An EXHORTATION TO THE SCOTS to conform themselves to the honourable expedient and godly union between the two realms of England and Scotland, dedicated to Edward duke of Somerset by James Harryson.  
LONDON. PRINTED by Rich. Grafton 1547.   

¶ TO the right high and mighty prince, Edward, Duke of Somerset, Etle of Hertford, Viscount Beauchamp, lord Seymour, Governor of the person of the Kings Majesty of England, and Protector of all his Realms, Dominions and Subjects, his lieutenant general of all his armies, both by land and by sea, Tresore● and earl Marshal of England, Governor of the Isles of Gernsey and Gersey, and knight of the most noble order of the Garter: james Harryson Scottisheman wisheth health, honour, and felicity.  
Calling to mind (as I do oft) most excellent Prince, the civil dissension and mortal enmity, between the two Realms of England and Scotland, it bringeth me in much marvel, how between so near neighbours, dwelling with in one land, compassed within one sea, allied in blood, and knit in Christ's faith, such unnatural discord should so long continue. Unnatural, I may well call it, or rather a Civil war, where brethren, kinsmen or countrymen be divided, and seek the blood of each other: a thing detestable before God, horrible to the world, and pernicious to the parties, and no less strange in the eyes of reasonable men, then if the limbs and membres of man's body, should fall out within themselves, as the hand to hurt the foot, or the foot the hand. If any utility or gain should grow thereby, it were the less marvel, but when there doth nothing ensue, but such fruit as war bringeth forth, which is facking of towns, subversion of holds, murder of men, ravishinent of women, slaughter of old folk and infants, burning of houses and corn, with hunger and pestilence, two buds of the same tree: and finally, the utter ruin of the whole kingdom, I wonder that eemongest so many politic rulers as be, and have been in both realms, the nuschief so long spied, the remedy hath not yet be sought. Who is so blind that doth not see it, or who so hard hearted, that doth not pity it? I omit here to speak of the great afflictions and misery, which Scotland hath sustained by wars in times passed, a matter over long to be rehearsed, and yet to great to be forgotten. But to come to later time, what hath been done within these six years, sith the wars were revived, how the country hath been over run, spoiled and heried by Englishmen on the one side and by our own warmen or rather robbers on the other side (to speak nothing of the plague of God) it would grieve any heart, to think. If this misery fell only upon the movers and maintainers of such mischief, it were less to be lamented, but they sit safe at home, and keep holy day, when the fields lie full of their bodies, whose deaths they most cruelly and vuchristianly have procured. If Edenbrough, Lieth, Lothian, Mers or Tividale had tongues to speak, their loud complaint would pierce the deaf ears. But what needeth spethe, when their eyes may see plain enough, what their devilish hearts have devised. This misery is much to be sorrowed and more to be sorrowed, than their wickedness to be detesied, which have kindled the fire, and still late on brands to feed the same. In whom if either respect of Religion, which they profess, or zeal of justice, whereunto they are sworn, either fear of God, or love to their country, did any thing work, they would refuse no travail, nor torment of body nor mind, no, nor death (if it were offered) for the safeguard of them, whose destruction they have wrought. And these be only two sorts, the one is of such, as either for fear of their Hypocrisy to be revealed, or evil gotten possessions to be transiated would have no peace nor concord: the other be such as for a lawless liberty and doing wrong unpunished, would pull out their heads from all law and obedience. Such and none other be adversaries to our cause. If these. if. sorts (I say) should feel but half the misery, which the poor people be driven to suffer, they would not be half so hasty to ring alarms. These be they which professing knowledge, abuse the ignorance of the nobility and commonalty, to the destruction of both, having peace in their mouths, and all rancour and vengeance in their hearts, pretending religion, persuade rebellion, preaching obedience, procure all disobedience, seeming to forsake all thing, possess all thing, calling themselves spiritual, are in deed most carnal, and reputed heads of the Church, be the only shame and slander of the Church. If these people would as earnesty travail for the concord of both realms, as they endeavour with tooth and naill to the contrary, these mischiefs aforesaid, should either not have happened, or else at the least, not so long have continued: by whose lure, so long as the nobles and commons of Scotland be led, I am in despair of any amity or friendship between these two realms. GOD bring their falsehood once to light, and turn their iniquity upon their own heads.  
BUT to my purpose, seeing the mischief so great, the authors so many, the maintenance so strong, and so few that seek amendment: in declaration of mine earnest, zeal and unfeigned affection towards my country, I in default of other, put myself in press. And though least able, yet most willing and desirous of the honour and quiet of both realms, which cause, seeing it correspondeth to virtue & godliness, me thought it convenient to seek for the same, a patron virtuous and Godly, whereby your grace entered my remembrance, whose proceedings hitherto have made manifest to the world, what an ardent zeal ye bear, to th'advancement of all verity & truth: So that all men conceive certain hope that by your high wisdom, policy, and other Princely virtues, the storms of this tempestuous world, shall shortly come to a calm. And seeing God hath not only called you to the height of this estate, but so prospered your grace in all affairs, both of war and peace, as your acts be comparable to theirs, which bear most fame: your grace cannot merit more towards GOD or the world, then to put your helping hand to the furtherance of this cause. Hereby shall you declare an incomparable service to the kings Majesty of England, which being young of years, is yet ripe in virtue, to govern any kingdom, whose excellent gifts of nature, and inclination to all Godliness considered, the world is in opinion, that he shallbe nothing inferior to the great honour and glory of his father, whose praises I over pass, finding myself unable to express them in any degree. But sith your grace, as a person most elect, is called to the governance and tuition of his person, and protection of his realms and dominions, all men's expectation is, that having so apt a mould to work upon, you shall so frame his you the with virtuous precepts, Godly examples, and sincere education, as he shall prove a King equal with those, whom old histories, do most commend. Wherein your grace's laud cannot want, being so worthy a governor of so noble a king: and much more if by your policy, diligence, and circumspection, he shall at his perfect years be restaured to the whole isle of britain, whereunto as he is justly entitled: So God the protector of all just causes, shall bring your attempts therein to good success. For the furtherance whereof, I have declared mine opinion in writing, which, with humble heart. I offer and dedicate unto your good grace: not as a gift worthy so great an estate, but yet not unmeet for my purpose, ne for the time & occasion present, wherein though I neither persuade my cause so pithihely, ne open it so lively, as to so weighty a matter is requisite: Yet it may serve either for a testimony of mine honest meaning, or minister occasion to better learned men, to dilate this argument more largely, whereby all war and hostility may cease and peace and concord take place. GOD the very author of peace, ever preserve your grace, to the increase of the same, and furtherance of all Godliness: and grant to the Kings Majesty of England his righteous possession of the whole monarchy of britain, to th'advancement of God's glory, comfort to his lieges, and confusion of his enemies.   English coat of arms 
DIEV ET MON DROUT   

AN EXHORTATION  
The cause where of I treat being so weighty, the discourse so large, & my wit and cunning so small to set it forth, I might well be discouraged to enter so great a ground: but that love to my country on the one side, and desire of concord and quietness on the other side, move me to speak, hoping that the honesty of the matter shall supply the rude handling, and the plain verity, to stand in stead of eloquence and cunning. For like as in an evil cause, much art and conveyance must be used, afore it can appear good: even so in a cause true, honest, and righteous, there needeth no subtle persuasions or finesse of words: but how much the plainer so much the better, and how much the more eloquent, somuch the more suspicious. For truth is sufficient of herself, and needeth no colours, no more then natural beauty, needeth of painting. Taking this for my foundation, I may the more boldly proceed without fear of offence, seeing my cause is such, as all good men will further, all wise men favour, and all Godly men defend, as that which being embraced, shall do good to many, and hurt to none, and being neglected, shall hurt a multitude, and avail no man, tending no less to the commodity of the adversaries, then of the favourers. Thus the ground being so true, the occasion so honest, and the quarrel so righteous, there wanteth nothing but one that could set the same forth accordingly. And seeing such as can best, list not, and that ought moste, will not, and that would feignest, dare not take this universal cause in hand, I being simple unlearned, and most barren of all orators art and persuasion, yet armed with truth moved with honesty, and provoked by love, towards God and my country, (as David against Golias) entre the field against the mighty Giants, enemies of concord and unity, desiring all my countrymen of Scottande (whose cause I now specially entreat) to give me patient hearing, whilst I suade them to that, which shallbe acceptable to God, commendable to the world, joyful to their friends, hateful to their enemies, profitable to all parties, and to none so much as to themselves.  
TO ground my cause upon truth (as I promised) I will set my foundation, upon the infallible truth of God's word, taking this text for my purpose. Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur: that is to say: every kingdom divided in itself, shall be brought to desolation. If this sentence be well marked, and the person of the speaker considered, I shall not need to be long in persuading you to believe it. The words be true: for he that spoke them, cannot lie, which is Christ himself the author of all truth and verity. But though Christ had not spoken them, let us see whether common reason doth not affirm them, and the experience of all realms and countries, in all times and ages, hath not approved them. And to fet our examples not out of strange countries, look well upon the Chronicles of this island of Britain, and consider the estate thereof, from the beginning, and compare them, with the histories of other nations, and you shall not lightly hear or read of any one country sith the worlds creation, more invaded, wasted, and destroyed, than this I stand, ne of people more often, ne more curelly spoiled, exiled, or afflicted, than the inhabiters thereof, and all by division and discord: the sedes whereof, being laid in by the devil as powder under a wall, after it once took fire, did so terribly shake the foundations of their common weal, that it rived asunder their Kingdom and monarchy, and dividing it into parts, brought the whole at last to ruin and desolation, which hath not been fully recovered to this day, nor in my iud gement like to be, so long as the island is divided into two parts, and known by two names, that is to say, England & Scotland, and under two several governors. The cause whereof though it may chief be ascribed to the just vengeance of God, provoked with the sins of the people, as Gildas witnesseth: yet is it clear that the only mean thereof, was discord and division, among the Insulanes, whereby it came to pass, whilst every one strived, all were over comen, and made an easy prey to strange nations. For although outward enemies, upon tyranny and conquest, as the romans, or else expulsed from their countries, and driven to seek new dwellings as the Pictes, or alured with the fertility of the soil as the Scots inhabiting, the north parts of Ireland, invaded this island: Yet could those people never have kept quiet possession, ne reign so long as they did, but through division and discord among the britains, which being stiff necked against God, and ingrate each to other (as the said author writeth) by their demerits, were not only overcome with outward invasions, but finally lost their name and, Empire, whereby the inhabitants being mixed with strangers, have ever sith been vexed with intestine wars and civil discord to the irremediable ruin and desolation thereof, until it shall please God's goodness to have mercy on the people, and to reduce the island to the first estate, to one Monarchy, under one king and governor, as it was in the Britons time. But if God of his goodness, without our deserts hath in these latter days, provided that blessed mean and remedy for the glory of his name, and for our wealth and commodity: and we for our part, either of stubborness will not, or of wilfulness list not, thankfully to receive his singular grace and benefit so freely offered, what then may be thought in us? Ought not then all good men think (as they do in deed) that all the mischief, effusion of blood, hunger and other miseries ensuing of war, fall upon us morthely and by desert. Yes verily: And surely in this part, I must desire you my countrymen, both of pardon and pactence, when I shall disclose the cause of this mischief, and the long continuance thereof, to come rather of us, than of the contrary part, which judgement (God is my witness) proceedeth neither of adulation to English men, nor of malice to any estate, but as my conscience moveth me, and as the truth to all wisemen may appear.  
BUT afore I will stir that unsavoury sink of treason and treachery, as one that intendeth to make a great leap, I must be forced to run back to fetch my course, wherefore, omitting the matters of the time present, I must repeat the estate of this island from the beginning, and what were the causes of this division at the first, and by what ways it hath continued from time to time, and how it is yet nourished, to the end that upon the causes opened, and the persons detected, that be workers thereof, the remedies may be the sooner found, and simple people beware of those, that with feigned fables and lies, have led them long blindfold, & so would keep them, to the perdition both of their souls and bodies, and then shall we see, whether this saying of Christ afore recited, may not be well verified in us of Britain. In the discourse whereof, because the right & title whereby the kings of England claim to be superior Lords of Scotland, is incidently touched: I will use for the more part the testimonies either of Scottish chronicles, or foreign writers, and little of the English, unless where both Scottish and English do agree, or where by apparent reason, the truth standeth more on th'one side, then on the other: and all to avoid the common cavillation of such, as say, how the Kings of England, prove their title to Scotland, only by English authors.  
THE opinion of most writers, and specially of Latins (at whom, aswell for ancienty, as indifferency, I take my ground) is, that this island of britain, which containeth both realms of England and Scotland (as I said afore) was at the first, called Albion, that is to say the white land, having that name Ab albis rupibus, that is to say, of the White Rocks and Cleves, which appear upon the sea costs of the said island, even as we at this day call the country from whence the brasil wood cometh, Brasilia: which opinion is more probable than the devise of a late Welsh Poet, imagining how it was called Albion, of one Albina, eldest of the fifty daughters, of one Dioclesian king of Syria, which having killed fifty kings, being their husbands, were for the same exiled. And after long wandering in the seas, arrived at last in this Island, where they engendered with spirits, & brought forth l Giants, which were Gog Magog and his fellows, with such poetical fables, not only without good foundation, but also mere contrary to all ancient stories, and well near against all possibility of nature. But as the be ginning of all nations for the more part be fabulous and uncertain, some fetching their pedigree from the Gods, and some from the devils, as the Greeks from jupiter, the old Gauls from Pluto God of hell: so the better opinion, aswell of the latre writers, as also of Gildas a britain is, that this island was inhabited from the beginning, by those that were borne in the same, & afterward as the world multiplied, grew unto a great people, and from a people unto a Kingdom, and governed by Kings, as by stories is to be seen, of whom the first that we find, was one Brutus, which, whether he came out of Italy or not, is not much material, but certain it is, that such a one reigned, and was first King of the whole island: which beginning of the people, doth make much more with the honour and glory of this island, then to beduce a pedigree, either from an outlaw of Italy, or a tyrants sister out of Egypt, as Welsh & Scottish poets, have fantastically feigned. For if we account nobility by ancienty of years, & length of time (as some use now a days) what can be more ancient, more noble, more high, or honourable, then to have a beginning beyond all memory, and in process of years, from small families, to grow into a great Monarchy & kingdom. In which point, the old latins of whom the Romans descended, set a great part of their glory, calling themselves Aborigines, that is to say: a people from the beginning.  
brutus the first King of this whole Island, by whom it was called Britain, & the people thereof britains, reigned the year after the creation of the world, four thousand, C C. and, xlii. and as writers affirm had three sons, Locrinus, Albanactus, and Camber, among whom he divided the whole island, assigning the supreme empire with the greatest and most fruitful part toward the south, unto Locrinus his eldest son, of whom it was called Logres, and now England. To the second son, named Albanactus, he assigned another part towards the north, which at this day the Scots possess: by which Albanactus, the country was called Albania, and the people, Albanactes, as shallbe showed hereafter. The iii part, lying West, & towards the seas of Gaul, which now is called wales, he gave to Camber his youngest son, by whom it was called Cambria, & the people, Cambrians, as they call themselves to this day.  
AND though the island was thus parted, between the three brethren, yet the supreme power and kingdom, remained always in the eldest: to whom the other two were obedient, as to a superior king. The prose whereof, if any be so curious to require, I answer, that the same histories, which speak of this partition, declare in likewise of the subjection: So that admitting them in the one, they must likewise be admitted in the other. For the more corroboration whereof, the histories, both of Britons and Romans agree, that the Island was under kings at the beginning: which as they were called Kings of Britain, so was the general name of the people, Brytons, neither was there any other state or Kingdom in the Island at those days, but only of Britons. In so much, that the Romans, being most diligent reporters of the names of Princes by them subdued, and countries conquered, whereas they make particular mention of diverse kings of the Britain's and of sundery cities in Britain, yet do they never name any people called Scots, ne make mention of any such Princes, as is pretended to have ruled over them which, if they had been so glorious, both in war and peace, as they be set forth: how should their acts have been hidden to the Romans, which contended with all men for glory, for thirst whereof, they sometimes sought enemies at the worlds end. And though it may be said, that Caesar and diverse other never came so far as Scotland, by a great distance: yet, how could it be, the julius Agricola, which, after the south parts of Britain was made a province to the romans invaded unto the Orcades, which is the farthest part of Scotland: & after viii years wars there at the foot of the mount Grampius, now called Granzeben, fought against Galgacus with ten. M. Britain's, whom he there overthrew: how (I say) could he be ignorant of the Scots or of their wars: So that it must be granted, that at those days, either they were not in Britain, or if they were in Britain, their name and power was nothing such, as we pretend. For who so diligently considereth the course of the said stories, shall well see, the neither Picts ne Scots had any dominion in britain, until about the declination of the Roman Empire: and that the Pictes entered into britain before the Scots, in the tune of king Marius, which was about the year of Christ lxxij After which time, with the help of the Irish Scots, they vexed the Britain's with continual incursions. These Pictes were a people of Scythia, now called Tartary, & driven out of their country, sought herberough amongs Irish Scots, who being nothing glad of such gests, procured them to set foot in britain as they did in deed, and there continued many years after. This people were called Pictes, because in stead of garments, they used to paint their skins with sundry figures of beasts and birds, having collars of iron about their necks, and girdelles of the same, about their wastes, and specially the nobility of them, which esteemed the same for a great point of bravery. This doth Herodian write in the life of Severus thempecor, which came into Britain, and repaired the wall, begun afore by Adrian his predecessor, by which wall, the Province of the Romans was divided, from the residue of Britain, and was made first to resist the incursions of such britains as they accounted, savage and barbarous. The ruins of this wall, are to be seen at this preset: wherefore it seemeth to me, that afore the time of the said Adrian, the name, neither of Pictes ne Scots, was never known in Britain, so that if they had any possession there afore, they came to it, rather by stealth then by any open force, or conquest. I speak not this to minish the honour and glory of my country, nor to deface the nobility, or the valiant acts of the Scottish kings, but to show that the first inhabitors of this island, were all Britain's, more than vi C. years afore Scots had any kingdom there, and that they had no such original, as some have phantasied, but that they are a people mixed with britains & come of britains. In prose whereof, it is said, that the Arms of Scotland, borne at this date (the trace of the fleur-de-lys except, which was late put in) is the self same arms, that Brute bore: yet will I not affirm that Scots be mere britains, or English men mere britains, but that the more part of both people be descended of britains. For though the Island hath been often invaded by sundry nations as Romans, Pictes, Scots Saxons, Danes, and lastly by Normaynes: yet doth it not follow, that the whole blood of britains was so extinct thereby, but that there must great numbered remain in every part of the island, whereby it may be sated that the race of them is mixed, but not merely fordoens and extirped: for no country can be so invaded by strangers, that the whole race of the old inhabiters, can be worn all out, but that the substance or more part, shall still remain. As for example, Italy hath been invaded by Goths, Vandals, Honnes, and other barbarous nations, can it therefore be said that the whole Roman blood is utterly extinct? no verily: for of necessity, the stock doth still abide, though not wholly, yet in the more part. And likewise of England and Scotland, I doubt not to say, and am able to prove, that the great part of both realms, is come of the old britains. And though me have been mixed with foreign nations, whereby the Britain tongue is changed & out of use, pet doth the blood and generacino remain: and as for the Irish tongue, which they speak in the North parts of Scotland, doth no more prove them to be mere Irish, than the English tongue used in all the South parts of Scotland, proveth the people there to be English.  
BUT to resort to our purpose, how can it stand with reason, that the Pictes and Scots, two strong nations should make great wars, should so often infest and vex both Britain's & Romans, ye and overcome them and at length establish two kingdoms in the Island, and no remembrance thereof found in any story, either of the Britain's or Romans, nor in any other authentic or approved Chronicle. For Caesar Tacitus, Ptholomeus and Plinius, Roman authors (though we speak of no more) & on the other side, Gildas, most ancient writer of the Britons, though every where in their histories, they make special mention of all the people, then dwelling in Britain, yet speak they nothing of those two nations, which if they were chief & strongest (as our writers pretend) how could their names be pretermitted of so many authors, whereby one of these two things must be granted, that either they were not then come into Britain, or else (if they were come) they remained subjects to the britains, according to the English history. Against which though it may be objected, that Britain was not always from the beginning, under one King or one Ruler, but was governed somewhiles by one, and somewhiles by more, (as the Roman stories declare) whereby there should be no such Monarchy and kingdom, nor any such order prescribed by Brute, as the English stories specify: yet doth that make nothing to prove, the Scots not to be come of britains, ne enforceth any title for them, to be no subjects to England: for it may stand together, that the estate of Britain was such at the beginning, as the English chronicles mention: & as in time all things change, so by occasions ensuing, the first order might be broken, and from one entire Kingdom, to be divided into parts, as it should seem, that it was about the coming of Caesar, who writeth, that at his arrival in Britain, the cities by common assent, elected Cassibilanus, to their King, whereby it may be gathered, that the Monarchy thereof, was then broken by some faction within the Island, which caused it to be a more easy prey to enemies. And this verefieth my words spoken afore: that division and discord of the people brought this Island first, into subjection of other nations. This is confirmed by the roman stories, but namely by Cornelius Tacitus, saying that britains at the first were under Kings, and afterwards by factions and seditions of Princes and great men, were so divided in themselves, that to resist an universal peril, scarcely two or three countries at the most, would agree together: so fight in parts, at last the whole was overcome. And by this mean was Britain first subdued, & made tributary to the romans, under whom it continued in form of a province, until the time of great Constantine the Emperor, by whom it was restored to liberty: yet was it not so brought in subjection all this time, but that there were for the most part, kings in Britain, as our stories testify, and likewise the Roman: wherein we read of arviragus, whom Juvenal writing to Nero, signifieth to be a King by these words: Detaemone Britamno, excidet arviragus, that is to say: arviragus shall fall from the stem of Britain. And after him, of Lucius, the first christian King, whom Elu therius bishop of Rome, in one of his epistles, calleth king of britains, and so of Coelus with divers other. Wherefore admitting the state of britain to have been such at the beginning, as the English story affirmeth, (which we must admit, because the contrary appeareth not) though there happened some interruption of the Monarchy by the romans, or otherwise: yet when the people attained their liberty, and were governed by Kings of their own: we must presume, that they obeyed them & their laws, & the people to hold their lands in like course, as was ordained at the first: whereof it must follow, that if Scots were in britain at those days, they knowledged the kings of britain for their superiors, according to the stories. In which point I will not much stick, considering the name of Scots was not then known, as I said afore. And though our writers dream diverse things to the contrary, we cannot admit their bare allegations in disproof of so many stories, of so grave writers, in whom, as there is less suspicion of partiality, so was there more certainty of knowledge, then in the other, which were unborn after them, by a great numbered of years. But admit no such order to have been prescribed in government of the kingdom, as the English story allegeth: and though there had been, yet the interruption to be sufficient cause, to break the same: and admit the Scots to have been then in Britain as they were not: Let us see whether we cannot unite these people by another way. It is certain that after the romans had reduced the South and West parts of britain into a province, as men desirous to enlarge their empire never content with part, till they had the whole, they invaded the north parts of Britain, and ceased not, till they came to the Orcades, and so in fine, brought the whole island in subjection: their stories herein be plain.  
AND no less plain is it, that Constancius th'emperor, who died at York, married Helen, called saint Helen, daughter & heir to Coyll king of the britains, of whom he begat the great Constantyne, afterwards Emperor, not only of britain, but also of the whole world: in whose person, both titles, aswell that, which the Romans had by conquest, as also that, which his mother Helen had (as heir of britain) were united & knit together, and he without all doubt or controversy, was very Emperor of all britain, whereby the island after long servitude, was at last (as it were by God's providence) restored to his former liberty & honour, themperor being begotten in britain, son of her, that was heir of Britain, borne in Britain, and create Emperor in Britain. Now if Scots were then in britain (as our writers allege) then were they subjects to Constantine, because the stories be evident, that he had all britain in possession, whereunto whether he came by Helen his mother, or by Constancius his father forceth not much: for it sufficeth for our purpose, to prove that all britain, was under one Emperor, and being under one Emperor, than was Scotland and England but one Empire. In contirmation whereof, besides the testimony of old histories, there be two notable things yet observed in England, by all the kings successively, even sith the said Constantine. The one is that they wear a close crown Imperial, in token that the land is an empire free in itself, & subiett to no superior but GOD. The other is, that in all their wars, they bear a banner with a red Cross, for their ensign, in memory of that Cross, which appeared to themperor Constantine going to battle, when this voice was heard: Constantine, in hoc signo vinces, that is to say, with this ensign thou shalt prevail. These two monuments of honour & religion in britain, were received from that noble emperor.  
EUTROPIUS witnesseth, that Britain rested in liberty, during the life of Constantyne, who left behind him iii sons successors of his Empire, Constancius, Constans, and constantine, to whom being youngest, there fell for his portion, Britain Spain, France, and the Orcades. This Constantyne was after slain in italy, by whose beathe, the Empire of Britain came to his brother Constancius which reigned twenty years, in whose blood, it remained xxiiij years after, that is to say, until the v. year of the two. brethren, Gracian and Valentinian, Emperors, what time by favour of the people, Maximus was create emperor in Britain. This Maximus as Hector Boctius allegeth, in the vij book of his history, descended of the blood of great Constantine, & reigned over the whole island of Britain and the Orcades, seventeen years without interruption. And being desirous of more empire, with a great numbered of Britain's, entered into France, & stew Gracian the Emperor at Lions, and forced Valentinian the other brother to flee to Constantinople, for aid of the Emperor ther. Nevertheless (as all worldly things be mutable) his fortune was to be slain in Italy, leaving behind him a son named Victor, who was slain in France: whereby the state of Britain, drew every day into worse. It were long to rehearse the mutations of things, happening in britain, from the time of great Constantine, unto Valentinian the Emperor, in whose days, the Empire of Room was invaded with great multitudes of Barbarous nations. And in his time, did the Scots being a nation come out of Ireland (as Gildas writeth) pass over into Britain, and finding the land destitute of men of war, which either were all slain by tyrants, or wasted by long wars in other countries, entered the Islond & making league with the Pictes, prevailed so at length, that they obtained all the North part of britain in possession, calling the country Scotland, and themselves Scots. And this was the third nation that Invaded this Island: First coming out of Scythia into Ireland, and from Ireland into the North parts of Britain. The capitain and leader of this people (as Beede witnesseth) was one Rewda, albeit the late Scottish Chronicles fet a much further beginning, which I will touch in his place. But if we believe Beede, a man for his living and learning, reckoned in the numbered of saints, and of ecclesiastical writers, called Venerabilis, the coming of the Scots into Britain was not until about the year of Christ. cccc. xliij. which was long after the coming of the Pictes: to whose opinion, though he was a Saxon, I would sooner assent, then to the new fond fables of our Scottish poets, framed upon fantasy, without authority precedent.  
AND for the further proof of this Monarchy, it is read in the time of Lucius, which was the first christian King of the britains, as is said afore: there were in Britain iii high priests, or Bishops, Idolaters, of the Heathen religion, called Archiflamines, and xxviii other inferior Bishops of the same superstition, called Flamines: In stead of whom, this godly King, ordained as many Bishops or Christ's religion, & three archbishops, placing the first at London, the second at Yourke, and the third in the city of Legions, which at this day is called Chester. To the province of Yourke, there belonged all the north part of Britain, now called Scotland with the orcades. And notwithstanding all the mutations, happening in process of years, yet all the Bishops of those countries, came unto York to beconsecrated of the Arch bishop there, and promised obedience unto him, as to their Metropolitan & head bishop: albeit by occasion of wars, they were summewhiles letted so to do. And of latter days, that is to say, in the time of Henry the two King of England, which was about the year of Christ a. M.C. & lu the English history showeth, that Michael Bishop of Glascow, and after him, Tothadus Bishop of saint Andrew's, were consecrated by Thomas archbishop of Yourk. If my countrymen believe me not in this point, let them believe the Bulls of paschal, Calixte, Honorius, Innocentius, Eugenius and Adrianus, Bishops of Rome, written to the Bishops of Scotland, so as any of them were rebel, or would not acknowledge the archbishop of Yourke, Primate of Scotland, for their head Bishop. This I allege to show, that the two realms at the first were not only united in one Empire, but also in one Religion the superiority whereof, saying it so long continued in the English side, proveth in that part a certain kind of subjection in Scots, which I pass over. But now having sufficiently alleged to prove, that all we were britains at the beginning, come of one kind, and living under one Monarchy, broken by diusion and civil discord, as is showed before: there resteth to disprove the feigned allegations of the contrary part, which convey you from Pharaoh, the tyrant of Egypt. And as it is to conjecture, if their wills might take place, they would bring you under the servitude of Egypte again. But before I touch the argument, according to my promiss at the beginning, I must in part disclose the authors thereof, whose untruths, though I pass over, yet will they bewray it themselves: for it is not unknown what persons they be, that take upon them to write stories and Chronicles, both in England & Scotland: which for the more part, be Monks and Friars, such as in name profess Religion, being in deed the perverters of all true Religion. These men, issuing from the prince of darkness, brougte up in darkness, & maintained by darkness, seek nothing so much as to keep the world in darkness, & not without cause: for if their state should come to light, the people should espy how they are plants, not planted by the heavenly Father but to be pulled up by the roots. Which thing being well perceived by the most noble king, of immortal memory, Henry the. VIII. of England, like a prince no less Godly than prudent, cleaving in that part to Christ's word, wedded out of his realm, those wicked plants, not only unprofitable to his common wealth, but also enemies to all verity and true Religion, whose example, if we of Scotland, had the grace to follow, I would nothing despair of an honourable and Godly concord, between both realms in short time: & that without such war and effusion of blood, as this devilish generation hath procured. But to the purpose, these men (I say) after sthan was let lose, & had filled the whole world full of tumult & sedition, raging with fire & sword against the Gospel, (which even then began to give light in Britain) as Oules not appearing in the day, nesteled themselves in the night, of that ignorant world, having as meet a time to creep into the consciences of the simple britains, as ever Saxons or Danes had, to invade their land and country. So appearing to them with a visor of simplicity and holiness, seeming lambs outwardly, and nevertheless Wolves inwardly, got credit of virtue and Godliness: And seeing the Coccle, which their father Satan had sown among the Corn, so fair coming up, because the harvest should be weeds, watered the earth, with such abundante showers of lies and fables, that the weeds overgrowying the corn, the crop was according to the seed, and with such kind of bread have they fed the silly people, uttering their dreams and muentions, in stead of truths & verities. For as Kites bring forth no culvers, no more can the father of falsehood bring forth children of truth, qualis pater talis filius, they then being the imps of so evil a tree, must of congruence bring forth fruit, like to themselves, which was well seen in those days: For what through mischief & mortality, raised by them on the one side: And what through preaching lies & fantasies, on the other side, not only God's word, but also all other knowledge, hath been obscured: whereof ensued universal ignorance, who, being joined with error, brought forth an unhappy babe, called contention, whom they have most tenderly fostered ever since: not only ministering matter thereof, in pulpits and stoles, but also in their stories and chronicles, myngeling the same with so many seditious falsehoods, as it is in doubt, whether the lines or lies be more in number. And because it were long to rehearse all their losings and vanities, being to many to be well numbered, and to apparent to be hidden (for all be powdered with like pepper) yet in the Scottish story a great part of their practices is to be seen, and that even at the very beginning, where at, if they stumble, what shall we judge of the rest. If the matter were only Poetical, or upon desire to show an ancient beginning, it might happily be borne and yet scarce in a story, the law whereof, is to affirm nothing that is false, to hide nothing that is true, neither to be led with favour, ne hatred. But seeing the thing is done of a set purpose, for nourishing division in the two Realms, I cannot over pass it with silence.  
GATHELUS son of Cecrops, king of Athens or Argives, being banished out of Grece, with certain other fugitives came into Egypt, in the time of the great tyrant Pharaoh, which persecuted the children of Israel. In his days, the Mootes entered into Egypt, and had brought the land unto utter ruin, had not the king by god's commandment, committed his army unto Moses: But after that Gathelus was come, and had won a battle against the Moors, Moses and his company grew out of favour, and were fain to flee out of Egypt into Ind. Then was Gathelus made lieutenant of Pharaos' army, and for his valiant service, obtained Scota the Kings sister in marriage, with all the lands lately taken from the people of Israel. After the death of this Pharaoh, reigned his son Bochoris, which oppressed God's people with more tyranny, than his father did. But after the God had sent great plagues among the Egipcians, Gathelus under standing by the prophets, that greater were like to follow, forsook Egipte, & in the year of the creation of the world iii M.uj C.xliij: He with Scota his wife their children & servants, Greeks and Egipcians, came out of the mouth of Nilus, and passing by the sea, called Mediterraneum, took land in Numidie, and after, he arrived into a part of Spain, then called, Lusitania, which because of his arrival there, had the name of Portyngale, as one would say, the port of Gathele.  
THIS is a great stumble at the threshold of the door: for it is plain by histories, that Lusitania, was not called Portyngale, almost by a M. years, after this supposed time. But for the better trial, let us examine the circumstances of the person, time and place. And for the person, we will admit Gathelus to be the king of Athens son, although no such name is found in the Greek histories, and we will admit Pharaoh to have a daughter, though no history, Greek or Egypt, mention of any such. But when we have admitted the persons, all the doubt is, how we shall couple them in marriage. For accounting the time of Pharaos' reign, father of Scota, after the Hebrues, then was she in the year of the creation of the world, two thousand four hundred years: and by our histories, Gathelus was in the year of the creation of the world three thousand six hundred forty and three: which is different, twelve hundred years and more.  
THIS being true, here were a very unfit marriage between these two persons, the Bridegroom being elder than the Bride, by xii C. and xl years. But some wiseman will say, the folk lived long in those days, yet can they not deny, but she was to old a maid for so young a bachelar, whereby I can worse believe, that they had any children, she being of such years. So that to make this marriage frame, either Gathelus was elder than his father, or she was younger than her brother by a thousand years at the least. And sins the time of Abraham, men by course of nature, have not commonly lived much above a. C. years. And this is over plain to be excused, as a fault of the writer, seeing the whole course of our history, dependeth upon the time. If she then could be daughter to none of the Pharaoes', no more could he be son to any of the kings of Athens. And in the time that Gathelus lived, which is alleged to be in the year of the world iii M.vi. C.xliii. there were no kings in Athens, but it was governed by certain Rulers, as a free estate. If this than be false in the original, we must judge in the sequel, which is of their coming into Spain, and of their son Hyber afterwards into Ireland, of whom it is called Hybernia, with all the process of the history, no less unlikely. For if either the Spanyardes inhabiting Galicia, or the Irish men that now be, had come of Greeks or Egyptians, then of likelihood, some part of their speech or language, should remain there. The vocables & sound des of which tongues, be as much different in sound, as the voices of men, and the noise of dogs. But seeing this privilege hath been given unto antiquity, that to make their fame more high and honourable, they might refer their beginning to the Gods: and though the same were more like poets fableis then sincere histories, yet to be taken for true: So would not I travail so much in disproof of these trifles, but because I see, that as they were at the first invented for division by new diversity of names, so they be continued at this day for like purposes. Such practices have been used in Italy, between Guelfes and Gibilines, and in holland between Hukeiss and Cabellawes, and other where by new found names, invented by the children of perdition, to set us at division, even as they, by diversity of sects & names are divided from the unity of Christ's religion. I need not to name them, for those companions, be well enough known by their coats and hoods, whom as I do not reprove of hatred to their persons, no more do I impugn their histories for envy at our nation, whose honour if I should not earnestly seek, I mought be counted most unnatural, but that I see what sedition is sown by over much credit unto their fables and inventions, which I suppose hath been a great let to the concord, that all good men desire. For seeing the beginnings of people cannot be certainly known, but only unto God, which was afore all beginning, it shallbe better to admit some things for true, the contrary whereof cannot be proved, then to labour in vain, where the truth cannot be tried. But this thing which is apparauntelye false, repugnant to reason, and not only against all other histories, but also contrary in itself, yea & against the scripture, founded upon falsehood, maintained upon malice, and set forth to the division of two Realms: I thought it no unprofitable labour, to impugn, lamenting, that in a Chronicle so exactelic written, & so eloquentelie set forth, there should want verity, the chief ground of all history: whishing unto the author, as much want of malice & affection, as he hath plenty of wit and learning. another argument I gather out of the same history, where it is confessed, that after the britains inhabiting Scotland were expulsed by the Pictes, they with their wives & children, fled into Ireland, where they continued xlv. years together. During which time, by reason of buying and selling, marrying, and other traffic with the Irish people, their name & tongue was a great part altered & lost. Yet, as our histories show, the posterity of those people, coming afterwards unto the possession of their country, to keep in memory of what kind they were come, called themselves Realbines, the is to say: Albines again, for a knowledge (as it should seem) aswell of their kindred, as of their restitution & coming again: which is a better proof to show us descended of Albanactus, (according to the English history) then to say, the Realbines, is understanded, kings of Albion (as the translator of Boetius history interpreteth. As though it werlike, that those few, which had put foot, but in the smallest and most barren portion of the Isle, should call themselves kings of Albion, when they neither came in by conquest ne reigned over any people, but occupied a waste part of the land not being inhabited, as in the third Chapter of his Chronicle appeareth. But how standeth that with reason, that Britain being inhabited by the space of vi. C. years afore their coming, such a country should lie desert, and especially upon the sea costs: Which lying open to other lands, and soonest seen by them that sail, must of likelihood have inhabiters, before the inner part of the country. I say no more, but, Mendacem oportet esse memorem: He that should tell a lie, had need to have good memory, lest his matter appear like a Mermaid, beginning with a woman, and ending with a Fish, as when the end of the tale is repugnant to the beginning, and the mids agreeable to neither of both. And doubtless it is no small mastery to hide a lie: for apparel him never so fair, his rags will appear, pack him never so close, the bundle will break, writ him or speak him, and his author is bewrayed, as a Rat, is by squeaking: And though he be allowed for a season yet at the end, time will try him, whereof ensueth great prejudice to the author: For though he sa●e afterwards true, none will believe him.  
IF I should hear entre into declaration of the right & title, whereby the kings of England claim to be superior lords of Scotland, I should of some be noted, rather a confounder of our liberties and freedoms, than a conseruator, (which name I had late). But for somuch as the same is so exactly set forth in an English book put in Print in the year of our Lord .1542. at the beginning of these wars, called: A DECLARATION, containing the just causes and considerations, of this present war with the Scots, wherein also appeareth the true and right title, that the kings most royal majesty hath to the sovereignty of Scotland: as nothing can be said more in so few words, I will refer all indifferent readers to the same book, thinking it needless to spend any more time, in a matter so well proved: Nevertheless I will somewhat touch a point or two, to give occasion to all such my countrymen, as mind the honour and quiet of Scotland, to confer my sayings, with our histories, and to judge the matter without affection. Whereof setting a part the order devised by Brutus at the first concerning the division of britain, between his sons, with the Superiority supposed in the elder, and subjection of the other two, pretermitting also the conquest of the whole Island by Romans, and the title derived from the great Constantine: letting pass also the sundry homages and recognitions of subjection, made to Arthur, and other kings of the britains, and after him to Osbright, and the Saxon Kings successively, which be at large expressed in the English and Briton histories, and affirmed also by Marianus, our countryman, whose aurthoritie is not light, if all these were of no credit, (as they must needs be of great, how soever we esteem them) yet in my judgement our awn writers, wherein they labour most to impugn the cause of England, do most advance it: and therefore in this part, I will ground me upon them. They agree all upon xviii homages & knowledges of subjection and allegiance, made by the kings of Scotland successively, unto the kings of England, and many of them within late memory. Which homages, though some of them, either following their phantaseis, or fearing to offend our kings, allege to have been done, somewhiles for Cumberland, & somewhiles for the earldom of Huntingdon: Yet the time considered, they declare, that such acts were done by our kings, afore any of the said earldoms were in their possession, whereby they must be understand absolutely done, for the realm of Scotland, and in that point I refer you unto the reading of Marianus: And of latter days, since that those earldoms were taken from us by Englishmen among other, king james the first, did homage, to king Henry the fourth of England. The words and form of whose homage, who so list to peruse, shall well perceive the same to have been made, neither for any of those earldoms, neither yet for any other hold, but merely, for the crown of Scotland, which aswell he as other, knowledged to hold of the king of England, as superior lord. The records remain, the seals & subscriptions be so many, so ancient, and so fair, as cannot lightly be counterfeit. But some peradventure will say, that many of those homages were done by force and compulsion: I answer, though it might be, that some of them were so done, yet all could not be. For our Chronicles specify that those xviii kings, were in England, which no man can judge to have come all thither by force, and all those did homage there, and those homages, well near all, appear to have been made for the crown of Scotland, if we believe the records of England. And if any say, that they be counterfeited, I think it sooner said, then proved. And touching the compulsion and force, I say, though some of our kings might be compelled by fear, yet how could all be: or could an whole Parliament be compelled? Is it not manifest, that when question arose, upon the title of the crown of Scotland, between Balliol. Brus, and Hastynges, was it not decided by Edward the first, king of England, as competent judge in that case? But here it is said again, that he was judge in that case, not of right, but by consent of the parties. Then look well to the words of the compromisse, which nameth him superior lord of Scotland. And this was done in Parliament, by consent of the three estates, which of likelihood could not be all compelled. In which cause, I am partly ashamed, of the impudent vanity of our writers, which rail without reason against the judgement of Edward in that plea, as corrupt. & false. This I say, that if the judgement were to be given again, neither Minos, Lycurgus, nor Salomon, (whose judgements in histories be so celebrate) did ever give a more true, a more perfect or a more rightful sentence, either by the civil laws, or by the practice and custom of Scotland, or any other reasonable law, and take the case, even as they propone it. But then we have an other evasion, which is to allege prescription, because those homages have not been done within memory. To that I answer, that though prescription served in that case, (as it doth not) yet the wars made from time to time, countervail a possession thereof: In which point let us be well advised, what we say, least by fleeing the smoke, we fall into the fire. For once admitting him superior king, no prescription will serve against him. The text is common, and no more common, then allowed, almost in all laws. Nullum tempus occurrit Regi: Time cannot prejudice a King.  
MOREOVER, I note this, that the Kings of England would never make peace with us perpetually, neither as lawful enemies, but admitted a truce, or an intermission of war for a time, always excepting, Lorne and Lundie, and with a caution to save their title and right. Our own Records and registers approve this: howbeit let no man judge, that mine intent is herein to plead the cause of England, (for that I neither can do, ne profess to do) but only to give light to such, as list to seek, that the matter is not so clear on our side, as our writers would have it seem, and therefore, I would that men should weigh the quarrel indifferently, and without affection, and not to lean more on the one side, then on the other. For the title, which I allege, is neither devised upon fantasy, worn out with age, introduced by conquest, ne enforced with feature or compulsion: but grounded upon truth, done within memory, wrought by consent, and agreeing to all justice, equity, law, pact, and promise, not done in private, but openly, and not by a ●ew, but by a multitude, upon a great deliberation, and that in parliament: which title induceth no servitude, but freedom, liberty, concord and quietness, and serveth aswell for Scotland, as England, making equality without supertoritie.  
AT the parliament holden at Edinbrough (immediately after the death of our last king) where all the lords, tother states and orders of our realm were assembled (saving the Earl of Arguyle that appeared there by his proctor, sir Ihou Cammell): The marriage between our Princes, and the kings majesty of England, king Edward the . VI. (then being prince) was fully concluded by authority of the same Parliament, all thassents of the said states and Orders, concurring thereunto. The which, for more faith & testimony of the thing, was also confirmed by writing, under the great seal of Scotland. May there be any thing of greater authority, force, or evidence, any title more righteous, than this? granted, not by our ancestors, but by ourselves, and to a prince now living, not in time out of mind, but now these so few years freshly passed, not rashly, or suddenly, but by great and deliberate advisement, and the same not of a few, but of all the states of the realm, assembled not at all adventures, but solemnly in parament: a thing no doubt, instilled from the almighty, and the same our most merciful god, into the minds of the workers thereof, to have set an end to all the discord of both realms, by that union and knot of marriage. And what madness or devil (O most dear countrymen) hath so moved, or rather distract our minds, eftsoons to take weapon in hand, and the same against our promises, fidelities, honours, and oaths, having on our side, no good ground, honesty, reason, ne any just respect, but only of the provocation of the devil, the pope, and his rabble of religious men (as they would seem to be) & specially those, whom we call our ancient friends, where their are in deed our ancient enemies, the frenchmen. And when we shall have well considered, this atonement with England, & compared the same, with the league of France, and well weighed thintents & ends of both, we shall perceive the the one, calleth us to an everlasting peace & quietness, and the other hath, and will keep us (if we forsake it not in time) in continual misery and wars. And that may we easily judge, in repeating from the beginning the causes of the one, and of the other. The Frenchmen, fearing more and more the power of England, which had so many times done them so notable displeasures, as not only to have won of them sundry battles (whereof for briefness sake, I report me to the stories) but also, for that the Englishmen, have (as ye know) these many years, kept foot and possession of ground in France, did besides and among many other things, devise this one, as a chief stay for them, to make us of their faction against England, thinking thereby at all times, when either for just causes, England should have to do with them, or they with England, we should set on the backs of the English men, or otherwise annoy them, either to force them to withdraw their army out of France, or else be constrained for resistance, or invasions, to divide their power, and so to be the weaker: even as it hath come to pass, that the Englishmen, have so been forced to do, when nevertheless, it hath redounded to no less discomfiture of our nation, then of the frenchmen, their principal enemies. An evident proife and trial whereof, (partly because things of farther time and memory, having been so many and so often need not therein in to be narrowly sought for, and partly because this example, being freashest in mind, may, if it please God, work most best effect) did right well appear, in the first voyage of King Henry the VIII. a Prince of most worthy & famous memory, against France, when we invaded England, to have hindered his enterprise, and done there some displeasure, if we had might, supposing to have found at home, but shepherds, priests and women. At one time we lost the field and our king, (being otherwise a noble Prince and a valiant Knight) besides an infinite numbered of our countrymen, few of the English part wanting, & king Henry, at the very self same time won the battle in France, at the journey of the spurs: and besides that, won also by plain conquest, Turwayn and Turney. Now, when we shall have both considered our league with the frenchmen, and all the successes, that have chanced to us sins the conclusion of the same, we cannot reckon how to advaunt us of any one thing we have won, but of infinite losses, misfortunes, slaughters, spoils, and utter ruin, come thereby to us and our country universal. The honour and profit, if any be, cometh only to the frenchmen, which serve themselves of us for their money: for thinordinate gain whereof, we do always hazard, our honours, lives, and country, and have lost our friends, nay, rather being a member of the self body with England, have suffered ourself to be divorced & torn from the same, and have so far passed our own reason, that we have in that behalf, attempted to do hurt to a part of our awnselfes, if God's goodness towards England, had not so provided, that our power could not be able to answer, to our misadvised wills: And so far did we estrange ourselves, that we could find in our hearts to become servile, and to be as common hirelings, to a foreign nation. For what other thing do we but serve them for their money, to our own utter destructions, to the spilling of our own blood to the burning of our towns, and to the waste and spoil of our whole native country? And at this, do the Frenchmen laugh they take pleasure, sitting at home in security, except peradventure they send a few of their cast soldiers, of whom they make less accounts or estimation, then of so many sheep or hogs: Howbeit, to bring us in belief, that we be in some part of estimation with them, they make of our nation, certain chief presioentes in France, & the king hath of us, a certain numbered in his guard, for the defence of his person, in whom, how little he trusteth, God knoweth, and daily experience teacheth. By this he maketh us silly souls believe, that he hath us in singular trust when in deed, it is but a golden and glistering bait, alluring our simplicity and credulity, to that Iron hook, that hath caught and killed afore now, the most part of our ancestors, & now of late, no fewer of our fathers, of our children, and of our kinsfolk while the French, lose not a man, but a few golden crowns. And yet our presidents, for all the honour & authority, that they be set in, do serve but as Ciphers in algorithm, to fill the place, and in stead of jupiters' block, sent to rule the Frogs, whereupon they tread and leap, without fear & danger. And our countrymen of the guard after many years, worn in France, have this only reward at length, to be called of all the world, in mockery, jehan de Escoce. Yet is there one thing wherein we repose a certain honour, and yet in deed, is the same one of the most dishonours, that ever we received which was, when at th'entry of a league, with Charles the great King of France, we received for an increase of the Arms of our realm, a trace of fleurs-de-lys, not considering how shameful and dishonourable it was to us, being so noble people, to deface our ancient Arms, and receive the note and token of nobility and worthiness, of strangers: On tother part, how honourable a thing, this atonement with England, were for us, the blind man may see. For being then (as algates we must be under some one) both under one king, the more large and ample the Empire were: the more honourable and glorious: the king of greater dominion, governance power, and fame: and the subjects more renowned, more happy and more quiet: the realm more sure, and formidable to the enemies: and they less eshuned and feared.  
THUS being both our people and forces joined in one, we should be the more puissant to invade, more strong to resist and defend. And our power being such & so great, should be an occasion (for I will not now speak of all things) to make us free & sure from outward invasicenr whereof (peace being first between us and England) should follow peace with all others: In sort, as the labouring man might safely till his ground, and as safely gather in the profits and fruits thereof: the merchant might without fear go abroad, and bring in foreign commodities, into the realm: the governors being in tranquillity, and not having their thought and cure divided into many sundry parts, should, with less carefulness and anxiety of mind, see to the good order of the common wealth, which never so truly flourisheth, as in peace: In fine, all murders, robberies, spoils, slaughters, and desolations, being the sequel, and as it were, the children of war, yea, and war itself, the Parent of the same, should cease: in whose places should succeed, peace, wealth, quiet order, and all other graces and good haps. But if we be so blind, that we will not see, and deaf, that we will not hearken to these wholesome admonitions, when without the fear of God, and without regard of the common weal, we shall rush still headlong, into the fury of war, let us reckon with ourselves, (whose cause is most injust and wrongful) what is to be looked for, towards us, at the conqueror's hands, seeing, that we have refused so honourable, so equal, and so easy, yea, and friendly conditions of peace: specially being called, not into subjection or servitude, but into one society and fellowship with Englishmen, and that, by so honourable a mean, as the marriage of our Princes, with the kings majesty of England, a Prince of so great towardness, honour, and expectation, both for that he is descended of such parents, and also, for that those virtues be all ready in him, as the like were perchance, in no one prince afore: So as we may surely hope and promise to ourselves, more at his majesties hand, than peradventure were lawful to look for, of a mortal man. Then, what should we fear at the hands of such a Prince, having married our natural queen but all grace, clemency, and benignity, aswell for her grace's sake, whom he shall have married, as also for those virtues, which be to his Majesty natural and proper. Moreover, what other thing is to be looked for at the hands of the succession of them both, which shall take aswell part of her grace, as of his Majesty, than all gentle and loving treatment and prerogative, seeing from the same we shall no more be strangers unto that nation, but asnye and as dear, as the self Englishmen. And so much the rather, when those hateful terms of Scots & Englishmen, shallbe abolished and blotted out for ever, and that we shall all agree in the only title and name of Britons (as verily we ought to do) and the self realm, being eftsoons reduced into the form of one sole Monarchy, shall be called britain: Then the which form, there is none other better nor no common weal so well governed as the same is, that is ruled by one king. The experience whereof we have seen, even from the beginning of the world, continually to our time. For who so shall well consider the states of all commone weals, that have been governed by more than one, shall perceive that the same hath been the cause of their final ruin & exterminion. For governance may in no wise suffer an equal companion, ne any more be divided into the rule of two sundry administers, than one body may bear two heads, or the world endure to have two suns to give light at once. And that same appeareth in all other creatures, among whom, there is any society, or body politic, whereby it may easily be gathered, to be the primative decree, and the due order of nature. Which, like as in many other things, so doth it specially appear in the swarm of Bees: for they being led with the only and mere instinct of nature, will neither be without one King and governor, ne yet admit any more Kings, than one at once. And by the same nature, be we taught, to repute and reckon that body to be monstreous, that hath two heads, and no less is the realm, that hath two kings. Then if in all things we should (as nigh as might be) approach to the likeness of heaven, aswell in our lives and acts, as in all our fashions, we should not allow the regiment of many, for that the heavenly things, have but one governor, which thing Homer (though he were but an Heathen poet) seemeth to express in these verses.  
To have many governors is not good But let there be one ruler of Kings and one King.  
SURELY, the answer of Cerbane Lydyane, whereof Serinus maketh mention in his commentaries, was of no small gravity & importance. For when Croesus would have joined his brother with him in the kingdom: the son (said he) is author of all good things in the earth, but if there should be two sons, it were peril lest their two heats, should burn up all the earth: Even so, as one king is necessary, so more than one, is hurtful. The experience whereof, (to set examples no farther of) was well felt in England, so long as the seven Kings reigned, as may well appear to them that read the story. Herefore dare I boldly say, if these two realms were brought under one Empire and governance, we should see an end of all strife and war, which will never come otherwise to pass: And then should we have this common weal of ours, being now out of all order, and in most miserable state & condition to be most happy and most flourishing. The which thing to attain, it lieth only in you (O most dear countrymen): yours is the fault, you must make the amends. And other conditions of recompense, than yourselves have agreed unto, will undoubtedly, none be allowed. For what other conditions should England receive of us, (having had so often experience of our breaches of peace, of truce, and of our promises, which yet unto this day, we have never truly kept towards them, as they may in no reason trust us,) but in such sort, as they may be assured to find us constant, firm and steadfast in our promiss. Wherefore, if there remain with you (O dear countrymen) any remorse or pity of our torn and woeful country, or of yourselves, stay betimes, while you have time to do well. Reckon, that though ye have offended, it is better betimes to reform the thing, which, by reason of sinister and evil counsel, hath been evil done, then to stand obstinately in your most wicked and devilish enterprise, being utterly contrary to your faithful promise, to your honours, & also to right and duty: that if your awn particular respects, do not move you, yet have mercy upon your common country, your mangled country, your country weeping to you with bloody tears, which yourselves do express, and wring out of her, and enforce her to shed. And surely in this part, I would wish as much eloquence, as I have good will to set out this woeful tragedy in her perfect colours: but saying the same doth not serve to my wish, I must utter such matter, as the dolour of my heart, and natural pit, may minister unto my pen, which if it could as lively depaint the greatness of this evil, as mine heart doth Imagine and conceive the same the multitude of tears, should set men's eyes from reading and extremity of affections, disturb their minds from conceining. Imagine you (I pray you) if Britain could speak, might she not well say thus: Hath not the almighty providence severed me from the rest of the world, with a large sea, to make me one I slande? hath not nature's ordinance furnished me with as many things necessary, as any one ground bringeth forth? hath not man's policy at the beginning subdued me to one governor? And hath not the grace of Christ illumined me over all, with one faith: and finally the works of all these four, tended to make me one? Why then will you divide me in two? What folly, yea, or rather what contempt of God is this, that ye still tear me, pull me, & rive me in pieces? were their ever children so unnatural (if they were not of the viper's nature) to rend their mother's womb? yea, were there ever beasts so salvage, or cruel, to devour the dam? If bit des, beasts, and all things natural have this reason, not to destroy their kind, how chanceth it then, that you being men endued with reason, bred in one land, joined in one faith, should thus unkindly, unnaturally, and unchristenly, bathe your swords in each others blood? May not the example of other lands teach you to beware of division, to hate all discord, to abhor intestine war? May not the ruin of the Greeks, the fall of the Romans, and the subversion of so many countries, common weals, and states in the world, suffice for pour ensample? yea, may not the present sight of my ruin and decay, teach you to take heed? If the counsels of wise men, experience of other countries, nor the pity of me your mother, your nutryce, and your bringer up, do not move you: Yet at the least, have and use some mercy towards yourselves. Have you not shed enough of your own blood? what folly, or rather what fury is this, thus to ruinate yourselves, and to devour one an other, to the discomfort of me, and pleasure of your enemies? If ye would set before your eyes, the exceeding quantity of blood, that hath been shed between you my ingrate & most unnatural children: you would judge it sufficient, & more then enough, not only to conquer Europe, but even the whole world. And to what utility hath all this been spent? surely to none other, then to the mischief & destruction of each other, among yourselves. Oh incomparable loss for so little game. I was never yet invaded by foreign enemies, but some of my children, were the chief aiders, and only causers thereof: nor no mischief procured against me at this day, but by their consent and counsel. Oh I an unhappy mother of such children: how long shall these furies lead you? how long will you that my wide fields lie wasted, that my towns be desert and unpeopled, that my fair houses and castles be spoiled and burnt, & my people famished? I cannot accuse Romans, Pictes, ne yet Normais, but mine own rebellious, discordant and graceless children. O hateful discord, no where dost thou begin, but all goeth to wreck, ere thou makest an end. O privy poison, O familiar foo, O dissembling traitor, O covert pestilence: what could Caesar have prevailed against me, if Mandrubatius a Britain, had not been divided from Cassibolan my king? Will this fire never be quenched? this malice never cease, nor your fury never end? If it be given you of nature if you suck it with your mothers' milk, if it grow in you with years, to hunger strife & water: here this my counsel: Afore you make war at home, seek your enemies abroad Pursue their lives, shed their blood, be wroken upon them, kill them, & overcome them, & when they be all killed, overcome and subdned, then turn the swords point against each other, but not afore: and then shall you never so do, for you never yet to this day, have wanted enemies. But to return to you again my countrymen, whom, for the natural love, I bear to you, I cannot leave to blame for your follies, or rather madness, & exhort you to this most honourable, most godly and profitable atonement with England, who winking at our transgressions, bearing with our perverse waiwardenes & pardoning our to much ingratitude hitherto, doth to her utter most strength & power, seek with all possible gentleness, to reconcile us & with all her endeavour continually laboureth, to make us partakers of her concord and unity, her tranquillity & quiet, her wealth & luckey fortune, her conquests & triumphs: & finally of all her incomparable joys & felicities. I shall lastly beseech and exthorte, and (as far as the mother's authority over the children may) adjure you by God the very author of all peace Love, Charity, & concord, to return into the right way, out of the which, ye have so long gone astray. Remember (I beseech you, o most dear countrymen) how that by this calling of us into this unity, proceeding plainly from god himself he would also unite & join us in one religion. For how godly were it, that as these two Realms should grow into one, so should they also agree in the concord & unite of one religion, & the same the pure, sincere & incorrupt religion of Christ, setting a part all fond superstitions, sophistications, & other thousands of devilries brought in by the bishop of Rome & his creatures, whereby to give gloss to their things & darkness to God's true word, for the only purpose, to advance their glory, & tread God's word under foot, to utter their filthy merchandise, & to slander the precious ware & jewels of the scripture: & amongs the rest, to destroy God's peace, & ring their own alarms, against his most glorious victory on the Cross, throu-out the world. And I wot not whether firm concord be otherwise more sureli mortized in men's hearts, then when it proceedeth of the true knowledge of God's word, which doth in so many passages repeat unto us, peace, peace: love, love: charity, charity: & reproveth war, hatred, & discord, seeds doubtless scattered by the devil, through those monsters of men, that profess preposterous religion, to stir aswell all others, as also most specially, you my countrymen most of all, to this division & roar, wherein they (fearing the worthy fall wherewith God threateneth them, which they now perceive by others examples to hung over their heads) devise by hook & by croak to keep you still occupied in mistrust of your best friends, casting before your eyes, mists, shadows, & colours (such as jugglers use to do) to th'end, lest if you should once see the clearness of God's word, you should then incline to that of yourselves, and most easily, whereunto I do now with so much a do exhort you. I perceive that the love to my country and nation, hath made me unawares to have wandered further, then at the first I purposed: wherefore I will make an end, if first I shall repeat that I have already proved unto you, that these two Realms were first a Monarchy under Brutus, and so left by his order to his sons, by the superiority given to the eldest, which form of governance, was also under constantine. I have also proved, that these two realms ought to come under that form, & the kings Majesty that now is, to be Monarch of the same: aswell for the superiority, which was in his ancestors proved by the homages & other things afore alleged, the claim whereof did yet never cease as also specially by force of your awn late act of parliament, whereby he ought of right to marry our Princess, thinheritrice of the crown of Scotland: by occasion whereof we shallbe received, not into servitude, but into the same fellowship with Englishmen, the names of both subjects & realms ceasing, & to be changed into the name of Britain & Britons, as it was first, & yet still ought to be. And how necessary that same form of the governance of one Monarch or king is, you see to be more clear than the son, & the same to be a ready & easy mean, how both tappease all discord, which otherwise will never stint, & also testablish us in everlasting peace, quiet & tranquillity: unto which effects there is verily none other mean. And the thing self (though I should hold my peace) doth sufficiently speak & avouch the same to be away unto both Realms most honourable, because not only the Empire shall by the occasion be the more large & strong in itself, & the King the more puissant & famous: profitable, for that discord shall cease, & concord come in place, & thereby the people & common weal flourish & prosper: & godly for the we shall agree all in one, & the same the true & christian religion.  
IT remaineth now to say unto you, that the right high mighty and excellent prince Edward, duke of Somerset, earl of Hertforde, Viscount Beauchamp, lord Seymour, governor of the person of the Kings Majesty of England, & protector of all his realms, dominions, & subjects his lievetenasit general of all his armies, both by land and by sea, Treasurer & Earl Marshal of England, governor of the isles of Gernsey and jersey, & knight of the most noble order of the garter: A man for his acts and worthiness, well known to the world, & you, of whom you have had late experience to your pernes, & his dolour, for that, as the loving mother, in beafing her child weary, so in punishing you, he did it lothly, and to his grief, because he pitied your case The said lord protector is coming towards you, with a puissant & invincible army, having on his side God, & the just cause, and an intent, to receive to mercy grace & favour, so many of you, as for that furthering of this marriage & his other Godly purposes, will come in to him. And contrarily, to punish & correct the rest, that shall remain in their stubborn & wilful disobedience. Wherefore (o countrymen) considering the on our part, we have nothing but the wrong & injust cause, violation of our promises & oaths, given to England with conceived words, after mature & just deliberation, calling God & his angels, unto witness thereof, who knoweth our infidelity, & will not leave the injury done to him & them, unrevenged. For the regard of God, for your awn sakes, & for the tender respect of our country, cast wisely down that armour & weapons, that you have so fondly put on & taken in hand: & submit yourselves humbly, to the mercy & clemency of so noble & benign a Prince: who is rather come thither, lovingly toembrace & receive you, yea, & as your protector, to defend & assist you: then to punish you according to your deserts. But if you shall despice my counsel & abuse his humanity & good offers, how gentle & clement soever he be of his awn nature, think you for sure, that God, who will not suffer infidelity, tescape long inchastised, will stir up his courage to do vengeance upon you for your insolency and faith broken: the which I writ, not without sorrow & tears: Praying God for his pity & goodness, to give you his grace & better mind, so as you may forsake the errors the now lead you headlong, and may follow these good & wholesome counsels, of your most natural, and most tender loving countreiman: whereby, you may accord (as by your promises and duties, ye ought to do) to so godly, so honourable, and so profitable conditions, as are now gentelly offered you.   

Excussum Londini in aedibus Richardi Graftoni typis Impressoris. Anno salutis nostrae.  
1547.