaimed was earl of Kyme Cheiften was of all english that time. ¶ At Durdan also, and at Etham again They fought all new, where then they had that field And prisoners many they did obtain The which the duke of Burgoyn would have wield Because to him they were so unbelde Them to have slain he commanded then, each capitain His prisoners to kill then in certain ¶ To which Gilbert Vmfrevile earl of Kyme Answered for all his fellows and there men They should all die together at a time Or their prisoners, so should be slain then And with that took the field as folk did ken With all their men, and all their prisoners To die with them, as worship it requyers ¶ He said they were not come thither as bouchers To kill the folk in market or in feire Ne them to sell, but as arms requires Them to govern without any despair As prisoners own home again repair For fine paying, as law of arms will And not on stocks nor in market them to sell ¶ With whom sir john gray, as his cousin dear And all english with many other of France With their prisoners full familiar battled in field, with full strong ordinance More like to fight, then to make obeisance And held th'earl of kyme for their cheiftayn To live and die under his banner certain ¶ The duke philip, full of sapience Saw his manhood, and his knightly courage Loath was to lose his noble adventure By treaty, and by other tender message Of prisoners, grant them to do advantage And him withheld with all his fellowship As Earl of Kyme, proclaimed of great worship. ¶ Then after soon, our Englishmen anon Came home again, with great and high reward Whom then the duke, by letter commend alone In writing specified, with heart inward Unto the prince, that sent them to hymwarde And thanked them greatly of his service In his wars showed again his enemies ¶ The king discharged that prince fro his counsel And set my lord sir Thomas in his stead Chief of counsel, for the kings more avail For which the prince of wrath and wilful heed Again him made debate and frowardhede With whom the king took part, & held the field To time the prince, unto the king him yield ¶ The king than made his son duke of Clarence My lord Thomas, and sent him into France To help the duke Lewis of orleans Again the duke of Burgoyne at instance Of my lord Thomas, again that prince surance Which was the cause also of their heaviness So to refuse duke Philyppes love causelles ¶ But then the duke of Clarence with power Came to the duke allows of orleans King Charles brother, who made him noble cheer And him received, with full high reverence They two warryed, with mighty suffycience Upon the duke of Burgoyne, and him outrayed That he went into Burgoyne, all formayed ¶ Then road the duke of Clarence into Guien Through France, with host then full royal And kept that land, with help of duke Lewis then In which mean while, king Henry 'gan fall In great sickness, that his strength did pall With contrite heart, and humble yelden cheer He said, O lord, thy me 〈…〉 I require. The. CC ten Chapter. ¶ The words that the King said at his death of high complaint, but nought of repentance of usurpement of the realm, ne of the restorement of right heirs to the crown O Lord he said, O God omnipotent Now see I well, thy godhead loveth me That suffered never my foes to have their intent Of mine person in mine adversrte Ne in mine sickness, ne in mine infirmity But ay haste kept it fro their malevolence And chastised me, by thy benevolence ¶ Lord I thank thee, with all my heart With all my soul, and my spirits clear This worms meet, this carrion full unquerte That some time thought in world it had no peer This face so foul, that leprous doth apere That here afore, I have had such a pride To purtraye oft, in many place full wide. ¶ Of which right, now that poorest of this land Except only, of their benignity Would loath to look upon, I understand Of which good lord, that thou so visit me A thousand times the lord in trinity With all my heart, I thank the and commend Into thine hands, my soul withouten end. ¶ And died so in faith, and hole creance At Cauntorbury buried, with great reverence As a king should be, with all kind of circumstance According unto his high magnificence Beside the prince Edward, with great expense Of Christ was then, a. M. year full out Four hundredth eke, and thirteen out of doubt. ¶ O very God, what torment had this king The conceit of the maker. To remember in brief, and short intent Some in his shirt, put oft time veneming And some in meat and drink great poysonment Some in his hose, by great ymagenement Some in bedstraw, irons sharp ground well & whet Enuenemed sore, to slay him, if he had on them set ¶ Some made for him, divers enchantments To waste him out, and utterly destroy And some gave him battle, full felonoment In field within his realm, him for to noye And on themselves, the hurt and all the annoy Ay fell at end that honged were and heeded As traitors ought to been in every stead ¶ This king died, of his reign in the year fourteen accounted, of March that xix day The sunday was then by Kalendre Of whom the realm, great joy at first had ay But afterward they loved not his array At his beginning, full high he was commend With commons then, & also little at the end. The. CC xi Chapter. ¶ Henry the fifth, king of England and of France, began to reign the twenty day of March that was saint Cuthbertes day, and was crowned the ninth day of Apryl, the year of Christ, a thousand four hundredth twenty & two, after he had reigned ix year and an half. And in the hour that he was crowned and anointed he was changed from all vices unto virtuous life, and licenced the folk to offer unto Richard Scrop, and buried king Richard at West minster, and granted to Henry Percy his lands. HEnry his son, that prince of wales was than On saint Cuthbertes day in March following King was so, as I remember can On passion sunday, after was this king Anointed and crowned, without tarrying The ninth day, it was of Apryll so With storms fell, and hailstones great also ¶ In his first year, the lord Cobham heretic Confedered with lollers insapient Lord Co●ham. Again the church arose, and was full like It to have destroyed by their entendment Had not the king than made suppowelment And put him fro the field, by good direction That sembled were, by great insurrection. ¶ Then fled the lord Cobham herrorious To Wales, so with lollers many one Musing in his opinion venomous how that he might destroy the church anon But God that sit in heaven above alone Knowing his heart, naked of all good intent Let him betake, to have his judgement ¶ And put he was to prison in the tower Of which he did escape away by night And take was again within an hour And after soon dampened, by law and right For heresy, by the clergy in sight And brent he was to ashes deed and pale Through cursed life, thus came he in great bale ¶ The hour he was crowned and anoint He changed was, of all his old condition Full virtuous he was, fro point to point Grounded all new, in good opinion For passingly without comparison Then set upon all right and conscience A new man made, by all good regimence ¶ He gave leave then of good devotion All men to offer to bishop Scrop express Without letting, or any question He granted also, of his high worthiness To lay the king richard, and Anne doubtless His wife that was, at Westmynster buried As king Richard himself had signified ¶ And fro the freres of Langley where he lay He carried him to Westmynster anon And buried him of royal great array With the queen Anne, in tomb of marbel stone Full royally arrayed, as royals by them soon And to Henry Percy, he granted his lands clear That to the duke of bedford, then given were ¶ My lord of Clarence, fro Guyan home again Came to the king, with joy & great pleasance The second year, of whom the king was fain At Leycester then, as made is remembrance In his parliament, without variance His brother john, duke of bedford create His brother vinfrey, duke of Gloucester of estate ¶ Thomas Beauford, that was earl of Dorcet He made duke then, of Excester that while He gave in charge, that time withouten let Unto sir Robert there Vinfrevyle By his wisdom, and manhood that while To treat with the Scots, to get Henry Percy Laid in hostage, by his grauntsirez folly. The. CC xii Chapter. ¶ How sir Robert Vmfrevile fought at Getering the third year with the Scots, that had but seven score spears and three hundredth how, on Mad●lyn day and discomfited of them four M. men & made chase twelve mile on them in to their own land, and went with the king to Harflite to the siege with whom I went thither. THen was it war between us & Scotland That sir Robert Vmfrevile might it speed But at Getering with Scots hand for hand He fought on foot, on Maudelyn day in deed Where eighteen score Scots were take I read Three score s●ain, a thousand put to flight With four. C. men, discomfited them fourth right ¶ Twelve mile them, he made on them great chase In to their land, and home he came again To his castle of Rokesburgh in that case Which he had then in keeping sooth to said Of his great labour, in heart being full fain With prisoners, many one hurt full sore Himself and his, that then had wounded thore ¶ At Lammasse next, the king then as he lay At Southampton, th'earl of Cambridge took The lord Scorp also, and eke sir Thomas gray And headed them, the cause was who so look Among theim selfes, for they this counsel took And purposed th'earl of March to crown King of England, by their provision The. CC xiii Chapter. ¶ How the king went in to Normandy and steged Hareflete and gate it with great pain and loss of men But who may cas● of running houndis and many racches but he must lose some of them. THE king held forth by sea to Normandy With all his host, at Kydcans' landed them And laid a siege to Hareflete mightily On every side, by land and water wan With bulwarks stout, and bastell he began In which he put th'earl of Huntyngton th'earl of Kent also of great renown ¶ Which earls two, with other to them assigned Cornwall and Grace, Steward also and Porter Full great assaults, made each day & repugned Whiles at last, they bet the town towers their And what the king, with faggots that there were And his cunning werching under the wall With his guns casting, they made that tour to fall ¶ And their bulwark brent with shot of wildfire At which place then, th'earls two up set Their banners both, without any hire The king therewith, his gonnes the walls bet The duke did so, of Clarence without let On the ferreside, where as he then lay th'earl Montague, did well there alway ¶ The lord Gawcort that then was their captain Of Hare●lete though with other of the town Offered then the town to the king full fain And he with other, to stand at the kings direction Then made he there, his uncle of great renown Captain of it duke of Excester then And homeward went, through France like a man The. CC xiiii Chapter. ¶ How the king came homeward through Normandy and Picardy, and s 〈…〉 ote the battle of Agyncor● where I was with my master. AN hundred mile to Calais had he then At Agyncourt, so homeward in his way The nobles there, of France afore him wē Proudly battailled, with an hundred thousand in array He saw he must needs with them make afraye He set on them, and with them fought full sore With nine thousand, no more with him thore ¶ The field he had, and held it all that night But than came word, of host and enemies For which they slew all prisoners down right save dukes and earls, in fell and cruel wise And then the prees of enemies did surprise Their own people, that more were deed through pres Then our men might have slain, that time no lose ¶ On our side, was the duke of York there slain th'earl also of Suffolk worshipfully And knights two, with other than soothe to said And at the siege, th'earl of Suffolk soothly The father died of the flux continually But mikell folk, at that siege yet died Of fruit and flux, and cold were mortified ¶ On that French party, that dukes of Bar & Lorein And of Alaunson, in battle there were dead And take were of christians in certain The duke Lewes of orleans their head The duke of Burbone in that stead th'earl of Vendom and Arthure also of britain And sir Bursigalo● marshal of France certain ¶ And th'earl of Ewe was taken there also five barons also that were at their banner And fifteen hundred knights and squires more Were s●ain that day in full knightely manner With wounds, so as then did apere As werres would upon Chrispyn day And Chrispynian that saints in bliss been aye The. CC xu Chapter. ¶ How th'emperor and the duke of Holland came to the king, the Count palatine the duke of Melayn the marquis Farrar, the lord Mantowe and the marquis Mount Ferrete the lord Mount Palestrine came with th'emperor the same time, and the duke Bavers and Embeir and the prince of Orange also AND in the year of Christ a thousand clear Four hundred also & therewithal fifteen When this battle was smitten as doth apere In the third year of his reign as was seen To Caleice so he came, and home be dene With th'emperor of Room sir Sigemond Unto him came then, in to England ground ¶ With a thousand men that were full clean arrayed The duke of Melayn, the count Palatyne The marquis Ferrer, that lord Mantowe well apaid The count Carmeler, the count Palestryne With many lords of the water of the Ryne And of the Garter was made the secondary And in it stalled, for he would not vary ¶ The duke of Holland, then by sea came With lx ships, in Thamis that did aryve And to the king, he went unto lamb To Themperor after he went believe As chronicles than did describe Then was he made knight of the Garter At his desire, as saith the chronicler. The. CC xvi Chapter. ¶ Of the battle of Sayne, & of the carykes there taken in the sea afore the mouth of Sayne. THe king sent then, that duke unto the sea Of bedford, that with four hundredth sails To victual Hare●lete, with th'earl of March no lee th'earl Marshal, without any fails With th'earls armed in plate and mails Of Orenforde, Warrewike and Huntyngdon Of Salisbury, Devonshire, & many a baron. ¶ Of Arondell also, these earls all Were in that float, unto the number of men Twenty thousand Herouldes did them call On our Lady day th'assumption then All these lords with many worthy men The fifth year of the king was then express When there enemies them met at say doubtless ¶ They fought full sore, afore the water of say With carrikes many, well stuffed and arrayed And many other ships great of Hispayne Barges Balyngers and galeys unfrayed Which proudly came upon our ships unprayed And by theven there sails availed were set Their enemies slain in battle, and sore bet ¶ And many dryent, were that day in the sea That as our fleet road there then alway Unto the feast, next of his nativity The body's fleet among our ships echeday● Full piteous was, and to see them ay That thousands were twenty as they then told That taken were, in that same battle bold. ¶ In which mean while, whiles our ships there lay It was so calm, without any wind We might not sail, ne fro thence pass away Wherefore their galeys, each day there 'gan us find With oars many, about us did they wind With wildfire oft assailed us day and night To brē●e our ships in that they could or might ¶ The fleet came home, than at our Lady day Fron say, which time that king than had conveyed Themperor then to Caleys on his way And home again was come right well apaid Of the welfare of that worthy fleet assayed So well in arms, unto his high pleasance Upon his foes, & kept themself by governance. The. CC xvii Chapter. ¶ How the king went into France, in the .v. year of his reign the second time, and landed at Towke in Constantyne in Normandy. THe king then in his .v. year went into France And landed at Towke and got the castle then And so came with all his ordinance And laid his siege about, with many a man Which by process, at the last he won Which to Vmfrevile, that then was earl of Kyme He gave to keep, for great manhood that time ¶ Bayons, Falace, Cees, and Argenton Doumfront, Mortyne and ivory also Musterdevilers, Euerons and Alaunson Caldebeke and Deep, arks, Vnycort though With other towns and castles many more Gurnaye, Newcastle, Gysours, Estoutuile Rouen, Lovers and also Vmfrevile ¶ Pountlarge, Pountoyes & also Pount Dorson, Maunte, Vire Balom and also Aueraunce castle Galliard, with many other town Bolham in perch, saint joilian in mance Merteyn in perch, Chirbroke and eke constance Vernell in perch, Seintlowe and Alavayle Vernon on say, without any battle ¶ All Normandy he gate, within two year And after then, he travailed in France For marriage and convention clear Between king Charles and him at instance Of duke Philip of Burgoyn, of alliance In which time, so they were by appointment Accorded well, and clearly condiscent. ¶ That than he wed, his daughter Katherine And proclaimed was, then of France regent And heritour of France, by right line Of his own right, fro king Edward's descent And Normendy and guian as appent Remain should to him, and to his heirs Kings of England evermore, and to theirs. ¶ Then laid he siege to Melon anon right Above Paris. ●v. legs upon say Which by process and labour of his might And full sore siege, full long with passing pain He had at last, of which he was full fain And took it, to Vmfrevile earl of Kyme To have for ever, ay forwards fro that time ¶ Sauncer in Burgoyn then gate he mightily And Motreux also, where the duke was buried Of Burgoyn then, whom he took up in high And at Dugyon, as it is notified Him buried so, in Burgoyn undenyed With high honour and great solemnity As to such a prince, of reason ought to be ¶ And Motreux took he then to sir john Grace That then was made earl of Tanoniruile A manly knight in arms proved aye And lord Powes was, by his wife that while And emes son, unto th'earl Vmfrevile Two better knights I trow, there were not than Of their estate, sith time that they began. ¶ At siege of Meloyn, and of all other cities After following, the king of Scotland lay The prince of Orange withouten lees The duke Embarre his son and heir always That sister son then was, full fresh and gay To king Henry at Meloyn, full well arrayed The king of France, with banner hole displayed ¶ The siege held, fro Midsummer to Christmas When king Henry at his palace royal Of Turnels fair, beside the bastell peerless Of Saint antony held his hole imperial Where then he feasted, these kings & princes all Where then th'earls of Suffolk and of Kyme With ten men held the jousts by all that time ¶ But whiles the king Henry was so in France The duke Robert, that was of Albany Laid about Barwike of great puissance Sixty thousand of Scots cruelly Assailed the town echedaye by and by The capitain was sir Robert Vmfreuyle A knight of the garter, had been long while. The. CC xviii Chapter. ¶ How the duke of Albany besieged Barwske, and th'earl Douglas Rokesburgh in heru●ste, in the seventh year of the king, and how Henry Percy earl of Northumberland rescued Barwike and Roliesburgh, with vii score. M. men, for trust it true, there is no lord in England, that may defend you again Scotland so well as he, for they have the hearts of the people by North and ever have had, and doubt it not, the North part be your true legemen. THey shot their gonnes, and with their ladders scaled But nought availed, they were so well of bet When they our host saw, anon they unscaled That stolen away by night without let For fear our host, upon them should set At Baremore then, with vii score thousand men For which the Scots, fled fro that duke home then ¶ Upon the night, and let him there alone With his own men and no more of weike power Yet road he to Norham near them anon And brent the town, our host and he then were But two mile of, and durst not come no near Wherefore he road, home then into Scotland Our host more soon returned to England ¶ Then sir Robert Vmfrevile, with the garrison Of Barwike, with his countrymen Followed after the Scots, with his penoun On the hinder riders, and many of them then He took homeward, and slew squires ten Within Scotland, beside Cherneside town And to Berwick came with his garrison. ¶ th'earl Douglas, then hight sir Archebalde Which his one eye had lost at Hamyldon That seemed him well, ay after manifold At Shrowysbury, for his correction He lost one of his stones, for his ransom His siege then left at Rokesburgh where he lay And with the duke of Albany road away ¶ The Earls two, of Douglas and Dunbarre For truce sent, to Roberte Vmfrevyle Wardeine of the este march, full wise and war He would none take with them, then for no while Sith they the truce had broken, and did file He should them hold the war, to they were feign To seek peace then, at the king again. ¶ The king was then, in France hole regent And Paris had, and all the land about Troy's in Champain, & Mews in Bry had hent With all cities, towns and castles stout In all that land and country there throughout Of Mewis he made sir john gray captain That was lord Powes, by his wife certain ¶ That time sir Ralph Cromwell was governor Of king Charles, and Isabella the queen By king Henry ordained their protector Who kept them at Boys vincent, as was seen In royal wise, as to them did parteigne The king busy, that time in his conquest For to set rule in France, could have no rest ¶ In this mean while, sir Robert Vinfrevyle Wardeine of the March, thought then full great shame The king in France, doing so well that while He made the war on Scots to have a name Two year complete he wrought them mickle shame Thest March hole of Scotland than he brent And market towns echeone, or that he stente ¶ Howyk Selkirke jed worth, & all Dunbarre Laudre also, with all Laudre dale The forests also, fro Berwyk that were far Of Eteryke jed worth, and eke all Tevidale And all the villages in them, both great & small And none help had, but of his country men Of the bishopric, & of Northumberlande then ¶ In this mean time, that Scots had great pain Wherefore th'earls of Douglas and Dunbarre To London came, and took a truce full fain As Vmfreuyle them hight afore the war That to the king they should it seek of far Of which he kept his host then full two year For with his war, he waste the march full clear The. CC xix Chapter. How the King and the Queen came into Englaude, in the eight year of his reign. THe viii year of his reign, at Candelmas The king came home, and brought with him the queen That he had wed at Troy's, in Champein doubtless Afore the lords of France, as then was well seen The duke of Clarence, as men well it mean He made regent of France in his absence To occupy right, as his own presence ¶ The earl of Salisbury, the Montague He made governor then of Normandaye th'earl of Kyme, a knight of his full true Marshal of France, he made full openly The lords all, he ordained there to lie Him to comfort, and to been attendant To him, in all that might him be pleasant ¶ This prince of princes, in England then abode To summer after, each day in business To ordain for his passage, and his road To France again, in which time then doubtless I saw two knights afore him then express That none might them accord, or treat to peace Ne justice none, of fighting might them cease ¶ The lords then greatly counseled the king To make them find surety to keep the peace The king answered anon without tarrying I shallbe your borrow now or I cease For of this thing, I may not long you press But what case fall that slain is one of you That other shall die, to god I make a vow ¶ They hearing this, anon they were accord By friends that treated, that time between them two And after that, they were no more at discord This was a justice of peace, that could do so His office kept, without borrows more For when he died, justice of peace bode none But baratours, their office kept anon. ¶ And at the Easter, then in his xv. year The duke of Clarence, thenemies had espied At Bangy then for which his men in fere He sembled, and thither fast he hied On Easter even, he would not been replied With whom were then th'earl of Huntyngdon And Somerset the earl, his wives son The. CC twenty Chapter. How on Easter even, the duke of Clarence smote that battle of Bawgy, in the year of Christ, a thousand four hundredth & twenty, and in the ninth year of king Henry for that year the feast of the annunciation of our Lady fell on Ester twysdaye, and the date changed after that battle in the Easter week. ANd near at Bawge came gilbert Vmfrevyle Marshal of France, with .v. horse & no more And of good wit, counseled him that while To keep the church and god's service tho And after the feast, to seek upon his foo And he answered him, if thou be afeard God home thy way, and keep the church yard ¶ For thou hast been with the king to long To make me lose my worship and my name Thou haste ay got the worship ever among And I have none, thus would thou lose my fame With such words chiding he did him blame To whom he said, if that thou be afraid And keep the church, as thou me now hast said ¶ With that he said, my lord ye have no men With the enemies, thus hastily to fight Your men wots not of this, ne how ne when To semble to you of power, ne of might For truly now my cousin gray now right And I have here but ten men and no more But yet ye shall never say we leave you so ¶ So road they forth, ay chiding by the way Till they to Bawgy, over the bridge were gone Where the enemies were battled in array Where then they light, & fought with them anon The duke was slain that day there with his foone With him were slain, than th'earl Vmfreuyle And sir john gray the Earl of Tankeruyle The lord Roos, and sir john Lumley With many other were with him slain that day Whose names I can not write nor say The Earls two, of Huntingdon no nay Of Somerset also, were taken there I say For prisoners, and put to great ransom And lay full long in France then in prison ¶ Thenglishe power came, when all was done And rescued then, the deed men where they lay And brought that lords home, fro thence then full soon That were there upon the field that day And buried them in England, in good array Echeone in his own abbey or colage Afore founded within his heritage ¶ At Cauntorbury, the duke was of Clarence Beside his father king Henry buried With such honour, costage and expense As the duchess his wife could have signified Which needed not to been modifyed She was so well, within herself advised Of great sadness, and womanhead prevised. The. CC xxi Chapter. How the queen went again to France, & left the queen in England with child, and wan diverse cities towns and castles in summer, in the nyngth year of his reign THe king then let the queen in England bide In summer then, the. ix year of his date And into France, again he went that tide With heavy heart, to Paris went algate The castle of Perfount, soon he gate A royal place of all that men have seen The great city of Compyne also I ween. ¶ The cities also of Cassons Bray and Crayle Of Owsare also, with many cities more And to Paris again without fail In his castle of Lower abiding though Tidings than came, to him full glad and more That of a prince delivered was the queen Of which all men rejoiced as was seen Saint Dionis then, and castle Boys Vynccent corbel Pount Melanke, and full great part of France Burgoyne Artoys, and Pycardy to him sent To been his men, without contraryaunce And each city, to him sworn in substance Walled towns and castles everichone As high regent of France by him one ¶ Then road he forth to Bawgy and orleans winning the towns, and cities in his way And castles all, that were of great defence Crepy, Lawnesse, and Milly with great affray Nongentle Roy, he got with great array Pount Caranton, with many other obeyed To his highness, and were his men conveghed ¶ The duke of britain, then was his man For fee belaste, without rebellion The count saint Paul, his man was then The duke of Burgoyn, without suspicion With many other, his men without collusion Were sworn them whole, the countries in the same wise Castles and towns, eke as he couth devise ¶ In August so of his reign the tenth year He took sickness, and lay at Boy Vincent In pain strong, as than it did appear Full like to pass, wherefore in his intent The duke of Bedford, he made h●e regent Of France, and of his other lands all Beyond the sea as chief in general ¶ And of his son Henry, he made custode Thomas Beauford, his uncle dear and true Duke of Excester, full of all worthy hood To time his son, to perfect age grew He to keep him, changing for no n 〈…〉 With help of his other eme, then fu 〈…〉 The bishop of Wynchester of good a 〈…〉 ¶ th'earl then of Salisbury manly That Montague then hight by surname He set to keep, than all Normandy Under the regent, as knight of full great fame With other lords, full sage and worthy of name th'earl of Oxenford, and of Suffolk also Of his counsel to been with many more The. CC xxii Chapter. ¶ How the king died the last day of August the year of Christ a thousand four hundred two and twenty and of his reign the tenth year, for all his rightwiseness and justice that he did, he had no conscience of usurpement of the crown. THe last day of August then full clear Of Christ his date, a thousand signified Four hundred and two and twenty year When that this prince of princes so died At Boys Vincent, with death then victoried That never prince in earth might then have done But he alone that ruleth son and moonne ¶ With whose bones, the queen came to England The king of Scots james with her also The duke of Excester, as I can understand th'earl of March, Edmond Mortimer though Richard Beauchampe, than earl of Warwick so Humphrey then earl of Stafford, young of age And earl Edmond, of Morten wise and sage ¶ O good lord God, that art omnipotent Why stretched not thy power and thy might To keep this prince, that set was and consent With th'emperor, to convert Surrey right And with Christian inhabit, it had height Why favoured so thine high omnipotence Miscreaunce more, than his benevolence ¶ Above all thing, he keeped the law and peace Through all England, that none insurrection Ne no riotes were then withouten lose Nor neighbour were, in fault of correction But peasebly under his protection Compleyntes all, of wrongs in general Reformed were, well under his yard equal The. CC xxiii Chapter. ¶ how through 〈…〉 we and peace, conserved was the encreaso of his conquest, and else had he been of no power to have conquered in out lands. WHen he in France, was daily conversant His shadow so obumbred all England That peace and law kept continuaunt In his absence throughout all this land And else as I can say and understand His power had been light, to conquer France Nor other realms, that well were less perchance ¶ The peace at home, and law so well conserved Were crop and rote of all his high conquest Through which the love, of God he well deserved And of his people, by North, South, Est & West Who might have slain the prince, or down him kest That stood so sure, in rightful governance For common weal, to God his high pleasance The. CC xxiiii chapter. ¶ Henry the sixth king of England and of France that fled in to Scotland without cause, on Palmesondaye the thirty and nine year of his reign, and of Christ a thousand four hundred three score and one, began to reign the year of Christ a thousand four hundred twenty and two. HEnry his soon, them not iii quarters old King Henry that sixth That borne was at. s Nicholas day afore At Windesore, so as that realm them would Unto the crown, succeed as he was boar All England hole, by might of lords thore The duke of Gloucester then desired To have the keeping of the king inspired ¶ The bishop of Wynchester it withstood With all the lords there, hole of his assent Then would he have been, as for that next of blood lieutenant then of England and regent The bishop aye, withstood all his intent That chancellor was, by that fifth king Henry made And so forth stood, and in th'office bade ¶ For cause he was so noyous with to deal And office would he have and governance Wherefore they made him, for the common weal Protector of the realm by ordinance The duke of Gloucester protector of England. To keep the land, fro mischief and variance The king of France, for sorrow than died The queen his wife also, as was notified ¶ The lord Cromwell, lost thereof nothing For he had both them in his governance And home than came, when buried was the king Charles of France, with worthy ordinance Queen Isabella also with purveyance Accordaunt well to their royal estate With costages great, as was preordinate ¶ The first day of the month of Septembre He 'gan to reign, than was a thousand year Four hundred as I can remember Twenty and two accounted then full clear As I find write in the chronicler But not crowned for tenderness of age Nor yet anoint, for dread of youths outrage ¶ The duke of Bedford, stood so forth ay regent The duke of Bedfordregent of france. The duke of Gloucester, here was so protector The bishop of Wynchester by parliament Was chancellor and highest governor Of the king his person and his great succour His godfather and his fathers eme And supportour was, most of all this realm ¶ The regent then, of France wed Anne his wife The duke his sister of Burgoyn, good and fair The duke of britain, her sister known rife Had wed afore without any despair Which was lady of great repair▪ Which dukes two were sworn and aliede With the regent to stand strongly fortified The. CC xxv Chapter. ¶ How the regent with lords of England smote the vattaill of Vernoyle in perch, in the third year of king Henry that vi ¶ th'earl of Boughan and th'earl Douglas th'earl of Wigton with power of Scotland And lords of France, together assembled was Where the regent with lords of England At Vernoyle in perch, as I can understand fought with them sore, & slew the Scots cruelly And bade them think among on Bawgy ¶ The regent had the field and victory With great honour and laud full comfortable Thearls were there, with him of Salisbury Of Suffolk also, that were full honourable The lord Willoughby, full fortunable The lord Scales of great and high courage With many other of the baronage ¶ th'earl of Ewe, and his brother manly fought in that field, and gate aworthy name And many more, did tho full doughtely I dare well say, was none therefore to blame All other also, which that were worthy of fame I would have written, if I had known their meed But to heralds, I will commit their deed ¶ They sleugh th'earls, of Boughan & Douglas And of Wigton, of Scotland that were there The lord of Enermeth, of Scotland then was With great people, that dead then there were Our Englishmennes, full manly them bear The regent was there, that day a lion And fought in arms, like any champion The. CC xxvi Chapter. ¶ How Montague earl of Salisbury laid siege to Orle ance and was slain there. Thearl of Salisbury, than Montague With great power, laid siege to Orleance Where slain he was, for whom men sore 'gan rue So manly was his knightly diligence He laboured ever in martial excellence Unto the time as would th'end of fate With a quarrel was slain infortunate ¶ And buried was, in England that year With great worship and high solemnity Richard Nevell had wed, his daughter clear And earl was made, that time by her in fee The regent then, of great nobility By counsel of the duke then of Burgoyn Kept France full well, without any essoin ¶ Then died his wife, and wed then soon again The county saint Paul's, sister of France That leegeman was to king Henry certain To the regent sworn, as by full great assurance With true service, and all true alliance He kept both France, and eke all Normandy In peace and rest, full well and worthily ¶ th'earl richard of Warwick, kept the king By all this time, sith the duke was dead Of Excester, that first him had in keeping th'earl Richard, in mickle worthyhead informed him, but of his symplehead He could little, within his breast conceive The good from evil, he could uneath perceive. The. CC xxvii Chapter. ¶ How the king was anointed and crowned in England in the year of Christ a thousand. CCCC. and xxix and of his reign the viii year. And afterward he was crowned in France, the year a thousand. CCCC. and xxxi and of his reign the ten year, in whose presence the regent ceased of his office, for which he was wroth with the cardinal is uncle for asmuch as the king was there present, therefore there should be no regent. THe king then in his viii year in England At Westmynster upon saint Leonardes' day The sunday then, as I can understand And of Christ was then, a thousand full I say Four hundredth and twenty and ix no nay He crowned was, with all solemnity By whole assent of lords and commontee. ¶ Then of his reign, account the ten year To France he went, where then at saint Denys His father's eme, the cardinal full clear Him crowned fair, with bishops there full wise The regent was there, with such service As was due of reason, and to him appent The duke of Burgoyne, also obedient. ¶ The duke also, was there of Britain The count saint Paul, and the duke Embarre th'earl of Foys, with other lords of guian The provost of Paris, with other great repair Of lords, knights, and many ladies fair The governors of all the great cities And prelate's feel and Barons for there fees. The. CC xxviii Chapter. ¶ How the lord Cromwell was chamberlain in France at his coronation, and discharged at his coming home in to England, and the duke of bedford regent of France died, and then that duke of Burgoyne was made regent a year and then th'earl of Warwick was made regent a year & died at Rouen in the castle. THe lord Cromwell was his chamberlain Who was so wise, he was of great record His homagers, as to him did pertain In France that time, by good and true accord For his fees, as they and he concord Of Christ's date, was then a thousand year Four hundredth also and one and thirty clear, ¶ The regent died, for whom was made great moan Then both counsels of England and of France Chose the duke of Burgoyn then anon To regent of that land, for great affiance That kept it well a year in all assurance But soon thereafter, with the dolphin accord And was his man, as then was well record ¶ th'earl Richard of Warwick then conceived Of the simplesse and great innocence Of king Henry, as he it well perceived Desired to be discharged of his diligence About the king, and by his sapience Was sent to France and so was regent And kept it well in all establishment. ¶ Till that he died, out of this world away For whom great moan was made and lamentation For his wisdom, and for his manhood ay For his nurture and communication He stood in grace of high commendation among all folk unto the day he died Regent of France, full greatly laudified. The. CC xxix Chapter. ¶ How the duke of Burgoyn besieged Calys and set up his bastell there, and how the duke of Gloucester rescued it. THe duke of Burgoyn, then to Calis came And set a bastell then afore the town The which th'earl of Morteyn, by his name Edmond Beaufort, as made is mention With soldiers it got and bet it down The duke went home, and left the siege with shame When he our fleet saw, sailing on the same ¶ The protector with his fleet, at Calys then Did land, and road into Flaunders a little way And little did, to count a manly man But that the siege, for him than fled away The duke distract, sore sick was many a day For sorrow and shame, he held him out of sight Many a year, he went not out to fight. The. CC xxx Chapter. ¶ How king james of Scotland besieged sir Raulfe Grace in Renkesburgh, and how Henry Percy earl of Northumberlande rescued it with seven score thousand men. IN that same time also, of Scotland king james To Renkesburgh can, & laid his siege about Sir Raulfe gray, them kept it from all shames Again his sautes, that then were full stout th'earl then of Northumberlande throughout Raised up the land, and when he came it near The king trumped up and went away full clear ¶ Who saw ever afore, two hosts royal So easily without stroke discomfit Of divers lands, and neither had a fall And on no part, smote no stroke perfit The conce●● of that maker touching king james. But for the shadows, that were imperfect Of our hosts so fled and saw nothing But umbres two, of our host then coming ¶ But thus I dame, though princes were forswore The king of Scots, the duke of Burgoyn eke That they not durst on no ground abide therefore Their untruths, made there hearts faint & seek Trust never their manhood after worth a leek That uncompelled forsworn or wilfully Shall never after have honour ne victory ¶ Take heed ye lords, of these great princes two What came of them, in short time after this The king murdered, at home in Scotland though The duke was wood, and frantic for his miss Thus vengeance fell upon them both I wysse Alas a prince should have such cowardice To be untrue or false in any wise ¶ Sith he need nought, so stretcheth ay his power To keep his truth, and make his ●o the same To keep to him with strength of sword full clear Or else destroy his land, and all his fame And put him so to foul and open shame For perjury occupied, and law unpreserued Caused many a man, for to be overterued. The. CC xxxi Chapter. ¶ How th'earl of Stafforde was ii year regent of Normandy and how th'earl of Huntyngdon was other two year, and how Richard duke of York was regent of Normandy. seven year with holden, and afterward was made lieutenant of Ireland. But after then th'earl of Stafforde went With power strong, to keep all Normandy Two year with hold, with all lords assent Which well he keeped, and full honourably With little loss, of places few suddenly By enemies won, that might not long been hold And home he came, when spended was his gold ¶ Then went th'earl thither of Huntyngdon That kept that lad, with sad and true service With great power, truly unto the crown For all the foes, and eke the kings enemies And few places lost, ne had no great surprise And home he came again, at two years end When his wages were gone and all hole spend And after him the duke of York full ying Thither was sent, with great power royal And regent was, of all that longed to the king And kept full well Normandye in especial But France was gone, afore in general And home he came, at seven year end again With mickle love of the land certain ¶ The duke of York, sent was then to Ireland lieutenant than he was there many a day And great thank there, and love of all the land He had among the Irish alway And all the Irish, began him to obey He ruled that land full well and worthily As did afore, his noble auncetrye The. CC xxxii Chapter. ¶ How Edmonde Duke of Somerset, was made keeper of Normandy. THe king then made that marquis of Dorset Edmond Beauford, at the cardinals request Without delay, than duke of Somerset And sent him fourth anon without rest To Normandye, to keep it for his best But in his time Fastolfe and Kyriell discomfit were, in battle sore and fell ¶ Where vii M. english were overthrow Wherefore the French, assembled new each day And gate the land ay, by and by on row For which the duke wrote his letters ay Unto the king and his council alway For more power, & else he might not bide To keep the land, the French were of such pride ¶ He could none get, this land was then so pylde Through war of France, they would not him relieve So was the land with Frenchmen won & weld With siege each day, and sautes fell and breve The French nought rest that time a day to eve We lost more then, certain within two year Then king Henry gate in seven clear ¶ Then was the king come unto man's age Wherefore the lords, would no protector Wherefore the duke lost his great advantage And was no more than after defensor But than he fell in a great error Moved by his wife Elinor Cobham To trust her so, men thought he was to blame ¶ He waxed then strange, each day unto that king For cause she was foriudged for sossery For enchaunmentees, that she was in working Again the church, and the king cursedly By help of one master Roger Donly And into Wales he went of frowardness And to the king had great heaviness ¶ Wherefore the lords then of the kings counsel Made the king to set his high parliament At bury then, whether he came without fail Where in parlesey he died incontinent For heaviness, and loss of regiment And oft afore, he was in that sickness In point of death, and stood in sore distress ¶ When of the king was vii and twenty year Then he so died in full and h 〈…〉 creance As a christian prince of royal blood full clear contrite in heart with full great repentance With mouth confessed, to God's high pleasance Unto the earth, that is all flesh his nest His body went, his soul to heavens rest ¶ And of the king, the xxix year In may▪ the duke of Suffolk took the sea On pilgrimage to pass, as did apere With Brigauntes then with compassed enmity Him slew and heeded with full great cruelty Again assurance of the kings protection That worthy were the death for insurrection ¶ That same year then at the high parliament Was made a plain, and a hole resumption Of all the lands by sad and hold advisement Which the king had given of his affection To any wight by patent, or conccssyon Then tax ceased, and dymes eke also In all England then raised were no more. The. CC xxxiii Chapter. ¶ The duke of york, was made protector and chief of council, the thirty year of king Henry the sixth, and the Earl of Salisbury was chancellor of England. THe duke of York then made was protector And governed well but ii year not endured Discharged he was, with passing great mur mour Of commons hole, among them then insured To help him so, with power adventured For he was set, the common weal to avail By his labour, and his hole counsel. ¶ But ay the better, that he to God was set The more were other, by word and deed The contrary to labour, and to let His good purpose, to pursue and to speed So that he had no hap for to proceed For sotell men him let ay at the end The common weal to maintain and amend. ¶ The Earl Richard also of Salisbury So was disposed, in all things to the same Which was the cause of their death finally For which of right, ne must follow blame Their lives well kept, had been without shame For though princes two, died in their kings right For the public weal, of each English wight ¶ The xxx year this was then of the king When they the king, than had in governance And ruled him well, in all manner thing And made good rule, and noble ordinance Avoiding all misrule, and misusaunce For worship of the king, and of his realm Without doubt, or any other problem. The. CC xxxiiii Chapter. ¶ How the Earl of Northumberlande, the duke of Somerset and the lord Clyfforde were slain at saint Alban's the thirty and four year of his reign, where that duke of york the Earl of Salisbury, and the earl of Warwick took the king, 〈◊〉 kept him in good rule, the twenty & two days of may, that was then the Thursday next of Pen teco●t the year of Christ a thousand four hundred & lv. They were put by from all their good intent And strange were hold, after many a day To the thirty year and three by hole consent At saint Alban's, then upon the thursday Accounted then next afore Witsondaye They slew the duke Edmond, then of Somerset For cause he had the realms we'll so let ¶ th'earl then of Northumberland was there Of sudden chance, drawn forth with the king And slain unknown, by any man there were The lord Clifford over busy in working At the bars them met sore fighting Was slain that day upon his own assault As each man said, it was his own default ¶ th'earl of Wiltshire with five hundred men Fled fro the king full fast that time a way The duke of Buckyngham, was hurt there then The king they took, and saved in good array To Wistminster with him they took the way And ruled him well, in all prerogative As king of right, without any strife The. CC xxxv Chapter. ¶ How that lord Audely fought with th'earl of Salisbury at Bloreheth at Mighelmas term, in the thirty and eight year of his reign. ¶ Yet were these lords, void fro that king again The duke of York, and th'earl of Salisbury th'earl also of Warwick, nought to lain Without cause, I can not remember why But at Bloreheth, the lord Audely in high With th'earl of Salisbury fought full sore th'earl prevailed, and Audely slain was thore ¶ The thirty year and eight of the king And so he went to Ludlowe on his way The duke of York, in Wales had shipping To Ireland than he went, full well away Thearls of March, and Salisbury that day And of Warwick, as God it had purueighed To Calais went, their way no thing denied The. CC xxxvi Chapter. ¶ Of the battle of Northampton, where the Earl of March, & th'earl of Warwick prevailed & led the king to Westminster & kept him there, the year of his reign right and thirty, and the year of Christ a thousand four hundred nine and fifty, and slew the duke of Bokyngham, th'earl of Shrowisbury treasurer of England, the lord Beaumond, sir Thomas Percy, lord Egremond, and led the king with them to London and governed him full well and worthily, the tenth day of july. AT Coventry, the king in his parliament Proclaimed them all three for rebellours But afterward, all three of one assent At Northampton came, as worthy warriors In summer after, to been the king his socours Where then the duke of Buckyngham, them met With power great, and trust have them overset ¶ th'earl of Shrewesbury was with him thore The lord Baumount, with him was also The lord Egremount, full stout in feat of war Which four were slain, with mikell people more Beside Northampton, on the Thursday though The third day of the month of july And in the reign of the king, eight and thirty ¶ They saved the king, & kept him safe & sound With great honour, th'earl of March Edward th'earl also of Warwick, in that stound And with him road, so forth to London ward Full worshipfully, they kept him thence forward In all state royal as did append And as his men unto him did attend The. CC xxxvii Chapter. ¶ How the battle of Wakefeld where the North party prevailed, was the fifth day of Christmas, and of the king his reign the nine and thirty. THen in the winter, afore the Christmas The duke of York, th'earl of Salisbury th'earl of Rutland, with them I guess With power great, for their adversary To save theim selfes, as then was necessary At their own wield at Yool, so than had been The robberies there, to have staunchid clean ¶ Where then that lords, of the North were assembled And fought with them at Wakefeld them full sore And slew them down, whiles they were dissembled And gate the field that day upon them thore And Southward came they, than therefore To saint Alban's upon the fastyngange eve Where then they slew, the lord Bonuile I leave The. CC xxxviii Chapter, ¶ How th'earl of Northumberland, the lord Nevell and the North party, fought at saint Alban's that seventeen day of February, and slew the lord Bo●nuile 〈◊〉 six Thomas Kiryell and many other, the thirty and nine year of the king, and the year of Christ a thousand four hundred & sixty, and led the king to York. AND sir Thomas Kyriell also of Kent With mickle folk, that pity was to see And spoiled fast, ay homeward as they went Without rule, into their country They set them nought, on rule and equity Ne to keep law nor peace, in nokynd wise How might they dure long, in such a guise ¶ But then the king, alone left on the field Came to the queen, and went to York his way With the North party, that then so with him held The duke of Excester with him went a way The duke of Somerset, it is no nay th'earl also then of Devenshire And sir james Drmond earl of Wiltshire ¶ The lord Moleyns', the lord Roos also The chief judge, and sir Richard Tunstall The lord Rivers, the lord Scales his son also The lord Welles, and Willoughby with all Sir William Tailboys, so did befall And many other, went to the North party For to maintain then the sixth king Henry The. CC xxxix Chapter. ¶ How Edward duke of York and earl of March took on him that royal charge for the weal of the realm the fourth day of March, the year of Christ a thousand four hundred and sixty, followed king Henry that refused though the rule of the land and gave up Berwick to the Scots, and fled in to Scotland and gave battle to the North party at Feribrig on Palmesondaye, where king Edward the fourth prevailed, the year of Christ a thousand four hundred sixty and one which was then the twenty and nine day of March, four days after our lady day that time. THe duke Edward, of March then the four day Of York full young, th'earl of March was then, By counsel of the lords, by south men say Both spiritual and temporal, as men say then Upon him took, estate royal and began To reign as king, and with him raised the land With lords feel, by south I understand ¶ At Towton field, he fought on Palmesondaye Where than th'earl Henry of Northumberland The lord Nevell, the lord Clifford that day The lord Dacres were dead I understand The king Henry, then out of the land To Berwick town, that stounte in Scotland ground With certain lords, and with the queen that stound ¶ And gave the town and castle to the Scots By whole assent of his simple counsel Which might well be accounted then for sots As fowls that were then, of no governaill In to Scotland, with foul misgovernaill The queen Margarete, and the dukes both two Of Excester, and Somerset fled also ¶ The lord Roos, and eke the lord Moleyns' And the chief judge, that called was Forscue And Tailboys also, with other evil captains That after shall, full sore repent and rue If they also well as I, now Scotland knew They would not so, have hasted thitherward From the presence and grace, of king Edward ¶ King Edward thus had then the victory With his lords and men that were full true That halpe him so, and were contributory To win his right, which then the people knew To York he went, and found it not untrue To Duresme also, and to the Newcastle That to him were, as true as any steel ¶ At York was headed, that time and decollate th'earl that then was of Devenshire And at the Newcastle, so destinate Headed than was th'earl of Wiltshire The king then set, the land at his desire Save castles few, with force that then were hold By North and West, with rebel manifold ¶ And South he went, for his disport and pla●e At leicester held he then his great counsel In the month that then was called may And ordained there for good governayl Of all his realm, that enemies nought it assail Then in winter, Margarete that had been queen Fro France so came by ship, as then was seen ¶ Into Scotland, with four thousand Frenchmen Of soldiers, for which the king anon With host royal, to Durisme came he then And sent th'earl of Warwick again his fooens th'earl of Kent also, with good men many one They laid a siege, to the castle of Bamburgh And to the castle also of Dunstanburgh ¶ Sir Raulfe Percy, and the duke of Somerset delivered them to the king by pointment By which the king, without any let Gave the keeping of them incontinent Unto sir Raulfe Percy of good intent And Alnewike castle was kept many a day To rescous came, and fet them thence a way ¶ Which stood in stolen, not far from the castle But viii thousand, to whom the castelleyns Came anon out, as men were there to tell With horse & harness, & home road through that plains Into Scotland, as good & wise chieftains I can well think, it was a manly deed To noye their foes, and help theimselfes at need ¶ My lord Vmfrevile, whom that I did serve Said to me, it was the best thing might befall Any chiefteyne to grieve his foe and overterue And keep himself harmless therewithal He that may hurt his foe without fall And pass away, to his succour harmless He is a fool to abide any distress. ¶ But when that they, were gone so home again And their friends with them, from thence away Two hundredth men of commons, came full fain Out of Alnewike castle, in simple array Our men bet them in again, there alway Till they were glad, to yield them & have grace The which they had, without longer space The queens power, that she so brought fro France Was so little, the wardens nought it dread They hight the king, for all her ordinance To keep the land, for any help she had How may she ought of great power besped When Charles daughter of France void of dower Despoiled was, of France failed all power ¶ Queen Isabel that was king Rychardes' wife King Richard's wife sent home again into ●raunce Deposed was, by king Henry of Derby Of her dwells, as it is known full rife And home was sent, without remedy What availed her kin and progeny Of nought else, but great vexation That frenchmen made to their own damnation. The. CC xl Chapter. ¶ The motion & conceit of the maker of this book touching king Henrye the sixth, his wife and his son, to be gotten home and put in governance with all that fled with him, considering their troth that forsook their livelihoods and welfare for his sake, and fro they so gotten home, that after they will be as true to you, and else to give sore judgement upon them. O Gracious lord king Edward fourth account consider how king Henrye was admit Unto the crown of England, that did amount Not for desert, nor yet for any wit Or might of himself, in otherwise yet But only for the castigation Of king Richard's wicked perversation ¶ Of which the realm than yrked everichone And full glad were, of his deposition And glad to crown king Henry so anon With all their hearts, and whole affection For hatred more of king Richard's defection Then for the love of king Henry that day So changed then the people on him aye. ¶ Yet kept he aye th'earl of March full ying In earls estate, as he that was his ward And brought him up, in all manner thing As his estate asked and could award And cherished him, in nurture to regard As his own sons, during all his life To make him love him, without any strife ¶ Thus by wisdom his son Henry right so Him cherished by good and wise counsel Which he assigned unto him though Of good rule, that would not let him fail For cause he should again him not prevail And into France, in his hole estate Had him with his brother associate ¶ All this he did, of full good policy To win his love, and kept him in direction From enticement of all evil and folly To his pleasance, without all suspection This was great wit and circumspection To rule him thus, his highness to obey Without strife, to sit in peace his day ¶ O gracious lord, now of your sapience consider well this sixty year and three Your kin and ye by all intelligence Have been divorced of all the royalty To now that God of his specialitee Hath granted you grace, your rights to recover And your enemies all to rule at over. ¶ Considre well the benign innocence Of king Henry that now is in Scotland By God's doom of small intelligence For your prevail, as men can understand Get him now home, again into England With all the means, ye may of sapience His wife and son, with all your diligence. ¶ For trust it well, if they may pass to France Or power get to them in any wise Each year they will you trouble, and do grievance By Scots assent, and their exercise To brag and boast, as they would on you rise To make your people and commons for to irk jacks and salads ay new and new to wirke ¶ For trust it well, as God is now in heaven The Scots will ay do you the harm they may And so they have full oft, with odd and even Afore that Christ was borne so of a may As yet they do at their power every day Wherefore good lord, bring home these persons three With all their men, & give them grace all fire ¶ And love them better, for their great lewte That they forsook their lands and heritage And fled with him, in adversity To bide in pain sorrow and servage Good heart should rue, well more their true courage Then them that would have gone, and durst nought Consider how they showed, as they thought ¶ If ye might get them all for any good To be your men, and have their heritage And your enemies, that against you stood Ye should make true men to your advantage To pass with you, in wars and hostage As true as they have been to king Henry And mickle truce for your right ancestry ¶ For if ye might them get now every eachone Your wars were done, them might you sit in rest Without trouble of any land alone For all your land throughout, them might ye trest If it were hole that ye need not mistryst No prince christian, might do you any dear But in his land, ye might make him were. ¶ Grant Henry grace, with all his own livelihood The duchy hole of Lancaster, that is his right Not as it is, but of worthyhede first duke Henry, had the noble knight At his last day, that was of mikyll might His wife and son, get home by ordinance And give them council, for their governance ¶ such as you trust, will rule them worthily To your pleasance, in all tranquillity In peace and rest, with all good police For better were, to have them in surety Than let them been, with your adversity With Scots or French, that would see your distress And help to it with all their business ¶ And if ye may by no mean nor treat Get them home, ordain then fast your fleet On the east sea, into Scotland in high At Edinburgh, so may it with you meet With all victual and ordinance full meet And set upon the castle, they been in Escape they may not, but ye shall them win. ¶ For I have seen their castles strong eachone That strongest been, and worst to get and win Among them all, for certain is there none That may been hold out long, when ye begin Save Dunbretayne, the sea about doth ryn Each day and night, twice withouten doubt The caste● of Dunbretayne. Which may be won, by famyshing about ¶ With ships by sea, & siege upon the land Ye may not fail, to have it at the last All other will been yield into your hand So that ye have by workmen well fore cast Your ordinance and gonnes for to cast With abylementes of war, such as ye need No castle else may withstand in deed ¶ Therefore in what castell·that they been in The time to begin war in Scotland Go to the same without impediment Not in winter, but in summer ye begin When evil month, or August is present That forage may begot, as doth appent Of corn and grass, for horse's sustenance And fair wether to men's high pleasance. ¶ O righteous prince, bring home the scattered men To their pasture forsaken and forlese For of your breast, should great foison ren To needy men, of grace and help evermore Consider how God hath you set therefore And over the flock, to seek the scattered sheep And lay them in your fold surely to sleep ¶ Consider now, most gracious sovereign lord How long now that your noble auncetrye In wealth and health, hath reigned of high record That kept law and peace continually And think they been of all your monarchy The fairest flowers and highest of enterprise And soonest may your foreign foes supprice ¶ Consider also in this simple treatise How kings kept neither law ne peace Went soon away, in many diverse wise Without thank of God at their decese And nought were dread within, ne without doubtless But in default of peace, and law conserved Destroyed were, right as they had deserved. ¶ Consider also, most earthly sovereign lord Of French nor Scots ye get never to your pay Any treaty or truce, or good concord But if it be under your banner aye Which may never be, by reason any way But if your realm stand well in unity Conserved well, in peace and equity ¶ Your marchiss kept, & also your sea full clear To France or Spain, ye may ride for your right To Portyngale & Scotland with your banner whiles your rearward in England standeth wight Under your banner, your enemies well you hight A better treaty, within a little date Then in four year, to your ambassate ¶ Remembered been, unto your excellence The titles all, that long to your regiment Of Scotland hole, with all my diligence That third part, is of Britain by extent And own to been, at your commandment And member of your royal monarchy As Chroniclers have made thereof memory ¶ England and Wales, as to their sovereign To you obey, which should think shame of right To see Scotland thus proudly disobeyne Again them two, that been of great might It is a shame to every man's sight Sith john Baylioll, his right of it resigned To king Edward, why is it thus repugned ¶ Within three year, their great rebellion Ye might repress, and utterly restrain And keep them ever in your possession For to obey your might, make them full fain As king Edward did with hunger and with pain Them conquered hole, to his subjection To bide evermore under his protection ¶ Wherefore good lord, now gird you with your sword And set upon the froward heretics That erren fro the two parts of the herd And strayen out, as they were litargykes Which have forget their lord as cronnatykes Having no shame of their perversity Nor change hew for their falsity. ¶ And trust it well, as God is now in heaven Ye shall never find the Scots unto you true Where they may with your enemies ay beleven They will to you then, alway be unttewe Yet through your manhood, it may them rue For longer than ye have them in subjection Trust never truth, in them ne perfection The. CC xli Chapter. ¶ The kings title to all his lands, briefly reported, with a motion to union Scotland and England. TO England have ye right, as ye may see By Brutus' chronicle Sarons & Normans To Wales that same, & Scotland also perdie Who that the gift and right well understands Of john Bayloll, how he into the hands Of king Edward, it gave and resigned Why should it now be void and repygned ¶ To France your title, is written well & know For saint Lowis, to you by hole discente And Normandye all hole, both high and low Fro William Conqueror, by hole intent Guienne and Poytowe, withal to them appent For Elianour the mother of king john Daughter and heir, to duke William anon ¶ To Angeou also, by Geffrey Plantagenet Father of Henry le fytz Empryce That of Angeou was Earl withouten let And of Maine also, a prince of great empryce To Ireland also, by king Henry le fytz Of Maude, daughter of first king Henry That conquered it, for their great heresy ¶ To Casteil and to Lion also ye been Thenhe ritour also and very heir By right of blood descended clear and clean Of Portyngale, where Lusshborne is full fair From king Petro without any dispeir For though two, be the very regions That named be Castille and Legions ¶ Your graunsirez mother duchess Isabella Full lady like fair and feminine To king Petro as I have heard tell Was very heir of them, by rightful line To whom ye been heir as men determine By small hackeneys, great coursers men chastise As Arthure did by Scots, wan all fraunchese ¶ Though scripture saith, of North all evil is showed Me thinketh I can, avaunt it as properly That they be as manly learned and lewd As any folk and as much pain may dry Better men of war are not under the sky And of living, David saith in his book Of Scotland well, who so that will it look ¶ If Scotland were yours, to Wales & England Who hath power, to make you resistance In any wise, in any uncouth land Your rearward then scant in all sufficience To keep England surely in your absence Make them Albion, and pass forth where ye list To other lands ye need none other trist The. CC xlii ¶ Thexcusation of the maker, touching defaults of this book and of the simpleness of it. OF all matters I have said mine intent So as I couth espy, & in all wise inquire Which if it may, your highness well content My heart rejoiceth, to comfort your desire And of your grace, evermore I you require For to consider, my loss and my maim in fere For England's right, as well as I couth spear ¶ beseeching ay unto your royalty If ought be said in this simple treatise Displeasing to your high nobility For to resume it, in a better wise Having my wit excused, that never was wise And think I would have meant unto your pleasance To which I lack nothing, but suffisance ¶ Please it also unto your royalty The queen may have a vereie intellect Of your elders of great antiquity And of England, of which she is elect Sovereign lady, full worthily protect Under your rule and noble governance Which God ay keep without variance ¶ The which should please her good femenite To read upon, for her comfort and disport To see and know, the great nobility Of your elders regalie and port Which may her glad alway and recomfort And if it may please her sovereignty Of my labour I would rejoiced be ¶ For women have feminine condition To know all things longing to their husband His high worship and his disposition His hearts counsel also to understand As at wedding, to her he made his bound And most of all his hearts privity And th'estate of his good ancestry ¶ O sovereign lord that queen hath all fufficience As touching you, but of your ancestry In this treatise of all their excellence The queen may see the worthy regence Of this your realm and noble monarchy Which hath been kept in great nobility By your elders of great antiquity ¶ This book I call after my name Harding Sith God lent me that disposition To inform him that laboured the writing By plain language of small provision Through Gods grace and his supposition All destitute of language and science And desolate of rhetoric eloquence ¶ Most cause was why I drew this ilke treatise To make your father have had perfect knowledge And you also of Scotland in all wise That parcel was of your eldest heritage And of all lands most near your advantage To have it whole, no more to be dismembered Which might be got, as it is afore remembered ¶ I had it liefer then France and Normandy And all your rights that are beyond the sea For ye may keep it evermore full sikirly Within yourself and dread none enmytee And other lands, without gold, men and fee Ye may not long rejoice, as hath been told For lightter be they for to win, then hold ¶ Your ancestors' have had beyond the see divers lands, and lost them all again Sore gotten son lost, what availeth such roialte But labour and cost, great loss of men & pain For ay before, with treason or with train And want of gold, was lost within a year That we had got in ten, as doth appear ¶ How the maker of this book reporteth the distance and miles of the towns in Scotland and the way how to convey an army aswell by land as water into the chiefest parts thereof. NOW to express, unto your noble grace The very way, both by sea & land With the distance of towns, and every miles space Through the chiefest part of all Scotland To convey an army, that ye may take in hand Hereafter shall follow, in as good order as I may The true description, and distance of the way ¶ From Berwick to Dombarre, twenty miles it is And twelve miles forward unto Haddyngtoune Fron Barwyke to Dombarre twenty Haddingtosie xii. Edemburgh xii Lythko xii. Sterling xii Fron Edemburgh to Leith. i to Blaknesse ix to Sterling. xiiii And twelve miles from thence to Edinburgh I wiss To Lithko twelve, and so Northwest to Bowne Twelve miles it is, unto Sterling town Besouth Forth, that river principal Of right fair way, and plentiful atall. ¶ Where that your navy at Leith may rest saufly With all your victuals, a mile from Edinburgh And after at the blaknesse, whiles as ye lie At Sterling town, which is the kings burgh And win that shire, all whole out through So shall your navy at your necessity Be at your hand still, your army to supply ¶ From Sterling then over the river of forth Fron Sterling to the down of of Monteth four Pass alongst the bridge to Camskinelle And if it be broken toward the North Unto the ford of Tirps under the fell Then speed you Westward, three miles as men tell Where ye may pass to the down of Menteth Which passeth from that forth three miles uneath ¶ Then from the down, a way ye have right fair Fron sterling to Falkland xxx Through out Monteth, & eke Clakmannam shire And so through Fife, to Falke land to repair Thirty long miles, without moss or mire For so it is counted, with horse and cart to hire From Sterling Eastward, & the high oyghylles Which some men call montaignes, & some fells ¶ From falkland than to Disert town, south east Twelve miles it is, of fair ready way And from Falkland to saint Andrew's, east But other xii miles, wythouten any vaye Where the bishops see is, and castle as they say And at Kyngorne, and Disert may ye meet You for to victual, all your English fleet. ¶ Than ride northwest, from s. Andrew's town alongst the south side, of the water of Taye Up to the burgh of saint Ihons' town Right north from Fyfe, a country fresh and gay And from saint Androws xxiiii miles they say A pleasant ground and fruitful country Of corn and cattle, with prosperity. ¶ Which country of Fife along the scottish sea And from saint Androws, to the oyghles they say Is xliiii miles long of good country And sometime in breadth vi miles of fair way But from Logh leaven eastward, without vay Of right good way, briefly to conclude Xii. miles contain it doth in latitude. At Ennerkethen and saint Margarete I hope Your navy may receive victual in that country A longest the water of forth, as I can grope With hulk, and barge, of no small quantity You to support, in your necessity So that ye may not, in those countries fail To have for your army, ready victual. ¶ Then to s. Ihons' town, upon the water of Tap Within Steathrens, that standeth fair & strong Dytched about, sixteen foot deep I say And twenty foot on breadthe overwhart to fonge It is northest twenty miles full long And near to Scone abbey, within miles three Where always they crown their kings majesty Which water of Tay, is so navygable From the east sea, to saint Ihons' town For all such ships, as be able Forty tun of wine, to carry up and down For vitalling, and keeping of the town Unto the which, so floweth the water of Taye That all the ditches it filleth night and day At the which town, pass over the brygde ye shall With all your army, hosting through that land Where in Angus, that country principal The Kerfe of gowry doth lie I understand A plentiful country, I you firebrand Of corn and cattles, and all commodities You to support, in your necessities Betwixt the mounthes and the water of Tay Which some do call mountains in our language Pass eastward, with your army day by day from place to place with small carriage For your navy shall you meet in that voyage At Portincragge, short way from Dunde With bitailes to refresh your whole army Beside the stuff and victual of that land Which ye shall find, in the country as ye go And market made always to your hand Of all their victuals, although they be your foe Now from s. Ihons' town, the sooth to say is so Xviii. miles it is, to the town of Dundye The principal bugh, by north the Scoty she see ¶ Than ride North-east all alongst the see Right from Dumber to Arbroith as I mean Than to Monrosse, and to Baruye And so through the Meernes to Cowy as I ween Then xii miles of moor pass to Aberdyne Betwixt Dee and Donea goodly city A merchant town and universytee ¶ Of the which way xxx miles there is Of good corn land, and twenty large extenre Full of cattles and other goods I wysse As to Moor land, and heath doth weal appente From Brichan city to the orient Where doth stand upon the see A goodly port and haven for your navy ¶ Where that the same, may easily you meet To victual your army, wheresoever ye go Over all the mountains, dry mosses and wet Where the wild Scots do dwell than pass unto That is in Mare and Garioth also In Athill, Rosse, Sutherland and Chatnesse Mureffe, Lenox, and out ysles I guess. ¶ And when ye have that land hole conquered Return again unto Strivelyne And from thence to Glasco homeward Twenty and four miles to s. Mongos shrine Where with your offering ye shall from thence decline And pass on forthward to Dumbertayne A castle strong and hard for to obtain ❧ In which castle s. patrick was borne That afterward in Ireland did win About the which floweth even and morn The western seas without noise or din When forth of the same the streams do run Twice in xxiiii hours, without any fail That no man may that strong castle assail. ¶ Upon a rock so high, the same doth stand That if the walls were beaten to the roche Yet were it full hard to climb with foot or hand And so to win, if any to them approach So strong it is to get without reproach That without hunger, and cruel famyshement It cannot be taken to my judgement ¶ Than from Glasgo to the town of Air Are twenty miles and four weal accounted A good country for your army every where And plenteous also, by many one recounted For there I was, and at the same I mounted Toward Lamarke town xxiiii miles Homeward trudging, for fear of Scottish giles ¶ From the town of Air in kyle, to Galloway Through Carryct pass unto Nithysdayle Where Dumfryse is a pretty town alway And plentiful also of all good victual For all your army, without any fail So that keeping this journey, by my instruction That realm ye shall bring in subjection. ¶ Then from Domfrise to carlil, ye shall ride xxiiii. miles of very ready way So may ye win the land on every side Within a year, withouten more delay For castles there is none, that withstand you may Nor abide your siege, against your ordinance So simple, and weak, is their purveyance. ¶ And if ye like good Lord, at home to abide With little cost, your Wardens ye may send Charging them all, with hosts for to ride In proper person, through winter to th'end With morrow forraies, they may them sore offend And burn jedburgh, Hawike Melrose, & Lander Codinghm, Donglasse, & the town of Dombarre ¶ Then send an host of footmen in At Lammesse next, through all Lawde: ●ayle And Lammermore woods, and mossis over run And eke therewith the Stowe of Weddale Melrose land, Etryke forest, and Tyvydale Lyddisdale, Ewysdale, and the Ryngwod seld To the Creke Cross, that riden is full seld ¶ The wardens then of both the marches two To be their stale, and eke their castles strong Then to rescue from enemies where ever they go With fleeing stayles, to follow them ay among Les nor then foes them suppress and fong And every night to relieve to the host And lodge together all upon a coast ¶ And also than at the next Myghelmesse The west warden to Domfryse ride he may Four and twenty miles from Carelyl as I guess And than pass forthward, through galowaye To Carrack after, into good array And then from thence, to the town of Air In Kile that country, plentiful, and fair ¶ next than from Air, unto Glasgew go A goodly city and university Where plentiful is the country also Replenished well with all, commodity There may the warden of the east march be And meet the other twain as I ween Within ten days, or at the most fifteen ¶ The third army from Barwyke pass it shall Through Dumbarre, Edinburgh, and Lythk● And then to Sterling, with their power all And next from that unto Glasgo Standing upon Clyde, and where also Of corn and cattle is abundance Your army to victual at all suffisance ¶ Thus these three armies at Glasgew shall meet Well arrayed in their armour clean Which honward from thence, they shall return complete Four and twenty miles to Lamarke so sheen To Pebbles on tweed, is sixteen miles I ween To Soltray as much, than twenty mile's with speed From thence return, they shall to Wark on tweed Within a month, this land may be destroyed All a south forth if wardens will assent So that our enemies shall be sore annoyed And wasted be, and eke for ever shent If Wardens thus work, after mine intent They may well quench, the cruel enmity This day by south all the Scottish see. ¶ Now of this matter, I have said mine intent Like as I could espy and diligently inquire Which if it may your highness well content It is the thing that I heartily desire And of your grace no more I do require But that your grace, will take in good part Not only my peines, but also my true heart. EX FRUCTIBUS EORUM COGNOSCETIS EOS printer's or publisher's device ❧: LONDINI.: ❧ In officina Richardi Graftoni. 1543. ¶ A continuation of the chronicle of England, beginning where john Harding left, that is to say, from the beginning of Edward the fourth unto this present thirty & four year, of our most redoubted sovereign lord king Henry the eight, gathered out of the most credible and authentic writers. RG printer's or publisher's device To the reader. Forasmuch most benign reader, as this former autour John Harding, wrote no further than to king Edward the fourth: in whose days it should apere that he departed out of this world: & also considering the length of the time sense, and the manifold goodly histories, battles, decres and statutes with the descent and line of the kings of England sense that time, I thought it not only my duty to labour that knowledge of the same histories to th'intent to adjoin & annex the same hereunto, but also it should be a great offence in me to suffer you to be deprived of so many fruitful & necessary things. Wherefore I have here to the uttermost of my poor wit gathered and set forth unto you the said histories not in metre, like as john Harding hath done before, partly because I would thereby declare a difference between the former writing of john Harding and this my addition, but specially, that these excellent stories should neither in sense ner words be defaced of the eloquence and great grace that the authors of the same have all ready given them, and therefore have I written them unto you in prose and at length, that which things how much the more that they shall delight and please you, so much the more glad shall I be of my pains taken. ¶ Edward the fourth. AFTER TAHT EDWARD had vanquished & put to flight Henry the sixth, being then very joyous and proud (partly thorough that victory that he had gotten and partly for that the commons began to cleave unto him and to take his part, and likewise did the states of the realm) then departed he with all convenient speed to London, and there assembling his counsel together, was shortly after proclaimed king at Westminster that nine and twenty day of june and was called Edward the fourth of that name after William the conqueror, and this was in the year of Christ his incarnation a thousand four hundred three score and one. And the self same year king Edward held The first year. his parliament again, in the which, first the realm was set in good order, and all things wholly redressed, which was very good & expedient for the comen weal, for that it had not been looked to all the time that civil battle did continue. And also thorough his decree & will, all the statutes that king Henry that sixth had made, was utterly abrogated & of no virtue or strength, finally his two brethren that were younger than he, George was made duke of Clarence, and Richard duke of Gloucestre, and john the brother of Richard earl of Warwick, was made marquis Montacute, and Henry Burchire the brother of Thomas bishop of Caunturbury earl of Essex, and William Faucounbridge earl of Kent, & this Henry Burchire being a noble man & most puissant in feats of war had given him to marriage the sister of Richard duke of York, called Elizabeth. And for this cause chiefly, that the said Richard might have his assistance and help of him in all manner of adversity that should chance, either by battle or other wise and that he did, after that king Edward the son of the same Richard had made him earl of Esser, tothend that both the father & the soon might at all times be a sure fortress and defence for him And he had begotten of this Elizabeth in lawful marriage four men children, that is to say, William, Thomas, john, and Henry, and one daughter called Isabella, the which lived but a short space, the which sons used great diligence in bringing matters to pass, & in weighty affairs and business very laborious, in adventures and jeopardies manly and bold, and in foreseeing things very circumspect, but specially William the eldest had all these qualities. This William married Anne a maiden discendyng of high parentage and of most pure virginity, the daughter of james Lussheburne earl of saint Paul, by whom he had Henry now earl of Essex, also Cicile and Isabella daughters, the which Isabella died before she was ripe to marriage, and that other was married to Walter Ferryse. But to come to that I spoke in the beginning. When all things chanced thus luckily to Edward, and that all was as he would have it, Henry the duke of Somerset fearing that king How Henry that duke of Somersette left king Henry the vi and fled to king Edward and after repent & fled again to Henry the vi Henry should go to wrack, and take the worse, fled to king Edward, of whom he was after the most gentle sort entertained, but soon after it repented him of his deed, for in the mean season king Henry had got a great power of Scotish men, & unwitting to Edward got Duresme, the which thing after heard, the duke of Somerset fled privily to him, with a great compaign●e of that king his friends following after, and so many for desire of lucre and vantage did turn to him, that Henry was thought to have as great an army as his enemy had. The which army he made men think to be the greater for that he did spoil and destroy towns and fields where soever he came, & so by long burning and wasting he came to a village called Exham, where as he buckled The discomfitur of Henry the sixth. with john marquis Montacute whom he met there, and there fighting very sharply, as often times it had chanced before, was put to flight, losing the greatest numbered of his host, & he himself with a few into, went in all the haste to Scotland, and the residue fled, some one way and some an other to save their lives. There was taken there prisoners, Henry duke of Somerset, Robert duke of Hungerforde, and Thomas Rosse, the which duke of Somerset was put to death by and by The duke of Somerset taken & beheaded for that he had changed his mind so soon and went to the other party, the other were had to New castle, and there being for a season were put to death in like manner, whereby other should have no trust of any victory, when their captains were dead & gone. Albeit king Edward now might think all things to be well, and himself strong enough against the power of his enemy for that he had got such a victory, yet did he with all diligence provide that Margarete king Henrye the vi his wife, should at no hand be let into England for fear of winning men's hearts to her. Wherefore, he made bulwarks & sure for tresses on every part and coasts of his realm that there might be no landing, and did write to all them of the south parts, that they should in nowise take in any woman, or help any, for if any so did, he should be taken as an enemy & an high traitor to the crown, as they were against whom he did fight. And of that part that is nigh to the Scotish bank, he laid watches, that none should go out of the realm to king Henrye. But king The taking of Henry the xyxte. Henrye himself was never in any great fear whatsoever chanced, in so much that he came in to England in a disguised apparel, and then being known and taken of certain spies soon after he had come in, was carried to London to king Edward, and there laid in hold. After whose attaching and imprisonment, the realm was set in more quietness. Wherefore, Edward now being out of all fear and danger of his enemies, did wholly set himself the four years after ensuing to the reformatyon and redressing of his public weal, and to the recompensing of his soldiers for their pains: did divide and give the lands of them that were with king Henrye to his own, and so with giving large and ample rewards, did get the favour of all his people as well the lay as the nobles, and using such urbanyte and clemency to all kind of men, that he had throughly won the hearts of all men: the which gentleness and fryndely famyliaritee he did ever after use. Also as for the laws of the realm he did alter and mend some, and some he made new, besides that he coined money as well gold as silver, the which at this The coining of royalles & nobles. day is currant. The which gold was royals, and nobles, and the silver, was groats, so that in his time this kind of coin came up. And after that his realm was in this state he made a proclamation, that if any man being a traitor or rebellion heretofore to his grace, & willing to submit himself wholly to him should have his pardon, and other that would not, should die, and suffer according to the laws. The which kindness and native love did cause him to have the good will and heart of his commons, so much that it is evident, he was all the days of his life a conqueror, through the help and aid of them in so much, that his enemies were ever shamefully put to wrack, as it shallbe showed more plainly hereafter. And also not contented with the friendship of his own country men, did win and procure the love of foreign and strange princes, and made them to be of kindred with him, whereby that they might, (if need should so require) aid and succour him, or at the least, not be injurious or noisome to him. So that he married his sister lady Margarete, to Charles the son of Phylyppe duke of Burgoyne, through which marriage he had great help at the insurrection that chanced in this his native country, and after that sent richard the earl of warwick ambassador into France, the which should desire for him to wife, a maiden called Bona, the sister of Carlotta the queen of France, and the daughter of Lewes duke of Savoy, which after did mary john Galeot duke of milan, the which business did cause civil battle to be. For in the mean time that the earl went in to France, and had spoken with Lewes the king, with whom the lady Bona was, and waited upon the queen her sister, Edward changing his mind, married lady Elyzabeth the daughter of richard the earl of Rivers, which was married before to sir john Grace knight, by whom she had two children, Thomas and richard, of the which marriage, for the humility or baseness of stock that the lady was of, he would no prince or kings to have known of it, no not so much as her own father richard the earl, for the which cause, when it was blazed abroad, every man did marvel greatly, kings and princes were disposed and grudged at it, and said plainly, that it was not for his honour so to do, and began to reprove the foresaid marriage shamefully, and for that he was led rather by blind cupid, than by any reason, they did incessauntlye reprove the same. And either this was the cause of the sedition which afterward did rise betwixt king Edward and the earl of warwick, or else the privy envy and malice which was in both their hearts now brasting out, whereby, an occasion or quarrel might be picked For Edward after that he had got his kingdom (as it was openly known) by the earl of Warwykes mean and help, begun to suspect him for that he was in such authority, so that he would have plucked somewhat from him & diminished his power, whereby he might have ruled all things at his own pleasure both in his own country, & in other nations. So that a man may see, it oft chanceth that friends will give very seldom condign reward to a man's deservings, yea, & eftsoons when a great benefit is bestowed or conferred upon them, they will like ingrate persons nothing consider it. Of this the earl of warwick was not unknowing, the which although he looked for better thanks & a more ample benefit at his hands, yet nevertheless, he thought best to dissemble and cloak the matter, until such opportunity might be had; whereby he might, considering the wilfulness of the king exprobrate unto him the pleasures that he had done for him. And it is very true and evident that king Edward did make search in his house for a thing that touched much his honesty, where the earl in deed was a man that loved women well, and had great fantasy to their company. But what soever it was, either evil will, or desire of the empire that their league should be infringed or broken, after that the earl had sure knowledge by the letters of his friends that the king had got him a wife privily and that all that he had done with king Lewis in his embassad for the joining of this new affinity was but frustrate and in vain, he was so earnestly moved with it, that he thought best that the king should be deposed from the crown, and as one not worthy of such a kingly office. But to our purpose. The earl of warwick being then sore vexed, and moved with the king, lest that in this his furor his intent being rashly gone about, should be brought to no good end, he determined so long to suffer & bear such injuries, until such time that he might bring his matters to pass as he would have them which shortly after came into England, and saluting the king, did his message unto him, making himself to be ignorant of that marriage. And after that, the earl through the licence of the king went into his shire of Warwick, partly to take his pleasure, and partly for the preservation of his safety and health, which was the year The sixth year. of our lord God a. M. CCCC lxvii and the. vi year of the reign of king Edward. In the which year, George Nevell brother to the earl was made archbishop of York, after the disease of William late archbishop before him being the lii bishop that had possessed that room, and Phylyppe duke of Burgoyne died the same year, and Charles his son was made duke, a man both for manhood and valyantenes in war most exellente. This richard as we said before, was in his shire of warwick, and there calling to him George the archebysshope of york, and john Montacure Marquis his brethren both, and after long communication had of many things, the space of ii or iii days, at length getting meet occasion to speak of the king and his doings, did show his mind to them, desiring them, by all the ways that he could possible, to take king Henry his part and to help him to the crown, saying after this wise and manner. Brethren, it is not of any lightness of mind, but of plain judgement that I am moved to speak of king Edward and king Henrye. This henry is a very godly man, and loveth them that be his faithful subjects and doth consider also who taketh pains for him which hath a son borne by nature to be of great worthiness, praise and free liberality, by whom every man may perceive much god lines, which helpeth his father now being in thraldom and captivity as much as in him lieth. And as for king Edward, he is a man full of contumely, and ingratituding, given all to pleasure, evil willing to take any pains, and promoting rather them that come of nought, than noble and ancient men. Wherefore I think it will come to pass shortly, that either he will destroy all nobility, or else nobility destroy him But before all other, we should first enterprise to revenge our cause which have first taken hurt at his hands. For he (as I am sure you know it both) after that he was king did first privily gooe about to defile our dygnitee, and then after did openly intend our confusion and loss of honour, as though he was not brought to that dygnitee by us, and not we by him, and therefore even now of late when I went ambassador to France I was had in no regard, whereby the estimation which all kings have conceived of us, partly gotten by our ancestors, & partly by our own travails & peines, shall now be extynguished utterly, & nothing set by. And by these ꝑsuations he won his brother the archbishop his heart, & brought him to be of his mind, but he could not so soon nor easily persuade the Lord Marques, for at that first he would by no means be moved to work treason at any hand against king Edward, but at the last when the earl had promised him the help & power of many noble princes he was contented to keep war. The which Marquis as he was unwilling to consent to this at that first, so did he at the time of war hold more of king Edward's side than king Henry's, as it shall appear more plain hereafter, the which was both destruction to him, & his ii brethren. After this the earl of Warwick a man of great wit perceiving George the duke of Clarence, brother to king Edward, to bear no great good will toward his brother that king, what so ever the matter was, first to prove him and to know his mind, began to complain a little of the king his doings, then after that the duke was in the same tale with him again, & showed him also what injuries he had taken at his brother's hand: he being somewhat bolder to speak, broke his mind more at large desiring him to follow his council, & that he should not think this to be done of any rashness, showed him how warily through his policy all his matters were wrought, & desired him, that he would cast with himself how to bring such a weighty matter to pass, whereby all things may be provided before hand, to whom after many great promises, he offered his daughter then of ripe age, to be married to him, The duke through the council and great desiring of th'earl of Warwick was contented to do all things as he would have him. After that th'earl had this communication with the duke, he purposed to go to Caleis, of the which town he was then chief captain, and where his wife and daughters were then inhabiting, but to th'end that this sedition might be the sooner begun, where with all England was sore troubled a great time, he had apoin●ted that soon after he was gone to Caleis his brother th'archbishop, & the lord marquis should make an insurrection in York, whereby the battle might be begun while he was so far from them. When all these things were prepared for, and his counsel well allowed and taken, he went straight with that duke of Clarence to Caleys. And there after that the duke had promised by an oath that he would ever be true, he married lady Isabella the earls eldest daughter, that which when it was done, they both consulted together that more speedily, for that that insurrection was made in York as it was commanded and appointed. The which company begun first to spoil with out all mercy or respect of any thing. For there was at York an old and a rich hospital of saint Leonard, where the poor and impotent persons were harboured, & the sick men comforted, and this house was found of that charity of the country, which did give yearly certain of wheat, as that first fruits of all their corn to the sustenance and maintaining of them, to the which numbered of grain certain husband men of the country did refuse to give any part through the counsel of th'earl of Warwikes company, saying plainly that the poor and sickly people had it not, but they that had that rule and governance of the house, and after that the proctors of the hospital claiming it as dew unto them, sought for their right. And for that cause great tumult was and much conspiracy made, so that within few days, there was gathered about a fifteen thousand, which company came towards York. But after that it was known in the city that such a company of men had risen, the citizens watching ever for fear, was in doubt whether they should meet them and try it in open field, or tarry in the city and keep them from the walls. But the lord Marques chief of that country did put them straight out of all fear and doubt, the which taking good deliberation and advisement, metre them coming at the gates of that city where after a sharp conflict, he took Robert Hulderne duke, and by and by chopped of his head, the which when he had done, he received into the city at the mid night all his soldiers that were there. The people being nothing abashed at the death of their captain, but rather the more eager & fierce, considering that they could not overcome York, without ordinance which they lacked, went straight forth to London. And as for that the lord marquis put to death that duke and captain of that commons, being also one of his conspiracy, did it for this intent, that either he would not be acknown faulty of this commotion, or else that he had utterly determined to hold with king Edward, of whom as it doth after appear, he did get perfect amity but after the king knew the mind and purpose both of th'earl of Warwick and the duke of Clarence his own brother, & also certified by diverse men's letters that the army was drawing nigh to London, he sent by and by William Harberte whom he made two years before duke, with a great power of Walshe men, commanding him if he could conveniently, bid battle to his enemies. The earl making haste towards Northampton, hard say that the Northrenmennes had got it, where also he set his tents, and the next day following fought with them, in the which battle he was put to flight in a moment and clean discomfited. The Yorkshire men being glad of this victory, were straight couled & went no ferder, but having their hands full of spoils & prays went back ward again, looking when the earl of Warwick would come, the which shortly after came from Calais with the duke of Clarence his son in law to the host, & commending highly the captains, and rejoicing gladly that they had the victory, did speedily prepare an other army. Yet king Edward being nothing abashed that th'earl of Pembruch had so evil sped, sent him forth again with a greater army, which he had ready at all times what so ever should chance, & he himself he did follow with a small company, and that he might be readier for all things, in his journey did increase his army with many that came to him of his sect, saying that his intent was to destroy that rout of mislivers and flagitious persons, and then th'earl of Warwick perceiving that his adversaries came upon him, sent in all the haste to the duke of Clarence which was nigh by him with an host that he would bring his army in all the haste to him, meaning that battle was at hand. The duke when he heard it, came straight to ther●e. So they both coming together went to Banberie, where they perceived their enemies tents were pitched, & there buckeling together, took the earl o● Penbruch prisoner, and killed and discomfited all his men, and amongs other of his nobles the● was killed Richard the earl of Rivers the father of Elizabeth the queen, & his son john Woduile. And towards evening king Edward drew nigh, and hearing of the death and sudden beating down of his men, tarried at a town five mile from that place. th'earl of Warwick went to his chief town with all his host, and there within two days caused th'earl of Pembruch with certain other states taken at that time, to be beheaded. In the mean season there begun away to be found for peace, for the which, letters were written too and fro, & heralds sent from the king to th'earl, and from the earl to the king again, whereby the king trusting verily that all was pacified, was less ware of himself, and feared less his adversaries, the which thing when it was known, and showed to the earl by certain spies: he went forth in a night as privily as he could with a strong power to the king his tents, & there killing them that kept watch, took the king unware, & brought him to Warwick, and to the intent the king his friends might not know where he was, conveyed him privily from thence in the night to a town in Yorkshire called Middelame, and there to be kept fast in hold. But yet the king could be in no place nor prison but that shortly it was known, the which caused many men to be sorry, & lament his chance. But he himself after that he was in prison, spoke fair to the keepers of the castle, and with much entreating and great promises made, did so tempt and corrupt them, that he was dismissed, although the rumour was that the earl was willing to it, the which might be of likelihood, if th'earl had given over fighting, but such was that evil fortune of king Henry, whereby a man may perceive that he could never have his purpose, seeing man's strength nor policy is not able to overcome, for th'earl with all his friends did ventre their bodies, and spent their substance to have brought Henry to the royal dignity, for because he knew surely, that as long as Edward reigned, neither could he nor yet king Henry bear any rule. And yet nevertheless they let him go when he was in hold, & when king Edward was delivered, he went straight to York, and there being honourably received of his citizens, tarried for the space of two days to get him an host of men, but when he could not have a worthy company, considering that he should go to London among the midst of his host, went from York to Lancastre, & there found William Hastynges lord chamberlain, of whom he having great help came safe to London. But th'earl of Warwick and the duke, after they had perceived king Edward to be delivered through the means of false trai tours, & that all things that they had appointed was to none effect, was greatly moved with anger and sorrow, and by and by calling together all their chief friends, consulted how they might begin battle again, the which when the king was taken and in hold, was ended and done. And thus doing, there was certain that for very anger and for the love that they had to war, offered theim selfes to fight of fresh for nothing, that which moved the chief captains to be the more earnest. Also king Edward was as willing to fight as they were, whereby he might either bring them by force of arms to quietness & peace, or else destroy and kill them every mother son, that the realm might be in 〈…〉 tter state. For thorough their seditious rebelling, the people were greatly impoverished, seeing that the churche● and houses of men were spoiled and ●obbed, and men s●ain in every place, the corn & grass also destroyed that was of the ground, and many other mischiefs done the which do chance eftsoons in battle The consideration whereof, it pitied many men to see the comen weal in that case, the which went daily and hourly aswell to th'earl as to the king for atonement, desiring & counseling them both that they would rather keep peace & have the love of all men for their quiet living, then to live in anger and envy, fighting one with an other to that undoing of all the realm, where as it were a wicked deed to kill the father, but yet a great deal more wicked to destroy the whole body of the comen weal, which is the father of all men, and by the which every man is maintained & kept. By this great entreating of noble men th'earl and the king giving faith one to an other peace was had for a time, wherein the earl and the duke went both to London with a small company of men in comparison to the danger that they were in, and at Westminster was with the king for the reformation and stablishing of all things and for peace to be had, where the king and they being at great words, nothing was determined or ended. Therefore the king for the vow that he had made, departed and said little, and the earl with the duke also went to Warwick, and in Lyncolne shire got up a new host, and made sir Robert Welles the son of Richard Welles grand captain, a noble man of war. These tidings coming to London, moved the king very sore, whom he thought would rather have kept peace than war, but the more that it was showed to him unloking for it, that battle was at hand, with so much that sooner & more speed he gathered an army, & at the same time sent diverse messengers and harold for Richard Welles, and the same Richard ●eeyng often so sent for, made his excuse that he was sick & diseased, but afterward when his excuse was not admitted, he thinking to purge himself sufficiently before the king, came to London, bringing with him sir Thomas Democke his brother in law, and when he was there, certain of his friends certified him that the king was sore moved with him, which for fear of the king did take sentuary at Westminster & his brother also, minding to tarry there unto such time as that king his anger were couled & appeased. But king Edward trusting to pacify all this tumult without bloddeshede, promising those men his faith that he would not harm them, caused them both to come out of sentuary. Then the king calling Richard to him, warned him to bid his brother Robert that he should leave of war, and go from the earl, and in the mean season the king went forward with his host against his enemies, bringing with him this foresaid Richard & Thomas, and being but from Stamforde where his enemies did lie the space of two days journey, was informed that Robert kept that army still, nothing moved with that letters of his father's writing, for the which the king being sore grieved, caused both Richard and Thomas even there contrary to his promise, most shamefully to have their heads chopped of. Robert, when he saw the king draw nigh, and hard that his father & sir Thomas Democke was put to death, stood first in a doubt whether he should fight or no, for because it was ieoperdeous to ventre upon such a great power before that earl came, yet at the last for the stout courage and manly boldness that was in him, they went together, and fought sore, long, and many men killed on both sides, and at the last when the forenamed Robert encouraged his men that were ready to give over, was coumpassed about of his enemies & taken, and also sir Thomas Delalant with many 〈…〉 o, the which captains being taken all the host was put to flight & driven away. The king being glad of this victory, commanded Robert & sir Thomas Delalant with many other to be put to death at that same time & place. And in this battle there was killed as men reported ten thousand men. The earl at this time being at his own town of Warwick, and coming shortly to his army at Stamforde with his power, was informed that the battle was fought quickelyer than he looked for, and that his men had the worse part, although he might now be discouraged, yet he made as though he passed not and would not believe, to the intent that he might the more enboulden certain of his company then despairing and giving themseless to flight, began to make a new host, and with many fair promises did woo his brother in law Thomas Stanley, to take his part, but when that said Thomas would by no means fight or rebel against king Edward, then seeing it was time to go one way, and he mistrusting that he was not able to resist the power of his enemies, fled with the duke of Clarence (his son in law) to exeter, and when he had tarried there two or three days, seeing that he lacked all things necessary for war, purposed to go to Lewes the king of France, with whom at his ambassate into France, was very well acquainted and beloved, trusting either to have some help of the king, or else to incense him wholly to fight against him, and so took ship at Dartmouth, both he and the duke with a great number of their family, and sailed with the wind to Normandy, where the chief lord of that town entreteyned him most royally, & in all the hast certified that king Lewes of his coming thither. And that king marveling greatly at that noble acts that that earl had done, was minded thoroughly to help him in all that he could, & when he knew that he was landed in France, was glad of it, & sent to him certain of his nobles, to show him that he did wish to have an occasion, whereby he might help him, & at this time would gladly do for him, desiring him to come to Embassy where the king lay, which Embassy is a manor place of that kings set upon the river side of Loire, & the duke also his son in law and that it should not be for his loss or harm. This was that ix year of king Edward's reign The ix year. when the earl fled to France, and of our Lord a M. CCCC. and lxxx But this grieved king Edward that they were fled, for because many of the people and communaltee was desirous to see him, and thought that the son had been gone from them and out of this world, when he was absent. And in such estimation and honour was he had of the people, that they worshipped & honoured none but him, or at the least none more than him. In so much that his only name was every man's song & voice, especially of the comen people when they made triumph abroad in that streets. Whereby, the most part held of the earl his side, and bore him more favour in their hearts then king Edward. Whereby the king was in fear and danger both of his own countrymen that were in his realm, and of them that were abroad in France, but before all other he did provide for that earl his coming. And first he sent to Charles the duke of Burgom his brother in law desiring him that he would manashe Lewes the king, with whom he had made a league of peace, not to aid the earl of Warkwike or that duke his son in law, neither with money nor with men. The which Charles wrote to that king of France, & threatened him many things, if so that he maintained or helped them. And when the king of France had read his letter, answered again & said that he might lawfully & would saving his league & truce, help his friends that were valiant & noble men as the earl was, and setting nothing by all his threatening & bragging words, said it should be neither great pain nor cost to him. When these tidings came into England, that king was very sorry, & for that cause searched privily in his realm, who were friends to his enemies. And for fear by that reason of the examination of them that were prisoners & in his hand, some did take sentuary, and some came to the kings side. And amongs them the lord Marquis Montacute offered himself to the king again, to help him in his wars, whom the king gladly received, for because that by him more would lean to his side. In this mean season the earl of Warwick & the duke went to Embassy, where the king of France was, & by the way the people came very thick to see him, because they hard so much speaking of his nobleness, & when he came there, the king received him most gently, to whom shortly after the earl did break his mind, and showed the cause of his coming. To whom the king promised all that he could do for him to the uttermost extent of his power. soon after queen Margarete the wife of Henrye that vi came to them, with her son prince Edward and the earl of Penbruck, and also of Oxenford the which a little before sailed over to her. After they communed together, as concerning that safeguard of their bodies, a league was made thorough the king of France his counsel. And first lady Anne the daughter of the earl was married and despoused to prince Edward the queens son. Also the earl and the duke promised faithfully that they would not give over, unto such time that king Henrye the vi or Edward his son were proclaimed king of England, & after king Henry, that the earl and the duke should oversee and govern the realm by the will and appointment of the queen Margarete and her son prince Edward, unto such time that the forenamed prince were of lawful age and hability, the which they promised faithfully to observe and do as they were appointed. And besides these, many other conditions were made, aswell for that reason did so require, as the business that was at that time. When this league of truth & faithfulness was thus made the king Lewes holp the earl with men, harness and navy, that he might the surer go to England. And Rhenate also the father of the queen Margarete, gave him men & harnyse to his power. So that he having no small number of men, did take ship at Sayne mouth & there tarrying, hard word from England by letters, that he should come over in all the haste, & that there were so many that would take his part, that he should have no need to bring any with him, for they were ready in harneyse at the water side, willing to help him in all that they could and not they only, but many noble men & princes would help him both with money, men & harneyse, & with all that they could do. When he had received these letters, he purposed to go forth, and take the opportunity of the time. And because that the queen was not ready to set forth, he & the duke of Oxenford and the duke of Penbruch, went before with part of that host & navy, to try what chance they should have, that if all things should chance well, the queen and the prince should follow and come unto England. Therefore the Earl and the Duke thanking the king as highly as they could for that he had done so much for them, did take their leave and sailed unto England with all their army. Then the Duke of Burgoyne not contented that the earl should be helped of the king of France against king Edward, prepared a great navy of ships about the costs of Normandye, that he might take him coming towards England, yet nevertheless the Earl escaped all dangers, and landed safe he and all his men at Dartmouth, from the which place he sailed to France half a year before. After that the Earl came to land, he made a proclamation in king Henry the vi name, that all they that were of lawful age should make battle against Edward duke of York which against all right and law at that time had the crown. The which when it was done, it cannot be spoken how soon it went about all the realm that he was come and had made this proclamacy on, at the which also is not to be expressed how many thousands of men came to him. The Earl having all this power & great army went straight to London, whom when Edward perceived to draw nigh, he fled for the time, trusting to have him at some vantage, but at the last he was driven to that end, that he had no mind to get any host to resist his enemies, but being in great danger of his own life, fled with the duke of Gloucestre his brother, unto a town night the sea called Lie, and there taking ship, sailed into Flaunders, to Charles the Duke of Burgoyne with great danger and apparel of his life by the reason of the boisterous & cruel wind Elizabeth his wife being then great ●●th child did take sentuarye at Westmynster, where she was brought in bed with a m●n child, whose name was Edward. After that the earl 〈…〉 new of the going away of king Edward, he made haste to London and hearing of the tumult and business that was in Kente, and that all the villages and suburbs there were spoiled piteously, a little before the going away of that king, pacified them and set all things in good order again: by the doing of the which benefit, he was the more lovingly accepted of them all, and that done, came to the tower & there delivered king Henry the vi out of prison, & giving him his rob of majesty brought him to Paul's, the people rejoicing on every side, and there thanked God for that it had chanced as they would, & desired. And this was the year of our Lord a. M four C. four score and one, that king Henry began to reign. So that king Henry so often vanquished began to reign now, likely shortly after to faule again. The which fortune chanced to him by many men's opinions, because he was a very simple and innocent man, and that he had rather in godliness & virtue excel other, then in honour and rule, so that for the love that he had to religion, he looked for no dignity or honour, which chanceth to few that will not seek for it or regard & keep it when they have it. But his enemies said he was a coward, & had not the heart or manliness to be a king or meet for that office. So that who soever despiseth that the common people alloweth & marveleth at, is accounted for a mad man, contrariwise, he that doth agree to them and in their tale, he is a wise man, where in deed such wisdom (as it is commonly said) is foolishness before God. Also some said, it was the will of God that it should so be, for his grandfather Henry the fourth got it by violencye and force of arms, so that it could not be long enjoyed of him, but that fault of the graundesire did redound on the nephews. But now to that matter. After this king Henry held his parliament at Westmynster, the xxvi day of Novembre, in the which Edward is declared openly trey tour to his country, because he had taken that crown to him and all his goods given away, & in like manner all theirs that did take his part, and so judgement was given on them to die. Furthermore, all that decrees statutes and acts of that forenamed Edward were broken & of none effect. And then that earl of Warwick, as a man that had deserved much of his country was made governor over all that realm, to whom he did take the duke of Clarence as fellow to him. So by that means that realm was brought to a new state, clean transformed & altered. To this parliament came the lord Marques Montacute, the which excusing his treason that he did take king Edward his part, & saying it was for fear of death, had his pardon▪ Truly if this man had taken king Edward's part, & had stand to his side manly, he had not been so sore an enemy, and hurted so much his friends, as he was being a false feigned and coloured friend, for those things that we be ware of, and knew before to be pernicious, do less hurt us. But now queen Margarete being in France prayed every day from that time the Earl went into England, for the victory, the which when she knew was obtained by the king his letters that came to her, shortly after did take ship, towards England, but thorough that sharpness of the wether and great tempests she was constrained to land, and to differre her journey to an other time. At the same time Gaspar the earl of Penbruch went to Wales to his Earldom, where he found lord Henry the Earl of Richemonde his brother's son, a child of ten year old, & there kept prisoner, but like a noble man of the earl willyam Harberte his wife, whom we spoke of before, that Edward had made him earl, and then after taken in battle was beheaded at the commandment of the earl of Warwick. This is that Henry the which when Richard King 〈◊〉 ●y 〈◊〉 seven. the third brother to Edward was overcome and vanquished, had the governance of the realm, of whom this is to be believed, that after that he came to his kingdom sent as one by god, to quench and put away the great sedition and strife that was betwixt Henry and Edward, seeing that he minded nothing so much as that, whom lady Margarete the only daughter of john the first Duke of Somerset did bring for the being but fourteen years of age, the which although she was married after to Henry the duke of Bucking ham his son, and after that to the earl of Derby, yet she never brought for the child after, as thought she had done her part when she had borne a man child, and the same a king of a realm. Gasper the earl of Penbruch took this child henry from the earl Harberte his wife and brought him soon after to London to king Henry the sixth, whom when the king had beeholded long holding his peace, and marveling at the goodly wit of the child, said in this wise to the nobles that were at that time present Loo, this is he, this is he I say, to whom both we, and our adversaries shall give place to, in The prophecy of henry the vi. of king Henry the seven. possession. And by this he prophesied that the self same Henry should in time to come, as it chanced in deed, have the kingdom and rule of all the realm. And now Edward although he was out of his country, yet did he not despair but that he should have mattre and ready occasion to recover his kingdom, for the duke of Burgoyne partly had promised him both great aid and succour, and partly the privy friends that he had in England did council him by letters sent from time to time, that he would hasten his journey homeward, and incontin●tly after, very many fled to him out of England, either for fear of the laws, that they had offended, or else for sorrow that the world was so turned, that they could not have their will, as they had before, in accomplishing their covetous minds and desires, and caused him to make the more haste homeward. And king Edward being ravished with their golden promises, thought nothing more painful or wretched, then to tarry one day longer, and nothing more pleasant than to go of his journey, and so taking no moo with them then two thou sand harnesed men, at the spring of the year sailed into England, landing in the coasts of yorkshire at an haven town called Ravinsport And there setting for the all his men, did reason with his captains and consult, to what place they should first go. For it was ieoperdious considering the small company that he had, to take any way for the. But after long deliberation, they were all agryed that some certain knights and horsemen of that small company should be sent one to every quarter to the towns that were nigh, to the intent that they might draw the hearts & minds of the people to king Edward's side. But it is not lykelye that king Edward being a wise man durst be bold, or would in any wise come into England, with such a small power, except he had known surely that he should have had great help at his coming the which is a plain token, that the duke of Clarence, and the lord Marques, had procured his favour, promising him all their help that they could make, for the trial of the which, there was manifest tokens, that disclosed and bewrayed all their falsehood. For they privily went about to know men's minds and to what part they would decline and the next day after came to king Edward, and showed him that the common people did stand stiflye of king Henrye his side, and would defend his quarrel as right and just at all times, and that they had no more need now to make any tumult, in so much, that no man would (although eftsoons desired and prayed,) go to king Edward, yea, and that noman would for fear of the earl of Warwick, hear any thing spoken of that matter, whose minds after that king Edward had throughly searched and known, he changed his mind and purpose, & where as before he claimed the crown, than he publyrshed abroad that he would have but his right that was his lands, and heritage of York shire. And ●t that word, it cannot be well spoken, how readily men were willing to help him, considering that he claimed nothing but his right, in somuch, the very pity did move many, although they would not help him, yet at no hand to resist him. And king Edward reconsiling himself to the common people by these means, took his journey toward York, and went to Beaver lay. The earl then being at warwick, after that he knew that king Edward was landed about York straight sent a post to his brother lord Montacute then lying that winter at Pomfreit with a great army, to show him what danger might ensue, if king Edward got that town of york, & bed them if his enemies drew nigh, either to meet with them in plain field, or else to beat them from the town, unto such time, that he came with a greater host which he prepared then, in all the hast he could. And because he knew not surely which way his enemies would come, he first sent to every town in york shire, and to york itself certain posts, to bid every man be in his harness ready, and that that citizens should shut the gates surely that king Edward might have no access. In the mean time king Edward came peaceably, and without the resistance of any man towards the town of York, of whose coming when the citizens were certified, they made sure the gates, and standing in harness, for the defence of it, did send two of the aldermen, to warn the king the coming nigh, that he do not enterprise to far, or put himself in jeopardy, for they were minded to drive him and all his away, with all the power they might. When Edward had heard their minds, he was in so great fear & agony that he could not tell what to do, for if he should have gone back, he feared that the common people as men greedy of a pray, would pursue him and if he should go forth, he was in danger of the York shire men, least they should suddenly fall upon him, and take him: and therefore, seeing that he was not able to match them in battle, thought to mollify them with fair words, and so began to entreat after the most lowly and gentle manner the messaungers, that they would in his name show the citizens, that he came not to claim the crown, but his heritage and right of York shire, and therefore that they would help their lord and duke of York, and if that he might be received through their means, he would requite their kindness, and remember their benefit as long as he lived. And by such fair speaking and flattery, he dismissed them and followed straight after to the gates with his company. The citizens being somewhat moved with this answer, for that he intended no harm against king Henry, they spoke with him from the wall, and bad him to go from thence, and if he would go quickly, he should take no harm. But he speaking very gently to every one of them, & calling some by name, most gently did desire them that he might come into his own town And so passing all the day in that communication, at that length the citizens partly over come with his most gentle speaking, & large promises made, fell to this point, that if Edward would swear to handle his citizens after a gentle sort, & hereafter be obedient to king Henry his commandment, they would receive him in to that city, and help him with all that power that they might. Edward being glad to here this, the next day after early, a mass was said at the gates, where he receiving the sacrament, promised faithfully upon his oath that he would observe both the thyngens afore named, & so was received in to the city. Nevertheless, it was so far unlike that he would observe one of them, that he minded none other thing then that he might deprive the king of his crown, as here after shall appear more evident. So that often times we see noble men, aswell as the lay people thorough ambition & filthy covetousness, they forgetting god & all godliness do swear great oaths in promising things, the which intending before they make their oath, to break it shortly after. Yet such persons oft-times have their rewards of God at one or other time as this Edward had, so that some time the punishment falleth on the nephews, for the offence that the uncle had committed. But of this thing I will speak more in Richard the third, in a place where a man may see that the progeny of Edward were punished for this offence, when Edward had thus framed his matters, he forgetting the oath that he had made, did see that the city was strongly kept, and getting him an army together thought he would not linger his business because he hard his enemies made no great preparaunce or haste, but took his journey toward London, & in his going did purposely go out of his way that led him to Pomfret where the lord marquis was, & took on that right hand within less than four miles of his enemies. And when he perceived that they made no skirmish nor motion came in to the right way again when he was past them, & went to Notynghame. But this grieved the York shire men that he should deceive them so unhonestly & otherwise then did become a king, or noble man. After that it was known that king Edward came with out all danger of his enemies, to Notyngham, then came there to him many noble men, upon this consideration that the lord Montacute either would not entre upon his enemies as though he had agreed with them, or else durst not come out of his tents, for that he was not able to match with them. Therefore men thought better to take Edward's part, considering that his power was so great, then to hold with king Henry and he in danger of their lives, and loss of all their goods & lands. Edward rejoicing at this, went to Lecestre, & hearing that th'earl was at his town of Warwick & th'earl of Oxenford with him, having a great army, and that they both intended to bring him to them, preventing their purpose wet away with his host, either willing to fight, or else join in friendship and love with his brother duke of Clarence, with whom than coming from London with an host of men he thought to speak before that he came to th'earl & his company, fearing lest that he would not stand to that promise that he made, for that he was variable & inconstant. In the mean time th'earl of Warwick was very heavy & sore moved with the lord marquis because he would neither keep the king from York as he was bed, nor yet when they came before his nose, would not proffer them once to fight, & therefore considering that his enemies multiplied more & more, in his going towards him made an host, & sent for that duke of Clarence to come to him, then having an host at London. Whom when he perceived to linger, & as a man doubting whether he should keep battle or peace, to have no mind of setting forth his men, mistrusting also that he was by some train alured to follow his brethren and take their parts, took his way to Coventrie, to th'end that there he might meet his enemies. Then Edward came to Warwick, and from thence to the earl, and pitched his tents by him, and the next day after bad battle to th'earl, the which earl durst not come out, for fear that the duke of Clarence whom he thought had deceived him, which duke in deed came, as it was showed after with a great power of men. The which when Edward perceived, he made towards him, & that it should not be thought to be a made guile, set his host in array as though he would fight, and so did the duke. But when they came in sight, Richard duke of Gloucestre as one that should take up this matter, first spoke with the duke privily in his ear, and then came to Edward and did the same to him, and at the last peace was proclaimed, whereby every man putting down their weapons, Edward & his brethren embraced lovingly one an other. After this Edward made it be proclaimed that that duke with all them that came with him, should be perpetual friends, & that they three should love like three brethren as they were in brotherly love for ever. Neuerthelesse God doth not seem to have forgiven this Edward his offence of perjury, although even now fortune favoured him, for yer it were long he was again vexed with were, beside that plague & destruction of his children after his death. When they were thus come together, they minded to prove if that earl would come to them also & hold with them, to whom the duke of Clarence sent certain of his friends, that which first should excuse that he had done, & then desire him if that he would to be at one with king Edward. Whose mind when th'earl heard, he utterly detested him, & with much cursing cried out of him that he had contrary to his faith & oath made, fled to king Edward. And to his commandment & bidding that he sent, he made none other answer but this that he had rather be like himself, than like a false & perjured duke. So that he appointed utterly never to leave battle, before that either he were killed and dead or his enemies overcomed. After this, Edward having such a strong power of men went boldly to London, where after that it was known that the duke of Clarence had taken his part, and that all the brethren were come in to one knot, the citizens were in such a fear, that they could not tell what to do, but at the length they were driven for fear to take king Edward his part At the same time there came letters from the earl to king Henry, to that duke of Somerset, to that archbishop of York, and other of the king his counsel, that they should keep the city from their enemy's hands for the space of two or three days, & he would come straight with a great army of men. They defended the city as strongly as they could, but it was to no purpose, for the citizens considering the king Henry was no great warrior, and that he had but small policy in the feats of the same, and contrary wise, that king Edward was a man that of himself could rule a realm marvelous well, and such a man that would not only preserve himself and all his, but also defend them from all manner of injuries and harms that should chance, thought best to lean on his side. And at his coming to London, the people could by no threatening or straight commandment, be otherwise kept back, but that they would meet him then coming, & salute him altogether as king & ruler of the realm. At whose coming in, the duke of Somerset and certain other fled away, and made the best shift every man for himself that he could, to escape his hands, saving that king Henry tarried post alone in the bishops paleyce beside Paul's, where standing like a desperate man, and not knowing what to do was taken of king Edward, and cast into prison again in the tower. This Edward came into London the xi day of Apryll, half a year after that he had sailed into Flaunders, and calling his council together, did highly commend the citizens, for that faithfulness that they bore to him, and in especial the Aldermen, that they caused the people to do their obeisance to him, & also sharply rebuked other of the city whom he knew to have lent money to king Henry. And for that cause would have made them pay money to the preparing of an host for him, but at the last he bade, them be without all fear, promising them their pardon & safety of life, thorough the which gentleness, he got the favour of the comen people wonderfully. The earl considering that battle should be shortly, followed his enemies in great haste, to the intent that if his enemies had any stop or let by that way, he might fight & buckel with them, before they came to London. But now after that he had pursued them long and came a good way of his journey, word was brought that Edward had gotten London & imprisoned the king. The earl then perceiving that the victory & end of fighting should be tried in this one battle, rested at saint Alban's, partly to refresh his men, and partly to take some counsel. In this host there was the duke of Excester, the earl of Oxenford, the duke of Somerset and the lord Montacute Marques, brother to the earl whom the earl perceived to be very unwilling to fight, and that against king Edward, and therefore he had no trust to him, yet the love that betwixt brother and brother diminished the suspicion, but whatsoever he thought either of him or of other, he himself was ever out of fear and danger. And so came from saint Alban's, to a town that is half way betwixt London and that, about a ten mile from London, called Barnet, and this town standeth on a hill, where there is a goodly plain, and here the earl intended to pitch his battle. And Edward hearing of this prepared his army, and adjoined a great power of young men to them, and so with bows, bills, spears and arrows, and all manner instruments appertaining to war, he had so furnished his men, that he thought to make riddaunce of them at that time for all, and finish battle that was so long holden. And so came with this his army to meet his enemies, and that he might be the readier to fight with them wheresoever he met them, he had four wings, that they could escape him at no hand. And he brought with him to battle also Henry then prisoner, to the intent that his adversaries might be the more discouraged at the sight of him, or else, if fortune favoured him not, he might nevertheless be saved by him. After the noon, he pitched his tents at the forenamed Barnet nigh to his enemies, but that he might not fight that day, he defended his tents very strongly, for the longer he tarried the better it was, by reason of the daily concourse of noble men and comen people to him, and the worse for the earl, for that he was far from his friends. There they lodged that night, and by break of day the earl of Warwick begun to array his army of this sort. first the lord Marques and the earl of Oxenford was set on the left side with certain horsemen, and he himself with the duke of Exeter on the right side. In the midst betwixt them both he setteth the duke of Somerset with all the archers. And thus araiing them to this battle, began to exhort them, that they would fight lustily and like hardy meune, revenging the quarrel of their country, for that he had most falsely possessed that crown. In like manner did king Edward, which after that he had set them in order, encouraged them to fight likewise, and to remember that they invaded rebels, traitors and seditious persons, which intended nothing but the utter destruction and loss of their country. When day came, the trumpets began to blow on both sides, as the tokens and lignes of the battle. And first the bow men shot, & then drawing near tried it with sword. Edward trusting thorough the multitude of his men to have the better hand did stand stiffly to them, enbouldening his soldiers in all that he could. Whose power the earl most manfully resisted. And so by long continuance of battle, many men were slain in whose places succeeded ever fresher & fresher. At the length the earl perceiving his men to be overthrown by the king his great power, drew nigh with his forward, & constrained the king to give back a little. Then Edward seeing that, brought fresh men to aid the other, so that tother men were beaten down very sore to the ground. And Edward being weary of this long fighting (for they fought from morning to none) caused them that were without the battle, then standing for the defence of Edward, if such need should be, to fall upon their enemies, & bear them down with their great power. The earl then seeing fresh men to come upon them, was nothing afeard, but trusting & looking surely for the victory, did comfort & encourage his men then almost discomfited, most manfully, desiring them to bear out this last brunt lustily, and the victory should redound to them but they being wearied with long continuance, were nothing moved at his words. Then he himself moste valiantly came among the midst of his enemies, and there killed and slew many of them, where he himself at the last was stricken down and his brother lord Marquis then following him, after whose death all the other fled, & so were taken most part of them. And this was the end of the earl, whose stoutness of stomach made him be in like peril and leopardye at many other times at diverse and sundry such conflicts and wars. There was killed of both parts more than ten thousand men, and so many taken prisoners that they could not be numbered. The duke of Somerset, and the earl of Oxford intending to take their way to Scotland, did change their minds, because it was so far from them, and fled straight to Wales to the earl of Penbrucke, and so every man to save their lives, fled, some one way and some an other. The earl of Exeter skaping very hardly, took the sentuarye at Westminster, and there remained. When Edward had got this victory, he went to London after the most triumphing fashion, having Henry with him as prisoner. The deed corpse also of the earl and the lord Marques were brought to Paul's, and there lay for the space of ii days that every man might see them to be deed, and that no man after feigning that he was alive, might sow sedition again in revenging his quarrel. Yet the king was not so glad at the death of th'earl, but he was as sorry for the loss & destruction of that lord Marques, whom he did esteem and take for his great friend. After this, queen Margaret hearing that Edward was come into England, & had done much hurt in that realm, purposed to come into England & her son also prince Edward with a great army of chosen & picked Frenchmen, & so to land at Waimouth. But for that great tempest that was on the see, she could not come so soon as she would. But after she had landed, & heard that king Edward had conquered all, & her husband to be taken prisoner as destitute of all his friends, and that the earl with his brother lord Marques was slain in field, and all their army discomfited and slain & put to f●ight, she began like a pitiful & desperate lady, to mourn and lament the fate & calamity of her husband, the which she did now see to have chanced, and sowith this great fear & agony she was in that case that she had rather die then live The queen might have thought that this evil had chanced to her for the putting to death of the duke of Gloucestre, of whose death although peradventure she was not guilty, yet she offended, in that she did not save such a good man. For if he had lived and had the dominion of the public weal, king Henry had never been in such trouble. But now (to leave of this) that queen despering both of her own life & her sons also, went thereby to a monastery of the charterhouse monks at a place called Beaulieu, in english called fair place, & there taking sentuary, remained with her son. And when it was known, that she was there in sentuary, there came to her the duke of Somerset, & his brother the earl of Devonshire, which man even from the beginning had taken the other part, whose returning after redounded to his evil and destruction, also the earl of Penbroke John Wen lock, & John Longstrother Capytaines' and rulers of the Rhodes. The queen being in sorrow & misery, was somewhat comforted at the sight of her friends, with whom she talked and showed the cause that she came no rather, desiring them to provide for the safeguard of her son & to help her now, and the she would if the wether served go to France again and bring with her, god willing at a more better & mature time a greater power of men The duke began to put her in good comfort & would in any wise the she should set her mind whole upon battle, & now to fight against Edward when he was both unprepared & also not furnished of men that were able to fight, considering the great battle that he had with th'earl of Warwick, in that which his men were sore hurted & wearied all together, & that it might be their chance now to have that better of him, although he discomfited th'earl & his host, for because that victory turneth oftentimes from one to an other in a moment & short space. Furthermore he showed her the the most part of that nobility bore their good minds & hearts to king Henry, & if so be that she would be a captain as she had been in time passed, he promised her a great army of his own costs and charges, and that he would make other noble men to take her part, and defend her at all times. The Queen mistrusting and fearing yet much of her own son, answered & said that she allowed his counsel well, if so that she only might be in danger, and not her son And therefore fearing that when they fought most earnestly for their country, her son might be destroyed or cast away, she thought best either to put of and differre the battle to an other time, or else to send her son into France, & there to be kept unto such time the they had some better success in their wars. And truly the mother was not without a cause so loving to her child; for that her own husband was a prisoner and a captive person, and therefore as one cast away, so that next after him, she loved most tenderly this her son. Also that they might go that more wisely about their intent, the queen counseled them all to lay their heeds together, and cast all the ways how to convey their business, and then if they would fight, she promised them both her help, and good council. Then the Earl said it was no need to waste any more words, for he & all they would fight stoutly against their enemies, and therefore they would do that with all their might and power, that they had determined and appointed upon. So they all gathered their army, every man for his part, out of his own country & shire. The queen brought now in good hope of war, said well be it, & straight went by that council of that duke to bath, looking and tarrying there for the army, but to what place so ever she went, she would be acknown to none, to th'intent that her adversaries might not know, unto such time that she came where she would be. Edward hearing that the queen was come, and that the duke of Somerset, had prepared an host to aid her, sent certain spies to view of what number the army was. And when they had showed him the number (but yet not knowing whether they would go) the king appointed to meet them before they came to London. And gathering his army went to Oxford shire, and there pitched his tents at Abyngton, increasing his number and army as much as he could. But perceiving, that they were at bath, and there tarried purposely to multiply and enlarge their company, came to Malebrydge xv. miles from bath, & so hasted to come to them before they did go to Wales, as he suspected, whether in deed they intended, to the earl of Penbruck having their a great bond of men. From which town of bath the queen fled, and from thence to bristol, and willing to go by gloucester, sent spies before to know, if she might have passage, to whom answer was brought that she could not, nor that they of the town would by any means give her place, she hearing of that went from Bristol to Teukisbury. And there the duke pitched his battle, against the will and advise of many other captains, which counseled him to tarry the earl of Penbruches coming. Where Edward did take the queen, and killed or at the least imprisoned every one almost that came with her. And of the nobility, there was killed the earl of devonshire, john Wenlock captain of the Rhodes, and the brother of the duke of Somerset, with many other more. And taken prisoners, the queen Margaret, & her son prince Edward, that duke of Somerset, that lord of s. Ihons', & more than twenty knights beside them. And all these were beheaded ii days after in that self same town saving only the queen Margaret and her son Edward. shortly after prince Edward was brought before the king, and there asked wherefore he did invade his realm, which answered boldly and said, to recover my kingdom as heritage by my forefathers and progeny dew to me. At the which words, Edward said nothing, but thrusting him from his sight with his hand, whom the duke of Clarence and gloucester, and that lord Hastynges did kill most cruelly at his departing. His mother the queen, was carried to London prisoner, and from thence ransomed was had to France, where she lived in perpetual sorrow and care, not so much for herself, or her husband as for her only son Edward, whom both she and Henry her husband trusted should live, and possess the crown. When king Edward had thus overcome them, he went to London, and there for three days caused procession to be through every place after the most solemn and devout fassy on. And here was the last civil battle that this king kept, which was the year of our lord. M four C lxxx and xi After that king Edward was returned back after the subduing of his rebels, one Fauconbrydge the Earl of Kente his bastard, a stout hearted man, being admiral of the sea, that none should pass betwixt Calysse and Dover, to aid or succour king Edward, by the appointment of the earl of warwick, then after driven to need and poverty, began to be a pirate and rover in the seea. In so much that he had through his robbery and shameful spoiling got unto him a great navy of ships, and at the last, landed in Kente, and there getting to him a great multitude of Kentyshemennes, with the assistance of them and his riotous company of shyppemennes, came to London, and said with a loud voice, they would defend king Henrye, and restore him to his crown. But the people and citizens of London perceiving that queen Margarete was overcome in battle, would give them no passage, but with great might and violence enforced Fawconbrydge to give back, and to take ship, and killed and took prisoners the better part of his men. Shortly after, the same Fauconbridge landing unware at Southampton, was taken and beheaded. But to speak of the earl of Penbrucke, when he had known that the queen was taken at Tewkesburye, where she had waged battle, then going of his way to her, turned back again to Chepstey. And there lamenting greatly both his own chance, & also the evil fortune that king Henry had, did breath a little & deliberate with himself, what were best to be done. In the mean time king Edward sent one Roger Vaughan to take that earl by some train or guile. But the earl certified of it, did take the self same man & headed him, so that he was killed that intended to kill. From that place that earl went to his town Pembrucke, where he was besieged of Thomas Morgan then sent from the king, that he could get out by no means, but on the eight day one David the brother of the foresaid Morgane his most assured friend conveyed him away, which then went to a town by the sea side called Tinby and there taking ship into France w●th the lord Henrye his nephew, by the earl of Rychemonde his brother, by chance came to Britain, and there showing the duke the cause of his coming, committed himself wholly into his hands. The duke entertained the earl and all his company, after that most best manner that he could, & made of them as though they had been his brethren, promising to them sure passport & safe conduct, over any place that he had rule or governance of. Now king Edward, after that his realm was pacified, and these great tumults appeased, he took his journey into Rinse, and there setting his justices, caused inquisition and search to be made of this business and insurrection, by the bastard and his adherentes, for the which offence many were put to death, and suffered execution most sharply, according to their merits. And not longafter, to th'intent that king Edward might be out of all dangers & assaults of his enemies Henry that was deprived not long before of his crown, was also spoiled of his life, that is, was killed. And as the report & fame went, the duke of gloucester was suspected to have done that deed, which sticked him with a dagger. And when he was dead, his corpse was brought unreverently from the tower, through that streets of that city unto Paul's, & there lay all that day & on the morrow following conveyed & carried to the abbey or black freres at Chertessey, & there was buried And shortly after had to Windesore castle, & laid in the new chapel of. s. George in a solemn tomb This Henry reigned xxviii year, and after he had repossessed his kingdom, but half a year. He lived unto he was lii years of age, and had by his wife queen Margaret one soon called Edward. Now to the intent that Edward the king might live in quiet after this man his death, he went a bout to search all the rebels that they might be weeded out of the company of men as pernicious and unprofitable to the public weal. At what time he took th'archbishop of York brother to th'earl of Warwick and sent him prisoner to Guynes, where he long remained in hold, but after dismissed, died shortly for thought and pensifulnes of mind, also he attached the earl of Oxenford the which from the season of Barnet field had holden saint Michaelles mount, & by his commandment was had to a castle beyond that sea called Haunt, where he remained prisoner that space of xii. years. Furthermore upon consideration that no rebels or traitors might have any refuge to strange countries, he had made a league with the king of scots of peace & amity to be observed & kept for that 〈…〉 of twenty years. Yet he was not out of all fear, for y● 〈…〉 e of Pembruck & of Richemond were with the duke of Britain, where they had most honourable intretainment, considering also that the young earl of Richemond would claim the crown in time to come he was in the more fear for the which matter, he sent privy ambassadors to the duke, promising him that if he would restore & deliver unto their hand both th'earls he should have an ample & large portion of money for so doing. But that duke, to make a short tale, would by no means deliver them out of his hands, but so kept them, that they never might be in any danger of their enemies through him. Edward therefore in this his thirteen year of his reign, which was the year of our lord a thousand four hundred three score and thirteen, held his parliament at Westminster, where first he caused all the statutes and acts of his which were abrogated by Henry the sixth, to stand and be of good effect, than the goods of these traitors to be bestowed & given abroad, also the banished men that fled as rebels and false to their country, to be brought in, & that if any grudge or evil will were betwixt any one or other of the nobility, that there it should be forgotten, & turned to love, & lastly that certain money should be paid to the king towards that great charges of his were. When he had thus studied & determined to live quietly & set his realm in good order, Charles the duke of Burgoin sent for aid to him against Lewes the French king so that he could never be at rest, but one thing or other should disquiet him, for he could not deny him help considering the benefits that he had received of him at diverse & sundry times before that, & that he now fought against his deadly enemy which aided the earl of Warwick both with men & money to come against him. Wherefore he assemblyng his counsel together, & showing them the matter, sent word to the duke that he would keep one piece or part of a battle against the king. For in deed at that same time there was mortal battle betwixt the duke & Lewes that king, & because that the same Lewes was a very hard man & churlish & also hurtful aswell to his friends as to his foes, many Frenchmen abhorring his conditions, did consent to hold with that duke. And among many other, one Lewes of Lucemburge did appoint with the duke to do mischief to him one way or other, so that the king was both in danger of his own country men, & also of the duke being a stranger. The duke showed this to king Edward, that he might the sooner allu●e & entice him to battle. And upon this, king Edward took his voyage to France, taking besides his tribute that he had, certain money of the lords & commons of the realm, which they of their own gentleness gave unto him, to the sustenance & maintening of his army And for that, the king called that tribute & levying of money, benevolence, which nevertheless was given with an evil will of many one. But he using such gentle fashions towards them, & praying them so heartily of their assistance that they could none other wise do but give it him. Which when he had, he gathered his army which was twenty M. & went to Caleys the four day of July. Whom Charles that duke did met, & rejoicing greatly at his victory did instantly desire him that he would stick stoutly to this battle, that he might have of that French king that he had lost by him. But when Lewes that king hard that Edward came with his army, he increased the number of his people as much as he could & the more nigher the danger that he was, the sooner & hastily he came upon them. And with this army he sent forth Robert of Stotevill a noble captain to the coostes Atrebatium to resist the power of the English men. And the king himself tarried at Siluanect, casting with himself what way he might make a league of peace betwixt that duke & that king of England & him. Hearing therefore that that king was gone to Atrebates, he sent ambassodours to him for peace: whose minds when that king had known, although he had found but little friendship at his hands in times past, yet considering that all his substance & treasure was wasted in civil battle, & that he was not able to maintain a new host if need should be, nor yet uneath sustain them whom he had under his banner, thought best even for pure necessity to leave to peace & grow to atonement with Lewes that king. The which thing he might do also saving his honour, considering that both the duke & Robert of Lucemburge aforenamed had not done according to their promise. So that, at the desire of the ambassadors he went to speak with the king at Pinquinake a town in Ambian shire where noble men do assemble together, & there found the king. Then both that kings after due salutation, either to other had long communication, & at the last a peace was confirmed & established for many years, for the a●●emēt whereof the French king gave unto Edward toward his charge & cost. lxcv. M. crowns, & from thence forth yearly l. M. crowns. After that truce made & money paid, king Edward went to Caleis, & from thence to England. In this battle none was slain saving only that duke of Exeter, the which man was in sentuary before, & commanded to follow the king was put to death contrary to that promise made. This was the year of our lord. M. CCCC .lxxv. from that time forth Lewes that king paid duly his ransom to Edward, unto the last year before he died, at what time he denied the payment, as though he knew before his last days. But the duke of Burgoyne and Roberte of Lucenburgh, after they had known that Edward had made a league with Lewes the king, they freted sore with him, and wrote sharp letters of threatening and taunting him, saying: that he was the cause that they revenged not theimselfes of the king. Whose fiery and thundering words the king no more passed upon, then of the turning of his hand And as for Lucenburgh he was taken prisoner, and for his proud and malicious writing, beheaded at Lutece. Thus king Edward being in quietness both in his country and abroad also, although he might well think himself to live so perpetually, for that he had been so great a conqueror, yet considering that the earl of Richemonde was of nigh affinity to Henry the vi he was not out of fear & danger. Therefore he thought ones to attempt the duke of britain again, with gifts, promises & fair words that he might have the earl, whom he thought to rule as he would, after that his ancestry was given. The ambassadors came to the duke with a great substance of money, & that their request might be the honestier, they showed the duke that they came to desire the earl of him, that he might mary the kings daughter, so that by affinity, all evil will & grudge might be forgotten, and sedition utterly rejected, although they intended not so to cause all such things to be forgotten, but by the death & killing of him. The duke after long and much denying them, at the last thorough much entreating, and also great rewards that was brought gave the earl to them, sending a letter to the king, in praise and commendation of him, not thinking that he committed the lamb to the wolf, but the son to the father. The ambassadors was very glad, that they had got him, and sailed into England, in all the haste they could. But the earl knowing well that he went to his death, for sorrow and care that he conceived in his mind, was cast in an ague. When he was gone, one John Chenlet, such a man as could not be found again in all the country, & in great favour with the duke, hearing of that deed, being very sore moved therewith, went to the duke's place & coming before his grace, stood like a man stricken with some sudden disease, very pale & holding his head down, the duke marveling at him, inquired what the matter was. To whom he said. O most noble duke, my time is at hand, & this paleness betokeneth death without remidy. That I would God it had come before this day, & then it should not have grieved me so much. And this all cometh to me through a deed that you have done of late, which will either cause me to lose my life, or else to live in most misery & wretchedness as one weary of this present life. The noble acts that you have done, (most noble prince) have enhanced your fame & glory to the farthest part of the world but this one thing me think (I pray you pardomme what I say) is a great blemish to your dygnitee, that forgetting the promise that you made so faithfully have given the innocent earl of Richmounte to be destroyed, & pitifully killed among wretched knaves & hangmen. Wherefore, they that love you, of whom I am one, cannot but lament ●o see you dishonoured by this great fault of perjury. When he had said, the duke answered, hold thy peace man I pray thee, there is no such harm shall chance to him, Edward the king would have him to marry his daughter. Then said john, Believe me (most excellent and redoubted prince) this Henry is now almost famished and lost, & if he once go out of your country, he is but cast away and passed all recovery. At these words the duke was persuaded, through the which he commanded one Peter Landoson his receiver, to take the same Henry from the ambassadors. The said receiver pursued the english ambassadors to Maclonium, and there holding them with long communication, made him to be conveyed into a sentuary, which was then almost did through that fever and thought which he was cast in. And so after that he was emended brought him to the duke. The ambassadors then being spoiled and deceived, both of their bread and money that they brought, desired that same receiver that they might not go home in that wise, which receiver promised, that he would either keep him in sentuary, or eyes cause him to be imprisoned at the duke his place, so that they should never need to fear him. In all this time Edward being desyreous to know what became of the Earl, was informed, that he was taken prisoner, but after that escaped their hands, where at the king was very angry: but when he knew that he should be kept in hold, was well pleased & then did take no thought. And lived after, & that most wealthy, sparing no expenses nor cost in keeping his house, nevertheless, he did fall into one great offence in this time. For suddenly, he commanded his brother the duke of Clarence to be killed & drowned in an hogshhed of malmsey. And the cause of his death was, as men report, through a certain prophecy, which said the after king Edward, one should reign, whose name begun with a. G. which prophecy some said, was completed & fulfilled when the duke of gloucester, the after him had the kingdom, did reign. Some holdeth another opinion of this his death, saying: that at what time the old malice did break out betwixt them both, the duke through his sister's council, would have married lady Mary that duke of Burgoyn his only daughter, which marriage the king did infringe & stop, as one envying of his brother's felicity, or good chance. After that they both bearing in their minds mortal hatred, one of the said duke his servants, was accused of witchcraft & charming for which offence, he was put to death. The duke 〈…〉 g that, could not but speak & resist against the 〈…〉 g his commandment, and therefore, was come 〈…〉 ted to prison, & there being was killed, and procla 〈…〉 d after as a traitor to the king for whose 〈…〉 that, the king was very sorry, and when any 〈…〉 kneeled to him, and asked pardon 〈…〉 der, he would say. O infortunate bro 〈…〉 that noman would ask thy pardon. And this duke had ii children, one lady Margarete, that was after married to Richard Pole, & an other Edward, whom the king made earl of warwick, but this child following the fate and destiny of his father, was after put in prison, & there privily put to death. And these things were done in the year of our Lord a thousand four The xix year. hundredth and four score, and the xix year of the reign of king Edward. And two years then after following, the king died, before the which years he began to be very hard and covetous in getting money, and also very diligent in marking & attaching his lords that did offend. In this time the king of Scots willed his soon jamy to be married to the kings daughter lady Cicile, which was the younger, that should have been married to Charles the king his son of France. But it chanced not, thorough Lewes the king that broke his promise, both in giving his service, and paying his ransom the last year of his reign. Likewise the king of Scots seeing that Lewes the king was false of his promise, he thought he might be so bold too, and so breaking league of amity, set upon the English men. At the which Edward was sore vexed, and intended battle against him, yet after that he knew the it was not by his will, but thorough the council and evil disposed minds of his lords, would have borne it in good worth, had not king james own brother straight upon that, provoked him to fight. Furthermore, such was the nature of the Scottish king that when he had set his mind upon a thing, no man could turn him, and because that no man might reprove him in any thing, he promoted lay people, & men of base blood to his counsel, putting to death, or banishing evermore the nobility Among whom this duke of Albany his brother, considering the conditions of the king, fled to the king of England at what time he was sent into France, & there counseled the king to fight against him. The king willing to revenge his old injuries, upon many considerations gathered, intended no less by the help of the said duke of Albany, then to keep open war. So that he did send the duke of Gloucestre, the earl of Northumberland, sir Thomas Stanley, & this duke of Albany with a great power of men against the Scots. The king knowing of their coming, went to Barwyke with his army to keep them from the borders, but perceiving that he was not able so resist their great power, fled back in the night to Edinbrough & theridamas tarried for his enemies. And the duke of Gloucestre following, burned and spoiled all the way, & when he was somewhat nigh his enemies, perceiving also that none of the Scottish lords came to the duke of Albany, mistrusted that some deceit or craft was wrought, & so laboured to have peace, which gotten, he went back to the castle of Barwike, that sir Thomas Stanley had won a little before. And the duke of Albany the author of this war, for that he had but little thanks of England for his so doing, fled into France, & there was killed running at the tilt in Paris. After this business Edward assembled his counsel together, & willed them to prepare battle against the French king, for that he had neither paid nor would pay his ransom, nor yet give his son in marriage to his daughter (as he promised) to the setting forth of the which battle, certain money was exacted of the priests & religious men to be paid. At the which time the king was suddenly sickened, & shortly after died at Westminster the ix day of April then being l years of age, & reigning xxiii. after the date of our Lord a. M four C lxxx and three, whose corpse was after conveyed and had with great pomp and solemnity to Wind sore, and there buried in saint George his chapel Which king had by his wife the queen ten children, & of them left alive behind him Edward prince of Wales, and Richard duke of york, and one bastard called Arthure and five daughters, Elisabeth, Cicilie, Anne, Catherine, and Brigyde, which after were married all, saving that lady Brigide was a nun. This Edward was a goodly * T●e description of Edward the fourth. man of parsonage, of stature high, of countenance and beauty comely, of sight quick, broad breasted, and well set in every other part conformable to his body, of a pregnant wit, stomach stout, & halt courage, of perfect memori of such things as he conceived in his brain, diligent in his affairs & weighty business, in adventures bold and hardy, again his adversaries fierce & terrible, to his friends liberal & bounteous, having in all his wars most prosperous & lucky success, & escheving all pleasure & sensuality, to the which he was by nature most prove unto, for the which cause and for the lowliness and humanity that is in him engendered by nature most plentifully, he bore himself honestly among his private persons, otherwise than the degree or dignity of his majesty required, wherefore the fame ran, that he was poisoned. A little before his death, it was said that he gave himself to avarice, which before, as you see, used great liberalytee. Yet the realm which thorough civil sedition was greatly impoverished, he made rich and plenteous at his death day. Also he gave spiritual promotions to the most excellent and famous clerks, and made them of his council, other of the lay sort, whom he loved, he did not enrich with possessions but with money and other like goods, the which many princes, having no respect of the honour, do not always observe. By the which such gifts & rewards he had so far won the hearts of the people, that after his death many men did lament the loss of his grace. ¶ Edward the fifth. WHEN ALMIGHTY GOD had called to his mercy the noble prince king Edward the fourth of that name, Edward his eldest son (prince of Wales) began his reign the ix day of April, in that year of our Lord a. M. CCCC lxxxiij and in the xxij year of Lewes the xi then French king. Which young prince reigned a small space and little season over this realm, other in pleasure or liberty, for his uncle Richard duke of Gloceter, within three months deprived him, not only of his crown and regalytie, but also unnaturally bereft him his natural life, and for the declaration by what crafty engine he first attempted his ungracious purpose, & by what false colourable & untrue allegations he set forth openly his pretenced enterprise, & finally by what shameful cruel and detestable act he performed the same: Ye must first consider of whom he and his brother descended, there nature's conditions & inclinations, and then you shall easily perceive, that there could not be a more crueler tyrant appointed to achieve a more abominable enterprise. There father was Richard Plantagenet duke of York, which began not by war but by law to challenge the crown of England, putting his claim in the parliament, holden that xxx year of king Henry the vi where either for right or for favour his cause was so set forth and advanced that the blood of the said king Henry, although he had a goodly son was clearly abjected, and that crown of the realm (by autorytee of parliament) entailed to the duke of York and his heirs after the disease of the said king Henrye the vi But the duke not intending so long to tarry, but minding under the preterte of dissension grown and arisen within the realm, and of covenants made in the parliament, not kept but broken, to prevent the time and to take upon him the governance in king Henry's life, was by to much hardiness slain at the battle of Wakefylde, leaving behind him three sons, Edward, George & Richard. All these three as they were great estates of birth, so were they great and stately of stomach, greedy of authority and impatient partners of rule and authority. This Edward revenged his father's death and deposed king Henry the vi and attained the crown and sceptre of this realm. George duke of Clarence was a goodly and well feautured prince, in all things fortunate, if either his own ambition had not set him against his brother or thenvy of his enemies had not set his brother against him, for were it by the queen or the nobles of her blood, which highly maligned the kings kindred (as women commenlye, not of malice but of nature, hate such as their husbands love) or were it aproude appetite of the duke himself, intending to be king, at the least wise heinous treason was laid to his charge, and finally were he in fault or were he faultless, attainted was he by parliament and judged to death, and thereupon hastily drowned in a butt of malmsey, within the tower of London. Whose death king Edward (although he commanded it) when he wist it was done, piteously he bewailed and sorrowfully he repented it. Richard duke of Gloucestre the three son (of which I must most entreat) was in The description of Richard the third. wit and courage equal with the other, but in beauty and lyniamentes of nature far underneath both, for he was little of stature, evil feautered of limbs, croak backed, the lift shoulder much higher than the right, hard favoured of visage such as in estates is called a warlike visage, and among comen persons a crabbed face. He was malicious, wrathful and envious, and as it is reported, his mother the duchess had much a do in her travail, that she could not be delivered of him uncutte, and that he came into the world the feet forward, as men be borne outward, and as the fame ran, not untothed, whether that men of hatred reported above the truth, or that nature changed his course in his beginning, which in his life many things unnaturally committed, this I leave to God's judgement. He was none evil capitain in war, as to which, his disposition was more inclined to then to peace. Sundry victories he had & some overthrows, but never for default in his own person, either for lack of hardiness or politic order. Fre he was of his dispenses & somewhat above his power liberal, with large gifts he got him unsteadfast friendship, for which cause he was fain to borrow, pil & extort in other places, which got him steadfast hatred. He was close & secret, a deep dyssymuler, lowly of countenance, arrogant of heart, outwardly familiar, where he inwardly hated, not letting to kiss whom he thought to kill dispiteous and cruel, not alway for evil will, but after for ambition and to serve his purpose, friend & foe were all indifferent, where his advantage grew, he spared no man's death whose life withstood his purpose. He slew in the tower king Henry the vi (saying: now is there no heir male of king Edward the third, but we of the house of York) which murder was done without king Edward's assent, which would have appointed that bocherlye office to some other, rather than to his own brother. Some wise men also ween, that his drift lacked not in helping forth his own brother of Clarence to his death, which thing in all appearance he resisted, although he inwardly minded it. And the cause thereof was, as men noting his doings and proceedings did mark (because that he long in king Edward's time thought to obtain the crown, in case that the king his brother whose life he looked that evil diet would soon shorten) should hap to disease (as he did in deed) his children being young. And then that if duke of Clarence had lived his pretenced purpose had been far hindered. For if the duke of Clarence had kept himself true to his nephew the young king, or would have taken upon him to be king, every one of these casts had been a troumpe in the duke of Gloucesters' way: but when he was sure that his brother of Clarence was dead, than he knew that he might work without jeopardy. But of these points there is certainty, and whosoever devyneth or conjectureth may as well shoot to far as to short, but this conjecture afterward took place (as few do) as you shall perceive here after. But afore I declare to you how this Richard duke of Gloucestre began his mischievous imagened & pretenced enterprise as apꝑantly shallbe opened. I must a little put you in remembrance of a loving and charitable act no less profitable than amiable to that whole commonalty (if it had been so inwardly thought as it was outwardly dissimuled) which king Edward did lying on his death bed not long before he died, for in his life although that the division amongst his friends somewhat grieved & yrked him, yet in his health he less regarded & took heed to it, by reason that he thought that he was able in all things to rule both parties, were they never so obstinate. But in his last sickness (which continued longer than false & fantastical tales have untruly & falsely surmised as I myself that wrote this pamphlet truly knew) when he perceived his natural strength was gone, & hoped little of recovery by the arts of all his phicysyans which he perceived only to prolong his life. Then he began to consider the youth of his children, how be it, he nothing less mistrusted than that that happened, yet he wisely foreseeing and considering that many harms might ensue by that debate of his nobles while the youth of his children should lack discretion and good counsel of their friends, for he knew well that every part would work for their own commodity, and rather by pleasant advise to win theim selfes' favour, them by profitable advertisement to do that children good, wherefore, lying on his death bed at Westminster he called to him such lords as then were about him whom he knew to be at variance in especial the lord marquis Dorset son to the queen, & the lord Hastynges against whom the queen especially grudged for that favour that the king bore him, & also she thought him familiar with the king in wanton company, her kin bore him sore, aswell for that the king made him captain of Caleys which office the lord rivers brother to the queen claimed of that kings former promise, as of diverse other gifts which he received that they looked for. & when these lords with diverse other of both parties were come unto that kings presence, he caused himself to be raised up with pillous, & as I can guess said The exhortation 〈◊〉 king Edward 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 thus or much like in sentence to them. My lords & my dear kinsmen & allies, in what plight I now lie you see & I perfectly feel, by that which I look that less while to live with you, therefore that more deeply I am moved to care in what case I leave you, for such as I leave you, such are my children like to find you, which if they should find at variance (as god forbidden) they them felfes might hap to fall at were or their discresion would serve to set you at peace, you s● their youth, of which I reckon the only surety to rest in your concord. For it sufficeth not all you to love them, if each of you hate other, if they were men your feithfullnes might hap to suffice, but childhod must be maintained by men's authority & slipꝑ youth underprompted with elder counsel, which they can never have except you give it, nor you give it except you agree, for where each laboureth to break that other maketh, & for hatred each impugneth others counsel: there must needs be a long tract or any good conclusion can forward. And ferther, while each party laboureth to be chief flatterer, adulation shall then have more place, than plain & faithful advise, of which must needs ensue that evil bringing up of the prince whose mind in tender youth infect shall readily fall to mischief & riot & draw down this noble realm to ruin. But if grace turn him to wisdom (which god sand him) them they which by evil means pleased him best, shall after fall farthest out of favour so that at the length evil drifts drive to nought, & good plain ways ꝓsper & flourish. Great variance hath ever been between you, not always for great causes Some time a thing right well entendid & misconstrued hath been turned to that worse, or a small displeasure done to you either by your own affection either by instigation of evil tongues hath been sore aggravate. But this I wots well, you had never so great cause of hatred as you have of love, because we be men & that we be all christian men. This I will leave to preachers to tell you, & yet I wots not whether any pchers words ought more to move you, than that his going by & by to the place that they all preach of. But this shall I desire you to remember that the one part of you being of my blood that other of my allies, & each of you with other either of kindred or affinity, which is that very spiritual affinity & kindred in christ as all partakers of that sacamentes of Christ's church. The weight of which consanguynite if we did bear as would to god we did, then should we more be moved to spiritual charity then to fleshly consanguinyte. Our lord forbid that you love that worse together for the self same cause that you ought to love the better & yet that often happeneth, for no where find we so deadly as amongst them which by nature & law most aught to agree together. Such a serpent is ambition & desire of vanyne glory & sovere ingtie, which amongst estates when he is once entered he creepeth forth so far, till with division & variance he turneth all to mischief. First longing to be next to that best, afterward equal with the be'st, & at the last chief & above that be'st. Of which immoderate appetite of worship & the debate & dissension that grew there by, what loss, what sorrow, what trouble hath win these few years grown with in this realm, I pray God as well to forget as we well remember, which thing if I could aswell have foreseen as I have with my more pane than pleasure proved, by god des blessed lady (that was his common oath) I would never have won the curtesyes of men's knees with the loss of so many heads. But sith things passed can not be called again, much more ought we to be ware, by what occasion we have taken so great hurt before, that we eftsoons fall not into that occasion again. Now be these griefs passed and all is quiet thanked be God, & likely well to prosper in welthfull peace, under your cousins my children, if God send them life, and you love and concord. Of which ii things that less loss were they by whom all though God did his pleasure, yet should this realm always find kings, & peradventure as good kings as they. But if you amongst yourselves in a child's reign fall at debate, many a good man shall innocently perish, & happily he & you also, or it is long find peace & quiet again, wherefore in these last words that ever I look to speak to you, I exhort and require you all, for the love that you have borne to me, and for that love that I have borne to you & for the love that our lord beareth to us all. Fron this time forward all griefs forgotten, each of you love other, which I verily trust you will, if you any thing regard God or your kings affinity or kindred, this realm your own country or your own surety & wealth. And there with all, the king for faintness no longer enduring to sit up, laid him down on his right side his face toward them. And there was none present that could forbear weeping, but that lords comforting him with as good words as they could, & answering for that time, as they thought should stand with his pleasure. And there in his presence (as by their words appeared) each forgave other, and joined their hands together, when as it after appeared by their deeds there hearts were far asunder. And so with in a few days this noble prince deceased at Westmynster the ix day of Apryll, in the year of our Lord a. M. CCCC lxxxiii after that he had reigned xxii years one month and viii days, & was with great funeral pomp conveyed to Wyndsore, leaving behind him ii sons, Edward the prince (of whom this story entreateth) a child of xiii. years of age, Richard duke of York ii years younger than the prince, and five daughters, Elizabeth, which by god's grace was married to king Henry the vii and mother to king Henry the eight, Cycile not so fortunate as fair, first wedded to the viscount Welles, after to one Cows and lived not in great wealth, Brydget professed herself a close nun of Zion, Anne was married to lord Thomas Hauwarde after earl of Surrey and duke of Norfolk, Katherine that youngest daughter was married to lord william Courtney, son to that earl of Devonshire, which longtyme tossed in other fortune sometime in wealth after in adversity, till that benignity of her nephew king Henry the viii brought he● into a sure estate according to her degree & progency. This king Edward was such a prince of governance and behaviour in the time of peace (for in The description of Edward 〈◊〉 fourth. time of war, each must be others enemy) that there was never any king in this realm, in attaining the crown by war and battle so heartily beloved with the more substance of his people, nor he himself so specially favoured in any part of his life, as at that time of his death, which favour and affection yet after his death, by the cruelty, mischief & trouble of the tempestuous world that followed, highly towards him more increased. At such time as he died, the displeasure of those that bore him grudge for king Henry that vi sake (whom he deposed) was well assuaged & in effect quenched within that space of xxii years (which is a great part of a man's life) and some were reconciled & grown into his favour (of the which he was never strange) when it was with true heart demanded. He was goodly of parsonage & princely to behold, of heart courageous, politic in council, and in adversity nothing abashed, in prosperity rather joyful then proud, in peace just & merciful, in war sharp and fierce, in the field bold and hardy, & yet nevertheless no farther than reason and policy would adventure, whose wars whosoever circumspectly 〈◊〉 advisedly considereth, he shall no less commend his wisdom & policy where he avoided them. than his manhood where he vanquished them. He was of visage full faced & lovely, of body mighty, strong & clean made, with over liberal and wanton diet, he waxed somewhat corpulent & burly, but nevertheless not uncomely. He was of youth greatly given to fleshly wantonness, from that which health of body in great prosperity & fortune with out an especial grace hardly refraineth. This fault little grieved his people, for neither could any one man's pleasure stretch or extend to the displeasure of very many, nor a multitude be grieved by a private man's fantasy or voluptuous, when it was done without violence. And in his latter days he left all wild dalliance & fell to gravity, so that he brought his realm into a wealthy & ꝓsperous estate, all fear of outward enemies were clearly extinguished, & no war was in hand nor none toward, but such as no man looked for. The people were toward their prince not in a constrained fear, but in a true loving and wilful obedience amongst theimselfe, and the commons were in good peace. The lords whom he knew at variance, he in his death bed (as he thought) he brought to good concord, love and amytee. And a little before his death, he left gathering of money of his subjects, which is the only thing that draweth that hearts of englishmen from their kings & princes, nor nothing he either entreprysed ndr took in hand, by that which he should be driven thereunto. For his tribute out of France he had a little before recovered & obtained. And that year before he died he recovered the town of Berwick against that king of Scots. And albeit that all that time of his reign he was so benign courteous and familiar, that no part of his virtues was esteemed more than those high humilitees. Yet that condition in th'end of his last days decayed not, in the which many princes by a long continued sovereignty, decline to a proud port & behaviour from their conditions accustomed at their beginning. Yet lowliness and gentleness so far forth in him increased that the summer before died, he being at the havering at the bower, sent for the mayre and aldermen of London thither only to hunt and make pastime, where he made them not so hearty but so familiar and friendly cheer, and sent also to their wives such plenty of venison, that no one thing in many days before got him either more hearts or more hearty favour amongst the comen people, which often times more esteem and take for great kindness a little courtesy, than a great profit or benefit. And so this noble prince deceased, as you have heard in that time when his life was most desired, & when his people most desired to keep him. Which love of his people & their entiere affection toward him, had been to his noble children, (having in theim selfes also as many gifts of nature, as many princely virtues, as much good towardness as their age could receive) a marvelous fortress and a sure armour, if the division and dissension of their friends had not unarmed them & left them destitute, & the execrable desire of sovereignty provoked him to their destruction, which if either kind or kindness had held place must needs have been their chiese defence. For Richard duke of gloucester, by nature their uncle, by office their protector, to their father greatly beholden and to them by oath and allegiance bounden all the bands broken and violated, that bind man and man together, without any respect of God or the world, unnaturally contrived to bereave them not only of their dignity and pre-eminence, but also of their natural lives and worldly felicytee. And first to show you that by conjecture he pretended this thing in his brother's life, ye shall understand for a truth that the same night that king Edward died, one called Mistelbrooke, long ere the day sprang came to the house of one Potier dwelling in Redcrosse street without cripple gate of London, and when he was with hasty rapping, quickly let in, the said Mistelbrooke showed unto Potier that king Edward was that night deceased: by my truth ꝙ Potier, then will my master the duke of gloucester be king and that I warrant the. What cause he had so to think, hard it is to say, whether he being his servant knew any such thing prepensed or otherwise had any inklingther of, but of all likelihood he spoke it not of naught. But now to return to the true history, were it that the duke of gloucester had of old sore practised this conclusion, or was before time moved thereunto and put in hope by the tender age of the young princes his nephews, as opportunity and likely of speed putteth a man in courage of that that he never intended. Certain it is, that he being in the north parties for the good governance of the country, being advertised of his brother's death contrived the destruction of his nephews with that usurpation of the royal dignity & crown And for asmuch as he well wist, and had holp to maintain, a long continued grudge and heart burning between the queens kindred and the kings blood (either part envying others authorytee) he now thought (as it was in deed) a fertherly beginning to the pursuit of his intent and a sure ground & situation of his unnatural building, if he might under the pretence of remembering of old displeasures abuse the ignorance & anger of the one party to the destruction of that other, and then to win to his purpose as many as he could, and such as could not be won, might be lost or they looked therefore. But of one thing he was certain, that if his intent were once perceived, he should have made peace between both parties with his own blood, but all his intent he kept secret till he knew his friends, of the which Henry the duke of Buckingham was the first that sent to him after his brother's death a trusty servant of his called Persall to the city of York, where the Duke of gloucester kept the king his brother's funerals. This Persall came to john Ward a secret chaumberer to the duke of gloucester, desiring that he in close and covert manner might speak with the duke his master: whereupon in the deed of the night the duke sent for Persall (all other being avoided) which showed to the duke of gloucester that the duke of Buckingham his master in this new world would take such part as he would & would farther wait upon him with a. M. good fellows if need were. The duke sent back that messenger with great thanks and diverse privy instructions by mouth, which Persall did somuch by his travail that he came to the duke of Buckyngham his master into the marches of Wales, & eftsoons with new instructions met with the duke of gloucester at Nottingham, which was come out of the Northcountrey with many knights & gentlemen to the numbered of vi C. horse & more, in his journey toward London. And after secret meeting and communication had between him & the duke of gloucester he returned with such speed that he brought the duke of Buckingham his master to meet with the duke of gloucester not far from Northampton with iii C. horses, & so they two came together to Northampton where they first began their unhappy enterprise, and so the duke of Buckingham continued still with the duke of gloucester till he was crowned king, as ye shall plainly perceive hereafter. The young king at the death of his father kept household at Ludlowe, for his father had sent him thither for justice to be done in the marches of Wales, to the end that by the authority of his presence, the wild Welshemennes and evil disposed persons should refrain from their accustomed murders and outerages. The governance of this young Prince was committed to Lord Anthony Wooduile, Earl Rivers & Lord Scales, brother to the Queen, a wise, hardy and honourable parsonage, as valyaunte of hand as politic of counsel, and with him were associate other of the same party, and in effect every one as he was near of kin unto the queen so was he planted next about the Prince. That drift by the Queen seemed to be devised, whereby her blood might of right in tender youth be so planted in the princes favour, that afterward it should hardly be eradicated out of the same. The duke of gloucester turned all this to their destruction, and upon that ground set the foundation of his unhappy building. For whom soever he perceived to be at variance with them, or to bear toward himself any favour, he broke unto them, some by mouth, some by writing and secret messengers, that it was neither reason nor yet to be suffered that the young king their master and kinsmanne should be in the hands and custody of his mother's kindred, sequestered in manner from their company & attendance, of which every one ought him as faithful service as they, and many of them of far more honourable part of kin than his mother's side, whose blood ꝙ the Duke of Gloucetre saving the Kings pleasure, was far unmeet to be matched with his, which now to be removed from the king and the least noble to be left about him is, ꝙ he neither honourable to his majesty nor to us, & also to him less surety, to have the noblest and mightiest of his friends from him, and to us all no little jeopardy to suffer, and specially our well proved evil willers to grow in too too great authorytee with the king in youth, namely which is light of belief and soon persuaded. Ye remember that king Edward himself, albeit he was both of age and discretion, yet was he ruled in many things by that bend more than stood either with his honour or our profit, or with the commodity of any man else, except only the immoderate advauncement of themselves, which whether they thristed sore after their own weal or no, it were hard I think to guess. And if some folks friendship had not holden better place with the king than any respect of kindred, they might (peradventure) easily have trapped and brought to confusion some of us or this, & why not as easily as they have done some other or this as near of the blood royal, but our lord hath wrought his will, and thanked be his grace that peril is past, howbeit, as great is growing if we suffer this young king in his enemies hands, which without his wyttinge might abuse the name of his commandment to any of our undoing, which things God & good provision forbid, of which good provision none of us hath any thing the less need for the late atonement made, in which the kings pleasure had more place than the parties hearts or wills, nor none of us is so unwise oversoon to trust a new friend made of an old foe, or to think that any only kindness so suddenly contracted in an hour, continued scantly yet a fortnight, should be deeper set in our stomachs then a long accustomed malice many years rooted. With these persuasions and writings, that duke of gloucester set a fire them which were easy to kindle, & in especial twain, Henry duke of Buckyngham and William Lord Hastynges and Lord Chamberlain, both men of honour and of great power, the one by long sucecession from his ancestors, the other by his offices and the kings favour. These two not bearing each to other so much love as hatred, both to the queens blood accorded together with the duke of gloucester that they would remove from the king all his mother's friends, under the name of their enemies. Whereupon the duke of gloucester being advertised that the lords about the king intended to bring him to London to his coronation, accompanied with such a number of their friends that it should be hard for him to bring his purpose to pass without the assemblinge and gathering of people and in manner of open war, whereof the end he wist was doubtful, and in the which, the king being on the other side, he should have the name and face of rebellion. He secretly therefore by divers means, caused the queen to be persuaded that it was neither need and should also be ieopardeous the king to come up so strong, for as now, every lord loved other and none other thing studied for, but the triumph of his coronation and honour of that king. And the lords about the king, should assemble in the kings name much people, they should give the lords betwixt whom and them there had been some time debate, to fear and suspect least they should gather this people, not for the kings safeguard, whom no man impugned, but for their destruction, having more regard to their old variance then to their new atonement, for the which cause they on the other part might assemble men also for their defence, whose powers she wist well far stretched, and thus should all the realm fall in a roar, and of the mischief that thereof should ensue (which was likely to be not a little) the most harm was like to fall where she least would, and then all the world would put her and her kindred in the blame, saying that they had unwselye and untruly broken the amity and peace which the king her husband had so prudently made between her kindred & his, which amytee his kin had always observed. The queen being thus persuaded sent word to the king and to her brother, that there was no cause ner need to assemble any people, and also the duke of gloucester and other lords of his bend wrote unto the king so reverently and to the queens friends there so lovingly, that they nothing earthly mystrusting, brought the young king toward London with a sober company in great haste (but not in good speed) till he came to Northampton, and from thence he removed to Stony stratford On which day, the two dukes and their bend came to Northampton, feigning that Stony stratforde could not lodge them all, where they found the Earl Rivers, intending the next moruing to have followed the king, and to be with him early in the morning. So that night the dukes made to the earl Rivers friendly cheer but assoon as they were departed very familiar with great courtesy in open sight and the earl Rivers lodged, the ii dukes with a few of their privy friends fell to council wherein they spent a great part of the night, and in the dawning of the day they sent about privily to their servants in their lodgings to haste to horseback for their lords were in manner ready to ride, whereupon all their servants were ready or the Lord Rivers servants were awake. Now had the dukes taken the keys of the in in to their possession, so that none should issue out without their concent. And over this in the high way toward Stony stratforde they set certain of their folks that should cause and compel to return again all persons that were passing from Nonrthampton to Stony stratforde, saying that the duke's theim selfes would be the first that should come to the king from Northampton, thus they bore folks in hand. But when the earl Rivers understood the gates closed and the ways on every side beset, neither his servants, neither himself suffered to go out, perceiving so great a thing without his knowledge, not begun for nought, comparing this present doing with the last nights cherein so few hours, so great a chance marueleously misliked it. Howbeit, sith, he could not get away, he determined not to keep himself close, least he should seem to hide himself for some secret fear of his own fault, whereof he saw no such cause in himself, wherefore, on the surety of his own conscience he determined to go to them and to inquire what this matter might mean. Whom assoon as they saw, they began to quarrel with him, affirming that he pretended to set distance between the king and them to bring them to confusion, which should not lie in his power and when he began as he was an el oequent man) in godly wise to excuse himself they would not here his answer but took him by force and put him to ward. And then he mounted on horseback and came in Stony stratford where the king was going to horseback, because he would leave the lodging for them, for it was to straight for both the companies. And when they came to his presence they alighted and their company about them, and on their knees saluted him, and he them gently received, nothing earthly knowing ner mistrusting as yet. The duke of Buckyngham said aloud, on afore gentlemen and yomennes keep your rooms, and therewith in that king his presence they picked a quarrel to the lord Richard Grey the queens son and brother to the lord marquis & half brother to the king, saying that he and the marquis his brother and the lord Rivers his uncle had compassed to rule the king & the realm and set variance between th'estates, and to subdue and destroy the noble blood of the realm. And toward th'accomplishment of the same, they said the lord marquis had entered into the tour of London, & thence had taken out treasure and sent men to the sea, which things these dukes knew well were done for a good purpose & as very necessary, appointed by that whole counsel at London, but somewhat they must have said, unto the which words the king answered: what my brother Marquis hath done I cannot say, but in good faith I dare well answer for mine uncle Rivers and my brother here, that they be innocent of such mattiers, ye my liege ꝙ the duke of Buckyngham, they have kept the dealing of these matters far from the knowledge of your good grace, and forthwith they arrested the lord Richard and sir Thomas Vaugham and sir Richard Hawte in the king his presence & brought the king and all to Northampton, where they took further counsel in their affairs. And there they sent from the king whom it pleased them, and set about him such servants as better pleased them then him. At which dealing he wept, but it booted not. And at dinner the duke of Gloucester sent a dish from his own table to the lord Rivers, praying him to be of good cheer and all should be well, he thanked him and prayed the messenger to bear it to his nephiewe the lord Richard with like words, whom he knew to have need of comfort, as one to whom such adversity was strange, but he himself had been all his days ennured therewith and therefore could bear it. But for all this message, the duke of Gloucester sent the lord Rivers, the lord Richard and sir Thomas Vaughm and sir Richard Hawte into the Northparties into divers prisons, but at last all came to Poumfrette where they all four were beheaded without iudge●et. In this manner as you have heard, the duke of Gloucester took on him the governance of the young king, whom with much reverence he conveyed towards London. These tidings came hastily to the queen before midnight by a very sore report, that the king her son was taken and that her brother and her other son and other her friends were arrested and sent, no man wist whither. With this heavy tidings the queen bewailed her child's ruin, her friends mischance and her own infortune, cursing the time that ever she was persuaded to leave the gathering of people to bring up the king with a great power, but that was passed, and therefore now she took her younger son the duke of York and her daughters and went out of the palace at Westminster into the sanctuary and there lodged in the abbots place, and she and all her children and company were registered for sanctuary persons. The same night there came to doctor Rotheram archbishop of York and lord chauceloure a messenger from the lord chambrelayne to York place beside Westminster, the messenger was brought to the bishops bed side and declared to him that that dukes were gone back with the young king to Northampton, and declared ferther, that the lord Hastynges his master sent him word that he should fear nothing for all should be well. (Well ꝙ the bishop,) be it as well as it will, it will never be so well as we have seen it, and then the messenger depar●ted. Whereupon the bishop called up his servants before day light, and took with him the great seal and came before day to the queen about whom he found much heaviness, rumble, haste, business, converghaunce and carriage of her stuff into sanctuary, every man was busy to carry, bear and convey stuff, chests and ferdelles, no man was unoccupied, and some carried more than they were commanded to another place. The queen sat alone below on the rushes all desolate and dysmaied, whom the archbishop comforted in the best manner that he could, showing her that the matter was nothing so sore as she took it for, and that he was put in good hope and out of fear by the message sent to him from the lord hastings. A woe worth him ꝙ the queen for it is he that goeth about to destroy me and my blood. Madame ꝙ he, be of good comfort and I assure you, if they crown any other king than your son whom they now have, we shall on the morrow crown his brother whom you have here with you. And here is the great seal, which in likewise as your noble husband delivered it to me, so I deliver it to you to the use of your son and therewith delivered her the great seal, and departed home in the dawning of the day, and when he opened his windows and looked on the Themies, he might see the river full of boats of the duke of gloucester his servants watching that no person should go to sanctuary ner none should pass unserched. Then was there great rumour and commotion in the city and in other places, the people diversly divined upon this dealing. And diverse lords knights and gentlemen, either for favour of the queen or for fear of themselves, assembled companies together and went flocking together in harness And many also, for that they recompted this demeanour attempted, not so especially against other lords as against the king himself in the disturbance of his coronation, therefore they assembled by and by together to common of this matter at London. The archbishop of York fearing that it would be ascribed (as it was in deed) to overmuch lightness that he so suddenly had yielded up the great seal to the queen, to whom the custody thereof nothing appertained without especial commandment of that king secretly sent for the seal again & brought it with him after the accustomed manner to meet with the lords. At this meeting was the lord Hastynges, whose truth toward the king no man doubted nor needed not to doubt, persuaded the lords to believe, that the duke of gloucester was faithful & sure towards his prince, and that that lord Rivers, the lord Richard and other knights apprehended, were for matters attempted by them against the dukes of gloucester & Buckyngham put under arrest, for their surety, and not for the kings icopardye, and that they were also in safeguard there to remain, till the matter were (not by the dukes only) but also by all the other lords of the kings council indifferently examined, and by their discretions ordered and either judged or appeased. And one thing he advised them to beware of, that they judged not the matter to farforth or they knew the truth, nor turning their private grudges into the comen hurt, irriting and provoking men unto anger, and disturbing the kings coronation, toward which the dukes were coming, for that then might peradventure bring that matter so far out of joint, that it should never be brought in frame again, which if it should hap as it were likely to come to a field, though all parties were in all other things equal, yet should the authority be on that side, where the king is himself, with these persuasions of the lord Hastynges, whereof part he himself belcued, and of part he wist well the contrary, these commotions were somewhat appeased. But in especial, because the dukes of Buckyngham and gloucester were so near and came on so shortly with the king, in none other manner, nor none other voice or sembleaunce then to his coronation, causing the fame to be blown about that such persons as were apprehended had contrived the destruction of the dukes of gloucester and of Buekyngham and other of the noble blood of this realm, to th'intent that they alone would rule and govern the king. And for the colour thereof, such of the duke's servants as road with the carts of their stuff which were taken, among the which stuff no marvel though some were harness which at the breaking up of such an household must be brought away or cast away, they showed to the people, and as they went said: lo, here be the barrels of harness that these traitors had privily conveyed in their carriages to destroy the noble lords withal. This diverse, (although it made the matter to wise men more unlikely) well perceiving that thentendoures of such a purpose would rather have had their harness on their backs, then to have bound them up in barrels, yet much part of the comen people were therewith right well satisfied. When the king approached near the city, Edmonde shaw Goldesmythe then Mayre of the city with the aldremennes and shreves in scarlet, and five hundredth commoners in murray received his grace reverently at Harnesaye park, and so conveyed him to the city, where he entered the fourth day of may, in the first and last year of his reign, and was lodged in the bishops palace, but the duke of Goucetre bore him in open sight so reverently, saying to all men as he road, behold your prince and sovereign lord, and made such sembleaunce of lowliness to his prince, that from the great obloquy that he was in so late before, he was suddenly fallen in so great trust, that at the council next assembled he was made the only chief ruler and thought most meet to be protector of the king and his realm, so that, were it destiny or were it folly, the lamb was betaken to the wolf to keep. At which council the archbishop of york was sore blamed for delivering the great seal to the queen, and the seal taken from him and delyveto doctor john russel bishop of Lyncolne, a wise man and a good and of much experience, and diverse lords and knights were appointed to diverse rooms, the lord chamberlain and some other kept the rooms that they were in before, but not many. Now were it so that the protector (which always you must take for the duke of gloucester) sore thrusted for the acheving of his pretenced enterprise and thought every day a year till it were performed, yet durst he no ferther attempt aslong as he had but half his pray in his hand, well witting that if he deposed the one brother, all the realm would fall to the other, if he remained in sanctuary or should happily be shortly conveyed to his farther liberty. Wherefore in continent at the next meeting of the lords in council, he purposed to them that it was an heinous thing of the queen, & proceeding of great malice toward the kings counsellors that she should keep the kings brother in sanctuary from him whose special pleasure & comfort were to have his brother with him, and that to be done by her to none other intent but to bring all the lords in an obloquy and murmur of the people, as though they were not to be trusted with the kings brother, which lords were by that whole ass●t of the nobles of that realm appointed as that kings near friends to the tuytion of his royal person, the prosperity whereof (ꝙ he) standeth not alonely from the keeping of enemies & evil dyate, but partly also in recreation & moderate pleasure, which he cannot take in his tender youth in the company of old & ancient persons, but in the familiar conversation of those that be not far under nor far above his age, & nevertheless of estate convenient to accompany his majesty wherefore with whom rather then with his own brother and if any man think this consideration light (I think no man so thinketh that loveth the king) let him consider that sometime that with out small things, greater cannot stand, and verily it redoundeth greatly to the dishonour of the kings highness and of all us that be about his grace to have it come in any man's mouth, not in this realm only, but also in other lands (as evil words walk far) that the kings brother should be fain to keep sanctuary. For every man will judge that no man will so do for nought, & such opinions fastened in men's hearts be hard to be wrested out, and many grow to more grief than any man here can divine. Wherefore me thinketh it were not the worst to send to the queen some honourable and trusty parsonage, such as tendereth the kings weal and the honour of his counsel, and is also in credit and favour with her, for which considerations none seemeth more meately to me then the reverend father my Lord Cardinal archbishop of Cauntourbury, who may in this matter do most good of all men if it please him to take the pain, which I doubt not of his goodness he will not refuse for the kings sake & ours and wealth of the young duke himself the king's most honourable brother and for the comfort of my sovereign Lord himself my most dearest Nephiewe, considering that thereby shallbe ceased the slanderous rumour & obloquy now going abroad, and the hurts avoided that thereof might ensue, then must rest and quietness grow to all the realm. And if she percase be obstinate and so precisely set in her own will and opinion, that neither his wise and faithful advertisement can move her, nor any man's reason satisfy her, them shall we by mine advice by the kings authority fetch him out of that prison and bring him to his noble presence, in whose continual company he shallbe so well cherished and so honourably entreated that all the world shall to our bonoure and her reproach perceive that it was only malice, frowardness & folly, that causeth her to keep him there. This is my mind for this time, except that any of you my Lords any thing per ceave to the contrary, for never shall I by God's grace so wed myself unto mine own will but I shallbe ready to change it upon your better advice. When the protector had said, all the council affirmed that the motion was good and reasonable, and to the king and the duke his brother honourable, and a thing that should cease great murmur in the realm if the mother might by good means be induced to deliver him, which thing the Archbishop of Cauntourburye, whom they all agreed also to be most convenient thereunto, took upon him to move her, and thereto to do his uttermost endeavour. How be it if she could in no wise be entreated with her good will to deliver him, than thought he and such of the spirytualtye as were present, that it were not in any wise to be attempted to take him out against her will, for it would be a thing that should turn to the grudge of all men and high displeasure of God, if the privilege of that place should be broken which had so many years been kept, which both kings and bishops had granted and confirmed, which ground was sanctified by saint Peter himself more then. v hundredth years agone, and sith that time was never so undevout a king that ever enterprised that sacred privilege to violate, nor so holy a bishop that durst presume the church of the same to consecrate, and therefore ꝙ the archbishop, God forbid that any man should for any earthly enterprise break the immunyte and liberty of that sacred Sanctuary that hath been the safeguard of so many a good man's life, but I trust ꝙ he, we shall not need it, but for any manner of need I would we should not do it, I trust that she with reason shallbe contented & all thing in good manner obtained. And if it hap that I bring it not to pass, yet shall I further it to my best power so that you all shall perceive my good will diligence & endeavour. But the mother's dread & womanish fear shallbe the let if any be. Nay womanish, frowardness ꝙ the duke of Buckingham, for I dare take it on my soul that she well knoweth that she needeth no such thing to fear either for her son or for herself. For as for her, here is no man that will be at war with women, would God some men of her kin were women to, and then should all be soon in rest. How be it, here is none of her kin the less loved for that they be of her kin, but for their own evil deserving. And put the case that we neither loved her nor her kin, yet there were no cause why we should hate the kings noble brother to whose grace we ourselves be kin, whose honour if she desired as our dishonour, and asmuch regard took to his wealth as to her own will, she could be as loath to suffer him to be absent from the king as any of us, if she had any wit as would God she had as good will as she hath froward wit. For she thinketh herself no wiser than some that are here, of whose faithful minds she nothing doubteth, but verily believeth & know legeth that they would be as sorry of his harm as her own self, and yet they would have him from her, if she abide there. And we all I think be content that both her children be with her if she came from thence and be in such place where they may be with their honour. Now if she refuse in the deliverance of him to follow the wisdom of them, whose wisdom she knoweth, whose approbate fidelity she trusteth: it is easy to perceive that frowardness letteth her, and not fear. But go to, suppose that she feareth as who may let her to fear her own shadow, the more she feareth to deliver him, the more we ought to fear to leave him in her hands, for if she cast such fond doubts that she fear his hurt, then will she fear that he shall be fet thence, for she will soon think that if men were set (which God forbid) on so great a mischief, the Sanctuary will little let them which sanctuary good men as me thinketh might without sin: somewhat less regard than they do. Now than if she doubt least he might be fetched from her, is it not licklye that she will send him some where out of the realm? verily I look for none other. And I doubt not but she now as sore mindeth it, as we mind the let thereof. And if she might hap to bring that purpose to pass (as it were no great mastery to do we letting her alone) all that world would say that we were a sort of wise counsellors about a king to let his brother to be cast away under our noses. And therefore I ensure you faithfully for my mind, I will rather maugre her stomach fetch him away, then leave him there till her fear or fond froward fear convey him away, and yet will I break no sanctuary, for verily sith the privilege of that place & other of that sort have so long continued I would not go about to break it, but if they were now to begin I would not be he that should make them, yet will not I say nay, but it is a deed of pity, that such men as the chance of the sea or their evil debtor have brought into poverty, should have some place of refuge to keep in their bodies out of the danger of their cruel credytoures. And if it fortune the crown to come in question as it hath done before this time while each part taketh other for traitors, I think it necessary to have a place of refuge for both. But as for thieves and murderers, whereof these places be full, and which never fall from their craft after they once fall thereunto, it is pity that ever sanctuary should save them, and in especial wilful murderers, whom God commandeth to be taken from the altar and to be put to death. And where it is other wise then in these cases, there is no need of sayntuaryes, appointed by God in the old law. For if necessity of his own defence or misfortune dryved him to that deed then a pardon serveth him, which either is granted of course, or the king of pity and compassion giveth. Now look how few sanctuary men there be whom necessity or misfortune compelled together? And then see on the other side, what a sort there be commonly therein of such, whom wilful unthryftines hath brought to naught what a rabble of thieves, murderers and malicious heinous traitors be, and that in two places specially, the one at the elbow of the city, & the other in the very bowels, I dare well a vow it if you way the good that they do with the hurt that cometh of them ye shall find it much better to lose both, then to have both. And this I say although they were not abused (as they now be and so long have been) that I fear me ever they willbe while men be a feared to set to their hands to the a mendement, as though God and saint Peter were the patrons of ungracious living. Now unthrifts riot, and run in debt upon boldness of these places, yea, and rich men run thither with poor men's goods, there they build, there they spend and bid their creditors go whystel. men's wives run thither with their husbands plate, & say they dare not abide with their husbands for beting, thieves bring thither stolen goods & live thereon. There devise they new robberies nightly & steel out & rob, reave, & kill men & come again into those places, as though those places gave them not only a safeguard for the harm that they have done, but a licence also to do more mischief, howbeit, much of this great abusion, (if wise men would set their hands thereunto) might be a mended, with great thanks of god and no breach of the privilege. The conclusion is, sith it is so long a go I wot not what pope and what prince more piteous than politic, hath granted it, & other men sense of a religious fear have not broken it, let us take a pain with it, & let it stand a Gods name in his force, as farforth as reason will, which is not so ferfourth as may serve to let us of the fetching forth of this noble man to his honour and wealth out of that place in the which neither is neither can be a sanctuary or privileged man. A sanctuary ever serveth to defend the body of that man that standeth in dangers abroad, not of great hurt only, but of lawful hurt. For against unlawful hurts & harms no pope ner king intended to privilege any one place wherein it is lawful for one man to do another man wrong. That no man unlawfully take hurt, that liberty the king, the law and very nature for biddeth in every place and maketh to that regard for every man every place a sanctuary: but where a man is by lawful means in parel, there needeth he the tuytion of some special privilege, which is the only ground of all sanctuaries, from which necessity this noble prince is far, whose love to his king, nature and kindred proveth, whose innocenty to all the world, his tender youth affirmeth & so sanctuary as for him is not necessary ner none he can have. Men come not to sanctuary as they come to baptim to require it by his godfathers, he must ask it himself that must have it, & reason sith no man hath cause to have it, but whose conscience of his own fault maketh him havened to require it, what will the hath yonder babe, which if he had discretion to require it if need were, I dare say would be right angry with them that keep him ther. And I would think without any scruple of conscience, without any breach of privilege to be somewhat more homely with them that be their sanctuary men indeed that if one go to sanctuary with another man's goods, why should not the king leving his body at liberty satisfy the party of his goods even within the sanctuary, for neither king nor pope can give any place such a privilege that it shall discharge a man of his debts being able to pay. And with that diverse of the clergy that were there present, whether they said it for his pleasure or as they thought, agreed plainly by that law of God & of the church that the goods of a sanctuary man should be delivered in payment of his debts, and stolen goods to the owner and only liberty reserved to him to get his living with the labour of his hands. Verily ꝙ the duke I think ye say very truth. And what if a man's wife take sanctuary because she list to run from her husband? I would think if she can allege none other cause he may lawfully without any displeasure done to saint Peter, take her out of saint Peter's church by the arm. And if no body may be taken out of sanctuary because he saith he will abide there, then if a child will take sanctuary because he feareth to go to school, his master must let him alone, and as simple as that example is, yet is there less reason in our case then in it, for there though it be a childish fear, yet is there at the least some fear, and herein is no fear at all And verily I have heard of sanctuary men, but I never hard before of sanctuary children, & there fore as for the conclusion of my mind, whoso ever may deserve to have need of it, if they think it for their surety let them keep it, but he can be no sanctuary man that hath neither discretion to desire it, ner malice to deserve it, whose life ner liberty can by no lawful process stand in jeopardy, and he that taketh one out of sanctuary to do him good, I say plainly he breaketh no sanctuary. When the duke had done, the temporal men wholly, and the most part of the spiritual men also think no hurt earthily mente toward the baby, condescended in effect, that if he were not delivered he should be fetched out. Howbeit they thought it best in avoiding of all manner of rumour, that the cardinal should first assay to get him with her good will. And thereupon all the counsel came to the star chamber at Westmynster, and the cardinal leaving the protector and other lords in the star chamber departed into the sanctuary to the queen accompanied with certain lords, were it for that respect of his honour or that she should by the persons of so many perceive that his errand was not only one man's mind, or were it for that the protector intended not in this matter to trust one man alone, or else if she finally were determined to keep him, some of the company had peradventure some secret instruction incontinent maugre her will to take him and to leave her no respite to convey him. When the queen and the lords were come together in presence, the cardinal showed unto her that it was thought to the lord protector and the whole caunsaill that her keeping of that kings brother in that place highly sounded, not only to that grudge of the people and their obloquy, but also to the unportable grief and displeasure of that king his royal majesty, to whose grace it were a singular comfort to have his natural brother in company, and it was their bothes dishonoures and theirs & hers also to suffer him in sanctuary, as though the one brother stood in danger and peril of the other. And he showed her ferther that the whole counsel had sent him to require of her the delivery of him that he might be brought to that king his presence at his liberty out of that place which meune reckoned as a prison, & there should he be demeaned according to his estate and degree, and she in this doing should both do great good to the realm, pleasure to the counsel, profit to herself, succour to her friends that were in distress, & over that, which he witted well she specially tendered, not only great comfort & honour to the king but also to the young duke himself, whose both great wealth it were to be together, aswell for many greater causes as also for their both disport & recreation, which things the lords esteemed not sleight, though it seemed light, well pond ring that their youth without recreation and play cannot endure, ner any estraunger for the conveniency of both their estates so meetly in that point for any of them as the either of them for the other. My lord (ꝙ the queen,) I say not nay but that it were very convenient that this gentleman whom you require were in the company of the king his brother, and in good faith me thinketh it were as great commodity to them both, as for yet a while to be in the custody of their mother the tender age considered of the elder of them both, but in especial the younger, which besides his infancy that also needeth good looking too, hath awhile been so sore diseased with sickness and is so newly rather a little amended then well recovered, that I dare put no person earthily in trust with his keeping, but myself only, considering there is as physicians say, and as we also find) double that peril in the resylynation that was in the first sickness, with which disease nature being sore laboured, forweried & weaked, waxeth the less able to bear out a new surfeit 〈…〉 And albeit there might be founden other that would happily do their best unto him, yet is there none that either knoweth better how to order him than I that so long have kept him, or is more tenderly like to cherish him then his own mother that bore him. No man denieth good madame (ꝙ the cardinal) but that your grace of all folk were most necessary about your children, & so would all that counsel not only be content but also glad that it were if it might stand with your pleasure to be i such place as might stand with their honour. But if you appoint yourself to tarry here, them think they it more convenient the Duke of York were with that king honourably at his liberty to the comfort of them both, than here as a sanctuary man to their both dishonour and obloquy, sith there is not alway so great necessity to have that child with the mother, but that occasion sometime may be such that it should be more expedient to keep him else where, which in this well appeareth, that at such time that your most dearest son them prince & now king should for his honour & good order of the country keep household in Wales far out of your keeping, your grace was well content therewith yourself. Not very well content (ꝙ the queen) & pet the case is not like, for theone was then in health & the other is now sick, in which case I marvel greatly why my lord protector is so desirous to have him in his keeping, where if the child in his sickness miscarried by nature, yet might he run into slander and suspicion of fraud. And they call it a thing so sore against my child's honour and theirs also that he abideth in this place, it is all their honours there to suffer him abide where no man doubteth he shallbe best kept, and that is here while I am here, which as yet intend not to come forth and jeopard myself after other of my friends, which would God were rather here in surety with me, than I were there in jeopardy with them. Why Madam (ꝙ the lord hayward) know you any thing why they should be in jeopardy? Nay verily (ꝙ she,) nor why they should be in prison neither as they now be, but I trow, it is no great marvel though I fear least those that have not letted to put them in durance with out colour, will let as little to procure their destruction without cause. The cardinal made a countenance to the lord Haward that he should harp no more upon that string, and then said he to the queen, that he nothing doubted but those lords of her kin the which remained under a rest should upon the matter ●ramined do well enough, and as toward her noble person, was, neither could be any manner of jeopardy. Whereby should I trust that (ꝙ that queen) in that I am guiltless, as though they were guilty, in that I am with their enemies better beloved than they, when they hate them for my sake, in that I am so near to the king, and how far be they of that would help, as God send grace they hurt not. And therefore as yet I purpose not to depart hence, as for this gentleman my son, I mind he shall be where I am till I see further, for I see some men so greedy whthout any substantial cause to have him, which maketh me much more afraid and scrupulous to deliver him. Truly madame (ꝙ the cardinal) the more afraid that ye be to deliver him, the more other men feareth to suffer you to keep him, least your causeless fear, might cause you farther to convey him, & many think he can here have no privilege which can have neither will to ask it, nor yet malice or offence to need it. And therefore, they reckon no privilege broken, although they fetch him out of sanctuary, which if you finally refuse to deliver him, I think verily the council will enfraunchese him, so much dread hath my lord his uncle, for the tender love he beareth him, lest your grace should send him away. Ah (ꝙ the queen) hath he so tender a zeal to him that he feareth nothing, but lest he should escape him? thinketh he that I would send him hence, which is neither in the plight to send out? and in what place could I recone him sure, if he be not sure in sanctuary? whereof was there never tyrant yet so devilish, that durst attempt to break the privilege, and I trust God is now as strong to withstand his adversaries as ever he was. But my son can deserve no sanctuary (you say) and therefore he cannot have it, forsooth the lord protector hath sent a goodly gloze, by the which that place that may defend a these may not save an innocent: but he is in no jeopardy nor hath no need thereof, I would God he had not. Troweth the protector I pray God he may prove a protector, rather than a destroyer, whereunto his painted process draweth. Is it not honourable that the duke bide here? it were comfortable to them both that he were with his brother, because the king lacketh a play feloe, yea be you sure, I pray God send him better playefelowes than him that maketh so high a matter upon such a tryfleing pretext, as though there could none be found to play with the king, but if his brother which hath no lu 〈…〉 to play for sickness, must come out of Sanctuary, out of his safeguard to play with him, as though that princes so young as they be●, could not play without their peers, or children could not play without their kindred, with whom for the more part they agree much woorsse then with strangers. But the child you say cannot require the privilege, who told the protector so? Ask him and you shall hear him ask it and so shall he if ye will. Howbeit this is a strange matter, suppose he could not ask it and think he would not ask it, and ymagene he would ask to go out, if I say he shall not. Note if I ask the privilege, but for myself, I say that he that against my will taketh out him, breaketh Sanctuary. Serveth this liberty for my person only or for my goods too? you may not from hence take my horse from me, if I stolen him not nor own you nothing, then followeth it, that you may not take my child from me, he is also my ward, for as far as my learned council showeth me, he hath nothing by dyssente holden by knights servage, but by socage, than the law maketh me his garden, then may no man lawfully (I suppose) take my ward from me out of this place, without the breach of Sanctuary, and if my privilege could not serve him, nor he ask it for himself, yet sith the law committeth to me the custody of him, I may require it for him, except the law give the infaunte a garden only for his goods, discharging him of the cure and savekeping of his body, for which only, both goods and lands serve. Wherefore here intend I to keep him, sith man's law serveth the garden to keep the infant, and the law of nature willeth the mother to keep that child, and God's law privilegeth the Sanctuary, and the Sanctuary pryvyledgeth my son, sith I fear to put him to the protectors hands, that hath his brother already, which is (if both failed) inheritor to the crown as heir male, as he saith. The cause of my fear no man hath to do to examen, and yet fear I no further than the law feareth, which as learned men tell me, forbiddeth every man the custody of them, by whose death he may inherit less land than a kingdom, I can say no more, but whosoever he be that breaketh this holy sanctuary, I pray God send him shortly need of Sanctuary, when he may not come to it, for I would not that my mortal enemy should be taken out of Sanctuary. The cardinal perceived that the queen ever that longer the farther of, and also that she began to kindle and chafe and spoke sore biting words against the protector, and such as he neither believed & also was loath to here, he said to her, for a final conclusion, that he would no more dispute the matter, and if she were content to deliver the duke to him and to the other lords there present, he durst lay his own body and soul both in pledge, not only for his surety, but also for his estate, and surely he knew nor suspected no cause but he might so do (but he knew not all.) And further he said, if she would give him a resolute answer to the contrary he would therewith depart incontinent, and shift who so would with this business afterward, for he never intended further to move her in the matter, in the which he thought that he and all other also, save herself, lacked either wit or truth. Wit if they were so dull, if they nothing could perceive what the protector intended, and if they should procure her son to be delivered into his hands, in whom they should perceive towards the child any evil will intended, than she might think all the council both evil advised and of little fidelity to their prince. The queen with these words stood in a great study, and forasmuch as she saw the lord cardinal more readier to depart then the remanant, and the protector himself ready at hand, so that she verily thought that she could not keep him there, but he should be incontinent taken thence, and to convey him else where, neither had she time to serve her, nor place determined, nor persons appointed to convey him, and so all thing was unready, when this message came so suddenly on her, nothing less looking for then to have him out of sanctuary, which she knew now men to be set in all places about that he could not be conveyed out untaken, and partly as she thought, it might fortune her fear to be false: so well she witted it was either need less or botelesse. Wherefore, if she should needs go from him, she deemed best to deliver him, & specially of that cardinals faith she nothing doubted nor of some other lords whom she saw there, which as she feared least, they might be deceived, so well was she assured that they would not be corrupted, then thought she that it would make them the more warily to look to him, and the more circum spectly to see his surety, if she with her own hands betook him them by trust, and at the last she took the young duke by the hand and said unto the Lords, my Lord ꝙ she and all my lords, neither am I so unwise to mistrust your wits nor so suspicyous to mistrust your truths: of which thing I purpose to make such a proof that if either of both lacked in you, might turn both me to great sorrow, the realm to much harm and you to great reproach. For lo, here is ꝙ she this gentleman, whom I doubt not but I could keep self if I would, whatsoever any man say and I doubt not also but there be some abroad so deadly enemies unto my blood, that if they wist where any of it lay in their own body they would let it out, we have also experience that the desire of a kingdom knoweth no kindred, the brother hath been the brother's bane, and may the nephews be sure of the uncle? each of these children are others defence while they be asunder, and each of their lives lieth in others body, keep one self and both be sure, and nothing to both more perilous, then both to be in one place, for a wise merchant never aventureth all his good des in one ship, all this notwithstanding, here I deliver him & his brother in him to keep, to your hands, of whom I shall ask them both before God and the world. faithful you be and that I wots well, and I know you be wise and of power and strength if you list to keep him, for you lack no help of yourselves, nor need to lack no help in this case, & if you cannot else where, then may you leave him here. But only one thing I beseech you, for the trust that his father put you in ever and for the trust that I put you in now, that as far as you think that I fear to much, ye be well ware that you fear not to little. And therewith all she said to that child, far well mine own sweet son, God send you good keeping, let me once kiss you or you go, for God knoweth when we shall kiss together again, & therewith she kissed him and blessed him and turned her back & wept, going her way, leaving the poor innocent child weeping as fast as the mother. When the Cardinal and the other lords had received the young duke, they brought him into the star chaumbre, where that protector took him in his arms and kissed him with these words, now welcome my lord with all my very heart and he said in that of likelihood even as he inwardly thought, and thereupon, forthwith brought him to the king his brother into the bishops palace at Paul's, and from thence thorough the city honourably into the tower, out of which after that day they never came abroad. when the protector had both the children in his possession, ye and that they were in a sure place, he then began to thirst to see the end of his enterprise and to avoid all suspicion, he caused all the Lords which he knew to be faithful to the king to assemble at Baynard's castle to comen of the order of the coronation while he and other of his complices and of his affinity at Erosbyes' place contrived the contrary & to make the Protectors king, to which counsel there were adhibite very few, and they very secret. Then began here & there some manner of muttering amongst the people as though all thing should not long be well though they wist not what they feared nor wherefore: were it, that before such great things men's hearts (of a secret instyncte of nature) misgiveth them, as that southwind sometime swelleth of himself before a tempest, or were it that some one man happily perceiving, filled many men with suspicion, though he showed few men what he knew, howbeit, the dealing itself made to much on the matter, though the counsel were close, for little and little all folk drew from the tower where the king was, and drew to Crosbyes place, so that the protector had all the resort, and the king in manner desolate, while some made suit unto them that had the doing, some of them were by their friends secetely warned, that it might happily turn them to no good to be to much attendaunte on the King without the Protectors appointment, which removed diverse of the kings old servants from him, and set new in their rooms about him. Thus many things coming together, partly by chance and partly by purpose, caused at length, not common people only which waver with the wind, but wise men also and some Lords to mark the matter & muse thereupon, in so much as the lord Stanley which afterward was earl of Derby wisely mistrusted it and said to that lord hastings, that he much misiyked these two several counsels, for while we ꝙ he talk of one matter at that one place, little wots we whereof they talk in the other place. Well ꝙ the Lord Hastynges, on my life never doubt you, for while one man is there which is never thence, neither can there be any thing once minded that should sound amiss toward me, but it should be in mine ears or it were well out of their mouths. This meant he by Catesby which was near of his secret council, and whom he familyerly used in his most weighty matters, putting no man in so special trust as him, sith he wist well there was no man to him so much beholding as was this Catesbye, which was a man well learned in the laws of this land, and by the special favour of the lord Hastynges in good authorytee and much rule bare in the countries of Leicestre and Northampton where that lord hastings power lay. But surely great pity was it that he had not had either more truth or less wit, for his dissimulation only, kept all that mischief up, in whom if the lord hastings had not put so special trust, that lord Stanley and he with divers other lords had departed into their countries & broken all the dance for many evil signs that he saw, which he now construed all for the best, so surely thought he that there could be no harm toward him in that counsel intended where Catesbye was. And of truth the protector and the duke of Buckyngham made very good sembleaunce unto the lord Hastynges and kept him much in their company. And undoubtedly the protector loved him well, and loath was to have lost him saving for fear lest his life should have quailed their purpose, for the which cause he moved Catesby to prove with some words cast out a far of, whether he could think it possible to win the lord Hastynges to their part. But Catesby, whether he assayed him or assayed him not reported unto him that he found him so fast, and heard him speak so terrible words that he durst no farther break, and of a truth the lord hastings of very trust showed unto Catesby the mistrust that other began to have in the matter. And therefore, he fearing lest their motions might with the lord Hastynges have minished his credence, whereunto only all the matter leaned, procured the protector hastily to rid him, & much the rather, for he trusted by his death to obtain much of that rule which the lord Hastynges bare in his country, the only desire whereof, was the thing that induced him to be procurer & one of the speciallest contrivers of all this treason. Whereupon the lord protector caused a counsel to be set at the tower on the frydaye the xiii day of june, were was much commoning for the honourable solemnity of the coronation, of the which the time appointed approached so near that the pageants were a making day & night at Westminster & victual killed which afterward was cast away These lords thus sitting commoning of this matter, the protector came in among them about ix. of the clock saluting them courteously excusing himself that he had been from them so long, saying merely that he had been a sseper that day. And after a little talking with them he said to the bishop of Ely, my lord you have very good strawberries in your garden at Holborn, I require you let us have a mess of them. Gladly, my lord ꝙ he, I would I had some better thing as ready to your pleasure as that, and with that he sent his servant in all the haste for a dish of strawberries. The protector set the lords fast in commoning and thereupon prayed them to spare him a little, and so he departed and came in again between. x, and xi of the clock into the chamber all changed with a sour angry countenance knitting the brows, frowning and fretting and gnawing on his lips & so set him down in his place. All the lords were dismayed & sore marveled of this manner and sudden change and what thing should him ail. When he had sitten a while thus he began. What were they worthy to have that compass and imagine the destruction of me being so near of blood to the king and protector of this his royal realm? At which question all the lords sat sore astoned, musing much by whom this question should be meant, of which every man knew himself clear. Then the lord Hastynges as he that for the familiarity that was between them, thought he might be boldest with him, answered & said that they were worthy to be punished as heyneous traitors what so ever they were, and all the other affirmed the same, that is ꝙ he yonder sorceces my brother's wife and other with her, meaning the queen, at these words many of the lords were sore abashed which favoured her, but the lord Hastynges was better content in his mind that it was moved by her then by any other that he loved better, albeit his heart grudged that he was not afore made of council in this matter as well as he was of the taking of her kindred and of their putting to death, which were by his assent before devised to be beheaded at Pomfrete, this self same day, in the which he was not ware the it was by other devised that he himself should the same day be beheaded at London: then said the protector in what wise that the sorceress and other of his counsel, as Shore's wife with her affynitee have by their sorcery and wychcrafte this wasted my body, and therewith plucked up his doublet clean to his elbow on his lift arm, where he showed a weryshe withered arm and small as it was never other. And thereupon every man's mind mysgave them, well perceiving that this matter was but a quarrel, for well they wist that the queen was both to wise to go about any such folly, and if she would, yet would she of all folk make Shore's wife least of council whom of all women she most hated as that concubine whom the king her husband most loved Also, there was no man there but knew that his arm was ever such sith the day of his birth Nevertheless the lord Hastynges which from the death of king Edward kept Shore's wife, on whom he somewhat doted in the kings, life, saving it is said that he forbore her for reverence toward his king, or else of a certain kind of fydelitee toward his friend. Yet now his heart somewhat grudged to have her whom he loved so highly accused, and that as he knew well untruely, therefore he answered and said, certainly my lord, if they have so done, they be worthy of heinous ponyshement, what ꝙ the protector, thou servest me I ween with if, and with and, I tell the they have done it, and that I will make good on thy body traitor. And therewith (in a great anger) he clapped his fist on the board a great rap, at which token given one cried treason without the chamber, and therewith a door claped, and in came rushing men in harness as many as the chamber could hold. And anon that protector said to the lord Hastynges, I arrest the traitor, what me lord ꝙ he? yea the traitor ꝙ the protector. And one let fly at the lord Stanley, which shroncke at the stroke and fell under the table, or else his head had been cleft to the teeth for as shortly as he shrancke, yet ran the blood about his ears. Then was the archbishop of York and doctor Morton bishop of Ely and the lord Stanleye taken and divers other which were bestowed in divers chambers, save the lord Hastynges (whom the protector commanded to speed and shrive him apace) for by saint Poull (ꝙ he) I will not dine till I see thy head of, it booted him not to ask why, but hevilie he took a priest at adventure & made a short shrift, for a longer would not be suffered, the protector made so much haste to his dinner, which might not go to it till this murder were done for saving of his ungracious oath. So was he brought forth into the green beside the chapel within the tower, and his head laid downe on a log of timber that lay there for building of the chapel, and there tyrannously stricken of, and after his body & head were interred at Wyndesore by his master king Edward the fourth, whose souls jesus pardon, Amen. A merueleous case it is to here, either the warnings that he should have voided or the tokens of that he could not void. For the next night before his death, the lord Stanley sent to him a trusty messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him, for he was disposed utterly no longer for to abide, for he had a fearful dream in the which he thought that a bore with his tusks so razed them both by the heads that the blood ran about both their shoulders, and for asmuch as the protector gave the boar for his cognisance, he imagined that it should be he. This dream made such a fearful impression in his heart, that he was thoroughly determined no longer to tarry but had his horsso ready, if the lord Hastynges would go with him So that they would ride so far that night, that they should be out of daungere by the next day. A good lord (ꝙ the lord Hastynges) to the messenger, leaneth my lord thy master so much to such trifles and hath such faith in dreams, which either his own fear fantesieth, or do rise in that nights rest by reason of the days thought. Tell him it is plain witchcraft to believe in such dreams, which if they were tokens of things to come, why thinketh he not that we might as likely make them true by our going if we were caught and brought back (as friends fail flyers) for then had the bore a cause likely to raze us with his tusks, as folks that fled for some falsehood, wherefore either is their peril, nor none there is deed, or if any be, it is rather in going then abiding. And if we should needs fall in peril one way or other yet had I liefer that men should see it were by other men's falsehood, then think it were either our own fault or faint and feeble heart, and therefore go to thy master and commend me to him and I pray him to be merry and have no fear, for I assure him, I am assured of that man he wotteth of as I am of mine own hand. God send grace (ꝙ the messenger,) and so departed. Certain it is also that in riding toward the tower the same morning in which he was beheaded, his horse that he accustomed to ride on stumbled with him twice or thrice almost to the falling, which thing although it happeneth to them daily to whom no mischance is toward, yet hath it been as an old evil token observed as a going toward mischief. Now this that followeth was no warning but an envious scorn, the same morning ere he were up from his bed where Shore's wife lay with him all night, there came to him sir Thomas hayward son to the lord Hawarde (the which stirring that morning very early) as it were of courtesy to accompaignie him to the counsel, but forasmuch as the lord Hastynges was not ready, he tarried awhile for him and hasted him away. This sir Thomas, while the lord Hastynges stayed awhile commoning with a priest whom he met in the tower street, broke the lords tale, saying to him merely, what my lord I pray you come on, wherefore talk you so long with that priest, you have no need of a priest yet, and laughed upon him, as though he would say, you shall have need of one son. But little witted the other what he meant (but or night these words were well remembered by them that heard them) so the true lord Hastynges little mistrusted, and was never merrier, ner thought his life in more surety in all his days, which thing is often a sign of change, but I shall rather let any thing pass me then the vain surety of man's mind so near his death: for upon the tower wharf, so near the place where his head was of so soon after, as a man might well cast a ball, a pursyvannt of his own called Hastynges met with him, & of their meeting in the place he was put in remembrance of another time, in which it had happened them to meet before together in the same place, at which time the lord Hastynges had been accused to king Edward by that lord Rivers the queens brother, in somuch that he was for awhile which lasted not long highly in that kings indignation & stood in great fear of himself, & forasmuch as he now met the same pursuivant in the same place the jeopardy so well passed, it gave him great pleasure to talk with him thereof, with whom he had talked in the same place of that matter, and therefore he said Ah Hastynges, art thou remembered when I met the here once with an heavy heart? Ye my lord (ꝙ he) that I remember well, and thanked be God they got no good ner you no harm thereby, thou wouldest say so (ꝙ he) if thou knewest so much as I do which few know yet, and more shall shortly, that meant he that the earl Rivers and that lord Richard and sir Thomas Vaughm should that day be beheaded at Pomfrette, as they were in deed, which act he wist well should be done, but nothing were that that axe hung so near his own head. In faith man (ꝙ he) I was never so sorry ner never stood in so great danger of my life as I did when thou and I met here, and lo the world is turned now, now stand mine enemies in the danger as thou mayst hap to hear more hereafter, and I never in my life merrier nor never in so great surety, I pray God it prove so (ꝙ Hastynges prove ꝙ he? dowtest thou that,) nay nay I warrant thee, and so in manner disposed he entered into the tower, where he was not long on live as you have heard. O lord God the blindness of our mortal nature, when he most feared, he was in most surety, and when he reckoned himself most surest, he lost his life & that within ii hours after. Thus ended this honourable man a good knight and a gentle, of great authority with his prince, of living somewhat dissolute plain and open to his enemy, and sure and secret to his friend, easy to beguile, as he that of good heart and courage foresaw no perils, a loving man and passing well-beloved, very faithful & trusty enough, but trusting to much was his destruction as you may perceive. Now flew the fame of this lords death through the city and farther about like a wind in every man's ear, but the protector immediately after dinner (intending to set some colour upon the matter) sent in all the haste for many substantial men out of the city into the tower, and at their coming, himself with the duke of Buckyngham stood harnessed in old evil favoured bryganders▪ such as no man would ween that they would have vouchesalued to have put on their backs, except some sudden necessity had constrained them. Then the lord protector showed them, that the lord Hastynges and other of his conspiracy had contrived to have suddenly destroyed him and the duke of Buckyngham there the same day in council, & what they intended farther, was as yet not well known of which their treason he had never knowledge before ten of the clock the same fornoone, which sudden fear drove them to put on such harness as came next to their hands for their defence, & so God holp them, that the mischief turned upon them that would have done it, and thus he required them to report. Every man answered fair, as though no man mistrusted the matter, which of truth no man believed. Yet for the farther appeasing of the people's minds, he sent immediately after dinner an Herald of arms with a proclamation through the city of London which was proclaimed in the kings name, that the lord Hastynges with diverse other of his treyterous purpose had before conspired, the same day to have slain the protector and the duke of Buckyngham sitting in counsel, & after to have taken upon them the rule of the king and the realm at their pleasure, and thereby to pill and spoil whom they list uncomtrolled, and much matter was devised in the same proclamation to the slander of the lord Hastynges, as that he was an evil counsellor to the kings father, enticing him to many things highly redounding to the minisshing of his honour and to the universal hurt of his realm, by his evil company and synister procuring and ungracious example, aswell in many other things as in vicious living and inordynate abusion of his body, both with many other and in especial with Shore's wife which was one of his secret counsel of this heinous treason, with whom he lay nyghtlye, and namely the night passed next before his death, so that it was the less marvel if ungracious living brought him to an unhappy end, which he was now put to by the commandment of the king his highness and of his honourable and faithful counsel, both for his demerits being so openly taken in his false contrived treason, and also lest the delaying of his execution might have encouraged other mischievous persons partners of his conspiracy, to gather and assemble themselves together in making so great commotion for his delyucraunce, whose hope now being by his well deserved death pollytickelye repressed, all the realm shall by God's grace rest in good quiet and peace. Now was this proclamation made within two hours after he was beheaded, and it was so curyously indited and so fair written in parchment in a fair set hand, and therewith of itself so long aprocesse, that every child might perceive that it was prepared and studied before (and as some men thought, by Catesby) for all the time between his death and the proclamation proclaiming, could scant have sufficed unto the bare writing alone, albeit that it had been in paper and scrybeled forth in haste at adventure. So that upon the proclaiming thereof, one that was schoolmaster at Paul's standing by and comparing the shortness of the time with the length of the matter said to them that stood about him, here is gay goodly cast, fowl cast away for haste. And amarchaunte that stood by him said that it was written by inspiration and prophesy. Now then by and by as it were for anger and not for covetous, the protector sent sir Thomas Hawarde to the house of Shore's wife (for her husband dwelled not with her) which spoiled her of all that ever she had, above the valour of two or three thousand marks, and sent her body to prison. And the protector had laid to her for the manner sake that she intended to witch him, and that she was a counsel with the lord Hastynges to destroy him In conclusion, when no colour could fasten upon these matters, the he laid heinously to her charge that thing that she could not deny, for all the world knew that it was true, and that not withstanding every man laughed to here it then so suddenly, so highly taken, that she was nought of her body. And for this cause as a Godly continent prince clean and faultless of himself, sent out of heaven into this vicious world, for the amendment of men's manners, he caused the bishop of London to put her to open penance, going before a cross on sunday at procession with a taper in her hand. In the which she went in countenance and pace so womanly, and albeit she was out of all her array saving her kirtle only, yet went she so fair and lovely, and namely when the wondering of the people cast a comely rud in her cheeks of the which she before had most miss, that her great shame wan her much praise amongst them that were more amorous of her body then curious of her soul, & many good folk that hated her living and were glad to see sin corrected, yet petied they more her penance then rejoiced it, when they considered that the protector did it more of a corrupt mind then any virtuous affection. This woman was borne in London, well friended, 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ion 〈…〉 h●●●s wife. honestly brought up, and very well married, saving somewhat to soon, her husband an honest & a young citizen, godly & of good substance, but forasmuch as they were coupled or she were well ripe, she not very fervently loved for whom she never longed, which was the thing (by chance) that that more easily made her to incline to that kings appetite, when he required her. Howbeit the respect of his royalty, that hope of gay apparel, ease, pleasure and other wanton wealth was able soon to pierce a soft tender heart, but when the king had abused her, anon her husband being an honest man and one that could his good, not presuming to touch a kings concubine left her up to him all together. When the king died, that lord Hastynges took her, which in the kings days albeit that he was sore enamoured with her, yet he forbore, either for a princely reverence or for a certain friendly faithfulness. Proper she was & fair, nothing in her body that you could have changed, but if you would have wished her somewhat higher. This say they that knew her in her youth, some said and judged that she had been well favoured, and some judged the contrary, whose judgement seemeth like as men guess the beauty of one long before departed, by a scalp taken out of a channel house, & this judgement was in the time of king Henry the eight, in the xviii. year of whose reign she died, when she had nothing but a revealed skin and bone. Her beauty pleased not men so much as her pleasant behaviour, for she had a proper wit and could both read and write, merry in company, ready and quick of answer, neither mute nor full of babble, sometime taunting without displeasure, but not without disport. King Edward would say that he had three concubines, which in diverse properties diversly excelled, one, the merriest, that other the wiliest, the third the holiest harlot in the realm as one, whom no man could get out of the church to any place lightly, but if it were to his bed, the other two were somewhat greater personages than masters Shore, & nevertheless of their humility were content to be nameless and to forbear the praise of these properties. But the meryest was Shores wife in whom the king therefore took great pleasure, for many he had, but her he loved whose favour to say the truth (for it were sin to lie on the devil) she never abused to any man's hurt but to many men's comfort & relief For where the king took displeasure she would mitigate & appease his mind, where men were out of favour, she would bring them into his grace, for many that had highly offended, she opteygned pardon, and of great forfeatures she got remission, and finally, in many weighty suits she stood many men in great stead, either for none or for very small rewards & those rather gay then rich, either for that she was content with the deed well done, or for that she delighted to be sued unto, and to show what she was able to do with the king, or for that that wanton women and wealthy be not always covetous. I doubt not but some man will think this woman to be to slight to be written of, among grave & weighty matters, which they shall specially think that happily saw her in her age & adversity, but me seemeth that chance so much more worthy to be remembered, in how much after wealth she f●ll to poverty, & from richesse to beggary, unfrended out of acquaintance, after great substance after so great favour with her prince, after so great suit and seeking to, as many other men were in their times, which be now famous only by the infamy of their evil deeds, her doings were not much less remembered because they were not so evil, for none use to write an evil turn in marble stone, but a good turn they writ in the dust, which is not worst proved by her, for after her wealth she went begging of many that had begged theim selfes if she had not helped them, such was her chance. Now was it devised by the protector and his counsel, that the same day that the lord chamberlain was beheaded in the tower of London and about the same hour should be beheaded at Poumfret the earl Rivers & the lord Richard the queens son, sir Thomas Vaugham and sir Richard Haute, which as you have hard were taken at Northampton and stony Stratforde by the consent of the lord hastings, which execution was done by the order & in the presence of sir Richard Ratcliff knight, whose service the protector specially used in the council & in the execution of such lawless enterprises, as a man that had been long secret with him, having experience of the world and shrewd wit, short & rude in speech, rough and boysterours of behave our, bold in myshiefe, as far from pity as from fear of God. This knight brought these four persoonnes to the scaffold at the day appointed, and showed to all the people that they were traitors, notsuffering the lords to speak, and to declare their innocency, least their words might have inclined men to pity them and to hate the protector and his part, and so with out judgement and process of the law caused them to be beheaded without other earthly guilt but only that they were good men & true to the king and to nigh to the queen, insomuch as Sir Thomas Vaughan going to his death said, A woe worth them that took the prophecy that. 〈◊〉 should destroy king Edward's children, mea 〈…〉 that by the duke of Clarence lord George which for that suspicion is now dead, but now remaineth Richard. G. duke of gloucester, which now I see is he that shall & will accomplish the prophecy and destroy king Edward's children & all their alyes and friends, as it appeareth by us this day, whom I appeal to the high tribunal of God for his wrongful murder and our true innocency, and then Ratclyffe said, you have well apeled, lay down your head, ye ꝙ Sir Thomas, I die in right, beware you die not in wrong, and so that good knight was beheaded and that other iii and buried naked in the monastery at Pomfret. When the lord hastings and these other lords and knights were thus beheaded & rid out of the way, than the protector caused it to be proclaimed that the coronation for diverse great and urgent causes should be deferred till the second day of Novembre, for than thought he, that while men mused what the matter ment, & while the lords of the realm were about him, out of their own strengths, and while no man wist what to think nor whom to trust, or ever they should have time and space to digest the matter, and make parts, it were best hastily to pursue his purpose and put himself in possession of the crown, or men could have time to devise any wise to resist. But now was all the study, this matter being of itself so heinous might be first broken to the people in such wise as it might be well taken. To this counsel they took diverse such as they thought meetly to be trusted and likely to be induced to that part and able to stand them in stead, either by power or by policy. Among who●e, they made a counsel Edmounde Shaa then mayre of London, which upon trust of his own advancement, where he was of a proud heart, highly desyreous, took on him to frame the city to their appetite. Of spiritual men they took such as had wit and were in authority amongst the people for opinion of their learning and had no scrupulous conscience. Amongst these, had they took Raffe Shaa clerk brother to the Mayor, and Freer Pynkie provincial of the Augustyne Freers, both doctoures in divinity, both great preachers, both of more learning than virtue, of more fame than learning, & yet of more learning then truth. For they were before greatly esteemed among the people, but after that, never none of these two were regarded Shaa made a sermon in praise of the protector before the coronation, and Pynky made one after the coronation, both so full of tedious flattery, that no good man's ears could abide them Pynkye in his sermon so lost his voice that he was fain to leave of and come down in the midst. doctor Shaa by his sermon lost his honesty, and soon after his life, for very shame of the world, into the which he durst never after much come abroad, but the Freer forced for no shame, and so it harmed him the less. Howbeit, some doubt and many think that Pinkey was not of counsel before the coronation but after the common manner fell to flattery after, namely, because his sermounde was not incontinente upon it, but at Saint Mary Spittle the easter after. But certain it is that doctor Shaa was of counsel in the beginning, in so much that they determined that he should first break the matter in a sermond at Paul's cross, in which he should by the authorytee of his preaching induce the people to incline to the protectors ghostly purpose. But now was all the labour and study in the devise of some convenient pretext, for which the people should be content to depose the prince and accept the protector for king. In which diverse things they devised, but the chief thing and the weight of all that invention rested in this, that they should allege bastardy in king Edward himself, or in his children, or both, so that he should seem disabled to inherit the crown by the duke of york and the prince by him. To lay basterdy in king Edward sounded openly to the rebuke of the protectors own mother, which was mother to the both. For in that point could be none other colour, but to pretend that his own mother was an adulteress, but nevertheless he would that point should be less and more finely and closely handled, not even fully plain and directly, but touched a slope craftily, as though men spared in that point to speak all the truth for fear of his displeasure. But that other point concerning the basterdy that they devised to surmise in king Edward's children, that would he should be openly declared and enforced to the uttermost. The colour and pretext whereof cannot be well perceived except we report some things long before done about king Edward's marriages. After king Edward the four had deposed king Henry the vi & was in peasyable possession of the realm, determining himself to marry (as was requisite) both for himself and for the realm, he set the earl of Warwick and diverse other noble men in ambassade to the French king to entreat a marriage between that king and Bona sister to the French king. In which the Earl of Warwick found the parties so toward and willing that he speedily without any difficulty according to his instructions brought the matter to a good conclusion. Now happened it in the mean season, there came to make a suit to the king by petition dame Elyzabeth grey (which after was his queen) than a widow, borne of noble blood specially by her mother, which was Duchess of bedford, and she was married to sir Richard Wooduyle, Lord Rivers her father. Howbeit, this Elyzabeth being in service with queen Margarete wife to king Henrye the sixth, was married to one John grey Esquire whom king Henrye made knight at the last hattayle of saint Albon, but little while he enjoyed his knyghtehoode for at that field he was slain. afterward that king Edward was king & the Earl of warwick being on his ambassad this poor lady made suit to the king to be restored to such small lands as her husband had given her in jointure, whom when the king beheld and heard her speak, as she was both fair and of a good favour, moderate of nature, well made and very wise, he not alonely pitied her, but also waxed enamoured on her, and taking her secretly a side began to enter into talking more familiarly, whose appetite when she perceived, she vertuoslye denied him, but that did she so wisely & that with so good manner & words so well set, that she rather kindled his desire then quenched it. And finally, after many a meeting and much wowing and many great promises she well espied the kings affection toward her so greatly increased that she durstesomewhat the more boldly say her mind, as to him whose heart she perceived more fervently set then to fall of for a word. And in conclusion she showed him plain that as she wist herself to simple to be his wife, so thought she herself to good to be his concubine. The king much marveling of her constancy, as he that had not been wont else where so stiffly said nay, so much esteemed her continency & chastity, that he set her virtue in stead of possession and richesse. And this taking council of his own desire determined in haste to marry her. And after that he was thus appointed & had between them twain insured her then asked he the council of his secret friends, & that in such manner that they might easily perceive that it boted not to say nay, notwithstanding, the duchess of york his mother was so sore moved their with that she dissuaded that marriage as much as she possible might Alleging that it was his honour, profit & surety to mary in some noble progeny out of the realm, whereupon depended great strength to his estate by that affinity and great possibility of increase of his dominions. And that he could not well otherwise do, considering the earl of Warwick had so ferfoorth entered into the matter all ready, which was not like to take it well if all his voyage were in such wise frustrate & his appointment deluded. And she said further that it was not princely to mary his own subject, no greater occasion leading thereunto, no possessions nor other commodity depending thereupon, but only as a rich man would marry his maiden only for a little wanton dotage upon her person. In which marriage many men commend more the maidens fortune then the man's wisdom, and yet she said that there was more honesty than honour in this marriage forasmuch as there is not between a merchant and his maid so great a difference as between a king and his subject, a great prince and a poor widow. In whose person, although there were nothing to be misliked, yet was there said she, nothing so excellent but that it might be found in diverse other that were more meetly (ꝙ she) for your estate, ye and maidens also, the only wydowhead of dame Elizabeth Grey (although she were in all other points and things convenient for you) should suffice as me thinketh to refrain you from her marriage, sith it is an unfitting thing and a great blemish to the sacred majesty of a prince that ought as near to approach prestehoode in cleanness, as he doth in dignity, to be defiled with bigamy in his first marriage. The king made his mother an answer part in earnest & part in plaiemerely, as he that witted himself out of rule, & albeit he would gladly that she should take it well, yet was he at apoynct in his own mind, took she it well or otherwise. Howbeit, somewhat to satisfy her he said, that albeit marriage being a spiritual thing ought rather to be made for the respect of God where his grace inclineth the parties to love together (as he trusted it was in his case) rather then for that regard of any temporal advantage, yet nevertheless him seemed this marriage well considered not to be unprofitable, for he reckoned the amytee of no earthily nation to be so necessary for him as that friendship of his own, which he thought likely to bear him somuch that more hearty favour in that he disdained not to marry with one of his own land, & yet if outward alliance were thought so requisite, he would find the means to enter thereunto much better by other of his kin where all that parties could be contented, then to mary himself wherein he should never happily love, & for the possibility of possessions lose that fruit & pleasure of this that he had already. For small pleasure taketh a man of all that ever he hath beside, if he be wived against his appetite, and I doubt not (ꝙ he,) but there be as you say other that be in every point comparable with her, & therefore I let not them that like them to marry them, no more is it reason that it mislike any man that I mary where it liketh me. And I am sure that my cousin of Warwick, neither loveth me so little, to grudge at that that I love, ner is so unreasonable to look that I should in choice of a wife rather be ruled by his eye then by mine own, as though I were a ward that were bound to marry by a garden. I would not be a king with that condition to forbear mine own liberty in choice of mine own marriage, as for possibylyte of more inheritance by new affinity in strange lands, is oft that occasion of more trouble than profit. And we have already title by that means, as lustiseth to get & keep well in one man's day. That she is a widow & hath already children. By god's blessed lady, I am a bachelor & have some too, & so each of us hath a proof that neither of us is like to be barren. And therefore madame I pray you be content, I trust to God she shall bring forth a young prince that shall please you. And as for the bigamy, let the bishop hardly lay it to my charge when I come to take orders, for I understand it is forbidden a priest but I never witted that it was forbidden a prince. The duchess with these words nothing appeased & seeing that king so set on that she could not pluck him back, so highly she disdained it, that under pretext of her duty to Godward she devised to disturb this marriage, and rather to help that he should marry one dame Elizabeth lucy, whom the king not long before had gotten with child, wherefore the king his mother objected openly against this marriage (as it were in discharge of her conscience) that the king was sure to dame Elizabeth lucy and her husband before God, by reason of which words such obstacle was made in that matter, that either the bishop durst not or the king would not proceed to the solempnisation of the marriage, till this fame were clearly purged, and the truth well and openly testified) whereupon dame Elizabeth lucy was sent for, and albeit she was by the kings mother and many other put in good comfort to affirm that she was assured to the king, yet when she was solemnly sworn to say the truth, she confessed that they were never insured. Howbeit she said his grace spoke such loving words to her, that she verily hoped that he would have married her, and that if such kind words had not been, she would never have showed such kindness to him, to let him so kindly to get her with child. This examination solemnly taken, it was clearly proved that there was no impediment to let the king to mary, wherefore he shortly after at Grafton beside stony stratforde married the lady Elizabeth Grey very privily, which was his enemies wife and had prayed heartily for his loss, in the which God loved her better than to grant her bone, for than had she not been his wife. And altar that she was crowned queen, and her father was created Earl Rivers and her son created Marquis Dorset. But when the Earl of 〈…〉 arwike understood of this marriage, he took it so highly, that thereof ensued much trouble and 〈…〉 ate blooddshed as is declared before in the story of Edward the fourth. I have rehearsed this marriage somewhat the 〈…〉 at length, because it might thereby the better 〈…〉 upon how flight aground the protector 〈…〉 colour, by which he pretended king 〈…〉 ldrens to be bastards, but the in 〈…〉 le as it was liked them to whom it sufficeth to have somewhat to say, while they were sure to be compelled to no larger proof than themselves list to make. Now to return where I left, as I began to show you, it was by the protector & his council concluded that this doctor Shaa should in a sermon at Paul's cross signify to the people that neither king Edward himself ner the duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten, nor were the very children of the duke of York, but begotten unlawfully by other persons by adultery of the duchess their mother. And dame Elizabeth lucy was the very wife of king Edward, & so prince Edward & all the children begotten on the queen were bastards. And according to this device, doctor Shaa the sunday after at Paul's cross in a great audience (as alway a great number assembled to his preaching) came into the pulpit taking for his Theme. Spuria Vitulamina non dabunt radices altos. sapiency quarto. that is to say: Bastard slips shall never take deep roots, whereupon when he had showed the great grace that God giveth and secretly infoundeth in right generation after the laws of matrimony: Then declared he that those children commonly lacked that grace (and for the punishment of their parents) were for the most part unhappy which were gotten in baste, and specially in adultery, of which (though some by the ignorancy of the world and the truth hid from knowledge) have enheryted for a season other men's lands, yet God alway so provideth that it continueth not in their blood long, but the truth coming to light the rightful enheritoures be restored, and the bastard slips plucked up or it can be rooted deep. And when he had laid for the proof and confirmation of this sentence, examples taken out of the old testament and other ancient histories, than began he to descend to the praise of lord Richard duke of York, calling him father of the protector: and declared his title to the crown by inheritance, and also by an entail autorysed by parliament after the death of king Henry the sixth. Then showed he that the lord protector was only the right heir of his body lawfully begotten, then declared he that king Edward was never lawfully married to the queen but his wife before God was dame Elizabeth lucy, and so his children were bastards. And besides that, that neither king Edward himself nor the duke of Clarence (amongst them that were secret in the duke of York's household) were never reckoned surely to be the children of the noble duke, as those that by their favours more resembled other known men then him, from whose virtuous conditions he said also that king Edward was far of. But the lord pretectoure (ꝙ he) that very noble prince, the special patron of knightly prows, aswell in all princely behaviour as in the lyniamentes and favour of his visage representeth the very face of the noble duke his father. This is (ꝙ he) the fathers own figure, this is his own countenance, that very print of his visage, the sure undoubted image, that plain express likeness of that nobble duke. Now was it before devised that in the speaking of these words, the protector should have come in amongst the people to the sermon ward, to th'end that these words so meeting with his presence, might have been taken amongst the hearers, as though the holy ghost had put them in the preachers mouth, & should have moved the people even there to have cried king Richard, that it might have been after said that he was specially chosen by God, and in manner by miracle, but this device quailed either by the protectors negligence or the preachers over hasty diligence. For while the protector found by the way tarrying least he should have prevented these words, the doctor fearing that he should come or his sermon could come to those words hasting his matter thereto, he was come to them & passed them, and entered into other matters or the protector came, whom when he beheld coming, he suddenly left the matter which he had in hand, and without any deduction thereunto, out of all order and out of all frame began to repeat those words again. This is the very noble prince, the especial patron of knyghtlye prows, which aswell in all princely behaviour as in the lyniamentes and favour of his visage representeth the very face of the noble duke of York his father. This is the fathers own figure, this is his own countenance, the very print of his visage, the sure undoubted image, the plain express likeness of that noble duke, whose remembrance can never die while he liveth. While these words were in speaking the protector accompanied with the duke of Buckyngham, went through the people up into the place where the doctors stand and there heard they out the sermon: but the people were so far from crying king Richard that they stood as they had been turned into stones for wonder of this shameful sermon, after which once ended the preacher gate him home and never after durst look out, and when he asked any of his old friends, what the people talked of him, although that his own conscience well showed him that they talked no good, yet when the other answered him, that there was in every man's mouth of him much shame spoken, it so struck him to his heart that in few days after he withered away. Then on the tuesday after next following this sermon, being the. ●vii. day of june there came to the guild hall of London the duke of Buckyngham and diverse lords and knights more than happily knew the message that they brought. And at the east end of the hall where the hoystynges be kept, that duke and the mayre and the other lords sat down, and the aldermen also, all the commons of the city being assembled & standing before them. After silence commanded upon a great pain, in the protectors name. The duke stood up, and as he was well learned and of nature marvel cously well spoken, he said The oration of that duke of Buckingham▪ made ●o the cy 〈…〉 of London. to the people with a clear and a lowed voice. Friends, for the zeal and hearty favour that we bear you, we be come to break of a matter right great & weighty, and no less weighty than pleasing to God and profitable to all the realm, nor to no part of the realm more profitable than to you the citizens of this noble city. For why, the thing that you have long lacked and as we welknowe sore longed for, that you would have given great good for, that you would have gone far to fetch, that thing be we come hither to bring you, without your labour, pain, cost, adventnre or jeopardy. What thing is that? Certes the surety of your own bodies, the quiet of your wives and daughters and the safeguard of your goods. Of all which things in times passed you stood in doubt, for who was he of you all that could recone himself Lord of his own good amongst so many gins and traps as were set therefore, among so much pilling & polling, amongst so many taxes and talliages, of the which there was never end, and oftimes no need and if any were, it grew either of riot or of unreasonable waste then any necessary honourable charge, so that there was daily plucked and pilled from good and honest men great substance of goods, to be lashed out among unthrifts, so farforth that fifteens sufficed not nor any usual terms of known taxes, but under an easy name of benevolence and good will, the commissioners so much of every man took, as no man would with his go will have given. As though that name of benevolence had signified, that every man should pay, not what he of himself of his good will lust to grant, but what that King of his good will lust to take, who never asked little, but every thing was haunsed above the measure, amercyamentes turned into fines, fines into ransoms, small trespasses into misprision, misprision into treason, where of I think that no man looketh that we shall remember of examples by name, as though Burder were forgotten that was for a word spoken, in haste cruelly beheaded by the misconstruing of the laws of the realm for the prince's pleasure, with no less honour to Merkam chief justice then (which lost his office rather than he would assent to that judgement) to the dishonesty of those that other for fear or flattery gave that judgement: what need I to speak of Thomas Cook Aldremanne & maire of this noble city, who is of you either for negligence that wotteth not, or so forget full that he remembreth not, or so heard hearted that he petieth not that worshipful man's loss? what speak I of loss, his wonderful spoil and undeserved destruction, only because it happened them to favour him whom the Prince favoured not. We need not rehearse of these any more by name, sith I doubt not that here be many present that either in theim selfes or their nigh friends, aswell their goods as persons were greatly endangered other by feigned quarrels or small matters aggrieved with heinous names, and also there was no crime so great of which there could lack a pretext. For sith the king preventing the time of his inheritance attained the crown by battle, it sufficed in a rich man for a pretext of treason, to have been of kindred or alliance, nor of familiarity or longer of acquaintance with any of those, that were at any time the kings enemies, which was at one time or another more than half the realm. Thus were neither your goods, neither lands, in surety, & yet they brought your bodies in jeopardy, beside that comen adventure of open war, which albeit, that it is ever that well & occasion of much mischief, yet is it never so mischievous as where any people fall in division, & at all distance among themselves, & in no realm earthly so deadly and so pestilent as when it happeneth amongst us. And among us never continued so long dissension nor so many battles in any season, nor so cruel nor so deadly fought, as were in that kings days that dead is, god forgive it his soul. In whose time and by whose occasion, what about that getting of the garland, keeping it, losing & winning again, it hath cost more English blood then hath the twice winning of France. In which inward war amongst ourselves hath been so great effusion of the ancient noble blood of this realm, that scarcely the half remaineth, to the great enfebling of this nobleland, beside many a good town ransacked & spoiled by them that have been going to that field or returning from thence, & peace after not much surer than war. So that no time was there in the which rich men for their money, & great men for their lands or some other, for some fear or for some displeasure were out of peril. For whom mistrusted he that mistrusted his own brother? Whom spared he that killed his own brother? Can not such manner of folk that he most favoured do somewhat (we shall for his honour spare to speak) howbeit, this ye wot well all, that who so was best bare ever the least rule, & more suit in his days was to Shore's wife, a vile & abominable strumpet then to all the lords in England, except unto those that made her their protector, which simple woman was yet well named & honest till the King for his lust and sinful affeceyon bereft her from her husband, a right honest man and substantial amongst you. And in that point which in good faith I am sorry to speak of, saving that it is vain to keep in council that thing that all men knoweth, the kings greedy appetite was insatiable, and every where over all the realm intolerable. For no woman was there any where, young or old, poor or rich, whom he set his eye upon, whom he any thing liked either for person or beauty, speech, pace or countenance, but without any fear of God, or respect of his honour, murmur, or grudging of the world, he would importunately pursue his appetite & have her, to the great destruction of many a good woman, and great dolour to their husbands and friends, which being honest people of themselves, so much regarded the cleanness of their houses, the chastity of their wives and children, that them were liefer to lose all that they have beside, then to have such a vilame done to them. And albeit that with this and other importable dealing, the realm was in every place annoyed, yet specially you the citizens of this noble city, as for that amongst you is most plenty of such things as minister matter to such injuries, as for that you were nearest hand, sith that near here about was his most common abiding. And yet be ye people whom he had as singular a cause well and truely to entreat, as any part of his realm, not only for that the Prince by this noble city, as of his special chambered and renowned city of this realm, much honourable fame receiveth amongst all other nations, but also for that, you now without your great cost and sundry favours and jeopardies in all his wars bore ever your especial favour to his part, which your kind minds borne to that house of York, sith he hath no thingworthely requited you, there is of that house now which by Goods grace shall make you full recompense, which thing to show you, is the whole sum and effect of our errand. It shall not, I wot well need, that I rehearsed unto you again that you all ready have heard of him that can better tell it, and of whom I am sure ye will better believe it (and reason it is that it so be) I am not so proud to look therefore, that you should receive my words of so great authorytee as the preachers of the word of God, namely a man so cunning & so wise, that no man wotteth better what he should do & say, and thereto so good and virtuous that he would not say the thing, which he wist he should not say in the pulpit, namely, in to the which no honest man cometh to lie: which honourable preacher ye well remember, substantially declared to you at Paul's cross on some day last passed, the right and title of the most excellent prince Richard Duke of gloucester now protector of this his realm which he hath unto the crown of the kingdom of the same. For the worshipful man made it perfitly and groundly open unto you. The children of king Edward the four were never lawfully begotten, for as much as the king (living his very wife dame Elizabeth Lucy) was never lawfully married to the queen their mother, whose blood saving he set his voluptuous pleasure before his honour, was full unmeetly to be matched with his (the myngling of which two bloods together hath been the effusion of a great part of the noble blood of this realm where by it may well be seen, that marriage was not well made, of which there is so much mischief grown For lack of which lawful copulation & also of other things which the said worshipful doctor, rather signified than utterly explained, & which thing shall not be spoke for me, as the thing that every man forbeareth to say that he knoweth, in advoiding the dy spleasour that my noble lord protector bearing as nature requireth a filial reverence to the duchess his mother. For these causes before remembered I say that for lack of issue lawfully coming of the late noble prince Richard duke of york, to whose royal blood the crowns of England & of France are by high authority of parliament entailed, the right & title of the same is by just course of inheritance according to the common law of this land, devoluted & come unto the most excellent prince the lord protector, as to the very lawful begotten son of the fore-remembered noble duke of york, which thing well considered & the knightly prowess with many virtues which in his noble person singularly do abound: The nobles & commons of this realm, and specially of that north parts, not willing any bastard blood to have the rule of the land, nor the abusions in the same before used & exercised any longer to continued, have fully condescended & utterly determined to make high petition unto the puissant prince the lord protector, that it may like his grace at our humble request to take upon him the guiding & go vernaunce of this realm, to the wealth & increase of the same according to his very right & just title, which thing I wot well he willbe loath to take upon him as he whose wisdom well perceiveth, the labour & study both of mind & body that shall come their with to him, whosoever shall occupy the room. I dare say he will if he take it (for I warrant you that that room is no child's office) & that the great wise man well perceived when he said We regno cuius rex puer est, woe to that realm whose king is a child wherefore, so much more cause have we to thank god that this noble parsonage, which is so righteously entitled thereto is of so sad age, & thereto of so great wisdom joined with so great experience, which albeit, he willbe loath to take upon him, yet shall he to our petition in the behalf the more graciously incline, if ye the worshipful citizens of this cite being the chief cite of the realm join with us the nobles in our said request, which for your own weal we doubt not but that ye will. And yet nevertheless, we pray you so to do, whereby ye shall do great profit to all this his realm. Beside that, in choosing then so good a king, it shallbe to yourself a special commodity to whom his majesty shall ever after, bear so much the more tender favour, in how much he shall perceive you the more prone and benevolentlye minded toward his election, wherein dear friends, what mind you have, we require you plainly to show us? When the duke had said & looked that the people whom he hoped that the maire had framed before, should after this flattering pmposition made have cried king Richard, king Richard, all was still & mute & not one word answered to: where with the duke was marvelously abashed and taking the Mayor near to him with other that were about him privy to the matter said unto them softly. What meaneth this that the people be so still? Sir ꝙ the Mayor percase they perceive you not well, the shall we amend ꝙ he if that will help, & therewith somewhat louder rehearsed the same matter again, in other order & other words so well and ordinately, & nevertheless so evidently & plain, with voice gesture and countenance so comely & so convenient, that every man much marveled that heard him, & thought that they never heard in their lives so evil a tale so well told. But were it for wonder or for other, the each looked that other should speak first, not one word was there answered of all the people that stood before, but all were as still as the midnight not so much as rouning among them, by which they might seem once to comen what was best to do. When the Mayor saw this, he with other partners of the council, drew about the duke and said that the people had not been accustomed there to be spoken to but by the recorder, which is the mouth of the city, & haply to him they will answer. With that the recorder called Thomas Fize William a sad man & an honest, which was but newly come to the office & never had spoken to the people before, & loath was with that matter to begin, notwithstanding, thereunto commanded by the Mayor, made rehearsal to the commons of that which the Duke had twice purposed his self but the recorder so tempered his tale, that he showed every thing as the Duke's words were, and no part of his own, but all this no change made in the people, which alway after one stood as they had been amazed. Whereupon the Duke rouned with the mayre and said, this is a marueleous obstinate silence, and therewith turned to the people again with these words. Dear friends, we come to move you to that thing which peradventure we so greatly needed not, but that the lords of this realm and commons of other parties might have sufficed saving such love we bear you, and so much set by you that we would not gladly do with out you, that thing in which to be partners is your weal and honour which as to us seemeth you see not or way not. Wherefore we require you to give us an answer one or other, whether ye be minded as all the nobles of the realm be, to have this noble prince now protector to be your king? And at these words the people began to whisper among theim selfes secretly, that the voice was neither loud nor base, but like a swarm of bees, till at the last at the neither end of the hall a bushment of the duke's servants and one Nashfeelde and other belonging to the protector with some apprentices and lads that thrusted into the hall amongst the press, began suddenly at men's backs to cry, king Richard, king Richard, and there threw up their caps in token of joy, and they that stood before cast their heads marveling thereat, but nothing they said. And when the duke and the mayre saw this manner they wisely turned it to their purpose, and said it was a goodly cry & a joyful to here every man with one voice and no man saying nay. Wherefore friends (ꝙ the duke,) sith we perceive that it is all your whole minds to have this noble man for your king, whereof we shall make his grace effectual report that we doubt not but that it shall redound to your great wealth & commodity. We therefore require you that to morrow ye go with us & we with you to his noble grace to make humble petition & request to him in manner before remembered. And therewith the lords came down and the company dissolved & departed the more part all sad, some with glad sembleaunce the were not very merry, and some of them that came with the duke, not able to dissemble their sorrow, were feign even at his back to turn their face to the wall, while the dolour of their hearts braced out of their y●es. Then on the morrow the mayre & aldermen and chief commoners of the city in their best manner apparelled, assemblyng them together at Paul's, resorted to Baynard's castle where the protector lay, to which place also according to the appointment repaired the duke of Buckynghm & diverse nobles with him, besides many knights & gentlemen. And thereupon that duke sent word to the lord protector of the being there of a great honourable company to move a great matter to his grace. Whereupon the protector made great difficulty to come down to them, except he knew some part of their errand as though he doubted & partly mistrusted the coming of such a numbered to him so suddenly, without any warning or knowledge, whether they came for good or harm Then when the duke had showed this to the mayre & other, that they might thereby see how little the protector looked for this matter, they sent again by that messenger such loving message, & there with so humbly besought him to vouchsafe that they might resort to his presence to purpose their intent of which they would to none other person disclose, at the last he came out of his chamber, and yet not down to them, but in a galary over them with a bishop on every hand of him, where they beneath might see him & speak to him, as though he would not yet come near them till he witted what they meant. And thereupon the duke of Buckynghm first made humble petition to him on the behalf of them all, that his grace would pardon them & licence them to purpose unto his grace th'intent of their coming without his displeasure, without which pardone obtained, they durst not be so bold to move him of that matter. In which, albeit they meant asmuch honour to his grace as wealth to all the realm beside, yet were they not sure how his grace would take it, whom they would in no wise offend. Then the protector, as he was very gentle of himself & also longed sore abundantly to know what they meant, gave him leave to purpose what him liked trusting for the good mind that he bore them all none of them any thing would intend to hymward wherewith he thought to be grieved. When the duke had this leave & pardon to speak them waxed he bold to show him their intent & purpose, with all the causes moving them thereto as ye before have heard. And finally to beseech his grace the it would like him of his accustomed goodness & zeal unto the realm now with his eye of pite to behold the long continued distress & decay of thesame, & to set his gracious hand to redress & amendment thereof by taking upon him the crown & governance of the realm according to his right & title lawfully descended unto him, & to the laud of God, profit & surety of the land & unto his grace so much the more honour & less pain, in that that never prince reigned upon any people that were so glad to live under his obeisance as the people of this realm under his. When the protector had heard the preposition, he looked very strangely thereat and made answer that albeit he knew partly the things by them alleged to be true, yet such entiere love he bore to king Edward and his children, and so much more regarded his honour in other realms about, than the crown of any one, of which he was never desirous, so that he could not find in his heart in this point to incline to their desire, for in all other nations were the truth not well known, it should peradventure be thought that it were his own ambitious mind and device to depose the prince and to take himself the crown, with which infamy he would in no wise have his honour stained for any crown, in which he had never perchance perceived much more labour & pain then pleasure to him that so would use it, as he that would not and were not worthy to have it. Notwithstandyg, he not only pardoned them the motion that they made him, but also thanked them for the love and hearty favour they bore him, praying them for his sake to bear the same to the prince under whom he was and would be content to live and with his labour and counsel as far as it should like the king to use it, he would do his uttermost devoir to set the realm in good estate which was all ready in the time of his protectourship (lauded be God,) well begun, in that the malice of such as were before the occasion of the contrary and of new intended to be, were now partly by good policy, partly more by God's special providence, than man's provision repressed and put under. Upon this answer given, the duke of Buckyngham by the protectors licence a little rounded, aswell with other noble men about him as with the mayre and recorder of London. And after that (upon like pardon desired & obtained) he showed aloud unto the protector, for a final conclusion that the realm was appointed that king Edward's line should no longer reign upon them, both that they had so far gone that it was now no surety to retreat (as for that they thought it for the weal universal to take that way, although they had not yet begun it.) Wherefore if it would like his grace to take the crown upon him, they would humbly beseech him thereunto, and if he would give them a resolute answer to the contrary (which they would be loath to here) then must they seek and should not fail to find some other noble man that would. These words much moved the protector, which as every man of small intelligence may wit would never have inclined thereto, but when he saw there was none other way but that he must take it, or else he and his both to go from it, he said to the lords and commons, sith it is we perceive well that all the realm is so set (whereof we be very sorry) that they will not suffer in any wise king Edward's line to govern them, whom no man earthly can govern against their own wills: And we also perceive that no man is there, to whom the crown can by so just title appertain as to ourself, as very right heir lawfully begotten of the body of our most dread and dear father Richard late duke of York, to which title is now joined your election, the nobles & commons of the realm, which we of all titles possible take most effectual, we be content and agree favourably to incline to your petition & request, and according to the same, here we take upon us the royal estate of pre-eminence and kingdom of the two noble realms, England and France, the one from this day forward by us and our heirs to rule, govern and defend, the other by God's grace and your good help to get again, subdue and establish for ever in due obedience unto this realm of England, th'advancement whereof we never as●e of God longer to live than we intend to procure and set forth. With this there was a great cry and shout, crying king Richard, and so the lords went up to the king, and so he was after the day called. But the people departed talking diversly of the matter, every man as his fantasy gave him, but much they marveled of this manner of dealing, that the matter was on both parts made so strange as though never the one part communed with the other part thereof before, when they wist that there was no man so dull that heard them, but he perceived well enough that all the matter was made between them: Howbeit, some excused that again, saying: all thing must be done in good order, and men must sometime for the manner sake not be acknown what they know. For at the consecration of a bishop, every man perceiveth by payment of his bulls that he intendeth to be one, yet when he is twice asked whither he willbe a bishop, he must say nay, and at the third time take it upon him as compelled thereto by his own will. And in a stage play, the people know right well that he that playeth the sowdane is per case a souter, yet if one of acquaintance perchance of little nurture should call him by his name while he standeth in his majesty, one of his tormentors might fortune break his head for marring the play. And so they said, these matters be kings games, as it were staige plays, and for the most part played upon scaffolds, in which poor men be but lookers on, and they that wise be will meddle no ferther, for they the step up with them when they can not play their parts they disorder the play and do themselves no good. ☞ ¶ Richard the third. RICHARD THE third of that name, usurped the crown of England, and openly took upon him to be king the xix day of june, in the year of our Lord, a thousand four hundredth and. lxxxiii, & in the xxv year of Lewes the xi. then being French king, and with great solemnity road to Westmynster, and there sat in the seat royal, and called before him the judges of the realm, straightly commanding them to execute the law without favour or delay, with many good exhortations (of the which he followed not one) and then he departed toward the abbey and at the church door he was met with procession, and by the abbot to him was delivered the sceptre of saint Edward, & so went & offered to saint Edward's shrine, while the monks sang Te deum with a faint courage, and from the church he returned to the palace, where he lodged till the coronation. And to be sure of all enemies (as he thought) he sent for .v. thousand men of the north against his coronation, which came up evil appareled and worse harneyssed, in rusty harness, neither defensable nor scoured to the sale, which mustered in fynesoury field, to the great disdain of all the lookers on. The fourth day of july he came to the tower by water with his wife, and the fift day he created Thomas Lord Haward, duke of Norfolk & sir Thomas Haward his son he created Earl of Surrey, and William lord Barkeley was then created earl of Notyngham, and France's lord Lovel was then made Viscount Lovel and the kings chamberlain, and the lord Stanley was delivered out of ward for fear of his son the lord Strange, which was then in Lancasshyre gathering men (as men said) and the said lord was made Stuard of the kings how should, like wise the archbishop of York was delivered, but Morton bishop of Ely was delivered to the duke of Buckingham to keep in ward which sent him to his manor of Brecknoke in Wales, from whence he escaped to king Richard's confusion. The same night the king made xvii knights of the bathe. The next day he road through London with great pomp, & in especial the duke of Buckingham was richly apparelled & his horse trapped in blue velvet enbroudered with the naves of carts burning of gold, which trapper was borne by footmen from the ground, with such asolempne fashion that all men much regarded it. On the morrow being the vi day of july the king came toward his coronation into Westminster hall where his chapel & all the prelate's mitred received him. And so they in order of procession passed forward. After the procession followed th'earl of Nor thumberland with a pointless sword naked, & the lord Stanley bore the Mace of the constableship, The earl of Kent bore the second sword on the right hand of the king naked. The lord Lovel bore an other sword on the left hand. Then followed the duke of Suffolk with the Sceptre, and th'earl of Lincoln with the ball and cross. After them followed the new Earl of. Surrey with the sword of estate in a rich scabbard. On the right side of him went the duke of Norfolk bearing the crown, than followed king Richard in a Circot and rob of purple velvet under a canable borne by the barons of that five ports, going between the bishops of bath and Duresme. The duke of Buckingham with the rod of the high steward of England bore the kings train. After him followed the earl of Hunting done, bearing the queens sceptre, and the Viscount Li●●e, bearing the rod with the dove. And the earl of Wilshere bore the queens crown. Then followed queen Anne daughter to Richard earl of Warwike in robes like to the king, between two bishops, and a canabie over her head, borne by the Barones' of the ports. On her head a rich coronal set with stones and pearl. After her followed the countess of Richmond heir to the duke of Somerset, which bore up the queens train. After followed the duchess of Suffolk and Norfolk with countesses baronesses, ladies, & many fair gentilwemen in this order they passed through the palace & entered the abbey at the west end, & so came to their seats of estate. And after diverse songs sol●ply song they both descended to the high altar & were shifted from their robes, & had diverse places open from the middle upward, in which places they were anointed. Then both the king & the queen changed them into cloth of gold & ascended to their seats, where the cardinal of Cauntourburie & other bishops them crowned according to the custom of the realm, giving him the sceptre in the left hand and the ball with the cross in the right hand, & the queen had the sceptre in her right hand, & the rod with the dove in the left hand. On every side of the king stood a duke, & before him stood th'earl of Surrey with the sword in his hands. And on every side of the queen standing a bishop & a lady kneeling. The Cardinal song mass, & after pax, the king & the queen descended, & before the high altar they were both houseled with one host, divided between them After mass finished, they both offered at saint Edward's shrine, & there the king left the crown of saint Edward, and put on his own crown. And so in order as they came, they departed to westminster hall, & so to their chambres for a season, during which time the duke of Norfolk came into the hall his horse traped to the ground in cloth of gold as high mershall, and voided the hall. About four of the clock the king & queen entered the hall, and the king sat in the middle, and the queen on the left hand of the table, & on every side of her stood a countess holding a cloth of pleasance, when she list to drink. And on the right hand of the king sat the bishop of Cauntourbury, the ladies sat all on one side in the middle of the hall. And at the table against them sat the chancellor and all the lords. At the table next the cupboard sat the More of London. And at the table behind the lords, sat the Barones' of the ports And at the other boards sat noble and worshipful personages. When all persons were set, the the duke of Norfolk, earl Mershal, the earl of Surrey constale for that day, the lord Stanley lord Steward, Sir willyam Hopton treasurer, and sir Thomas Percy controller came in and served the king solemnly with one dish of gold and another of silver. And the queen all in guilt vessel, and the bishop all in silver. At the second course came into that hall, sir Robert Democke the kings champion, making a proclamation, that whosoever would say that king Richard was not lawfully king, he would fight with him at the utterance, and threw down his gauntlet, & then all the hall cried king Richard. And so he did in three parts of the hall, and then one brought him a cup of wine covered, & when he had drunk he cast out the drink, & departed with the cup After that the heralds cried alargesse thrice in the hall, & so went up to their staige. At the end of dinner, the Mayor of London served the king & queen with sweet wine, and had of each of them a cup of gold with a cover of gold. And by that time that all was done, it was darkenight. And so the king returned to his chaumbre, and every man to his lodging. When this feast was thus fyneshed, the king sent home all the lords into their countries that would depart, except the lord Stanley, whom he retained till he heard what his son the lord strange went about And to such as went home, he gave straight charge and commandment to see their countries well ordered, and that no wrong nor extortion should be done to his subjects. And thus he taught other to execute justice & equity, the contrary whereof he daily exercised, he also with great rewards given to the Northrenmennes which he sent for to his coronation, sent them home to their country with great thanks. Whereof diverse of them, (as they all be of nature very greedy of authority, and specially when they think to have any comfort or favour,) took on them so highly and wrought such mastreis', that the king was fain to ride thither in his first year, and to put some in execution, and stay the country, or else no small myschechefe had ensued. Now after this triumphant coronation, there fell mischiefs thick & thick, as the thing evil gotten is never well kept, so through all the time of his usurped reign, never ceased their quell, murder, death & slaughter till his own destruction ended it. But as he finished with the best death and most rightwise, that is to say his own, so began he with the most piteous and wicked, I mean the lamentable murder of his innocent nephews, the young king and his tender brother, whose death and fortune hath nevertheless so far come in question that some remained long in doubt whether they were in his days destroyed or not. For that Parkin Warbeck by many folks malice, & more folks folly so long space abusing the world, was aswell with prnceis as with poor people reputed & taken for the younger of these two. But for that also that all things were so covertly demeaned, one thing pretended and another mente, that there was nothing so plain and openly proved, but that yet for the common custom of close and covert dealing, men had it ever inwardly suspect, as many well countrefet jewels make the true mistrusted. Howbeit concerning that opinion men may see the conveyance thereof in the life of the noble prince king Henry the seventh, in the process of Parkyn. But in the mean season, for this present matter I shall rehearse to you the dolorous end of these two babes, not after every way that I have heard but after that way that I have so heard by such men and such means as me thinketh it to be heard but it should be true. King Richard after his coranation, taking How and after what manner the two sons of king Edward were destroyed. his way to Gloucestre, to visit in his new honour the town, of which he bore the name of old, devised as he road to fulfil that thing which he before had intended. And forasmuch as his mind gave him that his nephews living, men would not reckon that he could have right to the realm, he thought therefore without delay to rid them, as though the killing of his kinsmen might end his cause, and make him kindly king. Whereupon he sent john Grene, whom he specially trusted, to sir Roberte Brakenburye constable of the tower, with a letter and credence also, that the same Sir Robert in any wise should put the two children to death. This john Grene did his errand to Sir Robert Brakenbury kneeling before our lady in the tower, who plainly answered that he would never put them to death to die therefore. With the which answer Grene returned, recounting the same to king richard at Warwick yet on his journey, wherewith he took such displeasure & thought, that the same night he said to a secret page of his. Ah, whom shall a man trust? they that I have brought up myself, they that I went would have most surely served me, even those fail me, and at my commandment will do nothing for me. Sir ꝙ the page, there lieth one in the palet chaumbre without, that I dare well say, to do your grace pleasure, the thing were right heard that he would refuse, meaning this by james Tirell, which was a man of goodly parsonage, and for the gifts of nature worthy to have served a much better prince, if he had well served God, and by grace obtained to have asmuch truth and good will, as he had strength and will. The man had an high heart and sore longed upward, not rising yet so fast as he had hoped, being hindered and kept under by sir richard Ratcliff and sir willyam Catesbye, which longing for none more partners of the Prince's favour, namely not for him, whose pride they knew would bear no peer, kept him by secret drifts out of all secret trust, which thing this page had well marked and known, wherefore, this occasion offered, of very special friendship see his time to set him forward, and by such wise to do him good, that all the enemies that he had (except the devil) could never have done him so much hurt and shame, for upon the pages words king richard aroose, for this communication had he sitting on a draft, a convenient carpet for such a counsel, and came out into the palette chaumbre, where he did find in bed the said james Tyrell and sir Thomas Tyrell of person like and brethren of blood, but nothing of kin in conditions. Then said the king merely to them, what sirs, be you in bed so soon? & called up james Tyrrell, and broke to him secretly his mind in this mischievous matter, in the which he found him nothing strange. Wherefore on the morrow he sent him to Brakenburye with a letter by the which he was commanded to deliver to the said james all the keys of the tower for a night, to th'end that he might there accomplish the kings pleasure in such things as he there had given him in commandment. After which letter delivered and the keys received, james appointed the next night ensuing to destroy them, devising before & preparing the means. The prince assoon as the protector took upon him to be king, and left the name of protector, was thereof advertised and showed, that he should not reign but his uncle should have the crown At which word the prince sore abashed began to sigh and said: Alas I would mine uncle would let my have me life although I lose my kingdom. Then he that told him the tale used him with good words and put him in the best comfort that he could, but forthwith he and his brother were both shut up, and all other removed from them, one called black Will, and wyllyam slaughter only except, which were set to serve them, and four other to see them sure. After which time, the prince never tied his points nor any thing wrought of himself, but with that young babe his brother lyngered in thought and heveuysse, till these traitorous death delivered them of that wretchedness. For james Tirrell devised that they should be murdered in their beds, and no blood shed, to th execucion whereof he appointed Miles Forest one of the four that before kept them, a feloe flesh bred in murder before time: and to him he joined one John Dighton his own horskeper, a big broad square & strong knave. Then all the other being removed from them, this Miles Forest & John Dighton about midnight the children being in their beds, came into the chambered and The murdering of king Edward his children. suddenly lapped them up amongst the clothes & so bewrapped them and entangled them, keeping down by force the featherbed and pillows heard unto their mouths, that within awhile they smored and styfled them, and their breathes failing they gave up to God their innocent souls into the joys of heaven, leaving to the tourmentoures their bodies dead in the bed, which after the wretches perceived, first by that struggling, with the pangs of day the, & after long lying still to be thoroughly dead, they laid the bodies out upon the bed, and fetched james Tirrell to see them, which when he saw them perfectly did, he caused the murderers to bury them at the stair foot meetly deep in the ground under a great heap of stones. Then road james Tirrell in great haste to king Richard and showed him all the manner of the murder, who gave him great thanks, and as men say, there made him knight, but he allowed not their burial in so vile a corner, saying that he would have them buried in a better place, because they were a kings sons. Lo the honourable courage of a king, for he would recompense a detestable murder with a solemn obsequy. Whereupon a priest of sir Robert Brakenburyes took them up and buried them in such a place secretly as by the occasion of his death (which was very shortly after) which only knew it, the very truth could never yet be very well & perfighly known For some say that king Richard caused that priest to take them up & close them in lead & put them in a coffin full of holes hooked at the ends with ii hokes of iron, & so to cast them into a place called the Black deeps at the thamis mouth, so that they should never rise up nor be seen again. This was the very truth unknown by reason that the said pressed died so shortly & disclosed it never to any person the would utter it. And for a truth, when sir james Tirrell was in the tower for treason committed to king Henry the seventh: both he and Dighton were examined together of this point, & both they confessed the murder to be done in the same manner as you have heard, whether the bodies were removed they both affirmed they never knew. And thus as I have learned of them that much knew and little cause had to lie, were these ii noble princes, these innocent tender children, borne of the most royal blood & brought up in great wealth, likely long to live, to reign & rule in that realm, by treyterous tyranny taken & deprived of their estate, shortly shut up in prison & privily slain & murdered by the cruel ambition of their unnatural uncle & dispiteous tourmentours which things on every part well pondered, God gave this world never a more notable example, either in what unsurety standeth this worlds weal or what mischief worketh the proud enterprise of an high heart, or finally what wretched end ensueth such dispiteous cruelty? For first to begin with the ministers, Miles Forest, at s. Martin's le grand by peace meal miserably rotten away, John Dighton lived at Caleys long after, no less disdained & hated then pointed at, & there died in great misery. But sir james Tirrell was beheaded at the tower hill for treason. And king Richard himself was slain in the field hacked and hewed of his enemy's hands, harried on a horseback naked being dead, his hear in despite torn & tugged like a cur dog. And the mischief that he took with in less than three years, of the mischief that he did in three months be not comparable, & yet all the mean time spent in much trouble & pein outward, & much fear dread & anguish with in. For I have heard by credible persons of such as were secret with his chaumberers that after this abominable deed done he never was quiet in his mind, he never thought himself sure where he went abroad, his body privily feinted, his eyen whirled about, his hand ever on his dagger his countenance & manner like always to strike again, he took evil rest on nights, lay long waking & musing, forweried with care & watch, rather slombred than slept, troubled with fearful dreams suddenly some time start up, leapt out of his bed & and looked about the chambers, so was his restless heart continually tossed and tou 〈…〉 bled with the tedious inpression & stormy remembrance of his abominable murder and exreable tyranny. And shortly after he was unquieted by a conspiracy, or rather a confederacy between the duke of Buckynghm & many other gentlemen against him, as ye shall here the next year. But the occasion why the duke and the king fell out, is of diverse folk diverse wise pretended. This duke as you have heard before, assoon as the duke of Gloucester after the death of king Edward was come to York, & there had solemn funeral service done for king Edward, sent to him a secret servant of his called Persall, with such messages as you have heard before. And after the duke of Buckyngham came with three hundred horse to Northampton and still continued with him, as partner and chief organ of all his devices till after his coronation, they departed to all seeming very friends at Gloucestre. From whence assoon as the duke came home, he so highly turned from him and so highly conspired against him, that a man would marvel whereof the change grew in so short space. Some say this occasion was, that a little before that coronation, the duke required the king amongst other thrnges to be restored to the Earl of Herffordes lanoes. And forasmuch as the title which he claimed by inheritance, was somewhat interlaced with the title of Lancaster, which house made a title to the crown, and enjoyed the same three dyscentes, as all men knew, till the house of York deprived the third king, which was Henry the sixth. King Richard somewhat mistrusted & conceived such an indignation that he rejected the duke's request, with many spiteful and minotary words, which so wounded the duke's heart with hatred and mistrust, that he could never after endure to look right on king Richard, but ever feared his own life, so farrefoorth that when the protector should ride to his coronation, feigned himself sick, because he would do him no honour. And the other taking it in evil part sent him word to rise and ride or he would make him to be carried. Whereupon gorgeously appareled and sumpteously trapped with burning cart naves of gold embroidered, he road before the king through London with an evil will and woorsse heart. And that notwithstanding, he rose the day of the coronation from the feast, feigning himself sick, which king Richard said was done in hate and spite of him. And therefore men said that each of them ever after lived continually in such hatred and distrust of other, that the duke looked verily to have been murdered at Gloucestre, from which he in fair manner departed but surely such as were right secret with both, affirm all this to be untrue, and other wise men think it unlikely, the deep dyssymuling nature of both these men well considered. And what need in that green world the protector had of the duke, and in what peril the duke stood if he fell once in suspicion of that tyrant, that other the protector would give the duke occasion of displeasure, or the duke the protector occasion of mistrust. And surely men think, that if king Richard had any such opinion conceived in him, he would never have suffered him to avoid his hands or escape his power, but very true it is, that the duke of Buckyngham was an high minded man, & evil could bear the glory of another, so that I have heard of some that saw it that he at such time that the crown was set upon the protectors head, his eye could never abide the sight thereof, but wried his head another way, but men said he was not well at ease, and that was both to king Richard well known and well taken nor any demand of the duke's request uncourteously rejected, but gently deferred, but both he with great gifts and high behests in most loving and trusty manner departed from the king to Gloucester. But soon after his coming home to Brecknock, having there by king Richard's commandment doctor Morton bishop of Ely who before as you have heard was taken at the council at the tower, waxed with him very familiar, whose only wisdom abused his pride to his own deliverance & the duke's destruction. The bishop was a man of great natural wit, very well learned and of honourable behaviour, lacking no wise ways to win favour. He was first upon the part of king Henry, while that part was in wealth, and neither left it nor forsook it in no woe, but fled the realm with the queen and the prince. And while king Edward had king Henry in prison, he never returned but to the field at Barner. After which field lost & utterly subdued & all part takynges extynguished, king Edward for his fast faith and wisdom, was not only content to receive him but also wooed him to come and had him from thenceforth both in secret trust & special favour, whom he nothing deceived. For he being after king Edward's death first taken by the tyrant for his truth to the king, found mean to set the duke in his top, and joined gentlemen together in aid of the earl of Richemounde, which after was named king Henrye the seventh. first devising the marriage between the lady Elizabeth daughter to king Edward the fourth, by the which, his faithful & true service declared to both his masters at once, was, with infinite benefit to the realm, by the conjunction of the bloddes of Lancastre and York, whose funeral titles had long inquyeted the realm. This man afterward escaped from the duke and 〈…〉 d the realm, and went to Rome, never minding to meddle with the world, till king henry the seventh sent for him, and after made him archbishop of Cauntorbury and chancellor of England and after was made cardinal, and lived well to all men's judgements and died well. But to return to the former purpose, he by the long & often alternate proof, aswell of prosperytee as adverse of fortune, had gotten by great experience the very mother & mastresse of wisdom, a deep insight in pollytike worldly drifts, whereby perceiving now the duke to comen with him, fed him with fair words and many pleasant praises, and perceiving by the grief of their communications the duke's pride now and then to baulk out a little braid of envy toward the glory of the king, and thereby feeling him easy to fall out if the matter were well handled, he craftily sought the ways to prick him forward, taking always the occasion of his coming, and also keeping himself close within his bands, that he rather seemed to follow him then to lead him. For when the duke began first to praise and boast the king and show how much profit the realm should take by his reign. bishop Morton answered, surely my lord, folly it were for me to lie, for I am sure if I would swear the contrary ye would not once believe me, but if the world would have begun as I would have wished, that king Henry's son had had the crown and not king Edward, then would I have been his true and faithful subject, but after that God had ordained him to lose it, and king Edward to reign, I was never so mad with a dead man to strive against the quick, so was I ever to king Edward a faithful and true chapeleyn, and glad would have been that his children should have succeeded him, howbeit if the secret judgement of God have otherwise provided, I purpose not to spurn against the prick, nor labour to set up that God pulleth down. And as for the late protector and now king, and with that word he left, saving that he said that he had already meddled to much with the world, and would from that day meddle with his book and beads, and no ferther. Then longed the duke sore to hear what he would have said, because he ended with the king, and there so suddenly stopped, and exhorted him familiarly, between them both to be bold and to say whatsoever he thought, whereof he faithfully promised there should never come hurt, and peradventure more good than he would were. And that he himself intended to use his faithful secret advice and counsel, which he said was the only cause for the which he procured of the king to have him in his custody, where he might reckon himself at home, or else he had been put in the hands of them with whom he should not have found like favour. The bishop right humbly thanked him and said, in good faith my lord, I love not much to talk of princes as of a thing not all out of peril, although the word be without fault, but as it pleaseth the prince to construe it. And ever I think on Isopes' tale, that when the Lion had proclaimed that on pain of death there should no horned beasts come into the wood, one beast that had a bonche of flesh growing out of his head, fled a great pace: the Foxe that saw him fly with all the haste, asked him whether he fled? In faith ꝙ he, I neither wot ne reck so I were once hence, because of the proclamation made against horned beasts. What fool ꝙ the fox, the Lion never meant it by thee, for that which thou haste is no horn in thy head. No marry ꝙ he, I wot that well enough, but if he say it is a horn, where am I then? The duke laughed merely at the tale & said, my lord I warrant you, neither the Lion nor the boar shall pick any matter at any thing here spoken, for it shall never come near their cares. In good faith sir said the bishop, if it did, the thing that I was about to say taken aswell as before God I mente, it could deserve but thank, and yet taken as I ween it would, might happen to turn me to little good and you to less. Then longed the duke much more to were what it was, whereupon the bishop said. In good faith my lord, as for the late protector, ●ith he is now king in possession I purpose not to dispute his title, but for the wealth of this realm, whereof his grace hath now the governance, and whereof I myself am a poor member, I was about to wish that to those good habilitees whereof he hath already right many, little neding my praise, yet might it have pleased God for the better store to have given him some of such other excellent virtues meet for the rule of the realm, as our Lord hath planted in the person of your grace, & there left of again. Of which words the duke perceiving that the bishop bore unto him his good heart and favour, mistrusted not to enter more plain communication with him, so far, that at the last the bishop declared himself to be one of them that would gladly help that Richard who then usurped the crown might be deposed, if he had known how it might conveniently be brought to pass the such a person as had true title of inheritance unto the same, might be restored thereunto. Upon this the said duke, knowing the bishop to be a man of prudence and fidelity opened to him all his whole heart and intent saying, my lord I have devised the way how the blood both of king Edward and of king Henry the sixth, that is left, being coupled by marriage and affinity may be restored unto the crown being by just and true title due unto them both, (for king Richard he called not the brother of king Edward the fourth, but his enemy and mortal foe). The way that the Duke had devised was this, that they should with all speed and celerytee find means to send for Henry earl of Rich mount (whom the rumour went immediately upon knowledge of king Edward's death to have been delivered out of prison with France's Duke of Britain) & the same Henry to help with all their power and strength, so that the said Henry would first by his faithful oath, promise that immediately upon obteigning the crown, he would marry and take to wife Elyzabeth the elder daughter of Edward the fourth. The bishop of Ely right well allowed both the device and purpose of the duke, and also the manner and way how the matter should be brought to effect, and found means that Reynold Breye seruaunr with Margarete mother of the said Henry, then married to Thomas Stanley, came to the duke in to Wales, and the duke's mind throughly perceived and known, with great speed returned to the said Margarete, advertising the same of all things which between the duke and him concerning aswell the common weal of the realm, as also the advancement of her and her blood had been debated. Now it came so to pass that the duke of Buckyngham and the lady Margaret mother to the said Henrye, had been in communication of the same matter before, and that the said lady Margarete had devised the same mean and way for the deposition of king richard and bringing in of Henry her son, the which the Duke now broke unto the bishop of Ely, whereupon the●e rested no more, forasmuch as she perceived the duke now willing to prosecute and further the said device, but that she should find the means that this matter might be broken unto Queen Elizabeth the wife of king Edwade the fourth then being in the Sanctuary. And hereupon she caused one Lewes that was her physicyan in his own name, and as though it came of himself to break this matter unto the queen, saying, that if she would consent and agree thereunto, a mean might be found how to restore again the blood of king Edward and king Henrye the sixth unto the crown, and to be avenged of king richard for the murder of king Edward's children, and then declared that there was beyond that see Henry Earl of Richemounte, which was of the blood of Henry the sixth, whom if she would be content that he mary Elizabeth her eldest daughter, there should of his side be made right many friends, and she for her part might help in like manner, whereby no doubt it should come to pass that he should possess the crown by most rightful inheritance. Which matter when she heard it, it liked her exceedingly well, in so much as she counciled the said phisicyan to break the same unto his mistress the lady Margaret & know her mind therein, promising upon her word that she would make all the friends of king Edward to take part with the said henry if he would be sworn that when he came to the possession of the crown, he would immediately take in marriage Elyzabeth her eldest daughter, or else if she lived not that time, that then he would take Cicile her youngest daughter Whereupon the said Lewes returned unto the lady Margarete his mistress declaring unto her the whole mind and intent of the queen So that then it was shortly agreed between these two women, that with all speed this matter should be set forward, in so much that the lady Margarete broke this matter unto reynold Bray willing him to move and set forward the same with all such as he should perceive either able to do good or willing thereunto. Then had the queen devised, that one Chrystopher (whom the foresaid Lewes the Physicyan had promoted into her service) should be sent into britain to henry to give him knowledge of their minds here, and that he should prepare and appoint himself ready and to come into Wales, where he should find aid and help ynonghe ready to receive him. But then shortly after it came unto her knowledge that the Duke of Buckingham had of himself afore intended the same matter, whereupon she thought it should be meet to send some messenger of more reputation and credit than was this Chrystopher, and so kept him at home, and then sent Hugh Conewaye with a great some of money, willing him to declare unto henry all things, and that he should hast him to come and to land in Wales as is aforesaid. And after him one richard Guilforde out of Kente sent one Thomas Ramey with the same message, the which two messengers came in manner both at one time into britain to the Earl Henrye, and declared unto him all their commyssions The which message when Henry had perceived and thoroughly heard, it rejoiced his heart, and he gave thanks unto God fully purposing with all convenient speed to take his journey towards England, desiring the aid and help of the duke of britain, with promise of thankful recompense when God should send him to come to his right. The duke of Britain notwithstanding that he had not long after been required by Thomas Hutton purposely sent to him from king Richard in message with money eft sons to imprison the said Henry earl of Richemount, and there continually to keep and hold the same from coming into England, yet with all gladness and favour inclined to the desire of Henry and aided him as he might with men, money, shypes and other necessaries. But Henry while he might accordingly appoint and furnish himself, remained in britain sending afore the foresaid Hugh Coneway and Thomas Ramney, which two were to him very true and faithful to bear tidings into England unto his friends of his coming, to the end that they might provydentlye order all things aswell for the commodious receiving of him at his coming, as also foreseeing such dangers as might befall, and advoydinge such traps and snares as by richard the third and his complices might be set for him and for all his other company that he should bring with him. In the mean time, the friends of henry with all care, study, and diligence wrought all things unto their purpose belonging. And though all this were as secretly wrought and conveyed as among so great a number was possible to be, yet privy knowledge thereof came to the ears of king Richard, who although he were at the first hearing much abashed, yet thought best to dissemble the matter as though he had no knowledge thereof, while he might secretly gather unto him power and strength, and by secret espial among the people get more perfect knowledge of the whole matters and chief authors & contrivers of the same. And because he knew be chief & principal of them, as unto whom his own conscience knew that he had given most just causes of enemytee, he thought it necessary first of all to dispatch the same duke out of the way. Wherefore, unto the duke he addressed letters enfarced and replenished with all humanity, friendship, famylyaritee and sweetness of words, willing and desiring the same to come unto him with all convenient speed. And further gave in commandment to the messenger that carried the letters that he should in his behalf make many high and gay promises unto the duke & by all gentle means persuade the same to come unto him. But the duke mistrusting the fair words & promises so suddenly offered of him, of whose wily crafts and means he knew sundry exsamples afore practised, desired the kings pardon, excusing himself that he was diseased & sick, and that he might be asserteined the if it possible were for him to come, he would not absent himself from his grace. This excuse the king would not admit, but eftsoons directed unto the duke other letters of a more rough sort, not without manacing and threatening unless he would according to his duty repayer unto him at his calling whereunto the duke plainly made answer that he would not come unto him whom he knew to be his enemy. And immediately the duke prepared himself to make war against him, and persuaded all his complices and partakers of his intent with all possible expedition some in one place and some in another to stir against king richard. And by this means in manner at one time and hour, Thomas Marquis of Dorcester raised an army within the country of York, being himself late come forth of sanctuary and by the means and help of Thomas rowel preserved and saved from peril of death Also in devonshire, Edward Courtenay with his brother Peter bishop of Excetter raised in like manner an army, and in Kent Richard Guyl ford accompanied with certain other gentlemen caysed up the people as is a foresaid, & all this was done in manner in one moment. But the king who had in the mean time gathered together great power & strength thinking it not to be best by pursuing every one of his enemies to dysparkle his compaygnie in small flokes, determined to let pass all the others, & withal his whole puissance to set upon the chief head, that is to say the Duke of Buckynghm, so taking his journey from London he went towards Salisbury to th'intent that he might set upon the said duke in case he might have perfect knowledge that the same lay in any field embatailed. And now was the king within two days journey of Salisbury when the duke attempted to meet him, being accompanied with great strength of Welshmen, whom he had thereunto enforced & coherted, more by lordly commandment then by liberal wages and hire, which thing in deed was the cause that they fell from him and forsook him. Wherefore being suddenly forsaken of his men, he was of necessity constrained to flee in which doing, as a man cast in sudden, and therefore great fear, of this the sudden change of fortune, & by reason of the same fear, not knowing where to become, nor where to hide his head nor what in such case best to do, he secretly conveyed himself into the house of Homffraye Banastar, in whom he had conceived a sure hope and confidence to find faithful and trusty unto him because the same had been & then was his servant, intending there to remain in secret, until he might either raise a new army or else by some means convey himself into Brytein to Henry earl of Rychemount. But assoon as theothers which had attempted the same enterprise against the king had knowledge that the duke was forsaken of his company and fled and could not be found, they being stricken with sudden fear, made every man for himself such shift as he might, and being in utter despair of their health and life, either got them to sanctuaryes or desert places or else assayed to escape over sea, & many of them in deed arrived safely in Britain, among whom were these whose names ensue. Peter Curteney bishop of Exeter with his brother Edward earl of Devonshire, Thomas marquis of Dorcestre with his son Thomas being a very young child, John Bourshere, John Welshe, Edward Wooduyle a stout man of arms and brother to Elizabeth the queen, Robert Willoughby, Gyles Dawbeneye, Thomas Harondell, John Cheiny with his two brethren, William Berkeley, William Brandon with Thomas his brother, Richard Edgecome, and all these for the most part knights Also John Halwell, Edward Poyntz an excellent good captain & Christopher Urswick, but John Morton bishop of Ely at themself same time together with sundry of the nobles and gentlemen sailed into Flaundres. But Richard the king, who was now come to Salisbury and had gotten perfect knowledge that all these parties sought to sly the realm, with all diligence and haste that might be, sent to all the port towns thereabout to make sure stay that none of them might pass untaken, and made proclamation that whosoever would bring him knowledge where the duke of Buckynghm were to be had, should have for his reward, if he were a bondman, his frebome, and if he were free, his pardon and besides that, a thousand pound of money. Furthermore because he understood by Thomas Hutton newly returned out of Britein, of whom afore is mentioned, that France's duke of britain, would not only hold Henry earl of Rychmount in prison for his sake, but also was ready to help the same Henry with men, money and ships in all that he might against him, he set diverse and sundry ships in places convenient by all the seacostes to britain ward, that if Henry should come that way, he might either be taken before his arrival or else might be kept from landing in any coast of England. And furthermore in every coast and corner of the realm, laid wonderful wait and watch to take partly any other of his enemies, and specially the said duke of Buckynghm. Whereupon the said Homffrey Banaster (were it for meed or for losing his life and goods,) disclosed. him unto the kings inquysy●ours, who immediately took him and forthwith all, brought him to Salisbury where king Richard was. The duke being diligently examined uttered without any manner refusal or sticking all such things as he knew, trusting that for his plain confession he should have liberty to speak with the king, which he made most instant and humble petition that he might do. But assoon as he had confessed his offence towards king Richard, he was out of hand beheaded. And this death the duke received at the hands of king Richard whom he had before helped in his affairs and purposes beyond all Gods forbade. While these things were in hand in England Henry Earl of Richmount made ready his host and strength to the number of five thousand Brytones and fifteen ships, the day appointed of his departure being now come, which was the twelve day of the month of Octobre in the year of our lord God a thousand four hundred lxxxiiii and the second year of the reign of king Richard and having a fair wind, hoist up the sails & setforwarde, but toward the night came such a tempest that they were dispersed one from another some into Britain and some into Normandy. But the ship in which Henry was with one other ship; tossed all the night with the waves of the sea and tempest, when the morning came, it waxed somewhat calm and fair weather, and they were come toward the South part of England by a haven or port called Poole, where the said Henry saw all the shores or banks set full of harnessedmen which were soldiers appointed there to wait, by king Richard as we have said before, for the coming & landing of the earl. While Henry there abode he gave commandment, that no man should land before that coming of the other ships. And in the mean time that he waited for them, he sent a little boat with a few in it a land to know what they were that stood on the shore, his friends or enemies. To whom those soldiers being before taught what they should say, answered that they were the friends of Henry and were appointed by the duke of Buckynghm there to abide his coming and to conduct him to those castles and holds where his tents, pavilions and ar●●llary for the war lay, and where remained for him a great power that intended now with all speed to set upon king Richard while he was now sle● for fear and clean without provision, and therefore besought him to come aland. Henry suspecting this to be but fraud, after that he saw none of his ships appeared, hoist up the satles, having a marvelous good wind even appointed him of God to deliver him from that great jeopardy, and sailed back again into Nor mandy. And after his landing there, he and his company after their labours, arrested them for the space of iii days, determining to go from thence afoot into britain, & in the mean while sent messengers unto Charles the French king the son of Lewes that a little before departed, be seching him of liberty and licence to pass through Normandy into britain. The young king Charles being sorry for his fortune, was not only ready and well pleased to grant his passage, but also sent him money to help him forth in his journey. But Henry before that he knew the kings mind (not doubting of his great humanity and gentleness) had sent away his ships towards Britain and had set himself forwards in his journey, but made no great haste till the messengers returned, which great gentleness when he received from the king, rejoiced his heart and with a lusty stomach and good hope set forward into britain, there to take further counsel of his affairs. And when he was in britain, he received from his friends out of England knowledge that the duke of Buckyngham was beheaded, and that the Marquis of Dorcestre with a great number of the noble men of England had been there a little before to seek him, and that they were now in Veneti a city in britain. The which things being known to the earl, he on the one part did greatly lament the death and evil chance of his chief and principal friend, but yet on the other part he greatly rejoiced in that he had so many & noble men to take his part in the battle. And therefore conceaving a good hope and opinion that his purpose should well frame and come to pass, determined with himself with all expedition to set forth ward, and thereupon went to a place in britain called Rhedon, and from thence sent to the Marquis with all the other noble men that they should come unto him. Then when they heard that henry was safe returned into britain rejoiced not a little, for they had thought he had landed in England, and so fallen into the hands of king Richard, and they made not a little haste till they were come unto him. The which when they met, after greatloye and gladness aswell of their part as of his, they began to talk of their prepensed matters, and now was Christmas come, on the which day they altogether assembled in the church and there swore faith and truth one to another. And Henry swore first, promising that assoon as he should possess the crown of England, that he would mary Elyzabeth the daughter of Edward the four and after ward they swore fealty & homage unto him even as though he had already been king, and so from that time forth did take him, promising him that they would spend both their lives and goods with him, & that Richard should no longer reign over them. When this was done, Henry declared all these things to the duke of Britain, praying & desiring him now of help, and that he would aid him with a greater number of men, & also to lend him a friendly & honest somme of money that he might now recover his right and inheritance of the crown of England, unto that which he was called & desired by all the lords & nobility of the realm, & which (God willing) he was most assured to possess, and after his possession he would most faithfully restore the same again. The duke promised him aid, upon the trust whereof, he began to make ready his ships that they might with all expedition be ready to sail that no time should be lost. In the which time king Richard was again returned to London, & had taken diverse of them that were of this conspiracy, that is to say George Browne, Roger Clyfforde, Thomas Sellinger, knights. Also Thomas Ram, Robert Clyfford and diverse other whom he caused to be put to death. After this he called a parliament wherein was decreed, that all those that were fled out of the land should be reputed and taken as enemies to the realm, and all their lands and goods to be forfeit and confiscate. And not content with that preade which was no small thing, he caused also a great tax and some of money to be levied of the people. For the large gifts and lyberalytee that he first used to buy the favours & friendships of many, had now brought him in need. But nothing was more like than that Thomas Stanley should have been reputed & taken for one of those enemies because of the working of Margarete his wife which was mother unto Henry earl of Richemount the which was noted for the chief head & worker of this conspiracy. But for as much as it was thought that it was to small purpose that women could do: Thomas being nothing fauty was dely●ed and commanded that he should not suffer Margarete his wife to have any servants about her, neither that she should not go abroad but be shut up and that from thence forth she should send no message neither to her son nor to any of her other friends, whereby any hurt might be wrought against the king, the which commandment was accomplished. And by the authority of the same perliament, a peace was concluded with the Scots, which a little before had skyrmyshed with the borderers. Which thing brought to pass, the king supposed all conspiracy to be clean avoided, for asmuch as the duke with other of his company were put to death, and also certain other banished. Yet for all this, king Richard was daily vexed and troubled, partly mistrusting his own strength, and partly fearing the coming of henry with his company, so that he lived but in a miserable case. And because that he would not so continue any longer, he determined with himself to put away the cause of this his fear and business, either by policy or else by strength. And after that he had thus purposed with himself, he thought nothing better than to tempt the duke of britain yet once again either with money, prayer or some other special reward because that he had in keeping the earl Henry, & most chief, because he knew that it was only he that might deliver him from all his trouble by delivering or imprisoning the said Henry. Wherefore incontmentlye he sent unto the duke certain Ambassadors, the which should promise unto him beside other great rewards that they brought with them, to give him yearly all the revenues of all the lands of Henry and of all the other lords there being with him, if he would after the receit of the ambassadors put them in prison. The Ambassadors being departed and come where the duke lay could not have communication with him, for as much as by extreme sickness his wits were feeble and weak. Wherefore one Peter Landose his treasurer a man both of pregnaunte wit and of great authority, took this matter in hand. For which cause he was afterward hated of all the lords of Britain. With this Peter the English ambassadors had communication, & declaring to him the kings message desired him instantly, for asmuch as they knew that he might bring their purpose to pass that he would grant unto king Richard's request, and he should have the yearly revenues of all the lands of the said lords. Peter considering that he was greatly hated of the lords of his own nation, thought that if he might bring to pass thorough king Richard to have all these great possessions and yearly revenues, he should then be able to match with them well enough and not to care a rush for them, whereupon he answered the ambassadors that he would do that Richard did desire, if he broke not promise with him. And this did he not for any hatred that he bore unto Henry, for he hated him not, for not long before he saved his life where the earl Henry was in great ●eoperdye. But such was the good fortune of England, that this crafty compact took no place, for while the letters and messengers ran between Peter and king Kichard, john Bishop of Ely being then in Flaundres was certified by a priest which came out of England whose name was Christopher Urswick of all the whole circumstance of this device & purpose. Whereupon with all speed the said bishop caused the said priest the same day to carry know ledge thereof into britain to Henry earl of Richemounte willing him with all the other noble men to dispatch themselves with all possible haste into France, Henry was then in Veneti when he heard of this fraud, without tarriance sent Christopher unto Charles the French king desiring licence that Henry with the other noble men might safely come into France, the which thing being soon obtained, the messenger returned with speed to his lord and Prince. Then the earl Henry setting all his business in as good stay & order as he might, talked little and made few a counsel hereof, & for the more expedition hereof, he caused th'earl of Penbrucke secretly to cause all the noble men to take their horses, dissembling to ride unto the duke of Bretain, but when they came to the uttermost parts thereof, they should forsake the way that led them toward the duke, and to make into France with all that ever they might. Then they doing in every thing as they were bidden lost no time but so sped them that shortly they obteygned and gate into the county of Angeou. Henry then within ii days following, being then still at Veneti took four or five of his servants with him, and feigned as though he would have riden thereby to visit a friend of his, and forasmuch as there were many Englishmennes left there in the town, no man suspected any thing, but after that he had kept the right way for the space of five miles, he forsook that and turned straight into a wood that was thereby, and took upon him his servants apparel, and put his apparel upon his servant, and so took but one of them with him, on whom he waited as though he had been the servant and the other the master. And with all convenient and speedy haste so set forth on their journey that no time was lost, and made no more tarriance by the way then only the baiting of their horses, so that shortly he recovered the coasts of Angeou where all his other company was. But within four days after that the Earl was thus escaped. Peter received from king Richard the confirmation of the grant and promises made for the betreiing of Henry and the other nobles. Wherefore the said Peter sent out after him horses and men with such expedition and speed to have taken him, that scarcely the earl was entered France one hour but they were at his heel's. The english men then being above the numbered of three hundredth at Veneti, hearing that the Earl and all the nobles were fled so suddenly and without any of their knowledge, were astonied and in manner despaired of their lives. But it happened contrary to their expectation for the duke of Britain taking the matter so unkindly that Henry should be so used with him that for fear he should be compelled to flee his land, was not a little vexed with Peter, to whom (although that he was ignorant of the fraud and craft that had been wrought by him) yet he laid the whole fault in him, and therefore called unto him Edward Poyninges & Edward Wood vile, delivering unto them the foresaid money the Henrye before had desired the Duke to lend him toward the charge of his journey, and commanded them to convey and conduct all the English men his servants unto him paying their expenses, and to deliver the said some of money unto the earl. When the earl saw his men come and heard this comfortable news, he not a little rejoiced, desiring the messengers that returned to show unto the duke, that he trusted ere long time to show himself not to be unthankful for this great kindness that he now showed unto him. And within few days after, the earl went unto Charles the French king, to whom after he had rendered thanks for the great benefits and kindness that he had received of him, the cause of his coming first declared, than he besought him of his help and aid, which should be an immor tall benefit to him and his lords, of whom generally he was called unto the kingdom, forasmuch as they so abhorred the tyranny of king Richard. Charles promised him help and bade him to be of good cheer & to take no care, for he would gladly declare unto him his benevolence. And the same time Charles removed and took with him Henry and all the other noble men. While Henry remained there, john Earl of Oxenford (of whom is before spoken) which was put in prison by Edward the fourth in the castle of Hams with also james Blounte captain of that castle, and john Forskewe knight Porter of the town of Caleys, came unto him. But james the captain, because he left his wife in the castle, did furnish the same with a good garrison of men before his departure. Henry when he saw th'earl, was out of measure glad the so noble a man and of great experience in battle, and so valiant & hardy a knight, whom he thought to be most faithful and sure, for somuch as he had in the time of Edward the fourth, continual battle with him in defending of Henry the sixth, thought that now he was so well appointed that he could not desire to be better, and therefore communicated unto him all his whole affairs, to be ordered and ruled only by him. Not long after Charles the French king removed again to Paris, whom Henry followed, and there again moved and besought the king as he had most favourably & kindly entreteigned him all this time, not only in words, but also in deeds that it would likewise please him yet so much further to extend his favour & benevolence unto him that now he would aid and help him forward in his journey, that not only he, but also all the lords and nobilytee of England might justly have cause to knowledge and confess that by the mean of his favour and goodness they were restored again to the possession of their enherytaunces, which without him they could not well bring to pass. In the mean while, his fortune was such, the many english men came overdaylye out of England unto him, and many which then were in Paris, among whom were diverfe studentēs that fell unto his part both more and less, and specially there was one, whose name was Richard Fox a Priest, being a man of a singular good wit and learning, whom Henry straight way reteigned and committed all his secrets unto him and whom also afterward he promoted to many high promotions, and at the last he made him bishop of Winchester. Richard then hearing of all this conspiracy and of the great aid that daily went over unto Henry, thought yet for all this, that if he might bring to pass that Henry should not couple in marriage with the blood of king Edward, that then he should do well enough with him and kept him from the possession of the crown. Then devised he with himself all the ways and means that might be how to bring this to pass. And first he thought it to be best with fair words & large promesses to attempt the queen whose favour obteygned, he doubted not but shortly to find the means to have both her daughters out of her hands into his own, and then rested nothing but if he himself might find the means after ward to mary one of the same daughters, whereby he thought he should make all sure and safe to the utter disapoyntinge of Henrye. Whereupon he sent unto the Queen then being in the Sanctuary diverse and sundry messengers that should excuse and purge him of his fact afore done towards her, setting forth the matter with pleasant words and high promises both to her and also her son Thomas lord Marquis of Dorset, of all things that could be desired. These messengers being men of gravity, handled the queen so e●●ftly that anon she began to be allured and to hearken unto them favourably, so that in conclusion she promised to be obedient to the king in his request (forgetting the injuries he had done to her before, and on the other part not remembering the promise that she made to Maigarete Henry's mother.) And first she delivered both her daughters into the hands of king Richard, then after she sent privily for the Lord Marques her son being then at Paris with Henry (as ye have heard) willing him to forsake henry with whom he was, and speedily to return into England for all things was pardoned and forgiven, & she again in favour and friendship of the king, and it should be highly for his advancement and honour. King Richard (when queen Elizabeth was thus brought into a fools paradise) after he had received all his brother's daughters from the sanctuary into his palace, thought there now remained nothing to be done, but only the casting away and destroying of his own wife, which thing he had wholly purposed and decreed within himself. And there was nothing that feared him so much from this most cruel & detestable murder as the losing of the good opinion the he thought the people had conceived of him, for as ye have heard before, he feigned himself to be a good man and thought the people had esteemed him even so. notwithstanding shortly after, his foresaid ungracious purpose, overcame all this honest fear. And first of all, he abstained from bedding or lying with her: and also found himself grieved with the barrenness of his wife, that she was unfruitful and brought him forth no children, complaming thereof very grievously unto the nobles of his realm and chiefly above other unto Thomas Rotherame then archbishop of York (whom he had delivered a little afore out of prison) the which bishop did gather of this, that the queen should be rid out of the way, ere it were long after (such experience had he of king Richard's complextion who had practised many like things not long before) & the same time also he made diverse of his secret friends privy of the same his conjecture. After this, he caused a rumour to run among the comen people (but he would not have the author known) that the queen was dead, to th'intent that she hearing this marvelous rumour, should take so grievous a conceit that anon after she should fall into some great disease, so that he would assay that way, in case it should chance her afterward to be sick, dead or otherwise murdered, that then the people might impute her death unto the thought she took or else to the sickness. But when the queen heard of so horrible a rumour of her death sprung abroad among the comen people, she suspected the matter and supposed the world to be at an end with her, and incontinently, she went to the king with a lamentable countenance, and with weeping tears asked him, whether she had done any thing whereby he might judge her worthy to suffer death. The king made answer with a smiling and dissimuling countenance and with flattering words, bidding her to be of good comfort and to pluck up her heart for there was no such thing toward her that he knew. But how so ever it fortuned, either by sorrow or else by poisoning, within few days after, the queen was dead and afterward was buried in the abbey of Westminster. This is the same Anne, one of Richard the earl of Warwikes daughters which once was contracted to prince Edward king Henry the sixth his son. The king being thus delivered of his wife fantasied a pace lady Elizabeth his nice, desiring in any wise to marry with her: but because that all men, ye and the maiden herself abhorred this unlawful desire, as a thing most detestable, he determined with himself to make no great haste in the matter, chief for that he was in a peck of troubles, fearing least that of the noble men some would forsake him & run unto Henry his part, the other at the lest would favour the secret conspiracy made again him, so that of his end there was almost no doubt. Also the more part of the comen people were in so great dispeare, that many of them had rather to be accounted in the number of his enemies, then to put theim selfes in jeopardy both of loss of body and goods in taking of his part. And amongst those noble men whom he feared, first was Thomas Standley and William his brother, Gylbert Talbote, & of other a great number, of whose purpose▪ though king Richard was ignorant, nevertheless he trusted not one of them, and lest of all Thomas Standley, because he had married Henryesanother, as it may well appear by this that fol oweth. For when the said Thomas would have departed from the court unto his own mansion for his recreation (as he said) but the truth was, because he would be in a readiness to receive Henry and aid him at his coming into the realm. But the king did let him, and would not suffer him to depart, until such time he had left in the court behind him George Strange his son and heir for a pledge. And while king Richard was thus wrapped in fear and care of the tumult that was to come, lo, even than tidings came that henry was entered into the land, and that the castle of Hams was prepared to receive Henry, by the means of the earl of Oxenford which then was fled with james Blunt keeper of the castle unto Henry. Then king Richard, thinking at the beginning to stay all this matter, sent forth with all haste ●he greater part that were then at Calyce to recover the said castle again. Those that were in the castle, when they saw their adversaries make towards them, speedily they armed theim selfes to defence and in all hast sent messengers to Henry, desiring him of aid. Henry forthwith sent the earl of Oxenford with a chosen sort of men to assist them, and at their first coming they laid siege not far from the castle. And while king Rychardes' men turned back having an eye towards them: Thomas Brandon with thirty valiant men of the otherside gate over a water in to the castle, to strength them that were within. Then they that were within laid heard to their charge that were without, on the otherside, the earl of Oxenford so valiantly assailed them of the backside that they were glad to make proclamation to them that were within, that if they would be content to give over the castle, they should have free liberty to depart with all that ever they had. The earl of Oxenford hearing this, which came only to save his friends from hurt, and namely james Bluntes wife, was contented with this condition and departed in safeguard with all his friends returning back to Henry, which was at Paris. After this, king Richard was informed that the French king was weary of Henry & his company, and would do nothing for him, whereby Henry was now not able in manner to help himself, so that it was not possible that he should prevail or go forward in th'enterprise that he thought to have taken in hand against king richard. King richard being brought thus into a false paradise, thought himself to be out of all fear, and that there was no cause why he should being so sure, once to wake out of his sleep or trouble himself any further, and therefore called back his navy of ships that then was ready upon the sea, which was fully furnished to have scoured the seas. But yet for the more surety lest he should be suddenly oppressed, he gave commandment to the great men dwelling by the sea side (and specially the Welshmen) to watch night and day, least his adversaries should have any opportunity to enter into the land. As the fashion is in time of war that those that dwell by the sees side should make bekyns in the highest places there about, which might be seen afar of, so that when it should chance their enemies to aryve toward the land, by and by they should fire their bekyns and raise the country, to th'intent that quickly from place to place they might be ascerteyned of all the whole matter and also to arm theim selfes speedily against their enemies. And so to come to our purpose again, king Richard through the aforesaid tidings, began to be more careless and reckless, as who say, he had no power to withstand the destiny that hung over his head. Such is the provident justice of God, that a man doth lest know, provide & beware when the vengeance of God is even at hand for his offences. And to go forth, at the time when Henry the earl of Richemounte remained in France entreating and suing for aid & help of the French men, many of the chief noble men, which had the realm in governance (because of the young age of Charles the king) fell somewhat at dissension, of the which variance, Lewes the prince of orleans was the chief and head, which because he had married johann the kings sister looked to have been chief governor of all the realm. By the which means it came to pass, that no one man had the principal governance of the realm. And therefore Henry the earl was constrained to sue unto all the nobles severally one after another desiring and praying them of aid and help in his purpose, and thus the matter was prolonged. In the mean time Thomas the Marquis of Dorcet (of whom we spoke afore) was privily sent for to come home by his mother, partly mistrusting that henry should not prevail, and partly for the great and large promesses that king Richard had made to her for him before. Which letters when the said Marquis had received, he believing all things that his mother wrote unto him, and also thinking that Henry should never prevail, and that the frenchmen did but mock and daily with him: he suddenly in the night time conveyed himself out of Paris and with great speed made towards Flaunders. The which thing when the earl and other of the English lords heard of, they were sore astoned & amazed, & with all speed purchased of Charles the king a licence and commandment that the Marquis might by steyed wheresoever he were found with in the dominion of France chief for that he was secret of their council and knew all there purpose. The commandment was quickly obtained & posts made forth every way, amongst whom one Humfrey Cheyncy playing the part of a good blooddehounde so truly, smelled out and followed the trace, that by and by he found out and took the Marquis: and so handled & persuaded him with gentle and good words, that shortly after he was content to return. Then Henry being delivered of this chance, thought it best to prolong the matter no farther lest he should lose both the present oportunytee and also weary his friends that looked for him in England. Wherefore he made haste and set forward with a small army obtained of the French king, of whom he also borrowed some money, and some of other of his friends, for the which he left the Marquis and John Burchere behind for a pledge. And so setting forward came to Rouen, and while he tarried there and prepared shipping at the haven of Seyne, tidings came to him the king: Richard's wife was dead, & purposed to marry with the lady Elysabeth, king Edward's eldest daughter being his nice, & that he had married Cycile her sister to a man's son of the land far underneath her degree. At the which thing, Henry was sore amazed and troubled, thinking that by this means all his purpose was dashed, for that there was no other way for him to come to the kingdom but only by the marriage of one of king Edward's daughters. And by this means also, he feared least his friends in England would shrink from him for lack of an honest title. But after they had consulted upon the matter, they thought it best to carry a little to prove if they might get more help and make more friends. And among all other, they thought it best to adjoin the lord Harbarte unto them, which was a man of great power in Wales and that should be brought to pass by this means, for that the lord Harbarte had a sister maryable, whom Henry would be content to marry, if he would take their part. And to bring all this matter to pass messengers were sent to Henry the earl of Northhumberlande, which had married the other sister so that he should bring this matter about, but the ways were so beset that the messengers could not come to him. And in the mean season, came very good tidings from John ap Morgan a temporal lawyer, which signified unto them that sir rice ap Thomas a noble and valiant man and John Savage, favoured his part earnestly and also sir reynold Bray had prepared a great sum of money to wage battle on his part and to help him, and therefore he would they should make haste with all that ever they could, and make toward Wales. Then Henry speedily prepared himself because he would linger his friends no longer. And after that he had made his prayer unto almighty God that he might have good success in his journey, only with two thousand men and a few ships in the kalends of August he sailed from the haven of Seyne, and the seventh day after which was the xxii day of August, he arrived in Wales about son set & landed at Wilforde haven, & in the part which is called the Dale, where he heard that there was diverse laid in wait for him, to keep him back. From thence, in the morning betimes he removed toward a town called Harford with in ten mile of the Dale, where he was very joyfully received. Here he had contrary tidings brought to that he heard in Normandy afore, that sir rice ap Thomas and John Savage withal that ever they could make, were of king Richard's part. notwithstanding, they had such tidings sent them from the men of Pembruche by a valiant gentleman, whose name was Arnold Butteler, that it rejoiced all their hearts, which was, that if all former offences might be remitted, they would be in a readiness to stick unto there own Gespare the earl. Then Henry's company by this means being increased, departed from Harforde five mile toward Cardygane, and then while he refreshed his men, suddenly came a rumour unto him that the lord Harbarte which dwelled at Carmerdyne was nigh at hand with a great army of men. At the which rumour there was a great stir amongst them, every man took himself to his weapon and made theim selfes ready if need were, to fight, and a little while they were all afraid, till such time as Henrye had sent out horsemen to try the truth, which when they came again, declared that all things was quiet and that there was no such thing. But most of all master Gryffythes a very noble man did comfort them and gladden their hearts, which although before he had joined himself to the lord Harberte, at that very time he cleaved to Henry with such company as he had, although they were but few, and the same time came John ap Morgan unto him. Henry went still forward & carried almost in no place, because he would make sure work and the better speed, he invaded such places afore that they were armed against him, the which places he bet down with very little strength But afterward having knowledge by his spies the the lord Harbert & sir rice were in a readiness to give him battle he determined to set upon them, & either to put them to flight or else to make them swear homage and feaultee unto him, & to take them with him in his host against king Richard. And because he would ascertain his friends in England how all the matter went forward with him, he sent of his most trusty friends to lady Margarete his mother, to Standely, to Talbot, and to other of his most especial friends with certain commandments. The effect of the commandments were, that he intended with the help of his friends to pass over Severne and by Shrewesbury to make toward London. There fore he desired them with those that were of their council in time & place convenient to meet him. So the messaungers going forth with these commissyons: Henry went forward toward Shrewesbury, and in the way met with sir Rice ap Thomas with a great number of men which came unto him and was of his part. For two days afore Henry promised him to be chief ruler of all Wales as soon as he came to the crown (if he would come unto him) which afterward he gave to him in deed. In the mean time the messengers executing the message, diligently returned back again with large rewards of them, to whom they were sent and came to Henry the same day he entered into Shrewesburye and showed how all his friends were in a readiness to do the uttermost that lay in them. This tidings put Henry in such great hope, that he went forth with a courage and came to the town of Newporte and there set up his tents upon a little hill, and there lay all night. That night came to him sir gilbert Talbot with above two hundredth men. After that they went forth to Stafforde & while they were there, William Standley came to him with a few after him, and when he had talked a little with him, returned back again to his host which he had prepared. From thence he went to Lichfelde, and that night lay without the town, but in the morning betime he entered into the city and was received honourably. A day or ii afore, Thomas Standley was there with five. M. men armed, which when he knew of Henry's coming, forthwith went afore to a village called Aderstone there to tarry till Henrye came. This he did to avoid suspicion, being afraid lest king Richard knowing his intent would have put his son to death, which as I telled you before was left with him as a pledge for his father. But king Richard in the mean time, which then was at Nottingham, hearing that Henry with a few more of banished men was entered into Wales, so lightly regarded the matter, that he thought it was not much to be paste upon, for that he came in with so few in number, and that the lord Harbart & sir Rice, which were rulers of all Wales, would other kill him, or else take him and bring him alive. But afterward, when he remembered himself that oftentimes a small matter in battle if it be not looked unto betimes, would make at the last a great stir: he thought it best to remedy the matter betimes and commanded henry the earl of Northumberlande with other of the nobles of the realm (whom he thought had set more by him then by their own goods) to raise up an army & to come to him with speed. Also he sent divers messengers with letters to Robert Brakenburye keeper of the Tower of London, commanding him to come unto him in all haste, and to bring with him as fellows in battle, Thomas Burschere, Walter Hungerforde and diverse other knights, whom he did not a little suspect. In this time it was showed that henry was come to Shrewisburye without any hurt. With the which tidings, the king began to rage and made exclamation against them, that contrary to their faiths they had utterly deceived him, & then he began to mistrust all men, and wist not whom he might trust, so that he thought it best to set forth himself against his adversaries. And forthwith he sent out spies to know which way Henry did take. They when they had done their diligence returned back again and showed him how that Henry was come to Lichfeld. The which thing after he knew, because now there was a great number of soldiers come together, by and by his men set in array, he commanded them forward, and to go four and four together, and by that way which they kept they heard say, their enemies were coming. The suspect persons he put in the mids, he himself with those he trusted came behind, with wings of horsemen running on every side. And thus keeping their order, about son set came unto Leicestre. When Henrye in the mean season had removed from Lichefelde unto the next village called Tamworth, in the mydwaye he met with Walter Hungerforde, Thomas Burschier and many other more which had promised to aid him afore And forbecause they perceived that they were susspected of Richard, & lest they should be brought violently unto him being their enemy they forsook Robert Brakenbury their captain, and in the night time stolen privily away and went to Henry. Unto whom there chanced by the way that was worthy to be marked, which was that Henry, although he was a man of noble courage and also his company did daily increase, yet for all that he stood in great fear because he was uncertain of Thomas Standly which as I telled you before, for the fear of putting his son to death, inclined as yet unto no part, & that the matter was not so slender of king Richard as report was made to him of his friends. Wherefore, as all afraid without a cause, he took only twenty men with him, and stayed in his journey as a man in despair and half musing with himself what was best to be done, and to aggravate the matter, tidings was brought him that king Richard was coming near to meet him with a great and huge host of men. And while he thus lyngered for fear behind, his host came afore to the town of Tham worth, and because it was then dark night, he lost both his company and also his way, then wandering from place to place, at last came to a little village iii mile from his host being full of fear and lest he should fall into the danger of scout watch he durst not ask a question of any man, and partly for the fear that was present, partly for that was to come he lay there that night and took this for a sign or a prognostication of some great plague that was to come, and of the other part his host was no less abashed seeing his absence for that time. When in the morning Henry came to them in the light of the day he excused the matter that he was not absent because he had lost his way but rather of purpose, because he would comen with his privy friends which would not be seen in the day. After that he went privily to Aderstone where Thomas Standley & William his brother did dwell. Here Henry, Thomas, & William met and took other by the hand with loving salutations and were glad one of an other. Then after, they counciled together of their meeting with king Richard whom they perceived then not to be far from them. That day when it drew toward night, in the evening John Savage Brytanne Sanforde, Simon Digby with many other had forsaken, king Richard & came to Henry with a great power of men, which thing both with power and strength sat Henry aloft again. In the mean season king Richard which purposed to go● thorough thick and thin in this matter came to Bosworthe alitell beyond leicester where the place of battle should be (as a man would say the high justice of God, which could not be avoided hanging over his head, had called him to a place where he should suffer worthy punishment for his detestable offenees) and there he set up his tents and rested that night. Afore he went to bed he made an oration to his company with great vehemence, persuading & exhorting manfully to fight. And afterward, as it was said he had a terrible dream in his sleep seeming that he saw horrible devils appear unto him & pulling and haling of him that he could take no rest, which vision filled him full of fear & also of heavy care when he waked. For by and by after, being sore grieved in his mind, he did prognosticate of this dream the evil luke & heavy chance that after came to him, and he came not with so cheerful a countenance unto his company as he was wont to do. Then least they should think that he had this heaviness for the fear of his enemies he stood up & rehearsed unto them all his dream. But I think that this was not a dream, but rather his conscience pricked with the sharp sting of his mischievous offences, which although they do not prick alway, yet most commonly they will bite most toward the latter day, representing unto us not only themself, but also the terrible punishment that is ordained for the same, as the sight of the devil tearing and haling us, so that thereby (if we have grace) we may take an occasion to be penitent, or else for lack of the same die in desperation. Now to come to my purpose again, the next day after, king Richard having all things in a readiness went for the with the army out of his tents, & began to set his men in array: first the forward set forth with a marvelous length both of horsemen and also of footmen, a very terrible company to them that should see them a far of: and in the foremost part of all he ordered the bowmen as a strong fortress for them that came after, and over this john the duke of Norfolk was head captain. After him followed the king with a mighty sort of men. And in this while, Henry being departed from the communication of his friends without any tarrying pitched his tents near his enemies and lay there all night and commanded his men to be in a readiness, in the morning he sent also to Thomas Standley being then in the mids, betwixt both hosts that he should come near with his army. He sent him word again that he should set his men in an order till he came, with the which answer otherwise then he had thought or then the matter did require, he was not alitel abashed and stood as it were in doubt. Yet for all that he tarried not but with all speed set his men in an order, the forward was but slender, because his number was but few, the archers were set in the foremost part Over them john the earl of Oxford was head captain. In the right wing he set Gilbert Talbot. In the left he put john Savage. And he himself with the help of Thomas Standley followed with one company of horsemen and a few footmen, for all his whole company were scant five. M besides the both Stanleys' with their company, of the which William Standley had three. M. The kings army was double to all this. And so when both armies were all in a readiness and began for to come within the sight of other they bragged forth theim selfes of both parties, looking only for the sign and token of striking together. betwixt both hosts, there was a marresse which henry left on his right hand purposely as a defence of his men, he found the means also to have the bright sun on his back, that it might dasyll the eyes of his enemies. But the King when the saw Henry pass over the marras commanded his men with all violence to set upon them. They by and by with a sudden clamour let arrows flee at them. On the other side they paid them home manfully again with the same. But when they came near together they laid on valiantly with swords. The earl of Oxford fearing lest in the mean time king Richard's multitude should have compassed in his men which were but a few, he commanded them by fyves they should not move forward passed ten foot the which commandment known when they knit theim selfes together and seized not in fighting: their adversaries being afraid suspected some craft or guile & began to break of and many of the same part were not much grieved therewith, because they were as glad the king should be lost as saved, & therefore they fought with less courage. Then the earl of Oxford with his men thick together stroke on more freshlyer. The other of the other part did likewise the same. And while the first wards of the battle had fought so manfully. Richard perceived by his spies Henry a far of with a few company of armed men. Afterward, coming near, Richard knew him by signs and tokens, then being inflamed with anger, furiously struck the horse with the spurs and ran out of the one side of the host, and like a Lion ran at him. On the other side, Henry perceiving him coming, was very desirous to meet him. Richard at the first setting forth, killed divers that stood, again he threw down Henry his banner and William Brandon the bearer also, he ran at Cheyny a man of great might which came for to meet him, and with great violence overthrew him to the ground, and this he made himself away through them, for to come to Henry. But Henry kept better tack with him than his men would have thought, which then was almost in despair of the victory. And even at the time lo there came William Stanley to aid them with iii M. men, and even at the very same time the residue of king Richard's men were put to flight Then Richard fighting alone in the midst of all his enemies was overthrown & slain. In the mean time th'earl of Oxenford in the forward after he had fought manfully a little while, put the residue to flight of whom he slew a great number. But agreate number more which followed Richard more for fear then for love, held their hands from fighting & went away without hurt, for that they looked not for his safeguard, but rather for his destruction. There were slain at this conflict not many more than one thousand, of the which these were noble men. John duke of Norfolk Walter Feris Robert Brachyngbury, Richard Radcliffe and many other more. And within two days after William Catisby lawyer with certain other of his fellows was put to death at Leicestre, and amongs those the ran away, was Frances Lovel, Humfray Stafford, with Thomas his brother and other more that ran into sanctuary at Colchestre in Essex. There was of the captives a great number, because that when Richard was slain, every man cast down his weapon and yield himself to Henry, of the which the more part would have done so at the beginning, if it had not been for fear of king Richard's spies, which then wandered in every place. And amongst these the nobles, were the earl of Northumberlande the earl of Surrey of the which th'earl of Surrey was put in prison, this other as a friend was received in to favour. Henry at that field lost not above an hundred men, amongst whom the chief was William Brandone which bare Henry's banner. This battle was fought in the xxii day of the month of August, inthe year of our Lord a thousand cccc lxxxvi the conflict endured more than ii hours Richard might (as the fame went) asaved himself if he would afled away, for those that were about him when they saw his men from the beginning fight but faintly and that some were run away unto the other part, suspected treason and willed him to fly and when the matter was manifest that all hope of victory was past, they brought him a swift horse. He putting a sied all hope and trust that was in fleiing, made (as it was said) this answer that this day he would have either an end of battle or else of his life, such was his great audacity and manfulness which because he did see certainly that in this day he should ob 〈◊〉 the kingdom quietly all days of his life or ●●s lose both for ever he entered in amongst them as it was declared before intending utterly either to lose all or else to win all. And so the wretehe died having the end that all such were wont to have which in the stead of law, honesty, and all godliness follow their own appetite villainty and all wickedness. And plainly this is an example which cannot be expressed, to fear them which will not suffer one hour to be otherwise spent then in cruelty mischief and all devilish fasshions Henry when he had thus obtained the victory he fell down on his knees and with many prayers & thanks, referred all to the goodness of God. Then after he stood up being wonderfully replenished with joy, & went up upon a little hill and there gave two great commendations to his soldiers commanding them that were hurt to be heeled and the deed to be buried, afterward he gave immortal thanks to his noble captains promising them that he would never forget their benefit The multitude in the mean time with one voice & one mind proclaimed him king. When Thomas Stanley saw thee, he took king Richard's crown which was found amongst the spoil, and by & by put it upon his head as though he had been then created king by the election of the people as it was wont to be in the old time, and this was the first token of his felicity. After this, king Henry with his company and carriage went to Lecestre toward night to bed, whether after he had refreshed his company well for the space of two days, that they might the better go toward London: King Richard's body was brought naked over a horse back, the head and the arms hanging on the one side and the legs on the other, & carried in to the grey freres of Leicester, and surely it was but a miserable sight to look upon, yet it was good enough considering his wretched leaving, and there without any solemnity was buried two days after. He reigned two years two months & one day, he was but of a small stature having but a deformed body, the one shoulder was higher than the other, he had a short face & a cruel look which did betoken malice, guile and deceit. And while he did muse upon any thing standing, he would bite his under lip continually, whereby a man might perceive his cruel nature within his wretched body strived and chaffed alway with in himself, also the dagger which he bore about him, he would always be chopping of it in and out he had a sharp and pregnant wit, subtle and to dessimule and fain very mete. He had also a proud and cruel mind, which never went from him to the hour of his death, which he had rather suffer by the cruel sword, though all his company did forsake him then by shameful flight he would favour his life, which after might fortune by sickness or other conding punishment shortly to perish. ¶ Henry the seventh. HENRY THE SEVENTH OF that name king of England. First after that he had obtained his kingdom and heritage by force of arms, intended to stablish all things & extynguish sedition, and before he departed from Leycester, caused sir Robert Willoughby knight to bring the young earl of Warwick the duke of Clarence's soon before his presence (whom king Richard to that time had kept at Sheryhutton in York shire) fearing much, lest that by this young earl some occasion might be taken of renewing battle, which intended nothing more than to live in peace and quietness. And so this earl was brought to him, & at his commandment conveyed to London, and there cast in hold, In the self same place also of York shire, was Lady Elizabeth eldest daughter to the forenamed king Edward, whom king Richard her uncle would have married sore against the mind and consent of the same lady. In so much also that the people were sore against it, and accounted it not only as a reproach & infamy to the king himself, but also to his counsel the did agree to his naughty purpose. Albeit, God of his infinite mercy preserved the lady, which short time after was brought to London to her mother. In this time the king drawing nigh to London, was there accepted of his citizens straight after his coming moste royally, & of all parties saluted after the most loving fashion the they could devise giving thanks to God with solemn procession for that he had sent them a king to govern the realm which before was ruled by a cruel & hateful Tyrant After this gratulation and thank esgeving, the king at a day appointed assembled his counsel, to the end he might marry the Lady Elizabeth, thorough the which marriage aswell the nobility as communes of the realm were brought in good hope that all things should be redressed, & an end made of all sedition and strife for ever. And at this Parliament holden & kept at Westminster he was created king the day of October, in the year of our Lord a. M. four C lxxxvi Which kingdom he enjoyed as of god anointed, for as men doo● report about seven hundredth four score and seventeen years passed Cadwallader last King of England prophesied that his progeny should bear rule and dominion again. So that by this means, men did fully persuade theim selfes that he was prestinate to it. And the rather also they did believe it because that king Henry the sixth did foresay the same, and in like manner prophecy of him. Therefore he being thus proclaimed as true enheretour of the crown, and at the same Parliament created king, did first cause to be published, that all such should be pardoned that would submit theim selfes to his grace, & as faithful people do to him due allegiance, other that absented theim selfes, to be taken as rebels & traitors. After the which proclamation hard, many the were in hold and sanctuaries, came for pardon and safety of life to him, which persons so submitting theim selfes ●er pardoned & enhanced to honour, every man after his own desert as the king & his counsel thought best. And first considering his chief friends and nigh kinsmen, made Gaspar his uncle Duke of bedford, sir Thomas Stanley knight Earl of Derby, Giles Dabeney, sir Robert Willoughby, and Robert Brook Lords, & Edward his eldest son duke of 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 wholly to all that king Richard had deprived him of at what time he with other were banished. Also acts, & statutes established & confirmed by Richard as thought expedient and very necessary at that time for the public weal, were by him aboundoned & infringed every one. After these things done he provided with all scelerite and expedition to redeem the Lord Marques Dorcet, & john Burscher, whom he had left at Paris as a pledge & surety for certain money that he had borrowed there and john, bishop of Ely for like det out of Flaunders. Furthermore, to the end the his realm might be in a better stay, he commanded that if any man had injury showed at any time, the same person should put up his matter to him, of whom he should both have and find redress. And for these matters and causes to be heard, he made of his council the Earl of Oxford, the duke of Bedford th'earl of Derby, the Lord Strange with his son and william the lord his brother chief of the privy chamber, the lord Broke chief steward, and lord grand master of his house Renould Bray john Morton bishop of Ely, Richard Fox john Dinham, whom after he made treasurer of England, Giles Dabeney, Richard Gildeforde, Lord Cheiny, Richard Tunstall, Richard Edgecombe, Thomas Lovel, Edward Poninges, with other wise men, as Richard ap Thomas a Welsheman, aswell circumspect as wise, Morgane Kidnel, Lord Grace Marques Dorcet, Lord Talbot, earl of Shrewesbury, john Risley, lord Thomas Earl of Ormonde, an Irisheman, Henry Warney, William Say, William Ody, Gilbert Talbot, William Udall, Thomas Troy's, Richard Naufaute captain of Calis, Roberte Point, james Hubert, Charles Somerset, Thomas hayward Earl of Surrey, a man of wisdom, gravity, and constantness most commendable, The earl of Essex descending of an high and noble parentage, Lord William Blounte, john Burscher, john Fineux, Peter Edgecombe, Hue Convey, Thomas Terrill, Sir Henry Wyatt, Robert Throgmorton, Thomas Brandon, sir john Winkefelde, sir Edmond Dudley, Edward Belknape, Richard Hemson. Also bishops, Henry Deny bishop of Cauntourbury, Oliver king bishop of bath and Welles, William Barons bishop of London that died shortly after he was bishop. Also William that succeeded next after, Henry archbishop of Cauntourbury, Richard of London, and Richard Bishop of Norwiche. When the king had taken these men to be of his council for the wealth of his realm, he married Lady Elizabeth daughter to king Edward as he had promised for the which, he had the hearts of many men. So that afterward he had no need to fear the assaults of any persons or the conjurations of rebels. Nevertheless, considering the chance he had before, and the falsehood the is in many men from their youth, made yeomen of the guard for his body, the which he first of all english Kings caused to be, and as it is thought he did take it of the French king. Also The guard first ordained by king Henry the seven. after this he caused a parliament to be had, where in was made and decreed certain laws, acts & statutes for the wealth of his realm. In this year a new sickness did reign, and is so sore and painful, as never was suffered before, the which was called the burning sweat. The sweeting sickness. And this was so intolerable, that men could not keep their beds, but as lunatic persons & out of their wits ran about naked, so that none almost escaped the were infected therewith. At the length after the great death of many a thousand men they learned a present remedy for the same disease, that is, if he were sick of that sweat in the day, that he should streyghtelye down with his clothes and vestures, if in the night, that he should not rise for the space of xxiiii hours, and eat no meat at all, if he could forbear, and drink as little as he might. This disease reigned throughout all England whereof also ensued a plague, as a token, and as the people judged, a plain argument that king Henrye should never be out of fear and dread of some mischance, seeing that he was in such great vexation at the seditious tumult that was risen all the claiming of the crown. When all things were appeased in London, and ordered after his own mind, he road Northward in progress to pacify all his realm, and especially those parts where the first commotion was, and where also were privy and cloaked friends of his adversaries. But because it was nigh Easter, he took his way to Lincoln, and there tarrying was certified that the Lord Lovel and Humfre Stafforde were gone from the sanctuary in Colchester, but to what place or whether, no man could tell, which message the king little regarding, went forth as he appointed to York, and when he came The commotion made by the lord Lovel and the lord Stafforde. there, it was showed him that the lord Lovel was at hand with a strong power of men, and would invade the city, also that the said lord Stafforde and his brother were in Glocestre, and there had made an insurrection, and set men on every part to defend the gates and walls of the city. At the first hearing of this, the king was but little moved, but after that he was certified by the letters of his friends that it was true, he was in great fear, for that he had neither an army prepared, nor harnyes for them, but because the matter required haste, lest that by long tarrying, his adversaries power might be increased and multiplied, he commanded the Duke of bedford to meet them with three thousand men, which were harnysed but barely, for their breast plates were for the most part leather. And he himself in that mean time would gather up an host, where he might in every place. The duke having his men nigh to the tents of his enemies, consulted with certain of his company, by what way he might train them to peace, without blood shedding. After the which deliberation & advisement had, it was decreed that certain should proclaim openly, that all they should have their pardon, that would leave battle. The which proclamation availed much,, for the Lord Lovel, either for some fear, or mistrust that he had in his people,, or fearing himself of his own behalf, fled privily in a night from his company, to Lankeshire & theridamas remained a space with sir Thomas Broghton knight. And when his army had knowledge thereof, they also submitting theim selfes all to the Duke, asked pardon for their heinous offence. The Lord Stafforde also hearing this, was in a great agony, and for fear did take sanctuary at Colname ii miles from Abindon. But because that sanetuary was not a defence for traitors, he was taken from that place and beheaded, and his brother was pardoned because he was thought not to have done it of his own will, but thorough the counsel and persuasion of his brother. After this business was assuaged and York shire set in peace and quietness, the King went to London, and shortly after that to Wynchester, where the Queen his wife, was delivered of a Prince called Arthure, and from Wynchester he returned again to London. soon after it chanced that one sir Richard Symond priest, borne by nature to be a traitor and seditious person, and yet well learned, had a child called Lambert Symenel to be his scholar, by whom he invented this craft and disceat that he would make the child king of England and himself archbishop, or some high potestate in the realm, for he knew verily, that many men supposed king Edward's children to be fled into some strange place, and that Edward the Earl of warwick, son to the Duke of Clarence either was or should be put to death shortly And to the end he might the better bring his purpose about, he taught the child both learning & good manners, and also to order himself, as one lineally descending from a high progeny. soon after the rumour was, that the young Earl of warwick was dead in prison. And when the priest heard of this, he intending thereby to bring his matters about, changed the child's name and called him Edward, after the young Earl of warwick, the which were both of one age, and then sailed into Ireland, there opening his mind to certain of the nobility, whom he knew to bear but little favour to King Henry, where he was promised aid of the Lord Gerardine chancellor of all that country, and all that he could do. Which Lord, first calling all his friends and lovers together, desired their help in restoring the young Earl to his heritage. And did send certain into England to desire them that were king Rychardes' friends to continue in their love and faithfulness towards him, and help his nephiewes child to his right. And that his power might be the stronger to overcome his enemies, he desired Lady Margarete sister to king Edward, and wife to the Duke of Burgundy, to further his purpose with her help, which lady being then in Flaunders, promised him by the messaungers, that she would not only maintain his intent with large money and substance, but with all the labour and pains that she might occasion other, to be of the same conspiracy. When king Henrye was certified of this, he was sore grieved, that by the means of such a myscreaunte person, so great sedition should be, nevertheless, the king considering that it should be to the destruction of many men, if that he should fight with his enemies in open field, called his counsel together at the Charter house beside Rychemounde, and there consulted to pacify this matter without any more disturbance. Where first it was decreed, that all they should be pardoned for their offences and treasons lately committed, which hath from that time, borne theim selfes upright towards their king, least that sir Thomas Broghton which kept the Lord Lovel from the king a great time, with other despeyring of their pardon should have made some sudden insurrection against him. Further more, that men should not think, but that the Duke of Clarence was in England, it was appointed that he should show himself abroad, whereby the opinion that he was in Ireland might be frustrate, and accounted as a lie. Also it was further determined that the Lady Elysabeth wife to king Edward the four should lose all her lands, because she had submitted herself and her daughters wholly to the hands of king Richard, contrary to the promise made to the Lords and nobles, which at her desire left all that they had in England and fled to king Henrye in britain, and there did swear him to mary her eldest daughter, as she willed them to do. But her purpose did not frame as (God would) This queen builded a Collage in cambridge, and gave lands to the maintaining of the same which at this hour is called the queens Collage. When this order and determination of the king was ended, he went to London, and the next sunday following he caused the young Earl to be brought out of the Tower through the streets to Paul's. And there to show himself to every body, and task with the chief and noble men that were thought to have conspired against king Henrye, for this cause that they might perceive the Irish men to move battle unadvisedly, and cause strife upon no just occasion, howbeit, all this nothing availed, for the Earl of Lyncolne, the Duke of Suffolk's son, and nephew to king Edward, could not suffer king Henrye thus to reign, but as a traitor sailed into Flaunders to the Lady Margarete, taking with him Sir Thomas Broghton, with certain other, Where also, the Lord Lovel landed two or three days before. And there they being all together, determined that the Earl of Lyncolne and the Lord Lovel should go to Ireland, and there attend upon the counterfeit Earl, and bring him to England with all the power they might against king Henrye. So that if their doings had good success that then the foresaid Lambarte (misnamed the Earl) should by the consent of the counsel be deposed, and the true Earl to be delivered out of prison and inherit his right, and just title of his dominion. But the king, not mistrusting any man to be so foolish hardy as to fight in such a cause, or any so undiscrete (especially of his realm) as to believe it, did only mind the suppressing of the Irish men, and their enterprise to subdue. Yet hearing that the Earl of Lyncolne with other were fled, and go to his adversaries, he caused the borders to be diligently kept that none other might escape or give them succour, and coming to the abbey of saint edmund's Bury, it was certified that the Lord Thomas Marques was come to excuse and purge himself before him, for certain things that he was suspected, to whom the king did send the Earl of Oxford to take him coming, and convey him to the Tower of London, for this cause, that if he were his friend, as he was in deed, that he should not be myscontented to suffer a little imprisonment for the safety of his king, if he were not his friend, there to tarry that he might have no damage or hurt by him. And so the king went forth to Norwyche and tarrying there Christmas day, went after to Walsingham, and from thence to Cambridge and so straight to London. In this time the earl of Lincoln, & the lord Lovel had got about two thousand Germans, with Martin Swart to be their captain, and so sailing to Ireland came and made the forenamed Lambarte king of England at Develing. And so with the great multitude of Irish men aswell naked and unarmed persons, as other that the Lord Gerardyne had under him, they sailed into England, and landed for a purpose within a little of Lancastre, trusting there to be aided of Sir Thomas Broghton the chief author of this conspiracy. The king not sleeping his mattiers, but mistrusting that such things should chance sent certain Knights, through all the east parties to attend the coming of his enemies, and gathering all his host together, went himself to coventry, where he being, it was certified him that the Earl of Lyncolne was landed at Lancastre with the new king. Whom the king appointed to meet after the consent and agreement of his counsel, and to go upon them without any farther delay lest that their power by long sufferance should be augmented and multiplied. And so after such advisement taken, he went to Nottingham, and there by a little wood called Bowers he pitched his tents. To whom shortly after came the Lord Talbote Earl of Shrowesburye, the Lord Strange, the Lord Cheiney with a great army of men, and many other noble men, whose names here after ensue. Rauff Longforde John Montigomery Henry Vernone of Pek Rauff Shurley Godfrey Folgehan Thomas Gryfley Edward Sutton Humphrey Stanley & an other Humphrey Stanley, William Hugton William Mering, Edward Stanope Gervase Clifton Brian Stapulton Henry Wylloughby William Perpoyntes John Babyngton William Bedyll Robert Brundell John Markham William Merbury Edward Aborogh William Tyrwite John Hussey Robert Shefilde William Newporte Roger Ormeston Thomas Tempest William Knyvett Henry Wyllaybet Lord Edward Hastyngges. John Dygby Simon Digby Harington Richard Sachenerell John Vyllers Edward Fylding Thomas Polteney Nicholas Vaux Thomas Gryne Nicolas Griffin Edmund Lucy Edward Belknap Robert Throgmarton George Gray of Ruthin Guide Wolstone Thomas Fynderye David Phillips Thomas Cheiney Robert Cotton John Saint John John Mordant Thomas Terrill John Raynsford Robert Paynton Robert Danyell Henry Marney Edmund Aroundell Also there came from the farthest parts of his realm other noble men, as these. George Oglye Rauff Nevil Richard Latemere William Bulmere John Langforde William Norrys John Nevil of Thortinbridge and John Wyllyams. The earl of Lyncolne in the mean season went forth softly with his company into Yorkshire without hurt or discommodity of any man that dwelled thereabout, trusting partly thereby, & ꝑtely also because he was well known and acquainted among them, that he should get great aid and succour there. But when he perceived very few or none to follow him, and that he could not (seeing his enemies were so nigh hand and he also so far entered) in safeguard with his host return backwardly yet he thought it best to abide & taste the chance of battle, and so much that rather, because he saw Henry within two years before accompaign●ed but with a few and small sort of soldiers overcome king Richard which brought with him a great host of well armed men. Wherefore he, being now in a great hope of victory, took his journey thence toward Newarke, there to set his soldiers in array and meet the king, whom he knew well though not to be passed ii days journey from him. But before he could come thither, king Henry which was surely certified of all things that he did or went about, came to Newarke a little before the even that they should fight on that morrow other wise than the earl looked for, and there tarrying not long, went forth three miles ferther and set his tents and tarried all night. Of whose coming although th'earl knew, yet he went forth lustily of his tourney and came that night to a village nigh to his enemies, which is called Stooke, and there pitched his tents. The next day, the king so soon as he had set his soldiers in due order and array, went forward with all speed to the place where the earl with all his lay. To the which place, when he was come, & had appointed the field, which was most meet for the battle to be fought in, by & by gave place for his enemies to come forth and provoked them to battle. But as ready as he was to provoke, so ready were they of their own courage to come forth: so that of both parties they ran to battle and fought most eagerly, in which tonflicte it did evidently appear that the Germans which were set in the forward, whose captain was Martin Swart, were nothing worse in manliness and chivalry (which they got chief by daily and long exercise) than the Englishmen. And the Ireshmens although they fought very lustily, yet by the reason that they were not harness (according to their fashion and custom) were discomfcited and beat down both more in number, and sooner than all the other. Yet was this battle so earnestly, & boldly fought for a while of both parties, that it could not be well discerned to which side the victory would incline. But at the last, the kings forward which there abode all jeopardy, so lustily & courageously ran upon their enemies, that they were none able to resist or abide their power: so that all aswell Germans as Irish men were there slain or else made to fly, of the which none at all could escape away. Which battle, when it was thus done, all men might see of what boldness & audacity these rebellions were. For their captains John earl of Lincoln, Francis Lovel Thomas Broghton, Martin Swart, & Thomas Gerardine never gave back one foot but were slain all in the same place where they began first to fight. There were killed at that vattaill with their five captains spoken of even now of that party about four thousand. Of the kings part there were not half of them which fought in the forward slain. Then was Lambert, the child which was falsely reported to be the Duke's son of Clarence, and his master sir Richard Simond priest, both taken, but neither of them put to death, because Lambert was yet but a child and did seem to do that, more by compulsion of his master than of his own will, and the other was a priest which for his default was cast into perpetual prison. But this Lambert was taken into the Kings kechin and after was made one of the kings faukeners and is yet a live. And thus was all that Margarete went about at this time, turned to nought and to none effect, which thing when she heard tell of in Flaunders, she was very lory at the heart & made great moan. And yet could she not be content, but immediately after, invented an other thing to vex and trouble king Henry, as it shallbe showed here after. King Henry when he had all things brought thus to pass, and utterly vanquished these his enemies, thought himself at one time delivered from two evils together, that is to say, from both fear that was present, and also that was to come. For it was not to be thought that they which were so few in number durst be so bold to entre into the realm and make battle against the king whom they knew well enough would bring with him a great and well armed host, but that they had other fellows of the same conjuration which would meet and aid them all that they could in time and place convenient. Therefore when the king saw the host of his enemies manifestly before his eyes, he commanded that no man should kill the earl of Lincoln, but that he should be brought to him alive, to the intent that he might show and bewray all the other which were of the conspiracy. But that the soldiers would not do, lest the saving of him, should be the destruction (as it should have been in deed) of many other. This battle was fought in the year of our Lord a thousand four hundredth, four score, & the second year of this Henry's reign. In the which year also Thomas Burscher archbishop of Canterburye died, into whose room succeeded john Morton late bishop of Ely, whom Alexander of that name the sixth bishop of Rome made Cardinal. Now to return to my purpose. After this, the king, when he had gathered all the prays and spoils together, and had buried them that there were slain, went forth to Lincoln and there tarried three days, and had every day one procession to thank God almighty that he had the overhand of his enemies. And incontinently sent his banner to Walsyngham to be consecrate to our Lady, there to be kept for a perpetual monument of victory. Then did he execution of such rebellions as were there taken, & shortly after took his journey forth to York, and there likewise such as were found guilty did he punish straightly. When all this was done, he went unto Newcastle, and from thence sent into Scotland Richard Fox which not long before was made bishop of Exeter, and Richard Edgecombe knight as Ambassadors to king james for a league of peace. For this henry thought it a great pleasure and commodity, to be in peace and concord with kings & governors which lay about this his realm, and specially and before all other with king james, because that there no rebellions might trust (which otherwise perchance would have trusted) to have aid or succour at his hand: so that thereby there durst none again take weapon against him. The ambassadors, when they were come into Scotland to the king, were of him both gently and after the most loving fashion received and heard, and then did he plainly declare and open to them that he himself loved king Henrye and his, no man 〈◊〉: but that that most part of his Scots and subjects could in no case agree with the English men. Wherefore, except that he should offend or 〈…〉 se them, he desired the legates to be content with truce for vii years in promise, but in deed, he said, that peace between them on his part should never be broken, and or ever those seven years should be passed, that he would give truce for seven years longer: so that king Henry and he would ever be in peace and most assured amity And this did king james, because he knew that no fact of his people, should be allowed. When the Ambassadors heard this, they took the years that were offered them, as concerning peace, and by and by returned home to king Henry again, and showed him all the matter in order. With the which tidings he was very well contented. Shortly after, the king departed thence toward London, and in the way at Leicetre met him Abassadoures from the French king which showed him, that their king Charles had recovered many towns and cities, which before were possessed of king Maximilian, and that he kept battle now with France's the duke of britain, because he kept and succoured in his dominion certain that were traitors and rebellions against him, of the which the chief was Lewes' duke of orleans, and therefore he desired him of his friendship & familiarity, that either he would help him orels meddle of neither party. But king Henrye, although he had found much friendship at the French kings hand, yet for as much as he spied whereof this strife began, with this message was not well content. For the cause that the frenchmen took battle, was because they saw that the Duke was an old man and had never a child, and thereby that they might bring that Dukedom into their subjection. When king Henrye perceived this, and also how loving the britains had been ever to England, and finally remembered the tender love which was between the duke and him, thought it best, if need were, to help the britains, Yet for as much as he had found the French king very kind in times past, and had partly by his help recovered his kingdom, he was very loath to meddle: in so much that he could not well tell what was best in this matter to be done. But at the last he fully purposed, if necessity should require, to help the duke in all that he might. Yet, lest he should make of his high friend his extreme enemy, his answer was to the ambassadors, that he did intend to make their king and the duke friends again. Wherefore assoon as the French kings ambassadors were dismissed, he sent on message Christopher Vrswycke to Charles the king of France. first to certify him, that he was very glad of the victory that he had upon Maximilian, secondarily what tumult and insurrection was made here in England thirdly and especially to desire him to be at one again with the Duke of britain. And then he commanded this Vrswycke, that if the king of France should be so content, to go forth immediately to the Duke, and desire him likewise of the same. But when the king was come again to London, there was joy and mirth for the victory the he had on every side. For not only the king, but also every one of his citizens rejoiced very much. Wherefore the king showed himself both bewray human and courteous toward all men, and also rewarded all them that took pains in that battle most bountefully. And not long after delivered Lord Thomas Marquis out of the ●oure, and loved him very well. In the mean season Christofer Urswick was come to the french king, & of him, after the most loving fashion that could be, received. And as soon as he had showed his message, the king showed himself to be there with very well pleased. Then went the ambassador straight thence, as it was commanded him, into Britain, and showed the duke what king Henry would have done. But the duke (because himself had been sick a great while, & thereby his memory & wit was d●●aied) called to him to hear the message both Lewes the duke of orleans and other of his council, which Lewes in no wise would have any peace to be made, but said that it was more meet that king Henrye (seeing he had found such kindness at the Duke's hand, and Britain was such a good defence to England) to help to keep battle all that he might against the frenchmen. Then returned this Christofer again into France, & declared to the king Charles what answer was made of the Britain's, and shortly after came into England again. But still in the mean time, the French king went about busily to overcome the Britain's, and the more he was nigh of his purpose, so much the more did he exhort & desire king Henry to make peace between them, wherefore he sent bernard Daubeney knight in all the haste to king Henrye to desire him in any wise to make some end of this contraversy. And thereupon the king being desirous of the same, chose three orators, the Abbot of Abindon, john Lily the bishop of Rome's collector and Richard Tonshal a knight and a very wise man, to go first to the French king, and then to the duke to make amity and friendship again between them. But or ever these ambassadors proceeded on their journey, john lily fell sick of the gout: therefore for him was chosen Christofer Vrswycke, and they together went (as they were commanded) first into France to the king, and thence without delay into Britain. But Frances the duke in no case would take such conditions as were there offered, wherefore they came back again into France without their purpose, and there tarrying, signified to king Henry by their letters all that was done. But or their letters came to the kings hands, Edward Woodilile, a bold Champion came to him & desired very earnestly that he might have an host of men to help the Britain's, and leasire it should cause any dissension between the French king and him, he said that he would go privily and without a passport, to th'intent it might be thought that he stole out of the land. But the king, for as much as he trusted that peace should be made, would in no wise grant his petition. Wherefore this Edward went straight into the isle Veches, which was in his domination, & there so soon as he had gathered his men together about four. C, sailed over to the Britain's, & joined himself with them against the Frenchmen, which thing when it was known in France, made the ambassadors greatly afraid of their lives. But whiles they were in this fear, and the Frenchemen thought it done maliciously of King Henry, there came other Ambassadors from him to the French king, certifying him & declaring (by most evident tokens) that it was nothing in deed as it was thought to have been. To the which message, albeit the king had little credence yet he made as though he had not been angry at all. So the Ambassadors renewed peace between their king & him for xii months and returned home again, & showed the king all such things that they had either heard or seen there, whereof he gathered that the Frenchmen did nothing less intend then to have peace made. Wherefore without delay he called a parliament & there consulted of the aiding of the Britain's: then of the expense that should be therein made, & after of other mattiers. And assoon as the parliament was broken up, he caused musters to be taken in every town thorowoute his realm. Yet least peradventure he might seem willingly to break the amity which was between the French king and him, he sent Ambassadors into France to certify the king that of late he had kept a parliament, and there that it pleased all the nobles that he should send help to the Britain's, because they at all times had done more benefits to England then all other nations and therefore that he should either leave of battle orels that he should not be grieved if he did obey the minds of his Lords and prelate's, and yet that he would promise him this one thing, that his should meddle with him no longer than he was in Britain & kept battle upon them. With these commandments the ambassadors went forth and declared to the French king all the mind and will of their king which thing he little cared for, and thought as it came to pass in deed, that the Englishmen there could little avail. In the mean season the Britain's fought one field at a place called saint Albans & there sped bewray evil. For of them Lewes duke of orleans with many more were taken, and Edward Wooduile, james Galeot an Italian and a very good warrior, with divers other noble men slain. Which thing when king Henry heard tell of, he thinking it time to make haste, sent speedily Roberte Brook Lord, john Cheinye, john Middleton, Ralph of Helton, Richard Corbet, Thomas Leighton, Richard Lacon, & Edmond Cornewell, all lusty captains with viii thousand well armed men to the Britain's to help them in their need, which by reason the wind served them, came thither so soon as they could desire. But when the French men knew of their coming (whom they knew so long as they were fresh and lusty to be in a manner invincible) at the first were blank all, and durst scarcely look out of their tents, but afterward trusting that they might weary them they went many of them together into divers places, and kept many bikeringes with the English men, but they theim selfes ever bare the worst away, howsoever the Englishmen sped, they sped nought. Whiles they this kind of war did exercise, the Duke Frances died, and then was all dashed. For the chief rulers of the Britain's being some of them corrupted with money, & some stirred up with ambition, fell into division among themselves, and seemed no more to endeavour to defend their common weal, but rather to destroy and utterly extinguish it Which thing the english men perceiving, and also suffering much cold, were compelled of necessity within five moons that their went thither, to come back again into England. Then Charles the French king married Anne the Duke's daughter, and got all britain by that means into his hands. But of this it shallbe spoken more here after. It was decreed here in England before there were any soldiers sent into britain, that for the expense of that war, every man should pay as they were able, a tribute, which the most part of them that dwelt in the byshopric of Durham and York shire, did utterly refuse to pay, and complained of the matter to their Lord the Earl of Northumberland. And he immediately signified to the king by his letters that the people did greatly lament and was sorry saying, that they were never put to so much coast, as they had been of late days, & now that there was so much required of them, that neither they were able to pay so great a sum, nor would pay it. Yet for all that the king commanded the Earl to get it on them and make them pay it whether they would or not lest peradventure it might be a cause, that if at any time a tribute again should be required of them, to make an insurrection. Which thing when the people heard of, by and by they ran unto the earl and as the author of the tribute paying Themurde ring of the earl of Northumberland killed him out of hand. And when they had so done, they chase John Egremonknight a very dicious person to be their captain, and so arrayed themselves, and went against the king, making cries in every town, that they came to fight for no nother cause but to defend that common liberty. But when the matter should come to blows they waxed cold all the sort of them, and every one wished that this tumult were retracted which was now already begun, so that at the conclusion not one scarcely scaped without his great discommodite. For the king assoon as he heard of this insurrection, went down with an host to York whereof these slaves and traitors being greatly afraid, fled some hither and some thither and durst not abide and sustain the power of the kings army. Wherefore they were soon taken and punished grievously, according to their deserving every one of them. But John Egremont which was their captain fled into Flanders to Margarete of whom we spoke before. And the king so soon as this business was quenched, took his journey back again unto London and committed the tribute which was in York and about York to be taken up, holy to Richard Toustal. And this was the year of our lord a thousand four hundred xc and the fourth year of the reign of this king Henry. And in this year also the king of Scots 〈…〉. was sore vexed. For his subjects roase against him and made his son james which was as yet but a child, their captain. Wherefore, he sent to the king of England, to the French king, and to the bishop of Room Innocentius to desire them to make some end of this civil battle and contention which was between his people and him. Which afterward sent their ambassadors as they were desired, but all in vain. For the rude sort would needs fight unless The king of Scots slain of his subjects. he would resign his crown, wherefore shortly after, they fought, and in that battle killed the king and gave his son james which was the fourth of that name the crown. But the bishop of Rome's legate Hadrian came to late. For whiles he was in England with king Henry, word came that the king of Scots was slain in battle and his son made king. And therefore, he tarried here in England for a space, and was very much made of, and highly commended to the king by John Morton archbishop of Canterbury. Whereby he came into so high favour with king Henry, that he made him bishop of Herforde, and shortly after, that lest gave him the bishopprike both of Welles and bath. And not long after he returned with these honours to Room, and there of Alexander was made Cardinal. There began also of fresh, certain business as concerning Britain before this gear was appeased: which was, that Maximilian being at that time without a wife, would have married the duke of Briteines daughter, and had one that wooed for him, which lady promising him faith & truth, to the intent that she might not go from her word, he used this way with her, when she went to her bed the night after, as to the bed of wedlock, the wooer that was hired, put one of his feet into the bed to the knee in the sight & company of many noble matrons & ladies, for a token & testimony that the marriage was consummate, & they ii as man & wife. But this did nothing avail, for Char the French king was desirous to mary her & hearing that Maximilian was sure to her, did the more busily set upon the britains, to th'intent he might both have the lady and the country also at his will, for he esteemed that marriage to be of no strength or force. Nevertheless, he feared king Henry much, lest that he would stop his purpose, which king had made a league, and Ferdinand also the king of Spain, had made the same with the britains, to assist them in all their jeopardies and perils that should chance to them by foreign countries, wherefore he sent in all post hast Francese Lucemburgense, Charles Marignane and Roberte Gaguine, to king Henry for a peace to be confirmed and had, desiring him, that their king might order the marriage of the Lady Anne as were thought best without any let or hindrance of it by him, but king Henry would not agree to them, that the lady should be married to him, considering she was made sure to the king Maximilian, for that it was against all right and law both of God and man. Albeit the king would gladly make a peace between them both, and so demissing the kings Ambassadors with a large and ample reward, sent Thomas Goldestone abbot of Cantorbury and the lord Thomas of Ormondye ambassadors straight after them. In this mean space, Alexander B. of Rome the sixth of that name after Innocentius sent the bishop of Concordiense legate to the French king for certain mattiers, and among other for a peace and unity to be confederate betwixt him and king Henry, the which when he had easily obtained, he came to England and there being entretained most royally of the king, had his purpose and desire of him. The English ambassadors then being with the French king, purposed to have a peace concluded, which first demanded certain things of the king ere that it should be made, albeit the king would grant them nothing, and was sore moved with their request & asking. So the shortly after, the French king sent to the noble men of Britain great gifts and rewards to the intent they might move the lady Anne to give her troweth to him, and also sent to herself many princely gifts & tokens, the she would bear love to him. And that she might not fear but that she might lawfully marry to him, certified her the the promise was of none effect that she had given to Maximilian for that it was given & made without his consent which had the governance & dominion over all the country And this was the cause that no concord or peace could be kept betwixt them. And where as that the king had taken Maximilians daughter lady Margaret to be his wife, he said that it might be lawfully dissolved because the lady was under age, and not ripe to be married. This lady Anne of Britain through the persuasion of many noble men of that country, was contented to be his wife and lady. And when the king was certified of this, he hastened the marriage with all the expedition and celeritee that he could. So that the English ambassadors returned again to their country, and nothing done or agreed upon in their matter. When the king was certified of this by his ambassadors, he purposed to make battle against him, and to revenge the naughty intent of his, with the sword, and assembling his counsel together, showed them the matter, and the just cause he had to fight, destering them for the maintenance of the same wars to help him with money, nevertheless that men should not think it to be extort of them, he willed every man to give as much and as little as he would, and them to be esteemed and taken as his most best and assured friends that gave the most money When this some was gathering and preparance made for battle, Maximilian the king warred sore with the frenchmen, which king was taken a little before at a certain brunt and skirmish made, and cast in prison, after the which time king Henry sent to him Giles Dabeney captain of Calais to aid him with three thousand harnissed men. At the length Maximilian having the better hand of the frenchmen, intended to revenge himself of the French king, for that he had repudiate his daughter lady Margarete, and taken to him as wife queen Anne, but because he was not fully able of himself to sustain that battle, he sent james Conti●alde ambassador to king Henry for help, which james when he had done his message, the king promised that he would do for him all that he could in maintaining his wars. In this time, Charles the French king married lady Anne, challenging by this marriage the dominion and governance of the Britain's. Maximilian the king being certified of this, was greatly moved, for that he did not only forsake and repudiate his daughter lady Magarete, but also received in marriage the lady and queen Anne to his wife, and in this fury he sent to king Henry desiring him to prepare an army, for he would go upon the French men, and keep open battle with them, which king Henry gathered an host of men, and proclaimed battle in all his realm, after the which proclamation there came to London an huge army of men, with their captains, which hereafter ensue and follow. richard Thomas with a great company of Welsh men. The earl Thomas of Derbie. George earl of Shrowesburie. Thomas earl of Harundell. Edmund duke of Suffolk. Edward earl of Devenshire with his noble young soon. Thomas earl of Ormondye. George earl of Kent. Lord Thomas Dorcet Marquis. John Cheyney. Gyles Dabeney Richard Gylforde John Raynsforth james Terrill John Savage Thomas Baro of Helton William Bulmerey Edward Stanley, with other. After that all this army was arrayed, the king sent sir Christopher Vrswycke, and sir John Ryseley knights to the king Maximilian, to certify him that they were all in a readiness to keep battle when he would have them. When they had done their message they returned back again to their king, certifying him, that Maximilian was so poor and needy of money and men, that he could not be able to sustain any battle nevertheless his mind and will was good, if his power and hability had been correspondent to it. The king after the receit of these letters, was displeased much with him, albeit considering he had go so far in it, and had such furniture of all things prepared, lest that men should impute it to him as cowardness to faint from battle, he proceeded forth toward France, and about the vi day of September he landed at Calise, & there rested his army. Where word was brought to all the host (for they did not know of it before) that Maximilian could make no preparance for lack of money. At the which they marveled greatly, considering that he had such villainy showed him not long before at the king of France hand. Yet they were never discoumfeyted at it, but like stout and valiant warryars had great confidence in their own power and strength, with whom the king of France (after that he perceived it best for his profit & ease) would gladly have been reconciled, although he had a ready host to fight against them & withstand their power. And especially he desired peace for this cause, that he might have the love of his neighbours, to the intent his realm might be in better safeguard and quietness, when he should war against Ferdinand king of Napels, at the desire of Ludovike Sfortia duke of milan, which at that present time did invite him to it, wherefore he did send Philip Desquerd chief of Annonye to desire king Henrye of peace, which Philip did send the letters to him, before he came into the country himself, wherein he signified that he would take such pains in bringing his purpose about, that he would if it should so please his grace, reconcile both him and their king to love each other as they have done heretofore, and said that it should be for his honour to take the same condition, which condition if he would send certain of his captains to meet with him in any part of France, and there to determine of it he should have it there promised & hereafter duly to be performed. The king after he had red these letters, did send the bishop of Exeter, and Giles Dabeney to the forenamed Philip for peace to be agreed upon & concluded, the which after a space determined upon certain conditions which here after shallbe showed, that peace should be had on both parties. When they were thus consulting, the king having his host at Caleis, removed from that place to Bologna, & there pitching his tents besieged the town with all the power he might, which town because it was strongly defended & furnished with all things necessary for war, it could not be overcome without great labour, & before that he either could or did overcome any part of it, word was brought, that a peace was concluded and made, which heard, as it was pleasure to the frenchmen, so it was sorrow to the English men, for they cried out of the king and said it was not for his honour so to do, but the king as a wise man & most prudent prince, said it should be the death of many noble & puissant captains if he should continue the same battle, & therefore it might be to his sore reproach, if it were in his power, not to tender as well the health of his commons as his own, which saying did somewhat cowl & pacify their grief. And after this done, the king returned back to Calise, for because it was informed him that one Richard the named himself the son of king Edward had made an insurrection in Flaunders, through the counsel of lady Margarete the queen, to fight against him, which thing, king Henry considering did the more speedily hasten to conclude a peace. And the condition of this peace to be made was this, that the French king should pay to king Henry, a certain sum of many, the which was levied by the ambassadors, for the cost and charges that the king was put to in that battle, and also should yearly for a certain space pay or cause to be paid to the king of England for a full recompense. x●v. thousand crowns. The which French king after that being in war with the Italians, paid the said tribute to the most noble prince and our sovereign lord king Henry the. v●●. son to Henry the seventh, for a full recompensation and friendship to be had for ever. This was the year of our Lord a thousand four hundredth four score and thirteen, and the seventh year of his reign. Also in this invading & besieging 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. of Bonony (which we spoke of before) there was none killed, saving only sir John Savage, which going out of his tent with sir John Riseley, was taken privily riding about the walls of the town and there because he would not yield was slain of the French men, albeit the other sir John Rysely fled and escaped their danger. After this the king went from Calis to England again, & yet that he might not be without some trouble or business, queen Margaret of Spain (which ever watched to do him a displeasure) perceiving that the earl with his company could not have such success in their business as she would have wished them, she invented a new way to work treason against him. There was a certain young man of Tornace, very beautiful & fair in countenance, & of a pregnant wit, which young man was called Peter & surnamed Warbeck, & for his cowardness nycknamed of the English men & called Perkyn, Perkyn warbeck. which young man travailing many countries could speak many languages & for his baseness of stock & birth was known of none almost. Therefore the queen thinking this young man to be meet whom she might feign to be the duke of York, and son to her brother king Edward, kept him a certain time with her privily, and telling him what he should be, that he might the rather persuade men to be the kings son did send him into Ireland, after what time she knew that king Henry had appointed to fight against the French king, where he was honourably received & taken of every man as a prince, for whose right, they promised all to fight, and help him in all that they could. After this it came to the French kings ear that such an one was in Ireland, for whom the king did send to see & caused him to be brought before him, & when he came into his presence, the king accepted him gladly, & after a princely fashion intreteined him. But after the he came in love with the king of England, the said Charles did dimisse the young man, & would no longer keep him, lest that some inconveniency or cause of strife should chance through it. Wherefore the young man went to Flaunders again to the queen Magarete, which queen did receive him with such gladness, that she could not well rule herself, & for this cause only she did show herself so joyful and merry, that men might persuade themself that this was Richard the kings son, and upon that cause truly, men did the more reverence to the young man, and that more firmly believe him to be the right heir & son to king Edward. Also after this rumour blazed abroad, aswell in England, France, as Flaundres there began great sedition to spring, and first they that were long in sanctuary for the great offences that they had committed, and other that were cast in poverty, gathered a company of men and sailed over into Flaunders to the counterfeit Edward, otherwise named Peter, also many of the noble men conspired together, and to the intent they might bring their purpose well about, they did send certain to the Queen Margarete, to know when the same Edward might come conveniently into England, the they being certified of the same might the more easily receive & bring him into the realm. So that by the consent and agreement of them all, sir Robert Clyfforde knight & William Barley were sent to show all their minds & advice as concerning the new found duke, to the Queen Margarete. Whom the Queen did accept gladly, and persuaded them, that it was true that was published of richard the duke, and straight upon showed them the same Peter, which was much like Richard, praising his virtues and qualities that he had, wonderfully. The said Robert, when he had seen the same young man, believed surely that he was of the kings blood, and wrote to England to his coumpaignye and fellows of his conspiracy, that he knew him to be the kings son by his face & every proportion of his body. And when these letters came unto England, the chief captains of this business did openly divulgate and publish, that it was true that was spoken and said abroad of the Duke, but it was done by such a craft, that no man could tell who was the author of that rumour. When the king perceived that many men did give credence to his vain fable, he thought best for his own safeguard to provide a remedy for it, & also mistrusting that some conspiracy had been made because that sir Robert Clifford had fled privily into Flaundres, commanded certain knights that were chosen and piked men of war with a bond of men to keep the borders surely the no man might escape or sail over the sea without a passport or licence given by him. Also that men might not continue in the false persuasion and belief that they had conceived of the duke, he caused certain spies to search in all the cities of Belgike, to know of what progeny this mysnamed Richard was, and to give them high rewards that would show the verity and truth of the same matter. So that they sailing into France, every man did go into a country quarter, and inquired diligently for him, and at the length, certain of them came to a town called Tornace and there were certified by the testimony of many honest men that he came but of a low and course parentage, and he was named Peter War beck, which thing also the kings friends certified him by their letters and writings to him more plain and evidently. Therefore when the king had known the matter wholly, aswell by his friends as by his spies sent forth purposely for the same, he caused it to be proclaimed openly aswell in other regions & countries as in England that the deceit and devilish craft might appear evident to every man. And first he sent ambassadors to Philip the chief captain in Flaundres, and to his council, because he was but of a young age, which were sir Edward Poninges knight, and sir William Varame priest and lawyer, that they might show evidently how falsely the young man hath usurped the name of Richard duke of York which was killed with his brother Edward in the Tower of London, at the commandment and will of king Richard his uncle, as every man could testify and affirm most surely. Also that he was borne of a poor stock, and an obscure famulie in Tornace, and there named Perkin Warbeck, and therefore that it would please him & his council not to suffer theim selfes to be blinded or seduced with such mere impostures and crafty illusions, nor yet to aid him at any hand to cause sedition or strife, considering that he had no just title to the enheriting of the same. And that they would the rather be his friends now, because that he helped Maximilian their king the year before against the power and violencye of the French men, where as he of himself was not able to refyste their might and strong power. When the Ambassadors had done their message, they were gently entretayned of him, and had their request, that he would not (for the love that he ought unto the king) no nor any of his counsel help the same Perkin any thing at all. Nevertheless, if the queen Margaret would persist and continue in her malice towards the king (whom the Ambassador sir William Varame had reproved and checked sore, for bringing up of such monsters and common plagues, to the public weal in his oration that he made unto Philippe and his counsel) it was not in their power to withstand it, for because that she might do in her own heritage all things at her own will and pleasure. Which queen intended fully to arm this Perkin with a strong company of men against king Henry. After that king Henrye did hear of this, he purposed to pacify all this business that was like to chance, by wit and policy, and straight did send forth certain spies, which should fain theim selfes to have fled unto the Duke, and by that means search forth and know the whole intent of their conjuration, and after what way they framed their matters. Other also should promise a pardon and remission unto sir Roberte Clyfforde, and William Barley for their offence committed to the king. And when they had so done, many of them returned to England, and brought the names of certain that were chief of the same conspiracy, Other tarried until such time that sir Robert Clifforde came to England again. And when the king had known the chief captains of this tumult by his spies that were there with them, he caused all them to be attached & brought to London before his presence, whose names were sir john Ratclyffe, sir Simon Monforde, sir Thomas thwart knights, William Dabeney, Roberte Ratcliff, Richard Lesey, with many other. Also certain priests and religious men, as sir William Richeford, and Thomas poins both monks of saint Dominic'S order, sir William Sutton, sir William Vrseley Deane of Paul's, & Robert Layborne. Other that were guilty of the same crime, hearing that many of their company were taken, fled and did take sanctuary. And the other that were taken were condemned all of treason, of the which there was heeded sir Simon Monford, sir Robert Ratcliff, and William Dabeney as authors & chief captains of this business. The other were pardoned, and the priests also for their order that they had taken. Also sir john Ratcliff was pardoned of his life, but after that he came to Calisse, & there cast in prison, he was beheaded, because he corrupted the keepers with many promises to have escaped out of the same. Shortly after, sir Robert Clifford trusting to find favour & grace at the kings hand, came to England, of whose coming when the king was certified he went straight to the tower of London, & there tarried till such time the sir Robert Clyfford came which thing he used under this pretence, that if sir Robert Clifford had accused any man to him of the treason, that then every such person might be called thither without any suspection of any evil, and there straight to be cast in hold, but before I go further, I will show the opinion that many men conceived of the knights going to Flaunders. Some men held this opinion, that king Henrye did send him as a spy to Flaunders, and therefore he came the sooner into his favour. Nevertheless, this is not like to be true by diverse reasons. first that it turned to the great infamy and hurt, both of himself and his friends. Secondarly that he was not in so great favour with the king, as he had been in times passed for because that he was guilty in that part. Therefore the said sir Robert now coming to the king after his return into England, kneeled meekly down at his feet, and desired pardon of his grace and after that being inquired of the conjuration and examined who were the authors of this mischief, he pronounced & said that William Stanley whom the king made Earl, was one of the chief, when he had so said, the king was greatly dismayed & grieved, that he should offend, whom he had made chief of his privy chamber, considering also that he had found great kindness heretofore at his hand, and that he did overcome king Richard chief by his help and means. So that the king could not be persuaded, that he was any such offender, had not it been showed him after by manifest tokens and apparent arguments the it was true as he said. Whom the king then caused to be taken and examined of the matter, after the which examination he was proved to be an offender. Then the king doubting what to do with him, did consult and breathe a little with himself, for he feared, that his brother lord Thomas by whom he had showed great kindness would take it grievously, also & if he should remit that fault, other would abuse his lemtee, and trespass more highly. Albe it, at the last he willed that he should suffer for his offence, and so caused him to be beheaded. The cause that their love (as men report) did change into hatred was this. The lord William considering that he saved the king and brought him to this realm to be governor thought he could never be recompensed for his so doing, and where as the king also remembering this benefit, did make him his chief chamberlain, and gave him the highest promotions that he had, he little regarded them and looked for some greater reward, wherefore, the king perceiving that, was sore grieved with him, and so they both did fall at debate and hatred each with other. Also at this time the king thought best to use some asperite in correcting the offences of his subjects, because the some had taken such heart and audacitee to them, the they feared not to speak evil of his majesty with most spiteful and contumeleous words, trusting ever that the feigned Richard duke of York, now lately risen from death to life on god's name, should claim the crown, & enheret his counterfeited father's possessions, & when such people had suffered due punishment for their offences, other learning by their neighbour's mischance to beware, did from the time bear theim selfes as true & faithful subjects, & assisted him with all their power, at what time he required help of them. After the death of this William Stanley, Giles Dabeney was chosen and made chief chamberlain. And now the king was in a good stay for his realm, saving that Ireland was not well wedded of the pernicious seed the was sowed by the young man Perkin Warbeck and his sect. Wherefore, he sent sir Henry Deny late abbot of Lankton abbey thither, & made him chancellor over all that I'll and Edward Poning to search all places that the forenamed Perken was in, to punish them extremely in the example of other, the were guilty of that crime but when they heard of this, they fled for the most part into woods & marysh places for the defence & safgard of themselves, there consulting to keep open war against him, which Edward after that he pursued them many times, and could never try it with them because they were so dispersed as foreign and wild people, he returned back, and suspecting that the earl of kildare was the occasion of this, attached him at the counsel of the earl his evil willers, and brought him as prisoner to England. Where when he was arained, and certain matters of treason laid to his charge, he avoided them all, & clearly quite himself: whom the king dismissed, and sent him to Ireland there to be governor and captain over them as he was before. So that now the king being out of all fear of battle, did take his progress to shire, there to recreate his spirits and solace himself with his mother lady Margarete, wife and countess to the Earl of Derby. Yet when the king was thus delighting himself, Perken Warbeck could not moderate or rule himself, although so many suffered and were put to execution for his mischief but to prove again the chance of battle gathered a great army of men aswell prisoners, slaves, samnctuary men as other & came into Kent, because the wind so served, & there caused certain to land, & to inquire if the Kentish men would bear with him, with whom the Kentish men working guiles promised the they would assist him, if he & his company would land ther. Albeit, the same Perken fearing the they meaned falsehood and craft, would not descend himself, but caused certain of his soldiers to land, which persons being a pretty way from their ships, were sore beaten and put to flight, and many of them taken prisoners & after were condemned to die. Wherefore Perken failing of his purpose fled back to Flaunders, and there consulted with his friends until such time he had been better prepared both of men and counsel. The king hearing that his enemies had made entrance into his realm, left of his progress & purposed to go to London, but being certified the next day after, how well they had sped, continued & went forth of his progress, sending to them Richard Gilford, to give thanks and promise of a good turn hereafter, for the good service that they had done him in those tumults and assaults of his enemies. Also that they might not have any access hereafter into those parties the king commanded the lords to be defended strongly with bulwarks & other sure munimentes & fortresses, of the which this same Perken being certified, hastened the more to renew battle against the king, that he might not have longer space, through his delay, to do all these things for the defence of his realm and so came to Ireland with all his army, and there tarrying a space, sailed to Scotland for aid and secure of king james, trusting to find grace at his hand, to whom he spoke after this manner. I think it is not unknown to you most noble king in what ruin the stock of Edward the fourth of that name is now of late, which if you do not know, and it please your grace so to take me I am his son, & by the power of God, preserved alive at this hour from the mighty hand of a tyrant. For my father when he died, appointed his brother Richard duke of Gloucestre to be our governor & protector. Albeit he was rather a destroyer of our progeny then a maintainer of it, for he willing to be king himself, and deprive us of our right and title, commanded that we should both be slain, and dispatched out of this world. Therefore he having then full power to order us at his will, did cause my brother to be destroyed, and because that he might be without some part of that offence, and not show himself all a tyrant, he caused me to be conveyed to some strange and foreign country, and there to be desolate of all comfort and help. And so king Richard did hold his croune by dispatching away of us two, so that I could not tell by the reason of my tender age, what I was, until now of late that mine aunt lady Margarete being in Flaunders did show me what I was after she had seen me, and to the intent I might recover again my father's possessions, she hath given me for her power a bond of men, willing me the I should desire the help of extern nations and countries. And so I am come to you for succour, whom as it is reported will help at all times every man in his right, and in case be I shall find you favourable to me, you shall bind me and all mine, never to think ourselves able to make you amends. When he had thus said, the king promised him that it should never repent him of his coming to him, and bade him to take a good heart, & after this the king assembling his counsel together, asked what they thought best in that matter, and whether any deliberation should be taken of it, or no. To whom some of them that were wisest, answered that it were foolishness to go fur 〈…〉 in such a matter, considering that he was but a painted and feigned duke and had no right to England. Other also said that it was for diverse causes most profitable to the comen wealth, partly that this Parkyn, if his matters go well forward, would reward them, as they would desire and enrich their realm most plentifully by his liberality, partly also that Henry the king perceiving their king to assist him, would gladly pay tribute to him for a peace and concord to be had. When this counsel was given, the king did gladly follow it, and that his love might be more apparent to the people, he caused lady Katherine daughter to th'earl of Huntley, his nigh kinsman, to be married to him. After this was done, the king willing that this Perkyn should reign in England, hastened his journey toward the borders, & there coming, proclaimed openly the all should be pardoned the would bear with the duke of York, & fight in his quarrel: and that men might for fear submit theim selfes, they burned, spoiled, & killed with out all mercy as far as they did go, but the king perceiving that no englishmen came to aid this young duke, & that his soldiers were so laden with prays & spoils that they would not gladly go further he returned back to Scotland carrying with him infinite goods & riches. And when this duke came to Scotland again, considering the great destruction and loss of the Englishmen, & that none came to aid him, to the intent that his juggling of his countrefeict dignity might not be perceived, he said very craftily with a loud voice. Oh wretch and stony heart, that I am not moved with the loss and death of so many Englishmen of mine, and at that word he desired the king that he would not molestate his realm hereafter with such cruel tormenting, and firing. To whom the king shaped him this answer right shortly. Truly sir me think you take charge and thought of an other man's realm and not of your own, because that I could see no man that would take your part, and help you with his power, when you were now last among them. And for this cause the king did little esteem him after that time, counting him inconstant, unstable, and speaking words not agreeing to his promise. When the English lords and captains heard of this business they were in great fear, & fled for safegade of their lives every man to his castle and hold, and gathering an axmie to withstand their enemies certified the king in all post haste of the Scots enterprise, which hearing, prepared an army in all the haste to fight against them. But the Scots being laden with their preys and spoils that they had, were gone back to their country, ere the English men could be ready. And this was the first commotion & business of the Scots against the Englishmen. When the Scots were thus gone, and the king certified of it, he thought not to suffer them longer, lest that by long tarrying & deferring of the matter, they should take heart, and so with more fierceness invade the realm again. And assembling his counsel together, showed them that it was for the profit of the public weal to war against his enemies, to whom they all agreed right gladly, and for the maintaining of this battle, there was levied a certain sum or tribute to be paid on every man's head, which payment although it was but easy and small, yet many of the comen people grudged to pay it. At this parliament also and convocation there was certain laws, acts and statutes confirmed and made, as thought most expedient for the public weal. And after this was done, the king prepared to fight in all the haste, and gathering an army, made Giles Dabeney grand captain over them, and in his going to Scotland, there began suddenly civil battle in the realm, which was for the payment of this money, for that the Cornishman, (which made this insurrection) being but poor, could not well pay this tribute. And so they gathering all together, one Michael joseph Smyth and Thomas Flammoke, did take * The black Smyth. upon them the governance of all this company. And seeing them grieved sore that they should pay so much, did more and more incense their minds against their prince. Albeit they laid this fault, and cause of exaction, to John Morton bishop of Canterbury, and Ruigenald Bray because they were chief of the kings house. Thus they preparing themselves to war, when they had aswell sufficient viandrye as all other things ready, they took their journey to Welles, and from thence intended to go to London, When the king was showed of this by his auditors, that they were up, and that the lord Twychet, and the lord Audely with other of the nobylitee had taken their parts, he thought first to scour his realm of such rebels and traitors ere he would fight against the Scots. And therefore he caused Giles Dabeney to return back again then going upon the Scots, whose army he increased and multiplied with many picked and fresh warriors, that he might the better with less labour overcome these rebels. Also lest that the Scots might now (having good opportunity) invade the realm again (in this time of civil battyle) he caused lord Thomas earl of Surrey, a puissant and most redoubted warrior whom he had taken prisoner, at the overthrow of king Richard, and a little before that, had set at liberty, and made treasurer of England, after the death of john Dynham, to gather a bond of men at Durham, & there to keep of the Scots, if they should chance to come, until such time that that cornish men being pacified and subdued, he might send to them the forenamed Giles again with all his power and army. When as the nobles heard of this business, they came to London every man, with as many as they could make, to aid the king, if need should be. In the which company there was the earl of Essex, the lord Mongey, the earl of Suffolk, Richard Thomas, William Say, lord Haward the earl of Surrey his son a noble young man & of stout courage Robert Lytton Thomas Band Robert Clyfforde, William Davers, George Very, Thomas Terrill, Richard Fizlewes, John Baynsforth Thomas Montigomery, John Wyngfilde Roberte Brougthon, james Terrill, james Huberte, John Wyndham, Robert Fenys William Carry Robert Drurye, John Audely, Robert Wyngfild with his brother Richard, Robert Brandon, Thomas west de lavare Thomas Fenis Dacres David Owen, Henry Rosse, John Devenysse, Henry Sellinger, John Paulet John Burshere Thomas Wood Mathewe Broune, Thomas Troy's, William Sands. edmund gray of Wiltone, John Verney Thomas Brian Richard Poole, Thomas Harecourte, John Hampden Edward Barkeley william Bolongue with his son Thomas. Henry Haydon, Robert Clarence, Philip Calthorpe, Robert Lovel, John Shaye Thomas Frouwike with many other of lower degree that were most noble & cunning warriors. In this mean space, Charles the French king coming from the wars that he had at Naples with Ferdinand, sent Ambassadors to the king for a peace and league of amity to be confirmed. When the king was informed of their coming, and that they were at Caleis, he sent certain of his nobility to meet them coming, and to keep them purposely at Dover, until such time that this business were ended, that they might not know of it in any wise. And now the Cornyshemennes going from Welles (where they had their grand captain lord Audeley) went to Saulisbury and from thence to Wynchester, and so to Kent, where they looked for help, but they were deceived, for the earl of Kent, and the lord of Burgone Poole, the lord Cobham, Thomas Burcher, Edward Poning, Richard Gilforde, William Scotte, james Cromer, John Peche, john Darel, Henry Wyatt Richard Haulte, John Fog, and other were ready to withstand their power, and to cause the people to bear true hearts to their king. For the which, many of the cornish men fainted and had less mind to fight, and for fear fled privily in the night from their company. But the captains perceiving they could have no help at their hands, trusted to their own power, and brought them to Blackeheath field nigh London, and there pitched their tents in the plain to bid battle to the king, if he would meet them, or else to invade the city, whom the king perceiving to be there ready to fight, he caused Henry Burschere earl of Essex, Edmund Polam earl of Suffolk and Richard Thomas, three noble warriors to besiege them on both sides with two wings, and so came himself in the midst sending before, Giles Dabeney with a great power. And after his coming thus to the field, both the earls and Richard Thomas set upon them violently, and at the first brunt put them to flight and killed about two thousand that res●sied, and took prisoners more than could be told and amongs them the Captains which shortly after were put to death. But this Michael joseph was a man of such stout courage & valiantness, that he never fainted or once gave back until such time he was stricken down, and killed openly. When this battle was ended the king lost but three hundredth in all his company that were killed at that present. Also the prisoners that were taken he pardoned, saving the captains and first authors of that mischief, whose quarters he would have to be put on stakes and set in diverse places of Cornewell, that their naughty doings and foolish entrepryses might be a document for other hereafter to beware: but because there were many of that country that would gladly have renewed battle, if they might have had some capitain, and that they were nothing abashed for the overthrow of their late insurrection, he turned his mind, so that they were not had thither nor their quarters set upon any stakes there. When this business was in hand, the king of Scots being certified of it by certain spies, thought best to invade England again, and burned all the way as he did before, lest that the king should provoke him to it of force, because he had done so much hurt to it before, and thus came to Durham and there burned all about, intending also to win Norham Castle, which the Bishop had furnished a little before with men and victual sufficiently, so that he could have none access into that castle. And this was the bishop Fox, that was bishop of Exeter, and for his godliness and virtuous living after that, made bishop of Welles and bath. Which bishop now being in this business, certified the king of it in all the haste, and also th'earl of Surrey, that was then in York shire with a great army of men. To whom the Earl came shortly after, with his company, and after him followed other noble men of all quarters, every one bringing for his hability as many as he could to aid the bishop, and fight in the defence & quarrel of their king. And in this compaygnie was there many Lords th'earl of Westmoreland, Thomas Dacres, George grange, Ralph Nevel, Richard Latimer, George Lumley, john Scroppe, George Oglie, Thomas Baron of Hilton, Henry Clifford, William Coiners, Thomas Dercy. Also knights. Sir william Percy, and three other of that name as Percy. Bulmery, Gascogne, Penington, Sir Rauffe Bigot, Sir Rauffe Bows Sir Rauffe Elaker, Sir Thomas Appar, Sir thomas Thwarton Sir Thomas Stranguishe, Sir John Constable Sir John Ratcliff Sir John Savell Sir John Gover Sir Musgrave Sir john Waller Sir john Aloder Sir john Euerinham Sir Brian Stapelton Sir Thomas Vortell Sir Marduke Constable Sir Christopher Pikeringe, Sir Christopher ward Sir Walter Stringlande, Sir Roger Bellinghan Sir William Heron Sir Rauffe gray Sir Nicholas Ridley Sir Walter Griffit Sir John Heron Sir Rauffe fenevike Sir Thomas gray Sir Christo Curwen Sir Robert Varcoppe Sir Roland Tempest Sir james Medcalfe With many other Captains, although not so noble in degree, yet as valiant in martial feats and prowesses of war. The Scots hearing of the Earl of Surrey that he was coming and at hand with a great power, then besieging this forenamed Castle, which they could by no means overcome, they fled straight back to Scotland, whom the Earl followed as long as his vyttailles served, and after that returned back to Durham, their abiding until such time he knew further of the kings pleasure. And in this mean space, one henry hails was sent ambassador from Ferdinand unto the king of Scots for a general peace to be had with him and the King of England, for he loved him well, and king Henrye also to whose son the young Prince Arthure, he would have given his daughter Lady Katherine in marriage that by affinytee and kyndered of blood their love might continue for ever. So this henry entreated heartily the King of Scots for a peace, and when he had some hope in it, he wrote unto the king of England, that it would please him to send one of his nobles to help to conclude this matter with him and the Scots. The king because he had been in great trouble and then very desirous of peace, he sent the bishop of Durham to him in all the haste. So that this henry and the bishop reasoned with the scottish ambassadors as concerning this peace to be had, albeit they could not agree, because that king Henrye desired to have Perkyn Warbeck that was the cause of all this business, and had so greatly disquieted his realm, whom the king would not deliver, although he might of right, considering his falsehood and deceit that he had used with him. Therefore, after that they had reasoned much of this matter, & could bring it to no end, yet a truce was taken for certain years of this condition, that the same Perkin Warbeck should be conveyed out of Scotland, & not to tarry there longer. While this was doing, king Henry caused the Ambassadors of the French king to be brought to him, which as it is showed before, were stopped at Dover of their journey, until such time that the insurrection of the Eornish men was ceased, and hearing that they came for a peace and league to be made, granted them it right gladly. So that now being reconciled with ii kings, & the same his neighbours, he thanked Fernand & his wife Elizabeth for the they caused this peace to be made betwixt him and the Scots, and rewarded the ambassador most worthily after a princely manner. And the time that this unity and concord was made, it was the year of our Lord a thousand four hundredth four score and eighten, and the xii year of king Henry his reign. And the king of Scots kept his promise The xii peer of Henry the vii well enough. For when he perceived manifestly that he was deluded, he called unto him Perkin Warbeck, and first declared his benefits & pleasures that he had done unto him, and then counseled him to get him unto some place where he might bide in safeguard, and come again another time when he should have more opportunity But never after to look for any help at his hand, partly because he had made peace with the king of England, and partly because he saw that no englishmen came to take his part, wherefore he desired him not to be misgreved that he did thus leave him, & also counseled him to go into some other place or region, wherefore this Perkin was very sorry & (as the king had counseled him) departed thence with his wife, and went into Ireland, determining with himself if he might have no help of the men of cornwall, to return thence as fast as might be home to his great mailres & aunt Margaret into Flaundres. But he was no sooner come thither, than he heard by divers messengers that they of cornwall were as ready to fight against king Henry as ever they were before, of hoop of the which he went straight in to Cornwall & there did stir up their hearts with gifts and promises, that all immediately called him their captain & said that they would follow him and in all things obey promptly his commandments. Then was Perken in as good hoop as ever he was, and (because he would do nothing rashly and without advisement) he purposed first to overcome cities and all well defended places that lay in his way, and so to get as many as he could to follow him and to take his part, and incontinently, to buckle with the kings host. When he had thus deliberate, he went straight to Exeter which was the next city that he could come unto and besieged it, and because he had no guns to break down the walls, he laboured all that might be to break the gates, but when he saw that they could not easily be betten down with any thing, straight with he set fire on them. Whereof, the citizens were very, sore afraid and privily in the night let down diverse over the walls with ropes to go certify the king of their trouble, and in the mean time when they saw that their enemies had almost brent up the gates of the one side, took great blocks and set them on fire on the other side, for none other cause but that aswell their enemies thereby might be excluded, as they themselves included. And they not trusting to this only, made also within great ditches & other things to defend than from the invasion of the rebels When Perken saw this, he got ladders, and would by that means have come into the city, but they came not so soon up, but they were beat down again, and by this means many were there slain þet would he not thence departed, but trusted surely at the last that they should be glad to yield theim selfes all that were within for lack of viandrie. But as soon as the king heard of this, he hasted with his host toward Exeter as fast as was possible and sent diverse soldiers before to certify all men of his coming and preparance, for at that time there was set forth to help them of Exeter, Thomas Trencherd, William Corteney Walter Cortney, Edmond Car, John Halemel Peter Eggecomb Thomas Fulford, John Crook William Saintmaur, with a great host whose captain was Edward Corteny earl of Denshire, & his son William, which was a young man of most noble courage, which thing when Peter heard tell of, he left besieging of Exeter and went to the next town which is called Tauntun & there vieved his host and set it in array ready to fight, howbeit,, he had but little affiance in the same, because many of his soldiers were so slenderly harneissed, and no better skilled in war. When the king saw he was gone to Tauntun he hasted thither after him with all speed. Thither came also Edward the duke of Buckingham a young man very valiant and of lusty courage, and him followed a great company of noble men as Giles Brigge, Alexander Brayhan, Moryshe Barkeley, Robert Tame, John Sapcot, John Wadhan, Hugh Lutrel, and Nycholas his son, William S●orton, Thomas Lind, John Semar, William Norris, Thomas Blunt, John Guise Roberte point, Harry Vernon, John Mortimer John Speke, Richard Beaucamp, Frances Chenie, Roger Tokete, Roger Wenburg Henry Roger, Edward Darell, John Langforde, Richard Lacon, Thomas Tremaile, Edward Sutton, Amis Paulet, John Byknell, William Sayntemaur, Thomas Long, Nycholas Latimer, John Turbaruyll, William Martyne Walter Hungorforde, Moryshe Barons, richard Corbet Thomas Cornuall, and many other besides these. But the king when he came nigh to the town sent before to begin battle, Roberte Broke, Lord richard Thomas, and Giles Dabeney with a great and strong host, to the intent that he himself with his soldiers might set upon them behind. But this devise and purpose of the king was all superfluous. For Perkin, so soon as he espied that the king was ready to fight, fled privily in the night into a sanctuary at Bellylo abbey, and there lurked. But whether this Perken so did for fear lest his men should forsake him or for the timeditie of himself, it is as much uncertain, as it is probable and sure that the king took by his flight great commodity. For the Corneshe men were surely purposed either to win and overcome their enemies or else not one of them to have lived any day longer. When king Henrye knew that Perkin was gone, he sent after him many horse men that if it might be, they should overtake him in his journey and bring him back. But Perkyn Warbeck made such speed, that he was not seen before he came into the Sanctuary, but his petty captains could not scape so clean. For of them, the most part were ta ken and brought back again to the king. The residue of the soldiers when they understood the Perkyn their chief captain was fled and the other taken, gave up theim selfes by and by to the king without any more business, and of him most gently were forgiven. When all was done, the king went again to Ereter and there both gave great thanks to such as were worthy, and punished the authors and stirrers up of this insurrection most straitly. And in the mean time many of the soldiers road to s. Mighels mount & there (as chance was) found Katherine Perking wife, and brought her straight like a bond woman and captive to the king. And the king sent her by and by accompanied with a goodly sort of matrons (because she was so goodly a young woman) to London to the queen as a true and sure token of victory. And whiles he tarried there at Exeter supposing with himself, that he could have no perfect victory until he had gotten Perkin himself, which was the beginner of all this sedition and strife, sent forth two companies of men to besiege the sanctuary where Perkin was, that by no means he might scape away, and sent him word also by certain trusty messengers that if he would humbly submit himself, he should be forgiven of all that was committed. Wherefore, Perkin now saying and pondering the state of misery, that he was in, went voluntarily out of the sanctuary and committed himself to the kings pleasure. Then was the king weray glad and took his journey immediately after toward London, not without the great meeting of people which came out of every quarter to see this fellow as he were a monster, because he being but an aliente durst be so bold to come in to this so noble a realm to make battle, and delude noble men after such a fashion. But when the king was come to London he appointed certain men to keep him both night & day very vigilantly, to th'intent that he might neither convey himself out of the land, ner go any whether within this realm to make any like perturbation and disquietness. After this the king perceiving the there were many as well in Somerset as in Devenshire, which were helpers of the rebels greatly, both going forth & coming homeward, thought it good to punish them also, lest peradventure they might be the more bold to do a like thing after. And therefore he committed this business to Amis Paulet knight, and Robert Sherburne dean of Paul's to be done. Which in searching out all such throughout both the shires, were very exact and diligent, but they were favourable to all such as did it for fear or compulsion. Yet were they to none so favourable but they were thought for their defaults indifferently to be punished. So that equity therein was very well executed. In the same year of a small matter befell great strife between king Henry and james king of Scotland, which strife began of this fashion. Certain young men of the Scots came armed unto Duresme castle, & beheld it wondrous circumspectly as though they had been desirous to know what was there done. But when the keepers of the castle could not perceive that they went about any hurt or displeasure, & seeing them go away of their own accord, they made no words but let them alone. But when they came again the next day & vieved it likewise, the keepers of the said castle demanded of them what was their intent. They answered them (like rude and unmannerly ientlemennes) as frowardly as could be thought, in so much that at the last through much altercation of both parties, they fell together by the ears, and there were some of the Scots slain & the residue put to flight. Which when they came home certified their king of the same. Wherewith he being sore moved to anger, sent word to king Henry that he would without doubt revenge his quarrel, wherefore king Henry being very sorry, not so much forfeare, as for to live in quietness & peace in his age, made him answer that it was not done through his default or counsel, but rather by the rashness of his subjects which if they could be proved guilty should be according to the fault punished. Wherefore he desired him most lovingly to be contented. But this was not able to mitigate or suage the Scots anger & outrageousness. For the which cause Richard bishop of Duresme which was more heavy than all other, because his seruunates were the beginners of this discord, wrote many letters to king james to desire him to keep peace & be at quiet. With the which letters the kings rage was so quenched, that he both sent very kind letters again to him, and desired him heartily to come over and talk with him. Of the which tidings the bishop was very glad, and went straight to king Henry to show him the matter and had leave of him incontinenly to go over to him. When he came into Scotland, he was received as lovingly as could be thought of the king himself, at an abbey called Melrose, and there after that he had complained much of the cruelty that was used toward his men here in England he began to comen secretly of other matters, and especially of the amity between king Henry and him, the which to be for ever established and confirmed, he desired that kings daughter Margaret in marriage. Of the which thing albeit the bishop was glad in his heart, yet he would make no perfect answer or sheweforth any sure hope of the same, but said that when he came home, he would do the best in the matter that lay in him. Wherefore the king shortly after dismissed him, and desired him earnestly to break the same matter to king Henry. And when he was come home, so he did, and the proffer pleased the king very well, because he was a man which was always more delighted with peace & quietness then with the troublesomeness, of battle. And now did approach the death of Perkin Warbeck, and of Edward earl of Warwick which had so long lain all ready in the tower. But Perken thought that he would save himself, and therefore on a time he took his leggues and ran away, but so soon as the king hard tell thereof, he made men after him with all the speed the might be, with whose clamours and shouts Perkyn was so feared, that of necessity he was compelled to go to an abbey which was called Bethlehem, & there intreacted the abbot of the place to desire the king of his pardon that he might not die. Which thing the abbot did for him and obtained it. Wherefore Perken was brought bound & feitered, to Westminster and there stood an whole day in the sight of all men to the great shame and reproach of himself. And after (partly because the king had promised him his life, and partly because he should no more run away) he was committed to the tower. Where his wickedness boylong so hot within his breit, would not suffer him to escape the vengeance & punishment of God, but shortly after was most justly & worthily put to death as hereafter shallbe showed. Then it chanced the a monk whose name was Patrick had a scholar, whom he promised if he would follow his counsel, should easily come to the kingdom of England. Which scholar when he had ones heard his masters mind, was very instant in the matter and desired his master, not to forget his purpose, but rather begin it as soon as was possible. Wherefore, when they be between theim selfes had taken deliberation and counciled of the thing how it should be brought to pass, they went both together into Kent. And there began this young fellow to tell privily to many that he was the earl of Warwick, and had got out of the tower by the help of this monk. To the which, when he perceived credence given he declared it openly, and desired all men of help. But or ever this sedition began to go forward, the heads and principals of the same were taken and casle into prison. Of which the one was condemned to death, and the other condemned to perpetual prison and darkness. For at that time here in England was so much attributed to priests, and all religious men, that though they had committed felony, murder, yea or treason, they should not have been therefore condemned to death. Moreover, whosoever could read, though it were never so little, what crime soever he had committed (save treason) should by his book be saved, and therefore it was invented, that if the default were so great, that another man should suffer death for the same, he should only be burnt in the hand, wherefore he the had committed theft, should be marked in the hand with this letter T. if he had committed murdre, with M. and after that, if he were deprehended in like crime, than there should no favour at all, more than to other men, be showed. Which act was made and confirmed, by this king Henry in the second year of his reign, and taken of the frenchmen, which are wont if they take any such, to cut of one of his cares and let him go. Which privileges of books made thieves both bold, & plenty thorough out all the coasts and parties of this his realm of England. But now to my matter again. Perkyn, of whom we spoke much before, whiles he was in the tower corrupted many of the keepers, partly with gifts and partly with fair promises, so that they were all agreed (save the lieutenant, whom he fully determined to kill) that he and the earl of Warwick should go their way out of the tour and afterward to make the best shift that they could for theim selfes. But this his purpose came not to full effect. For it was known within short time after, for the which he and his fellows all of the same counsel were hanged by the necks. And the earl of Warwick, because he was foundegyltie in the same default, was beheaded, which was done in the year of our Lord a thousand four hundredth and xcix and in the xiii year of this king Henry his reign. The next year after, was here in England a 〈…〉 〈◊〉 a great plague whereof men died in many places vereye sore, but especially and most of all in London. For there died in that year above thirty thousand. Wherefore the king sailed over to Caleis and there tarried a great while. In his being there came over to him Philippe earl of Flaunders, and was received of him as lovingly as could be thought, and also or ever they departed, the league which was made between them two not long before was renewed. soon after, when the plague was slaked, the king returned again into England, and was no sooner come thither, but there met him one Gasper Pons sent from Alexander the bishop of of Room, which brought with him indulgences and perdo●es whereby he made the king believe that he and his should fly straight to heaven, but those could not be granted without a great sum of money, the which the rather that he might obtain, he promised part of it to the king himself, so deceiving both the king and the people. In this same year was burnt a place of the kings, which he after builded up again and named it Richemount. About this time died three bishops here in England, John Morton bishop of Cantourbury Thomas Langton bishop of Wynchester, and Thomas Rotherham bishop of York. Also in this year, there were great marriages made, for king Henry had given his daughter lady Margarete to the king of Scots, and his son prince Arthur to Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinand king of Spain, which marriages were made specially for this cause that he might live in peace with those kings in his old age. After this, prince Arthure that came to London purposely to be married, went to Wales again with his lady and wife to oversee all things well there, and to the intent he might not miscarye or go out of the way in ruling his domimon, he had with him many noble men, as first Richard Poole his nigh kinsman which was made chief of his privy chambered, and David Philippe husher of his hall. Also he had of his counsel certain knights as William Udall, Richard Croft, Peter Neuton, Henrye Varnam, Thomas Englefelde. And other besides them, as John Walestone, Henry Marine, William Smyth priest chief of his counsel late bishop of Lincoln, & sir Charles Booth a lawer, than bishop of Herforde. A little before this marriage, Edmund Poole earl of Suffolk son to lady Elizabeth the sysler of king Edward, was accused for killing of a man, & although the king pardoned him, whom he might justly have condemned for that offence, yet because he was rained at the bar, which he thought a great main and blemish to his honour, took it heavily, and shortly after fled to Flaunders without any passport or licence of the king, to queen Margarete his aunt, but he returned again, & so excused himself before the king, that he was found faultless in any thing that was objected unto him. Also when this marriage was kept at London, with great pomp & solennitee, this Edmund fled again to Flaunders with his brother Richard, either for that he had been at great charges at the same marriage and so far cast in debt that he was not able to pay, either because the queen Margarete his aunt had alured him, or else for evil will & envy that the king should prosper so well. When it was known that he was go, & the king certified there of, he feared that some business should rise by his means & was sorry that he had pardoned him for his offence lately committed. But soon after, that the earl came from Flaunders, sir Robert Cursone knight & captain of Hams castle, feigning himself to be one of that conspiracy, went purposely to espy what the queen intended against king Henrye, which afterward for his so doing was in great favour with him. For the king was so vigylaunte and circumspect in all his matters, that he did know them namely that either bore him evil will, or woorked any in their mind, whom he caused to be attached and cast in hold. And among them William the earl of Devonshyres son, which married lady Catheryne daughter to king Edward was taken, and another William brother to Edmonde earl of Souffolke, james Tyrell, John Wyndham. But these two wylliams were taken rather of suspection then for any offence of gyltines. Wherefore William this Earl's son of devonshire after the death of king Henrye, was delivered & had in great favour with the kings son Henrye the eight, but shortly after when he began to exercise himself again in martial feats of war, he sickened of a disease called (Plureses) and died therewith, which because it was strange and unknown to the physicians, it was incurable. He left one son behind him alive to uphold the name of that auncetree. The other William brother to Edmund the earl of Suffolk had also greater favour showed him in prison, than he had before. And as for james Terel, and John Wyndham, because they were traitors, and manifestly accused of the same, were put to death, and beheaded. But when the earl of Suffolk heard of this, he was in great despair with himself that he should never frame his matters well, and so went all about germany and France for aid and succour, proving if he could find any help at their hands, whom when he perceived to show no token of love towards him in that behalf, he made him subject to that prince of Flaunders, but his brother Richard being an expert man, did so wisely order and behave himself in that business, that he was not greatly found guilty in any point of that matter. The king not yet being out of all fear of his enemies, perceiving that many sanctuary men looked for a fair day, desired of Alexander bishop of Room that all traitors and banished men should not be saved by any sanctuary, and that such as were there in hold, should take them hereafter as no refuge and succour to them, if they once go out, which thing, after the bishop had granted it, was to the ease and quietness of all the realm. When the king had all his business so well ended, and brought in a good stay. Prince Arthure died half a year or less, after that he had married lady Katheryn, for whose death there was great lamenting. It is reported also that lady Katherine feared such like chance evermore, for because that after she had taken her leave of her parents, and sailed towards England, she was tossed long in the sea, with the violence of the water & the wind, ere the ship could have any landing Not long after, the queen was brought ni bed with a daughter, and died upon the same, which daughter also tarried but for a season after her mother. There departed also within short space after, Reynalde Bray, a man for justice so commendable, that if any thing had been done against good law or right, he would straight reprove the king for it. Of the same virtue was John Morton bishop, & would do in all things as he did in reproving the king for the reformation of things amiss, which bishop died ii years before. About the time also died Henry bishop of Canterbury whose room William Warran bishop of London supplied, and in the bishop of London's place was elected William Barons, after whose death succeeded Rychrde Fiziames' bishop of Chichester In this year, which was the xvi of his reign and of our lord. M. ccccc. and ii years, the king did 〈…〉 kept his parliament, wherein many things were dereed, and made for the public commodytee, and among other things it was determined that thieves and murderers duly convicted by the law to die, should be burned in that hand and quit if they could read on the book any one word Furthermore, it was decreed that the people should pay certain money to the king, and that the goods of them that were banished and fled, should be dispersed and set to sale. Also the priests were commanded to pay money for the maintenance and sustentation of the common weal. And now the king drawing nigh to age, and considering the great battles that he had in times past, which (as it was thought) came of over much wealthiness, provided a remedy right shortly for it. And to the intent that men should not thynck that he would oppress them or do them wrong for of all people he hated oppressors, therefore he devised with himself, by what honest mean he might do it, & thus devising called to mind that English men did little pass upon the observation of any laws that were made, in so much, the if such a thing should be called to account, he thought many men as well lords, as other of the lay fee, would be found faulty. And so searching over the statutes that he had made, punished them a little by the purse that had transgressed them. After that he appointed two commissioners to receive the forfeictes, the one Richard Hempson, and the other Edmund Dudley booth layers of the temporaltee, which persons for the desire to please their king had no respect how they got the money so they might have it either by right or wrong. Albeit, the king having pity of his people, after that he perceived they were sore punished and polled unknowing to him restored to them their money, of whom it was exacted unjustly, and deprived them of their office that had so unjustly executed it. In this year, died queen Elisabeth of castle wife to Ferdinand king of Aragone without any issue of man child, so that the heritage did fall to lady johan her eldest daughter, by Ferdinand which after was married to the Earl of Flaunders, them made by this marriage also chief governor over all that country. Shortly after about the xiii day of january which was the year of our lord. M. ccccc. and five this Earl having a navy prepared sailed out of Flaunders with his wife to Spain, but he had not set forth long, ere the wether began to change, and tempests to rise so, that at the last fierceness of the wind, did drive them to the coasts and borders of England, where he landed at an haven or port called Wynmouth, sore against the mind and consent of all his company, which knew well that the same landing should be the occasion of long tarrying there. When it was known that he was thus landed, there came agreate number of harnissed men to prove if he were the kings friend or no, which when they perseaved him to be his friend, and intended nothing but love and friendship, Thomas Trencharde the chief of that company went to the king, desiring him (if it would witesalfe) him to take a lodging at his house, which was even nigh at hand trusting thereby to have thank of. the kings master whom he certified in all the haste of his coming Also john Caroe desired him that he would not go until such time that he had spoken with the king his loving and faithful friend, considering that he was within two or three days journey of him. So that at length although he laid many excuses to have been go and departed, at their instance tarried there with them. And when the king was informed of his coming, he rejoiced highly and sent certain of his nobility to bring him where he was. Wherefore this Earl seeing no remedy but that he must needs tarry, he went straight to Windesore where the king did lie. And shortly after followed his wife queen johan. After they two had commoned of many things together at the last they began to treat of a league and perpetual amity to be had. And first King Henrye desired to have Edmonde Poole banished man under his captivity and bondage. To whom the Earl answered & said that it was not in his power to restore him, yet after much entreating and praying, the king granted at the last that he should he sent to him right shortly. After thus for prolonging of time that he might have his desire, he brought Philip the Earl to London, and there showing him his city, returned from thence with him. Then Edmonde Poole, seeing that there was no more hope to be had in foreign Princes, and trusting that king Henry would put him at liberty came to England willingly to prove his gentleness, that if upon this expectation and hope, he were deceived, yet he might at the last die and be buried in his native country. wear, when he had received this garment, he did send Balthesar castilio a Mantuan borne unto king Henry, which received of the knights a garter, in token that he should be a knight of the same order. When this business was done, Lewes the French king mistrusting that he should never have man-child, married his eldest daughter Lady Anne to Frances Valese Dolphin Duke of Engosye, which was sure a little before to Charles the king of Castle. And when king Henry knew of this, he thought best to marry his daughter Lady Mary to this Charles king of Castle which marriage was confirmed and made at Calise by the bishop of Winchester & the ambassadors of Flaunders, the Lady being but ten years of age. And now were the three years expired, at which time king Henry thought his fatal day to draw nigh. Therefore to the intent that the people might wish and pray for him after his death for his kindness that he showed to them, he caused a general pardon to be given unto all offenders, 〈…〉 all 〈…〉 done. saving only thieves and murderers, because that they did not offend him, but another man. For this goodness showed to the people, procession was in every place of the Realm for the safeguard of the king. Nevertheless his time was come, the God would have him, so that he died the xxi day of Apryll, in his palace of Richemounde, the which was the year of our Lord a thousand five hundredth and eight. His corpse was buried at Westminster in a chapel the which he caused to be builded. He reigned three and twenty years, and more than seven months, & lived lii Also he had by his wife the queen viii children four menchildren, & four women children, of the which iii remained alive, Henry prince of Wales, lady Margaret, & lady Marie. He was a man of body but lean & spare, albeit mighty & strong therewith, of parsonage & stature some what higher than the mean sort of men be, of a wonderful beauty and fair complexion, through all his body, of a merry & laughing countenance, especially in his communication, thin tethed, & thin heard, of wit in all things like Solomon, of a princely & redoubted stomach, and in great affairs and matters of weighty importance very witty For such things as he went about, he did them warily & not without great deliberation & breathing. Besides this, he was sober, moderate, buxom, & bounteous, & without all pride & highness of stomach, in so much, that he was hard & rough with them the were noted of that crime for no man had so great authority with him, that either durst or could do any thing as his own fantasy did serve him, without the consent & agreement of other. Yea he kept this point so well, that he would not suffer his own mother to have her will. For this was his saying * that a king was a ruler that should rule & not be ruled. He was also very just, & defended The noble & wise saying of Henry the seventh. the matters & causes of many poor people from the power of great men. And so living all his time in virtue, renown, glory, and valiantness of merciall prowesses, gave up his ghost at the last, which undoubtedly is in that place, where everlasting joy and gladness remaineth for ever and ever. ¶ Henry the eight. our MOST GRACIOUS sovereign lord king Henry the eight, the son of Henry the seventh, began his reign the xxiiii day of Appryll, in the year of our Lord. M. ccccc. ix & was crowned at Westminster in the feast of the nativity of sa●net John Baptist than next following. About the middle of the month of juyn the 〈…〉 nge highness was married, and the xxi day of the same month he came from Grenewiche by land, & so road through Graschurch street to the tower with whom came many noblemen and gentlemen well appareled, but specially the duke of Buckyngham which road in a gown of goldsmiths work, a thing of great richesses, and so the king ●ested there from thursday till saterday, in the which season he created certain knights of the bath. And upon saturday about four of the clock at after noon, the king came riding through cornhill in most honourable wise, before whom road the said knights of the bath in blue long gounes with hoods upon their shoulders, spread after the manner of masters of art, and tenrils of white and blue silk fastened upon one of their shouldres. The duke of Buckyngham road next before the king, except the mayre of London & certain sergeants and heralds. The which duke road in a long gown of needle work right costly and rich, & bore a little white staff of silver in his hand in sign and token that he was high and chief steward of the feast of coronation. And the said duke had about his neck a broad and flat close chein of a new devise not before used, fret with precious great rubies and other stones of great value. And over the king was borne a rich canopy by the four barons of the four ports, and there followed seven foloers, whereof the first was trapped in the arms of saint Edward, the second in the arms of saint Edmond, the third in the arms of. S. George, the fourth in the arms of England, the fifth in the arms of France, the sixth & the. seven in sundry trappors of rich cloth of gold with costly devices. After the foloers came a gentleman leading a spare horse most richly garnished. And after him sir Thomas Brandon then master of the kings horse, right well & goodly appointed and well horsed and richly trapped, the which horse with the apparel was to the king belonging. And when the company was thus with all honour passed, immediately ensued a goodly company of gentlemen & well appointed. And after them came the queen sitting in a horse litter alone, clothed in a rich mantel of tissue in her hear with a circulet of silk, gold and pearl about her head. But when her grace was a little passed the sign of the cardinals hat in cornhill, such a sudden shower there came, & fell with such force & thickness, that the canapy borne over her was not sufficient to defend her from witting of her mantel & fur of powdered ermines win the same, but the she was fain to be conveyed under the hovel of the Draper's stalls till the shower were over passed which was not long. And then she passed on her way, whom followed vii chariotes with ladies. In the first was two ladies, & upon the chariot waited vii gentlewomen riding on palfreyes, that is to say, four in one suit & three in another And upon the second chariot waited also seven gentle women. And upon the other three six, which all were clothed in silk, and four of the first chariots were covered with cloth of gold, & all the horses trapped in sundry coloured velvets to the heard pavement. And after all theforsaid chariots & gentlewomen, came riding upon a bushment ccc of the guard, the more part of them having bows & arrows and the other hawberdes & other weapons. And ye shall understand that all the side of Cornhill, from saint Mighelles to the stocks was hanged with gremed cloth of sundry colours, as scarlettes, crimosing sanguines, murries, light & brown, & beauties and violetes. And upon theotherside, all with rich tapet●es & clothes of arras. And as for Cheap was garnished with clothes of gold, of velvet & of silk in most richest wise, whereon was done no little hurt with theforsaid shower. Upon the morrow, being Midsummer day, the king & the queen, about viii of the clock in the morning on foot, came from their palays through the great hail & the palais court unto the church of Westminster. In which progress, passed before them eight and thirty bishops & abbots mitered in procession, and so were conveyed to a space between the high altar and the quere, where, by the Bishop of Cauntourbury, the king & the queen were set in honourable seats upon a scaffold in the forenamed place, made of a competent height, & there of the archbishop was gloriously crowned to the great comfort of all the land. And after that long and honourable solempnization was done, the king and queen were again conveyed unto Westmynster hall, & there set to dinner, where was that day holden a triumphant & plenteous feast with all honourable service to such a feast apperteigning. And for the order of the setting, the king sat in the middle of the table, & the queen upon his lift hand by the space of two yards length from him. And upon the right hand, at the tables end sat the archbishop of Cauntourbury alone, & no more at the table. After which three estates thus set, all their iii services were brought together till they came unto the steps of the deyse, where a while rested the queens and archebishoppes' services, till the king was served, and then the queens and tharchbishops set forward together, but the queen was first served and her service set down before the other. Here I will pass over the ordering of the hall with the offyciers & garnishing of the side tables with many noble men & women, & many other ceremonies executed there that day by lords and other head officers, as the lord steward the duke of Buckyngham, the chief butler the earl of Arundel, the lord marshal with many other. The exceeding richesse of the cupboard garnished with weighty & massy flagons, pots and cups of gold, silver & guilt, with the gift of ii cups of gold given by the king & the queen unto the Mayre of London, as his accustomed fee at every coronation. All the which acts with many more I here pass over Then upon the tuesday next ensuing was begun a merciall jousts, within the palace of Westmynster. Of the which the lord Haward & sir Edward his brother, with sir Richard brother to the lord Marques & Gyles Capel & two other were chalengours. And sir Ihu Pechy, Master Car, Master Charles Brandon & sir Rowland with other. two, were defenders. Upon the which day, two of the chief of the said challengers enclosed in a mountain goodly & curiously garnished, were by a lion made of glittering gold conveyed out of Westmynster hall into the palace, & so led about the tilt, till they came right against the king & queens standing. And there the mountain opened, & the said two chief chalengoures road to thee, clean armed unto the tiltes end with the other four following them, where they hoved till the defenders were fet in. The which soon after came in at the gate by the kings street, but sir John Pechy as chief defender, came enclosed in a castle drawn with a lioness garnished with glyttering silver. And upon the forpart of this castle was set a pomegranate tree well & curiously brought, and so cunningly that it seemed to the people to be very pomegranades that hung on that tree. And upon the top of this said castle stood a fane, with the arms of Saint George thereon painted. The which castle was so drawn about the tilt, & when it came right again the kings tent, it was opened by a vice, & out road that said defender, & after his obeisance made to the king & queen, & in like manner did all his feloes, than he road unto that end of the tilt next the gate where he entered before, & then the said sir John Pechy as chief chalengour received a spear, as the lord haward before had done, & ran together v. coursses continually, to the great praise & laud of them both. And then ran the other as they were called upon & assigned sundry times by the king, & specially the kings highness commanded master Gyles Capel to run, howbeit his horse that day did him not moste pleasant service. And thus they continued their disport four hours, to that great comfort of the beholders & to that honour of them al. Howbeit, the most spears were broken by the lord Haward & sir John Pechy. Then upon the thursday next following, the said challengers & defenders made a goodly disport, as first the said challengers coming out of Westmynster hall, caused to be conveyed before them a pageaunt like to a forest, pitched full of green boughs, within the which sat a virgin apparelled after the Spanish guise, & semblauntes of bucks & does about her. And when the said challengers with their said pageaunt came before the kings standing, suddenly ran out of the said forest a pryket, & after him a brace of grehoundes, the which courssed the said pricket & there shortly after slew it. And after that a foster blewe a moot for the death thereof, & smote of the head quickly & presented it unto the queen. And the done the said chalengeours passed over to th'end of the tilt & there hoved a while. And then shortly after the trumpets & many of the said gentlemen well horsed & appointed, that before had conveyed into the place the chalengours, conveyed in also the defenders, the which coming in with a like pageaunt before them (except that the maiden in their forest was attired after thenglish fashion) & demeaned them in all things like as before the challengers had done. And when they were come to the other end of the tilt, anon was commanded that the tourney should begin, whereupon sword were brought to either of them. And then first turneyed that lord Haward & master Pechye a good season & after them that residue two & two till either of them had furnished the full of xii strokes that by sundry times the fire sprang out of the helmets. And when they had finished that fearte of arms, not without many sore strokes & often departing by the marshals servants & some of the kings guard. They than were commanded to run together all xii & so to Tourney till either had smitten a certain number of strokes, but then was pieces of harneyste hewn into the field, & sword broken and bowed, the wonderful it was & fearful to behold. The which continued with such eagerness, that their number of strokes passed, & that the power of the marshal's servants suffis●d not to departed them, till the kings highness called to his guard to help to dissever them, which was not done without great pam, & although the every of them quite them full manfully, yet Charles Brandon that day was greatly advanced & furthered by his horse, the which that day fought with his teeth & feet like a serpent, & there unto was so pleasant & light of head, that he had his adversary ever at great advantage, in so much that he ever struck iii strokes before he received one. This day also was showed diverse devices of armour, as some of white & green chequered, some of black paled with gold, some all red & some all green. And the harnayes the which the said Charles Brandon then turnayed in, was all over guilt from the head piece to the sabattons. And thus with all honour and worship to them selves & great pleasure to the beholders, they brought this martial play and disport to an end. Shortly after this, was Hempson and Dudley committed to the tower, and Dudley was arraigned the xvii day of julii, in the Guldehall and there before the Mayor, and other the kings commissioners, was condemned and judged to be drawn, hanged and quartered, and then commanded again to the tower, where he lay long after And the michaelmas following was Hempson conveyed into Northampton shire, and there a reigned, and lastly judged to be drawn hanged and quartered, and then brought again to the tower, and there remained till such season as shall be showed here after. In this year also, was held at Westminster the xxi day of januarii a parliament, wherein was made diverse and sundry acts and statutes. In the second year of the king, and the xvii day of August was Hempson & Dudley brought unto the scaffold upon the tower hill, and there were beheaded. And the first day of january following, Henry the kings son was borne. And upon a wednesday being the xii day of Februarii next following was holden atriumphant jousts within the palace of Westminster. Of the which was chief chalengeoure the kings majesty with three other, whose names shallbe minded in the end of this declaration. And first for a convenyencie of the showing of this most excellent feats of arms. Ye shall ununderstande that the kings grace with the other three challengers enclosed in a mountain which was passing connyngly and curiously wrought with rocks, trees and dear, whereof on either side sat a foster clad in grass green satin, with either a bend bow in his hand, and abroad arrow, and a horn about either of their necks. And by the sides of either of the said fosters, lay certain spe●es. And in the front of the said mount between the two corner pillars sat a fair virgin, clothed in blue and light tawny satin, making of a garland of rosemary and other herbs. This pageant or mount was drawn upon wheels by a leopard all of beaten gold, and an Antlop of beaten flat silver, the which two beasts were led with ii mighty and high woodwoses by two strings of silk, and so conveyed out of Westminster hall about the tilt, until such time as the same mountain came right against the queens tent. About the which was attendaunte many gentlemen on foot clad in coats of white and green satin. But if I should here rehearse the strange and costly apparel which the fore riders were clothed in, with their rich trappers and other devices, I should here make a long tarrying. Wherefore to proceed as I began. When this mount as is a ●oue said was before the queens tent, either of the fosters blue a moot, and that done the kings majesty first issued out of the mount and another with him at one door, & at another door road out the other two challengers, all four having in their hands either of them a small scochion, the which they offered unto the queens grace. and all four challengers had coats beneath the waist of blue silk garnished with portcolyes of Venise gold without difference, saving the kings grace's coat was of blue velvet, and the other were of blue satin. And where the kings away ters were in coats of white and green, the other were in iackettes of blue satin. And after the challengers had thus offered up their scochions and made their obeisance unto the queen. The kings grace with the other road unto the end of the tilt over against Westmynster hall gate, and there hoved till the defenders were brought into the place Then the foresaid gentlemen which before had brought in the king, road for the defenders the which anon came in at the west gate of the palais in sundry pageants and goodly devices which here I will overpass, for as much as the day following they far exceeded, whereof the declaration will ask a long leisure. Wherefore to proceed further, when the said defenders according to the law of arms had been conveyed about the tilt, and were come to their standing near unto the west end of the tilt: Anon the kings majesty called for a spear, and so ran vi courses before he left, and broke in those vi courses four spears as well and as valiantly as any man of arms might break them, & such as were broken upon him, he received them as though he had felt no dint of any stroke. In so much, that where at the beginning, in the field was many a fear full & timorous heart for him, considering his excellency and his tenderness of age. After they had seen the said coursses run and his manful deliver charging and discharging, he rejoiced so the people's hearts that a man might have seen a thousand weeping iyens for joy And then such as were in most fear saw by his martial feats that by the aid of God, he was in no danger And when the other chalengeours had run a few courses, he went to it a fresh, & then ran ten or xii. courses instantly or he would cease, & broke many speaces, & gave so many teintes, that every man maruay led at his wonderful feats. For none the there was chalengeour or defender, might attain to half the ꝓwesse that he accomplished that day, so that the price was given to him of all men, aswell of them that were deputed judges of those feats of arms for that day, as of all other. And when he had thus passed his time to his great laud & honour, he then at the request of sundry lords, which that day gave their attendance upon his grace, went into a pavilion which near unto the tiltes end at that time was prepared for him, & there tarried while the other chalengeours ran a certain coursses with such of the defenders as had not been assayed that day, the which demeaned them right valiantly & knightly, & made full martial disport. And when this had continued upon an hour or more. The king came then out of his pavilionry ding upon a grey coursser, betrapped with a crappoure of cloth of gold, and wrought with goldsmiths work, which was little over an hand breadthe, and garnished in sundry places with white roses made of fine gold. And upon the pai●rell of the horse breast, stood a rose of a great breadth, and another like upon the crupper behind Which ii roses as a goldsmith reported that had the oversight of the making of the horse harneisse, said that theiweied either of them above l onces in gold The kings majesty was in a straight coat of most richest cloth of gold made close unto his body and straight sleeves, after the proportion of his arms, and in two or three places the said sleeves were cut and fastened together again with a plunket ribbon, thewhiche garment became him wondrously well. And thus being appointed with his leg harness being still upon his legs he road unto the tyltes end, and there hoved while the Heralds made their monition and crying a 〈…〉 still, a lhostill, and conveyed the defenders out at the gate which they first came in at. And that done, the gentlemen first setting forward next unto the trumpets, and then knights, barns, and Lords as they were of degrees following in their goodly apparelles: lastly next unto the king came the Lord Haward, bearing upon a truncheon the kings helmet. After whom the king then coming, took up his horse in so seemly and lusty manner, that shortly to conclude, no man could do better nor sit more close nor faster, nor yet keep his stiroppes more surely. For notwithstanding that the horse was very courageous and excellent in leaping and turning and excedyngg flinging, he moved no more upon him, then if he had held a plain and soft trot. And thus passing the compass of the field, when he came over against the queens Tent, he then began of new, & leapt and coursed the horse up and down in wonderful manner. And finally, he turned the feet of the horse again the tilt, and caused him to fling and beat the boards with his feet, the it redounded about the place as it had been shot of guns. And when he had thus with all commendation and honour performed this lusty and courageous feat, he turned him unto the queen and made a lowly obeisance, and so passed in a demure manner into Westminster hall. Upon the day next following, being thursday and the xiii day of February was holden a more excellent jousts, not for the more valiant acts that day done of armis, but for the inestimable richesse and costly apparel which that day was worn whereof I intend to touch a part, for the whole passeth my cunning and memory. But for a note after the capacity of my dull wit. About the season of half an hour after one of the clock, the queens grace being in her tent. Immediately issued out of Westminster hall the trumpets, and after them the Heralds, the trumpets being ●●ad in red cloth, & the Heralds in scarlet, all on horseback. Nert after them came riding gentlemen in right proper and goodly devices of apparel, and their horses decked with silk & brodering work right costly. Next whom a company of knights in more costly apparel followed, among the which sir Edward Gilford then mershal, & having the rule of thorderingordering of the field w his manifold tipped staves was both those days right goodly and richly apparelled. And also sir Morice Barkeley & sir Frances Cheiney road those ii days in one livery, both of their own array & also of their horses, which ii knights upon the first day road in coats parted half on crimson velvet, and the other half of green velvet, the crimson velvet side being overlaid with flat beaten silver like unto flat wire, hanging in length that the velvet was little or nothing seen. And the green velvet side was fret with plates of gold of goldsmiths work in right sumptuous wise. And their horses were garnished in one suit, not without cloth of gold and other costly devices. Upon the second day, or this thursday, their coats were half cloth of gold, & tother half of purple velvet. The velvet garnished with skalop shells and pilgrims staves of massy gold, & their horse trappours of the same. Then came Banerettes, Barones' & Lords, each of them more richly apparelled then other. For the lords, many of them road in long gounes of cloth of gold exceeding rich of the new making, wherein is most substance of gold and little silk. So the where of old time they were used to buy of the best & richest tissue for .v. ●i. a yard now they pay ten ●. & twenty mark for the best. And beside this, their horses, some trapped in cloth of gold to the ground. Among the which were specially noted the Lord of Burgeinie and the Lord Fizwater, which were in one suit of cloth of gold with their trappers like, & ii large & massy bauderikes about their necks, which were esteemed at a. M. mark a piece. There was also sir Henry Bolein & another Baneret, which that day road in purple velvet, velvet, garnished with plates of gold of exceeding value. And among them road also sir Nicholas Vaus in a gown of goldsmiths' work to the knees, and therein a fur of right brown and fine sables of great value. Then among them that road next to the king came my Lord Henry of Buckinghm in a gown of needle work, which was more costly than some of cloth of gold & more allowed for the curiosity of the work thereof. And though here I make no memory of the lusty leaping, bouncing, mounting and flinging of the jolly and lusty fore-riders, no man think the contrary but there was aswell doing horse as any might be, and aswell were they tasted and proved, to the great comfort of many a noble man and woman that day. Then when all this lusty company was thus passed by, Immediately ensued a pavilion or tent of blue & purple satine paled, and after that two other of the same fashion, all three being garnished with letters of brodery work. And last of all came in the fourth te● made of cloth of gold and purple velvet paled, whereof the panes of velvet were powdered with these two letters H. and K, as H. for Henry, and K for king, and the skirts of the said pavilion was borne up round about with xxxvi or xl gentlemen, as esquires for the body, all being clad in short jackets of blue and purple silk, the which were conveyed about the tilt, till they came before the queens tent. Where every chalengeour according to their rooms road out of their tents, & after obeisance made unto the queen, road unto the tiltes end, and there tarried the coming of the defenders. Howbeit, the kings highness road into the pavilion, where the day before he changed his apparel, and there tarried their coming. The which shortly after were brought in, but or I proceed any further, I must of a conveniency bring in a matter necessary to be rehearsed, the which negligently I have overpassed, and the is this. When the kings pavilion was as is aforesaid come out of the hall, immediately followed the said pavilion nine followers or henchemen, all clothed in cloth of gold and purple velvet parted, the velvet side being garnished with theforsaid letters of gold as the pavilion was. Of the which followers, the first courser was trapped with the arms of England, the second with the arms of France, the third with the arms of Castle, the fourth with a rich trapper powdered with red roses and white, the fift with cloth of gold furred with powdered armines, the sixth with cloth of silver and purple velvet parted, the seventh of purple velvet garnished with massy plates of gold, a part where of was an arm from the elbow armed with an heart of gold which was of great weight and value, thewhiche arm and heart were set upon either side of the breast of the horse, and again in the trapper upon both sides of the crupper. The eight with a trappoure of changeable sarsenet after blue and white full of gold bells. The 〈…〉 nthe & last was trapped in cloth of gold and blue velvet paled. After which followers, ensued the yeoman of the horse upon a fair double horse leading in his hand the self same horse which the king road out of the field upon, as before I have rehearsed, and then as last and hynmoost came riding upon a lusty courser sir Matthew Baker as master of the kings henchemennes, right well and sadly appointed and like a man of good age and sadness, & thus repaired through the field with such demeanour as before is rehearsed. Then to return unto the defendors. Troth it is that sir Charles Brandon as first came into the field enclosed in a tower and led by a jailor holding a great key in his hand, the which pageant when it came over against the queens standing, the jailor with his key made a countenance as though he had opened the gate of the tower, out of the which issued a man on horseback clad in a long course and prisoners weed, with a pilgrims long staff in his hand and a pylgremes hat upon his heed with a long and forgrown beard reaching to his saddle bow. He also had hanging upon the hook of his staff apayre of beads of gold, and upon the top of that staff was fastened a letter, the which staff with the beads and letter were sent and delivered unto the queens grace, upon the which when she had awhile looked, she sent such answer that the prisoner cast from him hastily his clothing, beard and hat, and showed himself in bright harness, and forth with smote his horse with the spurs, and made a lusty pace unto the tiltes end, and from thence took his course and ran about the tilt all most lusty wise. And after the said Charles was thus come in, there ensued ten more of the said chalengeoures, of the which if I should write all the apparel and circumstance of their cundite unto their place assigned, it would ask a long tract of time, but shortly to proceed to the effect of this matter. So soon as all the defenders were come unto their place assigned. The kings grace issued out of his pavilion and called for a spear, the which when he had received, he ran and broke right vigorously, & so ran seven coursses more or he would stint, in the which at every course he broke aspeare or gave a taint. And one thing was greatly noted in him, that at every course that he ran he would never charge him with his spear in the rest, till he came near unto the coping. Then by exhortation of such lords as were about him he rested for a season. And when the other challengers had disported them a while with such defenders as the king had not before tasted: The king than came forth again and ran many and sundry coursses, the which he performed to his great laud and honour. And albeit that the other challengers did full knightely and well and likewise the defenders, as the lord Marques, sir Charles Brandon and other, yet the feats of the king so far excelled them that none was spoken of but his alone, which so continued during the time of their disport till four of the clock at after none, at which season, so soon as the defenders were conveyed out of the field, he called for a spear, the which he setting upon his thigh, road with his head piece upon his head round about the tilt, and at two times when he came over against the queens standing, he made as low obeisance as his saddle would licence him, and so road into his pavilyon & there unarmed him. And anon after came out of the same pavilion sitting upon the same spare horse which the yeoman of that horse brought in his hand into the field when the king first entered. And then he was changed into a demi gown of cloth of gold furred with sables, the which when they were showed defaced, so the other that sir Nicholas Vaus ware, that they seemed matyrns in comparison of the other. Then the gentlemen set forward, and after followed the three chalengours riding bare heeded, and their three helmets borne before them by three lords, and last of all came the kings grace, whose helmet was borne by the lord of Burgeyny. And in like manner as his followers followed him into the field, so in like wise they followed him in his going out, at which season as then he stured his horse nothing, but suffered him to go a soft trot through all the field. And at the two times that his grace came before the queen, his grace forgot not his humble obeisance, to the crudition and learning of all well nurtered and gentle wedded men. And thus with all honour, joy and triumphant acts, to the principal laud of this our most excellent and christian prince, and after to the worship of all the other, aswell challengers as defendors, and great comfort of all the beholders, ended these most excelling jousts that ever was before that day seen in England, and that for two causes specially, as first the present deed of the excellency of the kings person, which never before that day as I think was seen in propre person. And secondarily for the exceeding cost of apparel which these two days was showed, with other manifold charges of pageants and other sumptuous things, the which by wise men's estimations cost not so little by the space of these two days as twenty M. ●i. Which two martial days were accomplished by the acts of these four challengers, the is to say: The most redoubted prince Henry the eight of that name, king of England France & Ireland. etc. Sir Thomas Knevet, lord william of Devonshire, and master Edward Nevell. And of the defenders there were ten in number, whose names came not all into my hands and therefore have I omitted them. After these royal jousts, was made a solemn and sumptuous banquet, the order of which I overpass because it would be to long to rehearse. The xxiii day of Februarij next following died at Richemounte Henrye the kings son which was borne there, upon new years day last passed as before is shortly touched. In the third year of his reign, about the months The iii year. of june and julij, the Scots made sundry entries upon the borders of England, and had out certain ships well manned and victualed and kept with them the narrow sees, to the great displeasure of the kings grace and hurt of some of his subjects, specially of his merchants, the which rovers were named to be banished men. But the kings highness, considering the daily hurt that they did unto his subjects and friends as taking of victual at Sandwich & other places upon the see coasts, and that no remedy was purveyed by the king of Scots to call them home. His grace in all goodly haste manned and victualed certain ships, and under the governance of the lord haward as head and chief captain sent the said ships to scour the see, the which in short process after about th'end of julij met with the said Scots, and gave unto them a sharp and fierce fight, in so much that in th'end thenglish men drowned one of the Scottish ships, and took two of the chiefest ships of that ●lote, and in them one hundredth and forty Scots with their head captain named Hob of Barton. The which Scots with their said captain were cast into sundry prysonnes, and as the fame went, in the foresaid fight was slain as many of the said Scots as were taken prisoners, and of thenglish men few or none. And upon the second day of August were the foresaid two Scottish ships brought unto the black wall within Thamys. But afterward the said Scots were by the kings commandment brought unto tharchbyshoppes'archbishop's palace beside Westmynster, and there kept at the kings cost. About this season or little before, the French king that had most part of this year kept war again julius the second of that name bishop of Rome, forced the said bishop to forsake the city of Bonony, & to i'll for his safeguard toward Rome, not without loss of some of his people. This bishop had deputed one Iherome Bonuise a Lukener borne, and before time had been a merchant and factor for merchants of his nation in London, the which by his insolency and exercising of dice with lords and other, he broke and came so behind the hand that he was compelled to avoid the city & also the realm. In the time of which absence he purchased such grace of the forenamed bishop that he made him a lord, & after sent him into this land as his proctor, having a train after him like unto a bishop: & by the ●auourable letters which the bishop wrote for him unto the king, his grace had him in good favour, and daily resorted unto his grace for mattiers touching the bishop, by mean whereof he had knowledge of the bishop's council and also of the kings. In this time also were here certain ambassadors of the French kings, the which lay here a long season for matters concerning their prince to whom this forenamed Iherome, secretly drew by night time, and innaturally and falsely discovered unto them all the bishops, and kings council. For the which he was awaited and lastly taken in the company of one of the said Ambassadors upon London wall about midnight, and so brought unto the counter of the pultrye, from whence by the kings commandment on the morrow he was removed unto the Tower, where he remained still as a prisoner. In this time also was wonderful war between the bishop of Rome julius the second of that name, and the French king, in so much that he wan from the said B. the city of Bonony, & put the B. to flight, & laid such articles again him that he intended to put him down & make another bishop, the circumstance whereof I pass over, considering the manifold tales and writings sent unto the merchant strangers of the same, in the which letters were variable and diverse reports. In the later end of this year, the Scots before taken by the knightly prows of the lord Hawarde and sir Edward his brother were delivered free and frank, to whom the king of his bounteous largesse gave unto every of them competent sums of money, to convey them home to their own country. In this year also was holden a parliament at Westmynster the four day of Februari●, wherein were made and ordained diverse statutes and ordinances. During the which parliament a servant of the kings & yomanne of the crown and one of his guard named Newbolt slew within that palace of Westmynster a servant of one master Willoughby, in the beginning of the month of March. For the which offence, notwithstanding that the king had him in his singular favour for that he was a special archer of all other, yet for yt●eynous and detestable murder, the kings grace commanded a new pair of galoes to be set up in the same place, where the said servant left his life, and upon the same shortly after was there put to death, and to the fear of other, suffered him to hang there by the space of two days & two nights af●●r for which judgement the king wan great honour and favour of his commons. By the authority of this parliament was granted unto the king two fifteens of the temporaltee, and by the convocation holden by the clergy two dimes. Upon good friday, which this this year fell upon the ix day of April was a cruel and stern battle between the bishop of Rome's host & the French kings party, which continued from the said fridaye by sundry encounters and meetings, by occasion whereof, much people on both parties were distressed and taken prisoners, and above the number of thirty. M. slain. In the four year was Edmond de la Poole beheaded, The four year. and about the month of August Sir Thomas Knevet being chief capytaine of the kings great ship called the regent, and a few ships more, set upon a great Caricke and other ships of the French kings, lying then near unto a town of Britain named Breast, where after a long and cruel fight, thesaide Caricke & regent being clasped together with hooks and chains (as the manner of fighting upon the see between enemies is) suddenly thesay ships with other were set on fire, and brent so fervently, that before they might be loosed or dissevered, the ships with the men upon both parties were consumed with violence thereof, so that few escaped which were of the poraill. But thesaide sir Thomas Knevet with many other gentlemen of this land and also of france were brent, on whose souls jesus have mereyt. This year also after harvest, wheat roase sobeinly The .v. year. of price, for where for the more part of the year it was not sold above six shillings viii d. a quarter. After harvest for so much as wheat was so sore blasted and stricken, & was of so small yield, it was sold for xii s. and xiii s four d. a quarter. In the .v. year the king besieged Turwin and discomfited the power of France at Boemy, and took the cities of Turwyn, and Tourney. But in the mean season, the king of Scots espying his time, invaded England with an host of an hundred thousand men, with whom the Earl of Surraye, being the Kings lieutenant encountered, and by the help of the Lord Hawarde his son, slew the said king with a leaven Earls, and wan the field. For the which noble fact, the king created him afterward Duke of Norfolk, and his son Earl of Surrey. In the vi year a peace was concluded between England and France. And on saint Denis The vi year. day the French king married the Lady Mary the kings sister. And he died on new years day after. And therefore the king sent for her again by the duke of Suffolk and other. In this year, in the month of Februarye was 〈…〉. borne Lady Mary the kings daughter at Grenewiche. In April, the French Queen came in to England, and was married to Lord Charles duke of Suffolk. This year Lady Margarete queen of Scots and sister to the king fled into England, and lay at Harbottell. And she was delivered of a daughter named Margaret. And came to London in may, and tarried there a hole year. In this year was such a frost, that all men 〈…〉 might pass with carts between Westmynster and Lambeth. This year on may even was an insurrection of young persons against Aliens, of which divers were put to execution, and the residue came to Westmynster Halle with halters about their necks, and were pardoned. And the xviii day of Mayeyquene of Scots, returned into her country again. This year in Octobre. the admiral of France The lx year. came into England, and Tourney was delivered to the French king. In this year at Frankforde Charles the fift The ten year. was chosen Emperor. And the Earl of Surrey was sent to Ireland In this year, the king and the French king met at the camp between Arde & Guines, where The xi year. were great triumphs. And after the king and the Emperor met, and the king went to graveling with the Emperor. And the Emperor came to Caleys with the king, & had great cheer and the king returned. This year the duke of Buckyngham was beheaded The xii year. at the tour hill the xvii day of may. And in june, the Cardinal went to calais to entreat a peace between th'emperor & the French king, and ●aried there to december, without any thing concluded. This year the friday before Penthecoste, that The xiii year. is to wit the sixth day of june, Charles the emperor was honourably received into the city of London of the More, aldermen, and commonalty, our said sovereign Lord accompaignieng him. And fro London he went to Windesore and sat in his stall of the Garter. And from thence went to Hampton, and sailed into Spain. During which time, the Earl of Surrey Lord Admiral brent Morleys' in Britain, and after landed at Caleys, and entered Picardye, and brent towns and castles, and besieged Hesdyn, but because of winter he raised his siege and returned. This summer, the duke of Albany was entering England with a great army, but when he heard that the Earl of Shrewisburye was coming to fight with him, he took a truce for, vi. months. In this xiiii year, Christian King of Denmark The xiiii year. came into England in june. Also the Earl of Surrey brent jedworth and many other towns in Scotland. This year also the Turk besieged the Rhodes and on Christmas day he took it. The Duke of Suffolk went into France The xu year. with ten thousand men, and passed the water of Some without battle, and took and destroyed many towns, and in Decembre returned. The same year the duke of Albany besieged the castle of Work, and hearing of th'earl of Surrey's coming, with a great army he cowardly fled. In the xvi year, there came out of Scotland 〈…〉 the bishop of Dunkell, and other ambassadors unto that kings majesty. And on saint Mathews day was the French king taken by th'emperor. A muting in Norfolk and Suffolk for payment of money. A peace concluded between England and France. And the French king was delivered in March. This year was the coin enhanced. In the xviii year, the city of Room by the 〈…〉 viii viceroy of Naples, and the duke of Bourbon (the same dake being first slain) was taken and almost destroyed. And Clement the vii than bishop of Rome & divers Cardinals there found were taken and brought in captivity, and under the rule of Charles the Emperor. This year also the Cardinal went into France with great pomp In October the great master of France came to London with great triumph. The xix year. In this nineteen. year, was the sweeting sickness for the which cause there was no watch at midsummer In the twenty year, was the Cardinal deposed of the The twenty year chauncellourshyp, and a peace between the Emperor and the king concluded. The xxi year In the xxi year, was holden a parliament where was reformed diverse enormitees of the clergy In the xxii year, was a man boiled in Smith The. xxii year field for poisoning. The cardinal died on saint Andrew's even. The xxiii year In the xxiii year, Gryffeth Rice was beheaded for treason. In October the king went over the sea, and met the French king at Caleis. In the xxv year, in Apryll was a Nun called The. xxv year. the holy maid of Kent, two. Monks and two Freers hanged and beheaded for treason, blasphemy, and hypocrisy. This year a peace was concluded with Scotland. In this xxvi. year was holden a parliament at Westminster, wherein among other most godly The. xxvi year. and necessary statutes, it was there decreed and enacted that the kings majesty should be from thenceforth according to the law of God, taken & reputed as supreme heed of this his realm, next and immediately under Chryst. This year the earl of kildare died in the Tower, and his son rebel led and slew the bishop of Dubelyn, wherefore the king did send sir William Skevynton thither This year was granted to the king the first fruits, and the tenths of all spiritual possessions. In june was the bishop of Rochester and sir Thomas Moor beheaded, for denying the king to be supreme head of the church of England. This year, were iii Monks of the Charterhouse executed for the same offence. In this xxvii year, in january died lady Katheryn The. xxvii year. princess dowager, and is buried at Peter borrow. This year, queen Anne was attainted of treason, and was beheaded. And the king married lady jane Seymer. And in October began a fololyshe commotion in lincolnshire, & another in York shire, by the means of Lord Darey, lord Husey sir Robert Constable, & Robert Ask. Which only by the kings wisdom & his discrete counsel were appeased without blood shedding. In this xxviii year, the Thamis was over fro 〈…〉 in December, wherefore the king and the queen road throw London with a goodly company. 〈◊〉 xviii 〈◊〉 This year also, sir France's Bygot, lord Darcy, sir Robert Constable, and other, began a new conspiracy, and they were attainted, and put to death in june. In February was Thomas Fytzgarred, and five of his uncles hanged, drawn & quartered. And on saint Edward's even Prince Edward was borne at Hampton court. The. xxiii day of October died queen jane, and is buried at Wyndsore. In this xxix year, in may was Frere forest hanged and brent in Smithfeelde for treason & 〈◊〉 xxix. year. heresy, with the Image of Daruell Gathern. In this year, all idolatry was forbidden. And divers images that had engines to make their eyes, & other limbs to stir, with many other disceates were destroyed. And all Freers and Monks changed their garments. In this xxx year in December was the Marquis of Ereter, the Lord Montacute, and sir Edward Nevell beheaded for high treason duly proved. In The. thirty year. May the citizens of London mustered all in bright harneisse, with coats of white cloth, and white silk, with chains of gold, in three great armies, to the great wonder of strangers. Now for a final conclusion as touching this most noble & excellent prince and for the closing up of this present work. If that his highness had by all the space of his reign heretofore, which hath been xxxiiii years, done no more but only these three things (as in deed his grace hath done a great & infinite number of most prudent & beneficial things, both for the quietness of his realm & wealth of his subjects) that is to say: the extirping & abholyshing of the usurped authority of the B. of Rome out of all his dominions, and restoring unto us the holy & most blessed word of God the is to say the whole scripture in our Englishtongue, to th'intent chief that we might know our duty to almighty God, our obedience to our prince and his successors kings of this realm, & live a godly and Christian life one with another. secondarily, in taking a way all superstition and idolatry which was a thing most detestain▪ the sight, of God. And thirdly and last of all the dissolving of cloisters and suppressing all conterfete and false religion, which so long as they continued, were not only teachers & preachers of false and superstitious doctrine, but also were ever the authors & beginner's of all mischiefs & commotions. For reformation I say of which things, who is able to render worthy thanks and praises to his highness? And therefore to conclude, infinite thanks be given to almighty God that so hath wrought by his special grace, in the heart & mind of his hihgnes, & let earnest prayers and supplications incessantly be made of all his faithful subjects for the preservation of his highness in most triumphant honour and wealth and over us long to reign & rule. And that when nature shall give place to death in his grace, that then the same gifts of prudence, policy, and godly judgement that his highness is so plentifully endued with, may yet be planted in the person of that goodly imp and most flory sh branch prince Edward, that the same may finish & maintain that which his noble father and our sovereign lord king Henry the eight hath most graciously begun. To this all true English hearts say Amen. LONDINI. In officina Richardi Graftoni, Cmm privilegio ad imprimendum solum per septennium.