THE OBSERVATIONS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS KNIGHT, IN HIS VOYAGE INTO THE South Sea. Anno Domini 1593.  Per varios Casus, Artem Experientia fecit, Exemplo monstrante viam.— Manil. li. 1. 
PRINCEPS SUBDITORUM INCOLUMITATEM PROCURANS.  
ID   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON Printed by I.D. for JOHN JAGGARD, and are to be sold at his shop at the Hand and Star in Fleetstreet, near the Temple Gate. 1622.   

TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT Prince CHARLES, Prince of Wales, DUKE of CORNWALL, EARL of CHESTER, etc.  
AMongst other Neglects prejudicial to this State, I have observed, that many the worthy and Heroyque Acts of our Nation, have been buried and forgotten: The Actors themselves being desirous to shun emulation in publishing them, and those which overlived them, fearful to add, or to dimnish from the Actor's worth, judgement, and valour; have forborn to write them: By which, succeeding ages have been deprived of the Fruits, which might have been gathered out of their Experience, had they been committed to Record. To avoid this Neglect, and for the Good of my Country, I have thought it my duty to publish the Observations of my South-sea-Voyage; and for that unto your Highness, you Heirs, and Successors, it is most likely to be advantageous, (having brought on me nothing but loss and misery) I am bold to use your Name, a protection unto it, and to offer it with all humbleness and duty to your Highness' approbation, which if it purchase, I have attained my desire, which shall ever aim to perform duty.  
Your Highness' humble and devoted servant, RICHARD HAWKINS   

❧ To the Reader.  
HAd that worthy Knight the Author lived to have seen this his Treatise published: he would perhaps himself have given the account thereof: For by his own directions it was put to the Press, though it pleased God to take him to his mercy during the time of the Impression. His purpose was to have recommended both it and himself unto our most Excellent Prince CHARLES, and himself wrote the Dedication, which being imparted unto me, I conceited that it stood not with my duty to suppress it.  
Touching the discourse itself, as it is out of my element to judge, so it is out of my purpose to say much of it. This only I may boldly promise, that you shall here find an expert Sea man, in his own Dialect deliver a true relation of an unfortunate Voyage: which howsoever it proved lamentable and fatal to the Actors, may yet prove pleasing to the Readers: it being an itch in our natures to delight in newness and variety, be the subject never so grievous. This (if there were no more) were yet worthy your perusal: and is as much as others have with good acceptance, afforded in relations of this nature. Howbeit besides the bare series and Context of the story, you shall here find interweaved, sundry exact descriptions of Countries, Towns, Capes, Promontories, Rivers, Creeks, Harbours, and the like, not unprofitable for Navigators: besides many notable observations, the fruits of a long experience, that may give light touching Marine accidents, even to the best Captains and Commanders: who if they desire to learn by precepts shall here find store: but if examples prevail more with them, here are also aliena pericula, if you believe me not, read and judge. Farewell.   

THE OBSERVATIONS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, KNIGHT, in his VOYAGE into the South SEA. ANNO DOMINI. 1593.  

SECT. I.  
WITH the COUNSELS consent, and help of my Father, Sir john Hawkins, Knight, I resolved a Voyage to be made for the Lands of japan, of the Phillippinas', and Molueas, the Kingdoms of China, and East Indies, by the way of the straits of Magelan, and the South Sea.  
The principal end of our Designments, was, 
The necessary use of Discoveries.  to make a perfect Discovery of all those parts, where I should arrive, as well known as unknown, with their Longitudes and Latitudes; the lying of their Coasts; their Headlands; 
Of travail.  their Pons, and Bays; their Cities, Towns, and Peoplings; their manner of Government; with the Commodities which the Countries yielded, and of which they have want, and are in necessity.  
For this purpose in the end of Anno 1588. returning from the journey against the Spanish Armado, I caused a Ship to be builded in the river of Thames, betwixt three and four hundred tons, which was finished in that perfection as could be required For she was pleasing to the eye, 
O● Shipping.  profitable for Stowage, good of Sail, and well conditioned.  
The day of her Launching being apppointed, the Lady Hawkins (my Mother in Law) craved the naming of the Ship, which was easily granted her: who knowing what Voyage was pretended to be undertaken, named her the Repentance: what her thoughts were, was kept secret to herself; And although many times I expostulated with her, to declare the reason for giving her that uncouth name, I could never have any other satisfaction, than that repentance was the safest Ship we could sail in, to purchase the haven of Heaven. Well, I know, she was no Prophetess, though a religious and most virtuous Lady, and of a very good understanding.  
Yet too prophetical it fell out by God's secret judgments, which in his Wisdom was pleased to reveal unto us by so unknown a way, and was sufficient for the present, to cause me to desist from the Enterprise, and to leave the Ship to my Father, who willingly took her, and paid the entire charge of the building and furnishing of her, which I had concorted or paid. And this I did not for any superstition I have in names, or for that I think them able to further or hinder any thing; for that all immediately dependeth upon the Providence of Almighty God, and is disposed by him alone.  

Improper Names for Shipping.  Yet advise I all persons ever (as near as they can) by all means, and in all occasions, to presage unto themselves the good they can, and in giving names to terrestrial Works (especially to Ships) not to give such as merely represent the celestial Character; for, few have I known, or seen, come to a good end, which have had such attributes. As was plainly seen in the Revenge, 
The Revenge.  which was ever the unfortunatest Ship, the late Queen's Majesty had during her Reign; for coming out of Ireland, with Sir john Parrot, she was like to be cast away upon the Kentish Coast. After in the Voyage of Sir john Hawkins my Father, Anno 1586. she struck aground coming into Plymouth, before her going to Sea: Upon the coast of Spain, she left her Fleet, ready to sink with a great Leake: At her return into the Harbour of Plymouth, she beat upon Winter stone; and after in the same Voyage, going out of Portsmouth Haven, she ran twice aground; and in the latter of them, lay twenty two hours beating upon the shore, and at length with eight foot of water in hold, she was forced off, and presently ran upon the Oose: and was cause, that she remained there (with other three Ships of her Majesties) six months, till the Spring of the year; When coming about to be decked, entering the river of Thames, her old Leak breaking upon her, had like to have drowned all those which were in her. In Anno 1591. with a storm of wind and weather, riding at her Mooring in the river of Rochester, nothing but her bare Ma●ts over head, she was turned topse-turvie, her Keel uppermost: And the cost and loss she wrought, I have too good cause to remember; in her last Voyage, in which she was lost, when she gave England and Spain just cause to remember her. For the Spaniards themselves confess, that three of their Ships sunk by her side, and was the death of above 1500. of their men, 
See M●ster Hac●u●ts Relations.  with the loss of a great part of their fleet, by a storm which suddenly took them the next day. What English died in her, many living, are witnesses: Amongst which was Sir Richard Greenfeild, a noble and valiant Gentleman, Vide-admiral in her of her Majesty's Fleet. So that well considered, she was even a Ship loaden, and full fraught with ill success.  
The like we might behold in the Thunderbolt of London, 
The Thunderbolt o● London.  who in one Voyage (as I remember) had her Mast cleft with a Thunderbolt, upon the Coast of ●arbary. After in Dartmouth, going for Admiral of the Waftage, and guard of the Fleet for the River of Bourdieux, had also all her Poop blown up with fire suddenly, and until this day, never could be known the cause, or manner how: And lastly, she was burned with her whole Company in the River of Bourdieux, and Master Edward Wilson, General in her, slain by his enemies, having escaped the fire.  
The success of the jesus of Lubeck, 
The jesus of Lubeck.  in Saint john de Vlua, in the Nona Spania, infamous to the Spaniards; with my Repentance in the South Sea, 
The Repentance.  taken by force, hath utterly impoverished, and overthrown our house.  
The journey of Spain pretended for England, 
The journey of Spain.  Anno 1587. called the journey of Revenge, left the principal of their men and Ships on the Rocks of Cape Finister, and the rest made a lamentable end, for the most part in the Groin. No more for this point, but to our purpose.   

SECT. II.  
THe REPENTANCE being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the Queen's Majesty passing by her, to her Palace of Greenwych, commanded her Bargemen to Row round about her, and viewing her from Post to Stem, disliked nothing but her Name, and said, that she would christian her a new, and that thenceforth she should be called the Dainty; which name she brooked as well for her proportion and grace, as for the many happy Voyages she made in her Majesty's services; Having taken (for her Majesty) a great Bysten, of five hundred Tons, loaden with Iron, and other Commodities, under the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher; A Carrack bound for the East In●ies, under my Father's charge, and the principal cause of taking the great Carrack, brought to Dartmouth by Sir john Borrow, and the Earl of Cumberlands Ships, Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages. To us, she never brought but cost, trouble, and care. Therefore my Father resolved to sell her, though with some loss, which he imparted with me: and for that I had ever a particular love unto her, and a desire she should continue ours, I offered to case him of the charge and care of her, and to take her, with all her Furniture at the price he had before taken her of me; with resolution, to put in execution the Voyage, for which she was first builded; Although it lay six months and more in suspense, partly, upon the pretended Voyage for Nombrededios and Panama, which then was fresh a foot; and partly, upon the Carrack at Dartmouth, in which I was employed as a Commissioner: but this Business being ended, and the other pretence waxing cold, the fifth of March I resolved, and began to go forward with the journey, so often talked of, and so much desired.  

Considerations for pretended Voyages.  And having made an estimate of the charge of Victuals, Munition, Imprests, Sea-store, and necessaries for the said Ship; consorting another of an hundred Tons, which I waited for daily from the straits of Giberalter, with a Pynace of sixty Tons, all mine own: And for a competent number of Men for them; as also of all sorts of Merchandises for trade and traffic in all places where we should come; I began to wage men, to buy all manner of victuals and provisions, and to lad her with them, and with all sorts of Commodities (which I could call to mind) fitting; and dispatched order to my servant in Plymouth, to put in a readiness my Pynace; as also to take up certain Provisions, which are better cheap in those parts then in London, 
Provisions better provided at Plymouth, then at London.  as Beef, Pork, Biscuit, and Cider. And with the diligence I used, and my Father's furtherance, at the end of one Month, I was ready to set Sail for Plymouth, to join with the rest of my Ships and Provisions. But the expecting of the coming of the Lord high Admiral, Sir Robert Cecil, principal Secretary to her Majesty, and Sir Walter Rawley, with others, to honour my Ship and me, with their presence and farewell, detained me some days; and the rain and untemperate weather deprived me of the favour, which I was in hope to have received at their hands; Whereupon, being loath to lose more time, and the Wind serving according to my wish, the eight of April 1593. I caused the Pilot to set Sail from Blackwall, and to veil down to Gravesend, whether that night I purposed to come.  
Having taken my unhappy last leave of my Father Sir john Hawkins, I took my Barge, and rowed down the River, and coming to Barking, we might see my Ship at an Anchor, in the midst of the Channel, where Ships are not wont to more themselves: this bred in me some alteration. And coming aboard her, one and other began to recant the peril they had passed of loss of Ship and goods, which was not little; for the wind being at East North-east, when they set sail, and vered out Southerly; it forced them for the doubling of a point to bring their tack aboard, and looffing up; the wind freshing, suddenly the Ship began to make a little heel; and for that she was very deep loaden, and her ports open, the water began to enter in at them; which no body having regard unto, 
Note.  thinking themselves safe in the River, it augmented in such manner, as the weight of the water began to press down the side, more than the wind: At length when it was seen and the shete flown, she could hardly be brought upright. But God was pleased, that with the diligence and travel of the Company, she was freed of that danger: which may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of Shipping, even before they set sail, either in River or Harbour, or other part, to have an eye to their ports, and to see those shut and callked, which may cause danger; for avoiding the many mishaps, which daily chance for the neglect thereof, and have been most lamentable spectacles and examples unto us: Experiments in the great Harry, Admiral of England, which was over-set and sunk at Ports-mouth with her Captain, Carew, and the most part of his company drowned in a goodly Summer's day, with a little flaw of wind; for that her ports were all open, and making a small heel, by them entered their destruction; where if they had been shut, no wind could have hurt her, especially in that place.  
In the River of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a small Ship over-set through the same negligence. And one of the Fleet of Sir Francis Drake, in Santo Domingo Harbour, turned her keel upward likewise, upon the same occasion; with many others, which we never have knowledge of.  
And when this cometh to pass, many time's negligence is cloaked with the fury of the wind: which is a double fault; for the truth being known, others would be warned to shun the like neglects; for it is a very bad Ship, whose Masts cracked not asunder, whose Sails and tackling fly not in pieces, before she over-set; especially if she be English built. And that which over-setteth the Ship is the weight of the water, that presseth down the side, which as it entereth more and more, increaseth the weight, and the impossibility of the remedy: For the water not entering, with casing of the sheate, or striking the sails, or putting the Ship before the wind or Sea, or other diligences, as occasion is offered (and all expert Mariners know) remedy is easily found.  
With this mischance the Mariners were so daunted, that they would not proceed with the Ship any further, except she were lighted, which indeed was needless, for many reasons which I gave: but Mariners are like to a stiff necked Horse, which taking the bridle betwixt his teeth, forceth his Rider to what him list ma●ger his will: so they having once concluded, and resolved, are with great difficulty brought to yield to the raynes of reason: And to colour their negligence, they added cost, trouble, and delay. In fine, seeing no other remedy, I dispatched that night a servant of mine to give account to my Father of that which had passed, and to bring me presently some Bark of London to go along with me to Plymouth; which not finding, he brought me a Hoy, in which I loaded some six or eight tunns, to give content to the company; and so set sail the 13. of April, and the next day we put in at Harwich, for that the wind was contrary, and from thence departed the 18. of the said Month in the morning.  
When we were clear of the Sands, the wind vered to the South-west, and so we were forced to put into Margat Roade, whether came presently after us a Fleet of Hollanders of above an hundreth Sail, bound for Rochel to load salt: and in their company a dozen ships of War; their wasters very good ships and well appointed in all respects. All which came alongst by our ship, and ●●●ured us, as is the custom of the Sea, some with three, others with five, others with more pieces of Ordinance.  
The next morning the wind vering Easterly, I set sail, and the Hollanders with me, and they with the flood in hand, went out at the North-sands-head; and I through the Gulls to shorten my way, and to set my pilate's shore.  
Coming near the South-sore-land, the wind began to vere to the Southeast and by south, so as we could not double the point of the Land, and being close aboard the shore, and putting our ship to slay, what with the chapping Sea, and what with the Tide upon the Bow, she missed staying, and put us in some danger, before we could flact about; 
Note.  therefore for doubling the point of any land better is ever a short board, then to put all in peril.  
Being tacked about we thought to anchor in the Downs, but the sails set, we made a small board, and after casting about again, doubled the foreland, and ran alongst the Coast till we came to the I'll of Wight: where being becalmed we sent a shore Master Thomson of Harwich our Pilot, not being able before to set him on shore for the perverseness of the wind.  
Being clear of the Wight, the wind vered Southerly, and before we came to Port-land, to the west, South-west, but with the help of the ebb we recovered Port-land ronde, where we anchored all that night; and the next morning with the ebb, we set sail again, the wind at west South-west; purposing to bear it up, all the ebb, and to stop the flood being under sail.   

SECT. III.  
THe Fleet of Flemings which had been in our company before, came towering into the road, 
The Providence o● the Dutch.  which certainly was a thing worth the noting, to behold the good order the Masters observed in guard of their fleet.  
The Admiral headmost the r●st of the men of War, spread alongst to windward, all saving the vice-admiral and her consort, which were leemost and stern-most of all, and except the Admiral, which was the first, that came to an Anchor; None of the other men of war anchored, before all the Fleet was in safety; and then they placed themselves round about the Fleet; the Vice-admiral Seamost and Leemost; which we have taught unto most Nations, and they observe it now a days better than we, to our shame, 
The English, Authors of Sea discipline.  that being the Authors and reformers of the best Discipline and Laws in Sea causes, are become those which do now worst execute them.  
And I cannot gather whence this contempt hath grown, except of the neglect of Discipline, or rather in giving commands for favour to those, 
By them again neglected.  which want experience of what is committed to their charge▪ Or that there hath been little curiosity in our country, in writing of the Discipline of the Sea; which is not less necessary for us, then that of the Law; And I am of opinion, that the want of experience is much more tolerable in a General by Land, then in a Governor by Sea. For in the field the Lieutenant General, the Sergeant Maior, and the Colonels supply what is wanting in the General, for that they all command; and ever there is place for Counsel, which in the Sea by many accidents is denied: and the head is he that manageth all, in whom alone if there be defect, all is badly governed; for, by ignorance how can errors be judged, or reform? And therefore I wish all to take upon them that, which they understand, and refuse the contrary.  
As Sir Henry Palmer, 
The modesty of Sir Henry Palmer.  a wise and valiant Gentleman, a great commander, and of much experience in Sea causes, being apppointed by the Queen's Majesty's Counsel, to go for General of a Fleet for the coast of Spain, Anno 1583. submitting himself to their Lordship's pleasure, excused the charge, saying, that his training up had been in the narrow Seas; and that of the other, he had little experience. And therefore was in duty bound to entreat their Honours, to make choice of some other person, that was better acquainted, and experimented in those Seas; that her Majesty, and their Lordships might be the better served. His modesty and discretion is doubtless to be had in remembrance, and great estimation; For the ambition of many which covet the command of Fleets, and places of government (not knowing their Compass, nor how, nor what to command) do purchase to themselves shame; and loss to those that employ them: Being required in a Commander at Sea, 
Parts required in a Commander at Sea.  a sharp wit, a good understanding, experience in shipping, practise in mannagement of Sea business, knowledge in Navigation, and in command: I hold it much better to deserve it, and not to have it, then to have it not deserving it.   

SECT. IV.  
THe fruits and inconveniences of the latter we daily partake of, to our loss and dishonour. As in the Fleet that went for Burdieux, Anno 1592. which had six Gallant Ships for Wasters. 
The loss of the Burdieux Fleet, Anno ●592.  At their going out of Plymouth, the Vide-admiral that should have been starnmost of all, was the headmost, and the Admiral the light, and he that did execute the office of the Vide-admiral, launching off into the Sea, drew after him the greater part of the Fleet, and night coming on, and both bearing lights, caused a separation: so that the head had a quarter of the body, and the Fleet three quarters, and he that should go before, came behind. Whereof ensued, that the three parts meeting with a few Spanish Men of War, wanting their head, were a prey unto them. For the Vide-admiral, and other Wasters, that should be the Shepherds to guard and keep their flock, and to carry them in safety before them, were headmost, and they the Men who made most haste to fly from the Wolf. 
The caus●.  Whereas if they had done as they ought, in place of loss and infamy, they had gained honour and reward.  
This I have been informed of by the Spanish and English, which were present in the occasion. And a ship of mine, being one of the Starnmost, freed herself, for that she was in warlike manner, with her false Netting, many Pendents and Streamers, and at least 16. or 18. Pieces of Artillery; the enemy thinking her to be a Waster, or Ship of war, not one of them durst lay her aboard: and this the Master and company vaunted of at their return.  
In the same Voyage, in the river of Burdieux (as is credibly reported) if the six Wasters had kept together, they had not only not received damage, but gotten much Honour and Reputation. For the Admiral of the Spanish Armado, was a Flemish Ship, of not above 130. Tons, 
The weakness of the enemy.  and the rest Flie-boates and small shipping, for the most part.  
And although they were 22. Sail in all, what manner of Ships they were, and how furnished and apppointed, is well known, with the difference.  
In the Fleet of her Majesty, under the charge of my Father Sir john Hawkins, Anno 1590. upon the coast of Spain, 
The Voyage of Sir john Hawkins, Anno 1590.  the Vide-admiral being a head one morning, where his place was to be a Stern, lost us the taking of eight men of War, loaden with Munition, Victuals, and Provisions, for the supply of the Soldiers in Britain: and although they were seven or eight Leagues from the Shore, when our Vide-admiral began to fight with them, yet for that the rest of our Fleet were some four, some five Leagues, and some more distant from them, when we began to give chase: the Spaniards recovered into the Harbour of 'Mong, before our Admiral could come up to give direction, yet well beaten, with loss of above two hundreth men, as they themselves confessed to me after.  
And doubtless, if the wind had not overblown, and that to follow them, I was forced to shut all my lower ports, the ship I undertook, doubtless had never endured to come to the Port; but being double Fli-boates, and all good of Sail, they bore for their lives, and we what we could to follow and fetch them up.  
In this point, at the I'll of Flores, Sir Richard Greenfield got eternal honour and reputation of great valour, 
Sir Richard Greenfield at Flores.  and of an experimented Soldier, choosing rather to sacrifice his life, and to pass all danger whatsoever, then to sail in his Obligation, by gathering together those which had remained a shore in that place, though with the hazard of his ship and company; And rather we ought to embrace an honourable death, then to live with infamy and dishonour, by failing in duty; and I account that he, and his Country, got much honour in that occasion: for one ship, and of the second sort of her Majesties, sustained the force of all the Fleet of Spain, and gave them to understand, that they be impregnible, for having bought dearly the boarding of her, diverse and sundry times, and with many jointly, and with a continual fight of 14. or 16. hours, at length leaving her without any Mast standing, and like a Log in the Seas, she made notwithstanding, a most honourable composition of life and liberty, for above two hundreth and sixty men, as by the Pay-booke appeareth: which her Majesty of her free grace commanded in recompense of their service, to be given to every one his six months wages. All which may worthily be written in our Chronicles in letters of Gold, in memory for all Posterities, some to beware, and others by their example in the like occasions, to imitate the true valour of our Nation in these Ages.  
In point of Providence, which Captain Vavisor in the foresight gave also good proof of his valour, 
Captain Vavisor.  in casting about upon the whole Fleet, notwithstanding the greatness and multitude of the Spanish Armad●, to yield that succour which he was able, Although some do say, and I consent with them, that the bes● valour is to obey, and to follow the head, seem that good or bad which is commanded. For God himself telleth us, that obedience is better than sacrifice. Yet in some occasions, where there is difficulty, or impossibility to know what is commanded; many times it is great discretion and obligation, judiciously to take hold of the occasion, to yield succour to his associates, without putting himself in manifest dangers: But to our Voyage.   

SECT. V.  
BEing clear of the race of Portland, the Wind began to suffle with fog and misling rain, and forced us to a short sail, which continued with us three days; the Wind never vering one point, nor the fog suffering us to see the Coast.  
The third day in the fog, we met with a Bark of Dartmouth, which came from Rochel, and demanding of them, if they had made any land, answered, that they had only seen the Edie stone that morning, which lieth thwart of the sound of Plymouth, and that Dartmouth (as they thought) bore off us North North-east: which seemed strange unto us; for we made account that we were thwart of Exmouth: within two hours after, the Wether began to clear up, and we found ourselves thwart of the Berry, and might see the small Bark bearing into Torbay, having over-shot her port: which error often happeneth to those that make the land in foggy weather, and use not good diligence by sound, by lying off the land, and other circumstances, to search the truth; and is cause of the loss of many a Ship, and the sweet lives of multitudes of men.  
That evening, we anchored in the range of Dartmouth, till the flood was spent; and the ebb come, we ●et Sail again. And the next morning early, being the 26. of April, we harboured ourselves in Plymouth.  
My Ship at an Anchor, and I ashore, I presently dispatched a messenger to London, to advise my Father, Sir john Hawkins, what had passed: which, not only to him, but to all others, that understood what it was, seemed strange; That the wind contrary, and the weather such as it had been, we could be able to gain Plymouth; But doubtless, the Dainty was a very good Sea ship, and excellent by the wind; which with the neap streams, and our diligence to benefit ourselves of all advantages, made sezible that, which almost was not to be believed.  
And in this occasion, I found by experience, that one of the principal parts required in a Mariner, 
Parts requisite in a good Mariner.  that frequenteth our coasts of England, is to cast his Tides, and to know how they set from point to point, with the difference of those in the Channel from those of the shore.   

SECT. VI  
NOw presently I began to prepare for my Dispatch, and to hasten my Departure; and finding that my Ship which I expected from the straits, came not; and that she was to go to London to discharge; and uncertain how long she might stay; I resolved to take another of mine own in her place, though lesser, called the Hawk, only for a Victualler; purposing in the coast of Brasill, or in the straits, to take out her men, and Victuals, and to cast her off.   

SECT. VII.  
WIth my continual travel, the help of my good friends, and excessive charge (which none can easily believe, but those which have proved it) towards the end of May, I was ready to set sail with my three Ships, drawn out into the sound, and began to gather my Company aboard.  
The 28. of May (as I remember) began a storm of wind Westerly; the two lesser ships presently harboured themselves, and I gave order to the master of the Dainty (called Hugh Cornish) one of the most sufficientest men of his coat, to bring her also into Catt-water, which he laboured to do, but being near the mouth of the harbour, and doubting least the Anchor being weighed, the Ship might cast the contrary way, and so run on some peril, entertained himself a while in laying out a warp, and in the mean time, the wind freshing, and the ship riding by one Anchor, broke the flooke of it, and so forced them to let fall another: by which, and by the warp they had laid out, they rydd. The storm was such, 
A cruel Storm.  as being within hearing of those upon the shore, we were not able by any means to send them succour, and the second day of the storm, desiring much to go aboard, there joined with me Captain William Anthony, Captain john Ellis, and master Henry Courton, in a Light-Horsman which I had: all men exercised in charge, 
And therein the effects of courage and advise.  and of valour and sufficiency, and from their youth bred up in business of the Sea: which notwithstanding, and that we laboured what we could, for the space of two hours against waves and wind, we could find no possibility to accomplish our desire; which seen; we went aboard the other Ships, and put them in the best security we could; thus busied, we might see come driving by us the main Mast of the Dainty: which made me to fear the worst, and so hasted ashore, to satisfy my longing.  
And coming upon Catt-downe, we might see the Ship heave and set, which manifestly showed, the loss of the Mast only, which was well employed; for, it saved the ship, men, and goods. For had she driven a ships length more, she had (no doubt) been cast away; and the men in that place could not choose but run into danger.  
Coming to my house to shift me (for that we were all wet to the skin) I had not well changed my Clothes, when a servant of mine, who was in the Pynace at my coming ashore, 
The loss of the Pynace.  enters almost out of breath, with news, that she was beating upon the Rocks, which though I knew to be remediless, I put myself in place where I might see her, and in a little time after she sunk down right: These losses and mischances troubled and grieved, but nothing daunted me; for common experience taught me, that all honourable Enterprises, are accompanied with difficulties and dangers; Si fortuna me tormenta; Esperanca me contenta▪ Of hard beginnings, many times come prosperous and happy events. And although, a wellwilling friend, wisely foretold me them to be presages of future bad success, and so dissuaded me what lay in him, with effectual reasons, from my Pretence, yet the hazard of my credit, and danger of disreputation, to take in hand that which I should not prosecute by all means possible, was more powerful to cause me to go forwardly, than his grave good counsel, to make me desist. And so the storm ceasing, I began to get in the Dainty, to Mast her anew, and to recover the Fancy, my Pynace which with the help and furtherance of my Wines Father, who supplied all my wants, together with my credit (which I thank God was unspotted) in ten days put all in his former estate, or better. And so once again, in God's name, I brought my Ships out into the found, the Wind being Easterly, and began to take my l●aue of my friends, and of my dearest friend, my second ●elfe, whose unfeigned tears had wrought me unto irresolution, and sent some other in my room, had I not considered, that he that is in the Dance, must needs dance on, though he do but hopp, except he will be a laughing stock to all the lookers on: So, remembering that many had their eyes set upon me, with divers affections, as als● the hope of good success, (my intention being honest and good) I shut the door to all impediments, and mine ear to all contrary counsel, and gave place to voluntary banishment from all that I loved and esteemed in this life, with hope thereby better to serve my God, my Prince and Country, then to increase my Talent any way.  
And so began to gather my company aboard, which occupied my good friends, 
Abuses of some Seafaring men.  and the justices of the Town two days, and forced us to search all Lodgings, Taverns, and Alehouses. (For some would ever be taking their leave and never depart:) some drink themselves so drunk, that except they were carried aboard, they of themselves were not able to go one step: others knowing the necessity of the time, feigned themselves sick; others, to be indebted to their Hosts, and forced me to ransom them; one his Chest; another, his Sword; another, his Shirts; another, his Card and Instruments for Sea: And others, to benefit themselves of the Impressed given them, absented themselves; making a lewd living in deceiving all, whose money they could lay hold of: which is a scandal too ri●e amongst our Seamen; by it they committing three great offences: 1. Robbery of the goods of another person; 2. Breach of their faith and promise; 3. and hindrance (with loss of time) unto the Voyage; all being a common injury to the owners, victuallers, and company; which many times hath been an utter overthrow, and undoing to all in general. An abuse in our Commonwealth necessarily to be reform; And, as a person that hath both seen, and felt by experience these inconveniences, I wish it to be remedied; For, I can but wonder, that the late Lord high Admiral of England; the late Earl of Cumberland▪ and the Lord Thomas Howard, now Earl of Suffolk, being of so great authority, having to their costs and loss so often made experience of the inconveniences of these lewd proceedings, have not united their Goodnesses and Wisdoms, to redress this disloyal and base absurdity of the Vulgar.  
Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage, 
Master Thomas Candish.  in the sound of Plymouth, being ready to set Sail, complained unto me, that persons which had absented themselves in Imprests, had cost him above a thousand and five hundred pounds: These Varlets within a few days after his departure, I saw walking the streets of Plymouth, whom the justice had before sought for with great diligence, and without punishment. And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to do the like. Impunit as peccandi illecebra.  
The like complaint made master George Reymond; 
Master George Reymon●.  and in what sort they dealt with me, is notorious, and was such, that if I had not been provident, to have had a third part more of men, than I had need of, I had been forced to go to the Sea vnmanned; or to give over my Voyage. And many of my company, at Sea vaunted, how they had cozened the Earl of Cumberland, master Candish, master Reymond, and others, some of five pounds, some of ten, some of more, and some of less. And truly, I think, my Voyage prospered the worse, for theirs and other lewd persons company, which were in my Ship: which, I think, might be redressed by some extraordinary, severe, and present justice to be executed on the offenders by the justice in that place, where they should be found. And for finding them, it were good that all Captains, and Masters of Ships, at their departure out of the Port, should give unto the head justice, the names and signs of all their runaways, and they presently to dispatch to the ●igher Ports the advise agreeable, where meeting with them, without further delay or process, to use Martial Law upon them. Without doubt, seeing the Law once put in execution, they and all others would be terrified from such villainies.  
It might be remedied also by utter taking away of all Imprests, 
The inconvenience of Imprests.  which is a thing lately crept into our Commonwealth, and in my opinion of much more hurt then good unto all; and although my opinion seem harsh, it being a deed of charity to help the needy, (which I wish ever to be exercised, and by no means will contradict) yet for that such as go to the Sea (for the most part) consume that money lewdly before they depart, (as common experience teacheth us:) and when they come from Sea, many times come more beggarly home, then when they went forth, having received and spent their portion, before they embarked themselves, and having neither rent nor maintenance more than their travel, to sustain themselves, are forced to theeve, to cozen, or to run away in debt. Besides, many times it is an occasion to some to lie upon a Voyage a long time; whereas, if they had not that Impressed, they might perhaps have gained more in another employment, and have been at home again, to serve that which they wait● for. For these, and many more weighty reasons, I am still bold, to maintain my former Assertions.  

The true use of Imprests.  Those only used in his Majesty's Ships I comprehend not in this my opinion: neither the Imprests made to married men, which would be given to their Wives monthly in their absence, for their relief. For that is well known, that all which go to the Sea now a-dayes, are provided of food, and houseroom, and all things necessary, during the time of their Voyage; and in all long Voyages, of apparel also: so that nothing is to be spent during the Voyage. That money which is wont to be cast away in Imprestes, might be employed in apparel, and necessaries at the sea, and given to those that have need, at the price it was bought, to be deducted out of their shares or wages at their return, which is reasonable and charitable. This course taken, if any would run away, in God's name fare him well.  
Some have a more colourable kind of cunning to abuse men, and to sustain themselves. Such will go to Sea with all men, and go never from the shore. For as long as board-wages last, they are of the Company, but those taking end, or the ship in readiness, they have one excuse or other, and think themselves no longer bound, but whilst they receive money, and then pluck their heads out of the collar. An abuse also worthy to be reform.   

SECT. VIII.  
THe greater part of my Company gathered aboard, I set sail the 12. of june 1593. about three of the Clock in the afternoon, and made a board or two off and in, waiting the return of my boat, which I had sent ashore, for dispatch of some business: which being come aboard, and all put in Order, I looft near the shore, to give my farewell to all the Inhabitants of the Town, whereof the most part were gathered together upon the How, to show their grateful correspondency, to the love and zeal which I, my Father, and Predecessors, have ever borne to that place, as to our natural and mother Town. And first with my noise of Trumpets, after with my waits, and then with my other Music, and lastly, with the Artillery of my Ships, I made the best signification I could, of a kind farewell. This they answered with the Waits of the Town, and the Ordinance on the shore, and with shouting of voices; which with the fair evening and silence of the night, were heard a great distance off. All which taking end, I sent Instructions and Directions to my other Ships. 
The consequence of Instructions at departure.  Which is a point of special importance; for that I have seen Commanders of great name and reputation, by neglect and omission of such solemnities, to have run into many inconveniences, and thereby have learned the necessity of it. Whereby I cannot but advise all such, as shall have charge committed unto them, ever before they depart out of the Port, to give unto their whole Fleet, not only Directions for civil government, but also where, when, and how to meet, if they should chance to loose company, and the signs how to know one another afar off, with other points and circumstances, as the occasions shall minister matter different, at the discretion of the wise Commander.  
But some one may say unto me, that in all occasions it is not convenient to give Directions: for that, if the enemy happen upon any of the Fleet, or that there be any treacherous person in the company, their Designments may be discovered, and so prevented.  
To this I answer, that the prudent Governor, by good consideration may avoid this, by publication of that which is good and necessary for the guide of his Fleet and people; by all secret instructions, to give them sealed, and not to be opened, but coming to a place apppointed, (after the manner of the Turkish direction to the Pashas, who are their Generals;) and in any eminent peril to cast them by the board, or otherwise to make away with them. For he that setteth Sail, not giving directions in writing to his Fleet, knoweth not if the night or day following, he may be separated from his Company, which happeneth sometimes: and then, if a place of meeting be not known, he runneth in danger not to join them together again.  
And for places of meeting, when separation happeneth, I am of opinion, to appoint the place of meeting in such a height, twenty, or thirty, or forty Leagues off the Land, or Island. East, or West, is not so fitting, if the place afford it, as some sound betwixt Lands, or some Island, or Harbour.  
It may be alleged in contradiction, and with probable reason, 
Objections against meeting in Harbours.  that it is not fit for a Fleet to stay in a Harbour for one Ship, nor at an Anchor at an Island, for being discovered, or for hindrance of their Voyage.  
Yet it is the best; for when the want is but for one or two ships, 
Answered,  a Pynace or Ship may wait the time apppointed, and remain with direction for them. But commonly one Ship, though but a bad Sailor, maketh more haste than a whole Fleet, and is at the meeting place first, if the accident be not very important.  
The place of meeting, if it might be, would be able to give, at the least, refreshing of water and wood.   

SECT. IX.  
Launching out into the Channel, the wind being at East and by South, and East South East, which blowing hard, and a flood in hand, caused a chapping Sea, and my Vide-admiral bearing a good Sail made some water, and shooting off a piece of Ordinance, I edged towards her, to know the cause; who answered me, that they had sprung a great Leake, and that of force they must return into the sound, which seeing to be necessary, I cast about, where Anchoring, and going aboard, presently found, that betwixt Wind and Water, 
False Calking.  the Calkers had left a seam uncalked, which being filled up with Pitch only, the Sea labouring that out, had been sufficient to have sunk her in short space, if it had not been discovered in time.  
And truly there is little care used now adays amongst our countrymen in this Profession, in respect of that which was used in times past, and is accustomed in France, in Spain, and in other parts. Which necessity will cause to be reform in time, by assigning the portion that every workman is to Calke; that if there be damage through his default, he may be forced to contribute towards the loss, occasioned through his negligence.  

For prevention thereof.  And for more security I hold it for a good custom used in some parts, in making an end of calking and pitching the ship, the next tide to fill her with water, which will undoubtedly discover the defect, for no pitched place without calking, can suffer the force and pease of the water. In neglect whereof, I have seen great damage and danger to ensue. The Ark Royal of his Majesties, may serve for an example: 
Example.  which put all in danger at her first going to the Sea, by a trivuell-hole left-open in the post, and covered only with pitch. In this point no man can be too circumspect, for it is the security of ship, men, and goods.   

SECT. X.  
THis being remedied, I set sail in the morning and ran South-west, till we were clear of Vsshent; and then South south-west, till we were some hundred Leagues off, where we met with a great Hulk, of some five or six hundred tons, well appointed, the which my company, (as is natural to all Mariners) presently would make a prize, 
Advise for shooting at Sea.  and loaden with Spaniard's goods, and without speaking to her, wished that the Gunner might shoot at her, to cause her to amain. Which is a bad custom received and used of many ignorant persons, presently to gun at all whatsoever they discover, before they speak with them; being contrary to all discipline, and many times is cause of dissension betwixt friends, and the breach of Amity betwixt Princes; the death of many, and sometimes loss of Ships and all, making many obstinate, if not desperate: whereas in using common courtesy, they would better bethink themselves, and so with ordinary proceeding (justified by reason, and the custom of all well disciplined people) might perhaps many times breed an increase of Amity, a succour to necessity, and excuse diverse inconveniencies and suits, which have impoverished many: for it hath chanced by this error, that two English ships, neither carrying flag for their particular respects, 
Sundry mischances for neglect thereof  to change each with other a dozen pair of shot, with hurt to both, being after too late to repent their folly. Yea a person of credit hath told me, that two English men of War in the Night, have laid each other aboard willingly, with loss of many men, and damage to both, only for the fault, of not speaking one to the other; which might seem to carry with it some excuse, if they had been near the shore, or that the one had been a Hull, and the other under sail, in fear she should have escaped, not knowing what she was (though in the night it is no wisdom to board with any ship) but in the main Sea, and both desiring to join, was a sufficient declaration, that both were seekers: and therefore by day or night, he that can speak with the Ship he seeth, is bound, upon pain to be reputed void of good Government, to hail her before he shoot at her. Some man may say, that in the mean time, 
Object.  she might gain the wind: in such causes and many others, 
Answer.  necessity giveth exception to all Laws; and experience teacheth what is fit to be done.  

Master Thomas Hampto's.  Master Thomas Hampton once General of a Fleet of Wasters, sent to Rochel, Anno 1585. with secret instructions, considering (and as a man of experience) wisely understanding his place and affairs, in like case shut his Ear to the instigations and provocations of the common sort, preferring the public good of both Kingdoms before his own reputation with the vulgar people: And as another Fabius Maximus, cunctando restituit rem, non ponendo rumores ante salutem. The French Kings Fleet coming where he was, 
The French and English Fleet salute one another.  and to windward of him, all his Company were in an uproar; for that, he would not shoot presently at them, before they saw their intention: wherein had been committed three great faults: the first and principal, the breach of Amity, betwixt the Princes and Kingdoms: the second, the neglect of common courtesy, in shooting before he had spoken with them: and the third, in shooting first, being to lee-wards of the other.  
Besides there was no loss of reputation, because the French Kings Fleet was in his own Sea; and therefore for it to come to windward, or the other to go to lee-ward, was but that, which in reason was required, the Kingdoms being in peace and Amity: For every Prince is to be acknowledged and respected in his jurisdiction, and where he pretendeth it to be his.  
The French General, likewise seemed well to understand what he had in hand, for though he were far superior in forces, yet used he the terms which were required; and coming within speech hailed them, and asked if there were peace or war betwixt England and France: whereunto answer being made, that they knew of no other but peace; they saluted each other after the manner of the Sea, and then came to an Anchor all together; as and friends visited each other in their ships.  
One thing the French suffered (upon what occasion or ground I know not) that the English always carried their flag displayed; which in all other parts and Kingdoms is not permitted; at least in our Seas, 
The English carry up their flag in the French Seas.  if a Stranger Fleet meet with any of his Majesty's ships, the foreigners are bound to take in their flags, or his Majesty's ships to force them to it, though thereof follow the breach of peace or whatsoever discommodity. And whosoever should not be jealous in this point, he is not worthy to have the command of a Cockboat committed unto him: yea no stranger ought to open his flag in any Port of England, 
The honour of his Majesty's ships.  where there is any ship, or Fort of his Majesties; upon penalty to lose his flag, and to pay for the powder and shot spend upon him. Yea, such is the respect to his Majesty's Ships in all places of his Dominions, that no English Ship displayeth the Flag in their presence, but runneth the like danger, except they be in his Majesty's service; and then they are in predicament of the King's Ships. Which good discipline in other Kingdoms is not in that regard as it ought, but sometimes through ignorance, sometimes of malice, neglect is made of that duty and acknowledgement which is required, to the cost and shame of the ignorant and malicious.  
In Queen Mary's Reign, King Philip of Spain coming to marry with the Queen, 
Practised at the coming in of K●ng Philip into England.  and meeting with the Royal Navy of England, the Lord William Haward; High Admiral of England, would not consent, that the King in the narrow Seas should carry his Flag displayed, until he came into the Harbour of Plymouth.  
I being of tender years, there came a Fleet of Spaniards of above fifty sail of Ships, bound for Flaunders, to fetch the Queen, Dona Anna de Austria, 
And in the passage of Dona Anna de Austria.  last wife to Philip the ●econd of Spain, which entered betwixt the Island and the Main, without vailing their Topsayles, or taking in of their Flags: which my Father, Sir john Hawkins, (Admiral of a Fleet of her Majesty's Ships, then riding in Catt-water) perceiving, commanded his Gunner to shoot at the flag of the Admiral, that they might thereby see their error: which notwithstanding, they persevered arrogantly to keep displayed; whereupon the Gunner at the next shot, lact the Admiral through and through, whereby the Spaniards finding that the matter began to grow to earnest, took in their Flags and Topsayles, and so ran to an Anchor.  
The General presently sent his Boat, with a principal personage to expostulate the cause and reason of that proceeding; But my Father would not permit him to come into his Ship, nor to hear his Message: but by another Gentleman commanded him to return, and to tell his General, That in as much as in the Queen's Port and Chamber, he had neglected to do the acknowledgement and reverence, which all owe unto her Majesty, (especially her Ships being present) and coming with so great a Navy, he could not but give suspicion by such proceeding of malicious intention, and therefore required him, that within twelve hours he should depart the Port: upon pain to be held as a common enemy, and to proceed against him with force.  
Which answer the General understanding, presently embarked himself in the same Boat, and came to the jesus of Lubeck, and craved licence to speak with my Father: which at the first was denied him, but upon the second entreaty was admitted to enter the Ship, and to parley. The Spanish General began to demand, if there were Wars betwixt England and Spain; who was answered, that his arrogant manner of proceeding, usurping the Queen his Mistresses right, as much as in him lay, had given sufficient cause for breach of the Peace; And that he purposed presently, to give notice thereof to the Queen, and her Counsel; and in the mean time, that he might depart. Whereunto the Spanish General replied, that he knew not any offence he had committed, and that he would be glad to know, wherein he had mis-behaved himself. My Father seeing he pretended to escape by ignorance, began to put him in mind of the custom of Spain and France, and many other parts, and that he could by no means be ignorant of that, which was common Right to all Princes in their Kingdoms; Demanding, if a Fleet of England should come into any Port of Spain (the King's Majesty's Ships being present) if the English should carry their Flags in the top, whether the Spanish would not shoot them down; and if they persevered, if they would not beat them out of their Port. The Spanish General confessed his fault, pleaded ignorance, not malice, and submitted himself to the penalty my Father would impose: but entreated, that their Princes (through them) might not come to have any jar. My Father a while (as though offended) made himself hard to be entreated, but in the end, all was shut up, by his acknowledgement, and the ancient amity renewed, by feasting each other aboard and ashore.  
The self same Fleet at their return from Flaunders, meeting with her Majesty's Ships in the Channel, 
As also in her repassage.  though sent to accompany the aforesaid Queen, was constrained during the time that they were with the English, to veil their Flags, and to acknowledge that which all must do that pass through the English Seas. But to our Voyage.   

SECT. XI.  
Coming within the hailing of the Hulk, we demanded whence she was? Whether she was bound? and what her loading? She answered, that she was of Denmark coming from Spain, loaden with Salt: we willed her to strike her Topsayles, which she did, and showed us her Charter-parties, and Dilles of loading, and then saluted us, as is the manner of the Sea, and so departed.   

SECT. XII.  
THe next day the wind became Southerly, and somewhat too much, and my Ships being all deep loaden, began to feel the Tempest, so that we not able to lie by it, neither a hull, nor a try, and so with an easy Sail bore up before the Wind, with intent to put into Falmouth; but God was pleased that coming within ten leagues of Silly, the wind vered to the North-east, and so we went on in our Voyage.  
Thwart of the Flees of Bayon, we met with a small Ship of Master Waltre of London, called the Elizabeth, which came out of Plymouth some eight days after us: of whom we informed ourselves of some particularities, and wrote certain Letters to our Friends, making Relation of what had passed till that day, and so took our farewell each of the other. The like we did with a small Carvell of Plymouth, which we meet in the height of the Rock in Portugal.  
From thence we directed our course to the Lands of Madera, and about the end of june, in the sight of the Lands, we descried a Sail some three leagues to the East-wards, and a league to Wind-ward of us, which by her manner of working, and making, gave us to understand, that she was one of the King's Frigarts. For she was long and snugg, and spread a large Clue, and standing to the Westwards, and we● to the East-wards to recover her Wake, when we east about, she began to ●eco shete, and to go away lasking, and within two glasses, i● was plainly seen, that she went from us, and so we followed on our course, and she seeing that, presently struck her topsails, which our Pynace perceiving, and being within shot continued the Chase, till I shot off a Piece and called her away; which fault many run into, thinking to get thereby, and sometimes lose themselves by being too bold to venture from their Fleet; for it was impossible for us, being to leeward, to take her, or to succour our own, she being a Ship of about two hundreth Tons.  
And Pynaces to meddle with Ships, 
The duty of Pynaces.  is to buy Repentance at too dear a rate. For their office is, to wait upon their Fleet, in calms (with their Oars) to follow a Chase, and in occasions to Anchor near the shore, when the greater Ships cannot, without peril; Above all, to be ready and obedient at every call. Yet will I not, that any wrest my meaning; neither say I, that a Pynace, or small Ship armed, may not take a great Ship unarmed; for daily experience teacheth us the contrary.  
The Madera Lands are two: 
The Madera Lands.  the greater, called Lafoy madera, and the other Porto Santo; of great fertility, and rich in Sugar, Conserves, Wine, and sweet Wood, whereof they take their name. Other commodities they yield, but these are the principal. The chief Town and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera, well fortified; they are subject to the Kingdom of Portugal; the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portugal's.  
The third of july, we passed along the Lands of Canaria, 
Canaria Lands.  which have the name of a Kingdom, and contain these seven Lands, Grand Canaria, Tenerifa, Palma, Gomera, Lancerota, Forteventura, and Fierro. These Lands have abundance of Wine, Sugar, Conserves, orcal Pitch, Iron, and other Commodities, and store of cattle and Corn, but that a certain Worm, called Gorgosh● breedeth in it, 
Gorgosh●.  which eateth out the substance, leaving the husk in manner whole. The head Island, where the justice, which they call Audiencia, is resident, and whither all suits have their appealation, and final sentence, is the Grand Canaria, although the Tenerifa is held for the better, and richer Island, and to have the best Sugar: and the Wine of the Palma is reputed for the best. The Pitch of these Lands melteth not with the Sun, and therefore is proper for the higher works of Shipping. Betwixt Forteventura and Lancerota is a goodly found, fit for a meeting place for any Fleet. Where is good Anchoring, and abundance of many sorts of Fish. There is water to be had in most of these Lands, but with great vigilance. For the naturals of them are venturous and hardy, and many times climb up and down the steep Rocks and broken hills, which seem impossible, which I would hardly have believed, had I not seen it, and that with the greatest art and agility that may be: Their Arms for the most part, are Lances of nine or ten foot, with a head of a foot and half long, like unto Boar-spears, save that the head is somewhat more broad.  
Two things are famous in these Lands, the Pike of Tenerifa, which is the highest Land in my judgement that I have seen, and men of credit have told they have seen it more than forty leagues off. It is like unto a Sugar loaf, and continually covered with Snow, and placed in the midst of a goodly valley, most fertile, and temperate round about it. 
The Description of Tenerif.  Out of which, going up the pike, the cold is so great, that it is insufferable, and going down to the Towns of the Island, the heat seemeth most extreme, till they approach near the coast. The other is a Tree in the Island Fierro, 
Of a Tree in Fierro.  which some write and affirm, with the dropping of his leaves, to give water for the sustenance of the whole Island, which I have not seen, although I have been on shore on the Island: but those which have seen it, have recounted this mystery differently to that which is written, in this manner; That this Tree is placed in the bottom of a Valley, ever flourishing with broad leaves, and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pines, which over-top it, and as it seemeth were planted by the divine providence, to preserve it from Sun and Wind. Out of this Valley ordinarily rise every day, great vapours and exhalations, which by reason that the Sun is hindered to work his operation, with the height of the Mountains towards the Southeast, convert themselves into moisture, and so bedew all the Trees of the Valley, and from those which over-top this Tree, drops down the dew upon his leaves, and so from his leaves into a round Well of Stone, which the Naturals of the land have made to receive the water; of which the people and cattle have great relief: but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants do reserve water for many days to come in their Cisterns and Tynaxes, which is that they drink of, and wherewith they principally sustain themselves.  
The City of the Grand Canaria, and chief Port is on the west side of the Island; the head Town and Port of Tenerifa, is towards the south part, and the Port and Town of the Palma and Gomera, on the East side.  
In Gomera, some three Leagues southward from the Town, is a great River of water, but all these Lands are perilous to land in, for the siege caused by the Ocean sea, which always is forcible, and requireth great circumspection; whosoever hath not urgent cause, is either to go to the East-wards, or to the westwards of all these Lands, as well to avoid the calms, which hinder sometimes eight or ten days sailing, as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause, and with it to breed Calenturas, which we call burning Fevers. These Lands are said to be first discovered by a Frenchman, 
The first discoverers of these Lands.  called john de Betancourt, about the year 1405. They are now a Kingdom subject to Spain.   

SECT. XIII.  
BEing clear of the Lands, we directed our course for Cape Blauce, and two hours before Sun set, we had sight of a Carvell some League in the wind of us, which seemed to come from Gynea, or the Lands of Cape de Verde, and for that he, which had the sery-watch, neglected to look out, being too lee-ward of the Lands, and so out of hope of sight of any ship, for the little trade and contrariety of the wind, that though a man will, from few places he can recover the Lands: coming from the southwards, we had the wind of her, and perhaps the possession also, whereof men of War are to have particular care: 
Note.  for in an hour and place unlooked for, many times chance accidents contrary to the ordinary course and custom, and to have younkers in the top continually, is most convenient and necessary, not only for descrying of sails and land, but also for any sudden gust or occasion that may be offered.  
Seeing myself past hope of returning back, without some extraordinary accident, I began to set order in my Company and victuals. And for tha●, to the southwards of the Canaries, 
Exercises upon the Southwards of the Canaries.  is for the most part an idle Navigation, I devised to keep my people occupied, as well to continue them in health (for that too much case in hit Countries is neither profitable nor healthful) as also to divert them from remembrance of their home; and from play, which breedeth many inconveniences, and other bad thoughts and works which idleness is cause of; and so shifting my company, as the custom is, into Starboard and Larboard men, the half to watch and work whilst the others slept, and take rest; I limited the three days of the week, which appertained to each to be employed in this manner: the one for the use and cleansing of their Arms, the other for roomeging, making of Sails, Nettings, Decking, and Defences for our Ships; and the third, for cleansing their bodies, mending and making their apparel, and necessaries, which though it came to be practised but once in seven days, for that the Sabbath is ever to be reserved for God alone, with the ordinary Obligation which each person had beside, was many times of force to be omitted; And thus we entertained our time with a fair Wind, and in few days had sight of the Land of Barbary, some dozen Leagues to the Northwards of Cape Black.  
Before we came to the Cape, we took in our Sails, and made preparation of Hooks and Lines to Fish. For in all that Coast is great abundance of sundry kinds of Fish, but especially, of Porgus, which we call Breames; many Portingalls and Spaniards go yearly thither to fish, as our Countrymen to the Newfoundland, and within Cape Black have good Harbour for reasonable shipping, where they dry their Fish, paying a certain easy tribute to the King's Collector. In two hours we took store of Fish for that day, and the next: but longer it would not keep good; and with this refreshing set Sail again, and directed our course betwixt the Lands of Cape de Verd and the Main. 
Cape de Verd.  These Lands are held to be situate in one of the most unhealthiest Climates of the world, and therefore it is wisdom to shun the sight of them, how much more to make abode in them.  
In two times that I have been in them, either cost us the one half of our people, with Fevers and Fluxes of sundry kinds; 
The unwholsomnesse thereof.  some shaking, some burning, some partaking of both; some possessed with frenzy, others with sloth, and in one of them it cost me six months sickness, with no small hazard of life: which I attribute to the distemperature of the air, for being within fourteen degrees of the Equinoctial line, the Sun hath great force all the year, and the more for that often they pass, two, three, and four years without rain; and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod, 
The heat.  cannot endure to go where the Sun shineth.  
With which extreme heat the body fatigated, greedily desireth refreshing, and longeth the coming of the Breze, 
The Brezes'.  which is the North-east wind, that seldom faileth in the afternoon at four of the clock, or sooner: which coming cold and fresh, and finding the poors of the body open, and (for the most part) naked, penetrateth the very bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and sundry manners of sickness, as the Subjects are diverse whereupon they work.  
Departing out of the Calms of the Lands, and coming into the fresh Brese, it causeth the like, and I have seen within two days, after that we have partaked of the fresh air, of two thousand men, above a hundreth and fifty have been crazed in their health.  
The Inhabitants of these Lands use a remedy for this, 
The remedy.  which at my first being amongst them, seemed unto me ridiculous, but since, time and experience hath taught to be grounded upon reason. And is, that upon their heads they wear a Nightcap, upon it a Moutero, and a Hat over that, and on their bodies a suit of thick Cloth, and upon it a Gown, furred or lined with Cotton, or Bays, to defend them from the heat in that manner, as the Inhabitants o● cold Countries, to guard themselves from the extremity of the cold. Which doubtless, is the best diligence that any man can use, and whosoever proveth it, shall find himself less annoyed with the heat, then if he were thinly Clothed, for that where the cold air cometh, it peirceth not so subtly.  
The M●one also in this Climate, as in the coast of Guyne, and in all hit Countries, 
The influence of the Moon in hot Countries.  hath forcible operation in the body of man; and therefore, as the Planet, most prejudicial to his health, is to be shunned; as also not to sleep in the open Air, or with any Scuttle or Window open, whereby the one, or the other, may enter to hurt.  
For a person of credit told me, that one night in a river of Guyne, leaving his Window open in the side of his Cabin, the Moon shining upon his shoulder, left him with such an extraordinary pain, and furious burning in it, as in above twenty hours, he was like to run mad, but in fine, with force of Medicines and cures, after long torment, he was eased.  
Some I have heard say, and others write, that there is a Star which never separateth itself from the Moon, but a small distance; which is of all Stars the most beneficial to man. For where this Star entereth with the Moon, it maketh void her hurtful influence, and where not it is most perilous. Which if it be so, is a notable secret of the divine Providence, and a special cause amongst infinite others, to move us to continual thanksgiving; for that he hath so extraordinarily compassed and fenced us from infinite miseries, his most unworthy and ungrateful Creatures.  
Of these Lands are two piles: the one of them lieth out of the way of Trade, more Westerly, and so little frequented; the other lieth some fourscore Leagues from the Main, and containeth six in number, to wit; Saint jago, Fuego, Mayo, Bonavisto, Sal, and Bravo.  
They are belonging to the Kingdom of Portugal, and inhabited by people of that Nation, and are of great trade, by reason of the neighbourhood they have with Guyne and bin; but the principal is, the buying and selling of Negroes. They have store of Sugar, Salt, Rice, cotton-wool, and Cotton-Cloth, Ambergris, Cyvit, Elephants teeth, Brimstone, Pummy stone, Sponge, and some Gold, but little, and that from the main.  
Saint jago is the head Island, and hath one City and two Towns, with their Ports. The City called Saint jago, 
Saint jago.  whereof the Island hath his Name, hath a Garrison, and two Forts, situated in the bottom of a pleasant Valley, with a running stream of water passing through the midst of it, whether the rest of the Lands come for justice, being the seat of the Auaiencia, with his Bishop.  
The other Towns are Playa, some three Leagues to the Eastwards of Saint jago, placed on high, with a goodly Bay, whereof it hath his name: and Saint Domingo, a small Town within the Land. They are on the Souther part of the Island, and have been sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades, a Portugal, with a Fleet of Frenchmen; in Anno 1585. they were both burnt to the ground by the English, Sir Francis Drake being General; and in Anno 1596. Saint jago was taken, and sacked by the English, Sir Anthony Shyrley being General. 
Sacked by Manuel Serades, St. Francis Drake, and Sir Anthony Shyrley.   
The second Island is Fuego, 
Fuego.  so called, for that day and night there burneth in it a Vulcan; whose flames in the night are seen twenty Leagues off in the Sea. It is by nature fortified in that sort, as but by one way is any access, or entrance into it, and there cannot go up above two men a breast. The Bread which they spend in these Lands, is brought from Portugal and Spain, saving that which they make of Rice, or of Mayes, which we call Guynne-wheate.  
The best watering is in the I'll of Bravo, 
Bravo.  on the west part of the Island, where is a great River, but foul Anchoring, as is in all these Lands, for the most part. The fruits are few, but substantial, as Palmitoes, Plantanoes, Patatoes, and Coco Nuts.  
The Palmito is like to the Date tree, 
The Palmito.  and as I think a kind of it, but wild. In all parts of Africa and America they are found, and in some parts of Europe, and in diverse parts different. In Africa, and in the West Indies they are small, that a man may cut them with a knife, and the lesser the better: But in Brasill they are so great, that with difficulty a man can fallen them with an Axe, and the greater the better; one foot within the top is profitable, the rest is of no value; and that which is to be eaten is the pith, which in some is better, in some worse.  
The Plantain is a tree found in most parts of Africa and America, 
The Plantain.  of which two leaves are sufficient to cover a man from top to toe; It beareth fruit but once, and then drieth away, and out of his root sprouteth up others new. In the top of the tree is his fruit, which groweth in a great bunch, in the form and fashion of puddings, in some more, in some less. I have seen in one bunch above four hundred Plantanes, which have weighed above fourscore pound weight. They are of diverse proportions, some great, some lesser, some round, some square, some triangle, most ordinarily of a span long, with a thick skin, that peeleth easily from the meat; which is either white or yellow, and very tender like Butter; but no Conserve is better, nor of a more pleasing taste. For I never have seen any man, to whom they have bred mis-like, or done hurt with eating much of them, as of other fruits.  
The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree, but in most parts they cut them off in branches, and hang them up in their houses, and eat them as they ripe. For the Birds and Vermin presently in ripening on the tree, are feeding on them. The best that I have seen are in Brasill, in an Island called Placentia, 
Platentia.  which are small, and round, and green when they are ripe▪ whereas the others in ripening become yellow. Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great, and one of them sufficient to satisfy a man; the only fault they have is, that they are windy. In some places they eat them in stead of bread, as in Panama, and other parts of Tierra firm. They grow and prosper best when their roots are ever covered with water; they are excellent in Conserve, and good sodden in different manners, and dried on the tree, not inferior to Suckett.  
The Coco nut is a fruit of the fashion of a hassel nut, 
The Cocos, and ●heir kinds.  but that it is as big as an ordinary Bowl, and some are greater. It hath two shells, the uttermost framed (as it were) of a multitude of threads, one laid upon another, with a green skin over-lapping them, which is soft and thick; The innermost is like to the shell of a Hazel nut in all proportion, saving that it is greater and thicker, and some, more blacker. In the top of it is the form of a Monkeys face, with two eyes, his nose and a mouth. It containeth in it both meat and drink; the meat white as milk, and like to that of the kernel of a Nutt, and as good as Almonds blanched, and of great quantity: The water is clear, as of the fountain, and pleasing in taste, and somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of Milk. Some say it hath a singular property in Nature, for conserving the smoothness of the skin; and therefore in Spain and Portugal, the curious Dames do ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it. If the holes of the shell be kept close, they keep four or six months good, and more; but if it be opened, and the water kept in the shell, in few days it turneth to Vinegar.  
They grow upon high Trees, which have no boughs; only in the top they have a great cap of leaves, and under them groweth the fruit upon certain twigs; And some affirm that they bear not fruit, before they be above forty years old, they are in all things like to the Palm trees, and grow in many parts of Asia, Africa, and America. The shells of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups, and much cost and labour is bestowed upon them in carving, graving and garnishing them, with silver, gold and precious stones.  
In the Kingdom of Chile and in Brosill, is another kind of these, which they call Coquilloes, as we may interpret (little Cocos) and are as big as Wal-nuts; but round and smooth, and grow in great clusters: the trees in form are all one, and the meat in the nut better, but they have no water.  
Another kind of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru, which have not the delicate meat nor drink, which the others have, but within are full of Almonds, which are placed as the grains in the Pomegrannet, being three times bigger than those of Europe, and are much like them in taste.  
In these Lands are Cyvet-Cats, 
Cyvet-Catts.  which are also found in parts of Asia, and Africa; esteemed for the Civet they yield, and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts, which is taken from them by force.  
In them also are store of Monkeys, 
Monkeys.  and the best proportioned that I have seen; and Parrots, 
Parrots.  but of colour different to those of the west Indies; for they are of a russet or grey colour and great speakers.   

SECT. XIIII.  
WIth a fair and large wind we continued our course, till we came within five degrees of the Equinoctial line, where the wind took us contrary by the South-west, about the twenty of julie, but a fair gale of wind and a smooth Sea,; so that we might bear all a taunt: and to advantage ourselves what we might, we stood to the East-wards, being able to lie Southeast and by South; The next day about nine of the Clock, my company being gathered together to serve God, which we accustomed to do every morning and evening, it seemed unto me that the colour of the Sea was different to that of the days past, and which is ordinarily where is deep water; and so calling the Captain, and Master of my Ship, I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish, and that it made show of Should water. Whereunto they made answer, that all the lines in our Ships could not fetch ground: for we could not be less than threescore and ten Leagues off the Coast, which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed upon, and myself was of the same opinion. And so we applied ourselves to serve God, but all the time that the service endured, my heart could not be at rest, and still me thought the water began to wax whiter and whiter. Our prayers ended, I commanded a lead and a line to be brought, and having the lead in fourteen fathoms we had ground, which put us all into a maze, and sending men into the top, presently discovered the land of Guynne, some five Leagues from us, very low Land. I commanded a Piece to be shot, and lay by the lee, till my other Ships came up. Which hailing us, we demanded of them, how far they found themselves off the Land; who answered, some threescore and ten, or fourscore Leagues: when we told them we had sounded, and found but fourteen Fathoms, and that we were in sight of Land, they began to wonder; But having consulted what was best to be done, I caused my Shalop to be manned, which I towed at the Stern of my Ship continually, and sent her and my Pynace a head to sound, and followed them with an easy Sail, till we came in seven and six fathom Water, and some two Leagues from the shore anchored, in hope by the Sea, or by the Land to find some refreshing. The Sea we found to be barren of Fish, and my Boats could not discover any landing place, though a whole day they had rowed alongst the Coast, with great desire to set foot on shore, for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous. Which experienced, we set sail, notwithstanding the contrariety of the wind, sometimes standing to the Westwards, sometime to the East-wards, according to the shifting of the wind.   

SECT. XV.  
HEre is to be noted, that the error which we fell into in our accounts, 
Note.  was such as all men fall into where are currants that set East or West, and are not known, for that there is no certain rule yet practised for trial of the longitude, as there is of the latitude, though some curious and experimented of our Nation, with whom I have had conference about this point, have showed me two or three manner of ways how to know it.  
This, some years before was the loss of the Edward Cotton, 
The loss of the Edward Cotton.  bound for the Coast of Brasill, which taken with the wind contrary near the line, standing to the East-wards, and making account to be fifty or sixty Leagues off the Coast, with all her Sails standing, came suddenly a ground upon the shoals of Madrebombat; and so was cast away, though the most part of their company saved themselves upon Raffes; But with the contagion of the Country, and bad entreaty which the Negroes gave them, they died; so that there returned not to their Country above three or ●oure of them.  
But God Almighty dealt more mercifully with us in showing us our error in the day, and in time, that we might remedy it; to him be evermore glory for all.  
This currant from the line Equinoctial, to twenty degrees Northerly, hath gr●at force, and setteth next of any thing East, directly upon the shore; which we found by this means: Standing to the Westwards, the wind Southerly, when we lay with our Ships head West, and by South, we gained in our heith more than if we had made our way good west south-west; for that, the currant took us under the bow: but lying west, or west and by north, we lost more in twelve hours then the other way we could get in four and twenty. By which plainly we saw, that the currant did set East next of any thing. Whether this currant runneth ever one way, or doth alter, and how, we could by no means understand, but tract of time and observation will discover this, as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas.  
The currant that setteth betwixt Newfoundland and Spain, runneth also East and West, and long time deceived many, and made some to count the way longer, and others shorter, according as the passage was speedy or slow; not knowing that the furtherance or hindrance of the currant, was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way. And in sea Cards I have seen difference of above thirty Leagues betwixt the Island Tercera, and the Main. And others have recounted unto me, that coming from the India's, and looking out for the Lands of Azores, they have had sight of Spain. And some have looked out for Spain, and have discovered the Lands.  
The self same currant is in the Levant Sea, but runneth trade betwixt the Maynes, and changeable sometimes to the East-wards, sometimes to the Westwards.  
In Brasill and the South Sea, the currant likewise is changeable, but it runneth ever alongst the Coast, accompanying the wind: and it is an infallible rule, that twelve or twenty four hours (before the Wind altars) the currant begins to change.  
In the West Indies only the currant runneth continually one way, and setteth alongst the Coast from the Equinoctial line towards the North. No man hath yet found that these courrants keep any certain time, or run so many days, or months, one way as another, as doth the course of ebbing and flowing, well known in all Seas: only near the shore they have small force; partly, because of the reflux which the coast causeth, and partly for the ebbing and slowing, which more or less is general in most seas.  
When the currant runneth North or South, it is easily discovered by augmenting or diminishing the height, but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the main Sea, is difficult, and as yet, I have not known any man, or read any Author, that hath prescribed any certain mean or way to discover it. But experience teacheth that in the main Sea, for the most part it is variable; and therefore the best and safest rule to prevent the danger, (which the uncertainty and ignorance hereof may cause) is careful and continual watch by day and night, and upon the East and west course ever to be before the ship, and to use the means possible to know the error, by the rules which new Authors may teach: beating off and on, sometimes to the westwards, sometimes to the East-wards, with a fair gale of wind.   

SECT. XVI.  
BEing betwixt three or four degrees of the Equinoctial line, my Company within a few days began to fall sick, of a disease which Seamen are wont to call the Scurvy: 
The Scurvy.  and seemeth to be a kind of dropsy, and reigneth most in this Climate of any that I have heard or read of in the World; though in all Seas it is wont to help and increase the misery of man; it possesseth all those of which it taketh hold, with a loathsome slothfulness, even to eat: they would be content to change their sleep and rest, which is the most pernicious Enemy in this sickness, that is known. It bringeth with it a great desire to drink, and causeth a general swelling of all parts of the body, especially, of the legs and gums, and many times the teeth fall out of the jaws without pain.  
The signs to know this disease in the beginning are diverse, 
The signs.  by the swelling of the gums, by denting of the flesh of the legs with a man's finger, the pit remaining without filling up in a good space: Others, show it with their laziness, Others, complain of the crick of the back, etc. all which, are for the most part, certain tokens of infection.  
The cause of this sickness, 
The cause.  some attribute to sloth; some to conceit; and diverse men speak diversely: that which I have observed is, that our Nation is more subject unto it, than any other; because being bred in a temperate Climate, where the natural heat restrained, giveth strength to the stomach, sustaining it with meats of good nourishment, and that in an wholesome air, whereas coming into the hot Countries, (where that natural heat is dispersed through the whole body, which was wont to be proper to the stomach; and the meats for the most part, preserved with Salt, and its substance thereby diminished, and many times corrupted) greater force for digestion is now required, then in times past; but the stomach ●inding less virtue to do his office, in reparting to each member his due proportion in perfection, which either giveth it raw, or remaineth with it indigested by his hardness or crudity; infeebleth the body, and maketh it unlusty and unfit for any thing, for the stomach being strong, (though all parts else be weak) there is ever a desire to feed, and aptness to perform whatsoever can be required of a man; but though all other members be strong and sound, if the Stomach be oppressed, or squeamish, all the body is unlusty, and unfit for any thing, and yieldeth to nothing so readily, as to slothfulness, which is confirmed by the common answer to all questions: As, will you eat? will you sleep? will you walk? will you play? The answer is, I have no stomach: which is as much, as to say, no not willingly, thereby confirming that without a sound and whole stomach, nothing can be well accomplished, nor any sustenance well digested.  
The seething of the meat in Salt water, 
Seething of meat in Salt water.  helpeth to cause this infirmity, which in long Voyages can hardly be avoided: but if it may be, it is to be shunned; for, the water of the Sea to man's body is very unwholesome. The corruption of the victuals, 
Corruption of victual.  and especially of the bread, is very pernicious; the vapours and air of the Sea also is nothing profitable, 
Vapours of the Sea.  especially, in these hot Countries, where are many calms. And were it not for the moving of the Sea by the force of winds, tides, and currants, it would corrupt all the world.  
The experience I saw in Anno 1590. lying with a Fleet of her Majesty's ships about the Lands of the Azores almost six months; 
Azores.  the greatest part of the time we were becalmed: with which all the Sea became so replenished with several sorts of jellies, and forms of Serpents, Adders, and Snakes, as seemed wonderful: some green, some black, some yellow, some white, some of diverse colours; and many of them had life, and some there were a yard and half, and two yards long; which had I not seen, I could hardly have believed. And hereof are witnesses all the Companies of the Ships which were then present; so that hardly a man could draw a Buckett of water clear of some corruption. In which Voyage, towards the end thereof, many of every Ship, (saving of the Nonpereli, which was under my charge, and had only one man sick in all the Voyage) fell sick of this disease, and began to die apace, but that the speedy passage into our Country was remedy to the crazed, and a Preservative for those that were not touched. The best prevention for this disease (in my judgement) is to keep clean the Ship, 
The remedies;  to be sprinkle her ordinarily with Vinegar, or to burn Tar, and some sweet savours, to feed upon as few salt Meats in the hot Country as may be, and especially to shun all kinds of salt Fish, 
By diet.  and to reserve them for the cold Climates, and not to dress any meat with salt water, nor to suffer the company to wash their Shirts nor clothes in it, nor to sleep in their clothes when they are wet. For this cause it is necessarily required, that provision be made of apparel for the Company, that they may have wherewith to shift themselves. 
By shift.  Being a common calamity amongst the ordinary sort of Mariners, to spend their thrift on the shore, and to bring to Sea no more clothes than they have backs; for the body of man is not refreshed with any thing more, then with shifting clean clothes; a great preservative of health in hit Countries.  
The second Antidote is, 
By labour.  to keep the company occupied in some bodily exercise of work, of agility, of pastimes, of dancing, of use of Arms; these helpeth much to banish this infirmity. Thirdly, In the morning at discharge of the watch, 
By early eating and drinking.  to give every man a bit of bread, and a draught of drink, either Beer, or Wine mingled with water (at the least, the one half) or a quantity mingled with Beer, that the pores of the body may be full, when the vapours of the Sea ascend up.  
The morning draught should be ever of the best, and choicest of that in the ship. Pure wine I hold to be more hurtful, than the other is profitable. In this, others will be of a contrary opinion, but I think partial. If not, then leave I the remedies thereof to those Physicians and Surgeons who have experience. And I wish that some learned man would write of it, for it is the plague of the Sea, and the spoil of Mariners; doubtless, it would be a meritorious Work with God and man, and most beneficial for our Country, for in twenty years, since that I have used the Sea, I dare take upon me, to give account of ten thousand men consumed with this disease.  
That which I have seen most fruitful for this sickness, is sour Oranges and Lemons, and a water which amongst others (for my particular provision) I carried to the Sea, called Doctor Stevens his Water, 
By sour Oranges and Lemons. By Doctor Stevens water.  of which, for that his virtue was not then well known unto me, I carried but little, and it took end quickly, but gave health to those that used it.  
The oil of Vitry is beneficial for this disease; 
By oil of Vitry.  taking two drops of it, and mingled in a draught of water, with a little Sugar. It taketh away the thirst, and helpeth to cleanse and comfort the stomach: But the principal of all, is the air of the Land; for, the Sea is natural for fishes, and the Land for men. 
By the air of the land.  And the oftener a man can have his people to land, (not hindering his voyage) the better it is, and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh them.   

SECT. XVII.  
HAving stood to the westwards some hundreth leagues and more, the wind continuing with us contrary, and the sickness so fervent, that every day there died more or less: my Company in general began to dismay, 
The company sick, and dismayed.  and to desire to return homewards which I laboured to hinder by good reasons, and persuasions: As, that to the West Indies, we had not above eight hundreth leagues, to the Lands of Azores little less, and before we come to the Lands of Cape de Verde, that we should meet with the Breze; for every night we might see the reach go contrary to the wind which we sailed by; verifying the old Proverb amongst Mariners; That he hath need of a long Mast, that will sail by the Reach; and that the nearest land and speediest refreshing we could look for, was the coast of Brasill; and that standing towards it with the wind we had, we shortened our way for the Indies; and that to put all the sick men together in one Ship, and to send her home, was to make her their grave. For we could spare but few sound men, who were also subject to fall sick, and the misery, notwithstanding, remediless; with which they were convinced, and remained satisfied. So leaving all to their choice, with the consideration of what I persuaded, they resolved with me, to continue our course, till that God was pleased to look upon us, with his Fatherly eyes of mercy.  
As we approached nearer and nearer the coast of Brasill, 
Brasill.  the wind began to vere to the Eastwardes, and about the middle of October, to be large and good for us; and about the 18. of October, we were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine; 
Cape S. Augustine.  which lieth in six degrees to the Southwards of the line: and the 21. in the height of Farnambuca, 
Farnambuca.  but some fourscore leagues from the Coast; the twenty four, in the height of Bayea de todos Santos; near the end of October, betwixt 17. and 18. degrees, we were in 16. fathoms, sounding of the great Shoals, which lie alongst the Coast, betwixt the Bay of todos Santos, 
Todos Santos.  and the Port of Santos alias ura senora de Vitoria; 
De Vitoria.  which are very perilous.  
But the divine Providence hath ordained great flocks of small Birds (like Snytes) to live upon the Rocks, and broken lands of these Shoals, and are met with ordinarily twenty leagues before a man come in danger of them.  
It shall not be amiss here to recount the Accidents which befell us during this contrary wind, and the curiosities to be observed in all this time. Day and night we had continually a fair gale of wind, and a smooth Sea, without any alteration; one day, the Carpenters having Calked the Deck of our Ship, 
Dangers of Fire.  which the Sun with his extreme heat had opened, craved licence to heat a little Pitch in the Cookroom: 
By heating of Pitch.  which I would not consent unto by any means; for that my Cockrooms were under the Deck, knowing the danger; until the Master undertook, that no danger should come thereof. But he recommended the charge to another, who had a better name, than experience. He suffered the Pitch to rise, and to run into the fire, which caused so furious a flame, as amazed him, and forced all to fly his heat; one of my Company, with a double pair of Gloves took off the Pitch-pot, but the fire forced him to let slip his holdfast, before he could set it on the Hearth, and so overturned it, and as the Pitch began to run, so the fire to enlarge itself, that in a moment a great part of the Ship was on a light fire. I being in my Cabin, presently imagined what the matter was, and for all the hast I could make, before I came, the fire was above the Deck: for remedy whereof, I commanded all my Company, to cast their Ruggegownes into the Sea, with Ropes fastened unto them. These I had provided for my people to watch in; for in many hit Countries the nights are fresh and cold; and divided one Gown to two men, a Starboard and a Larboard man; so that he which watched had ever the Gown: for they which watched not, were either in their Cabins, or under the Deck, and so needed them not. The Gowns being well soaked, every man that could, took one, and assaulted the fire; and although some were singed, others scalded, and many burned, God was pleased that the fire was quenched, which I thought impossible; And doubtless, I never saw myself in greater peril in all the days of my life. Let all men take example by us, not to suffer (in any case) Pitch to be heat in the Ship, except it be with a shot heat in the fire, which cannot breed danger: nor to permit fire to be kindled, but upon mere necessity; for the inconvenience thereof (is for the most part) remediless.  
With drinking of Tobacco it is said, 
By taking Tobacco.  that the Roebuck was burned in the range of Dartmouth.  
The Primrose of London was fired with a Candle at Tilbery-hope, and nothing saved but her Keel.  
And another Ship bound for Barbary, at Wapping.  
The jesus of Lubeck had her Gunner-roome set on fire with a Match, and had been burnt without redemption, if that my Father, Sir john Hawkins Knight, than General in her, had not commanded her Sloppers to be stopped, and the men to come to the Pumps, whereof she had two, which went with chains, and plying them, in a moment there was three or four inches of water upon the Deck, which with Scoops, Swabbles, and Platters, they threw upon the fire, and so quenched it, and delivered both Ship and men out of no small danger.  
Great care is to be had also in cleaving of Wood, in Hooping or Scutling of Cask, 
By Hooping and Scutling of Cask.  and in any business where violence is to be used with instruments of Iron, Steele, or Stone; and especially, in opening of Powder, these are not to be used, but Mallets of Wood; for many mischances happen beyond all expectation.  
I have been credibly informed by diverse persons, that coming out of the Indies, with Scutling a Butt of water, the water hath taken fire, and flamed up, and put all in hazard: And a servant of mine, Thomas Grace told me, that in the Ship wherein he came out of the Indies, Anno 1600. there happened the like; and that if with Mantles they had not smothered the fire, they had been all burned with a Pipe of Water, which in Scutling taken fire.  
Master john Hazlelocke reported, that in the Arsenal of Venice happened the like, 
By natures of waters.  he being present. For mine own part, I am of opinion, that some waters have this property, and especially such as have their passage by Mines of Brimstone, or other Minerals, which (as all men know) give extraordinary properties unto the waters by which they run: Or it may be that the water being in wine Cask, and kept close, may retain an extraordinary property of the Wine. Yea, I have drunk Fountain, and River waters many times, which have had a savour as that of Brimstone.  
Three leagues from Bayon in France, I have proved of a fountain that hath this savour, and is medicinable for many diseases. In the South Sea, in a River some five Leagues from Cape Saint Francisco, in one degree and a half to the Northwards of the line, in the Bay of Atacames, is a River of fresh water, which hath the like savour. Of this I shall have occasion to speak in another place, treating of the diverse properties of Fountains and Rivers; and therefore to our purpose.   

SECT. XVIII.  
We had no small cause to give God thanks and praise for our deliverance, 
By Swearing.  and so all our Ships once come together, we magnified his gloririous Name for his mercy towards us, and took an occasion hereby, to banish swearing out of our Ships, which amongst the common sort of Mariners, and Seafaring men, is too ordinarily abused. So with a general consent of all our company, it was ordained that in every Ship there should be a Palmer or Ferula, which should be in the keeping of him, who was taken with an oath, and that he who had the Palmer should give to every other that he took swearing in the Palm of the hand a Palmada with it, and the Ferula. And whosoever at the time of evening, or morning Prayer, was found to have the Palmer, should have three blows given him by the Captain, or Master, and that he should be still bound to free himself by taking another, or else to run in danger of continuing the penalty; which executed, few days reform the Vice; so that in three days together, was not one oath heard to be sworn. This brought both Ferula's, and swearing out of use.  
And certainly, in vices, custom is the principal sustenance; and for their reformation, it little availeth to give good counsel, or to make good Laws and Ordenances, except they be executed.   

SECT. XIX.  
IN this time of contrary Wind, those of my Company which were in health, recreated themselves with Fishing, and beholding the Hunting and Hawking of the Sea, and the Battle betwixt the Whale and his enemies, which truly are of no small pleasure. And therefore for the curious, I will spend some time in Declaration of them.  
Ordinarily such Ships as Navigate between the Tropiques, are accompanied with three sorts of Fish; The Dolphin, which the Spaniards call Dozado: The Bonito, or Spanish Makerell: and the Shark, alias Tiberune.  
The Dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest Fishes in the Sea: 
The Dolphin.  He is like unto a bream, but that he is longer and thinner, and his scales very small. He is of the colour of the Raynbow, and his head different to other Fishes; for, from his mouth half a span it goeth strait upright, as the head of a Wherry, or the Cut-water of a Ship. He is very good meat if he be in season, but the best part of him, is his head, which is great. They are some bigger, some lesser; the greatest that I have seen, might be some four foot long.  
I hold it not without some ground, that the ancient Philosophers write, that they be enamoured of a man: for in meeting with Shipping, they accompany them till they approach to cold Climates; this I have noted diverse times. For disembarking out of the West Indies, Anno 1583. within three or four days after, we met a Scole of them, which left us not till we came to the Lands of Azores, near a thousand Leagues. At other times I have noted the like.  
But some may say, that in the Sea are many Scoles of this kind of Fish, and how can a man know if they were the same?  
Who may be thus satisfied, that every day in the morning, which is the time that they approach nearest the Ship, we should see four, five, and more, which had (as it were) our ●are-marke, one hurt upon the back; another near the tail; another about the fins, which is sufficient proof that they were the same. For if those which had received so bad entertainment of us would not forsake us, much less those which we had not hurt; yet that which makes them most in love with Ships and Men, are the scraps and refreshing they gather from them.  
The Bonito, 
The Bonito.  or Spanish Makerell, is altogether like unto a Makerell, but that it is somewhat more grown; he is reasonable food, but drier than a Makerell. Of them there are two sorts; the one is this which I have described; the other, so great, as hardly one man can lift him; At such times as we have taken of these, one sufficed for a meal for all my company. These, from the fin of the tail forwards have upon the chine seven small yellow hillocks, close one to another.  
The Dolphins and Bonitoes are taken with certain instruments of Iron, which we call Vysgeiss, in form of an E●le-speare, but that the blades are round, and the points like unto the head of a broad Arrow; these are fastened to long Staffs of ten or twelve foot long, with lines tied unto them, and so shot to the Fish, from the Beakhead, the Poop, or other parts of the Ship, as occasion is ministered. They are also caught with Hooks and Lynes, the Hook being baited with a red Cloth, or with a white Cloth, made into the form of a Fish, and sowed upon the Hook.  
The Shark or Tiberune, 
The Shark.  is a Fish like unto those which we call Dogge-fish, but that he is far greater. I have seen of them eight or nine foot long; his head is flat and broad, and his mouth in the middle, underneath, as that of the Seat; and he cannot bite of the bait before him, but by making a half turn; and then he helpeth himself with his tail, which serveth him in stead of a Rudder. His skin is rough (like to the Fish which we call, a rough Hound) and russet, with radish spots, saving that under the belly he is all white: he is much hated of Seafaring men, who have a certain foolish superstition with them, and say, that the Ship hath seldom good success, that is much accompanied with them.  
It is the most ravenous Fish known in the Sea; for he swalloweth all that he findeth. In the Puch of them hath been sound hats, caps, shoes, shirts, legs and arms of men, ends of Ropes, and many other things; whatsoever is hanged by the Ships side▪ he sheereth it, as though it were with a Razor; for he hath three rows of teeth on either side, as sharp as Nails; some say, they are good for Pick-teeth. It hath chanced that a younker casting himselve into the Sea to swim, hath had his leg bitten off above the knee by one of them. And I have been informed, that in the Tiger, when Sir Richard Greenfild went to people Virginia, a Shark cut off the leg of one of the company, sitting in the Chains, and washing himself. They spawn not, as the greatest part of Fishes do, but Whelp, as the Dog or Wolf; and for many days after that she hath whelped every night, and towards any storm, or any danger which may threaten them hurt, the Dam receiveth her Whelps in at her mouth, and preserveth them, till they be able to shift for themselves. I have seen them go in and out, being more than a foot and half long; and after, taking the Dam, we have found her young ones in her belly.  
Every day my Company took more or less of them, not for that they did eat of them (for they are not held wholesome; although the Spaniards, as I have seen, do eat them) but to recreate themselves, and in revenge of the injuries received by them; for they live long, and suffer much after they be taken, before they die.  
At the tayl● of one they tied a great log of wood, at another, an empty Batizia well stopped; one they yoked like a Hog; from another, they plucked out his ey●s, and so threw them into the Sea. In catching two together, they bound them tail to tail, and so set them a swimming; another, with his belly slit, and his bowels hanging out, which his fellows would have every one a snatch at; with other infinite inventions to entertain the time, and to avenge themselves; for that they deprived them of swimming, and fed on their flesh being dead: they are taken with harping Irons, and with great hooks made of purpose, with Swyvels and Chains; for no line, nor small rope can hold them, which they share not asunder.  
There doth accompany this fish, diverse little fishes, which are callet Pilat's fishes, and are ever upon his fins, his head, or his back, and feed of the scraps and superfluities of his preys. They are in form of a Trought, and streked like a Makerell, but that the strekes are white and black, and the black greater than the white.  
The manner of Hunting and Hawking representeth that which we reasonable creatures use, saving only in the disposing of the game. For by our industry and ability the Hound and Hawk is brought to that obedience, that whatsoever they seize, is for their Master; but here it is otherwise. For the game is for him that seizeth it. The Dolphins and Bonitoes are the hounds, and the Alcatraces the hawks, and the flying fishes the game: 
flying Fishes.  whose wonderful making magnifieth the Creator, who for their safety, and help, hath given them extraordinary manner of fins, which serve in stead of wings, like those of the Bat or Rearmouse; of such a delicate skin, interlaced with small bones so curiously, as may well cause admiration in the beholders. They are like unto Pilchards in colour, and making; saving that they are somewhat rounder, and (for the most part) bigger. They fly best with a side wind, but longer than their wings be wet, they cannot sustain the weight of their bodies; and so the greatest flight that I have seen them make, hath not been above a quarter of a mile. They commonly go in Scoles, and serve for food for the greater Fishes, or for the Fowls. The Dolphins and Bonitoes do continually hunt after them, and the Alcatraces lie soaring in the air, to see when they spring, or take their flight; and ordinarily, he that escapeth the mouth of the Dolphin, or Bonito, helping himself by his wings, falleth prisoner into the hands of the Alcatrace, and helpeth to fill his gorge.  
The Alcatrace is a Sea-fowle, 
Alcatrace.  different to all that I have seen, either on the land, or in the Sea. His head like unto the head of a Gull, but his bill like unto a Snytes bill, somewhat shorter, and in all places alike. He is almost like to a Heronshaw, his legs a good span long, his wings very long, and sharp towards the points, with a long tail like to a Pheasant, but with three or four feathers only, and these narrower. He is all black, of the colour of a Crow, and of little flesh; for he is almost all skin and bones. He soareth the highest of any fowl that I have seen, and I have not heard of any, that have seen them rest in the Sea.  
Now of the fight betwixt the Whale and his contraries; 
The fight of the Whale,  which are the Sword fish and the Thresher. The Whale is of the greatest fishes in the Sea; and to count but the truth, unless daily experience did witness the relation, it might seem incredible, he is a huge unwildlie fish, and to those which have not seen of them, it might seem strange, that other fishes should master him; but certain it is, that many times the Thresher, and Sword fish, meeting him jointly, do make an end of him.  
The Sword fish is not great, 
with the Swordfish,  but strongly made, and in the top of his chine (as a man may say) betwixt the neck and shoulders, he hath a manner of Sword in substance, like unto a bone of four or five inches broad, and above three foot long, full of prickles of either side, it is but thin, for the greatest that I have seen, hath not been above a finger thick.  
The Thresher is a greater fish, 
and Thresher.  whos● tail is very broad & thick, and very weighty. They fight in this manner; the Sword fish placeth himself under the belly of the Whale, and the Thresher upon the Rhyme of the water, and with his tail thresheth upon the head of the Whale, till he force him to give way, which the Sword fish perceiving, receiveth him upon his sword, and wounding him in the belly forceth him to mount up again: (besides that, he cannot abide long under water, but must of force rise up to breath) and when in such manner they torment him, that the sight is sometimes heard above three leagues distance, and I dare affirm, that I have heard the blows of the Thresher two leagues off, as the report of a piece of Ordinance, the Whales roaring being heard much farther. It also happeneth sundry times, that a great part of the water of the Sea round about them, with the blood of the Whale changeth his colour. The best remedy the Whale hath in this extremity to help himself, is to get him to land, which he procureth as soon as he discoverth his adversaries, and getting the shore, there can fight but one with him, and for either of them hand to hand, he is too good. The Whale is a fish not good to be eaten, he is almost all fat, but esteemed for his train: and many go to the Newfoundland; Greene-land, and other parts only to fish for them, which is in this manner; when they which seek the Whale discover him, they compass him round about with Pynaces or Shalops. 
The taking of the Whale.  In the head of every Boat is placed a man, with a harping Iron, and a long Line, the one end of it fastened to the harping iron, and the other end to the head of the Boat; In which it lieth finely coiled; and for that he cannot keep long under water, he showeth which way he goeth, when rising near any of the Boats, within reach, he that is nearest, darteth his harping Iron at him. The Whale finding himself to be wounded, swimmeth to the bottom, and draweth the Pynace after him; which the Fisher men presently forsake, casting themselves into the Sea; for that many times he draweth the Boat under water: those that are next, procure to take them up. For this cause all such as go for that kind of Fishing, are experimented in swimming. When one harping Iron is fastened in the Whale, it is easily discerned which way he directeth his course; and so ere long they fasten another, and another in him. When he hath three or four Boats dragging after him; with their weight, his bleeding, and fury, he becometh so over-mastred, that the rest of the Pynaces with their presence and terror, drive him to the place where they would have him, nature instigating him to covet the shore.  
Being once hurt, there is little need to force him to land. Once on the shore, they presently cut great pieces of him, and in great Cauldrons seeth them. The uppermost in the Cauldrons is the fat, which they skim off, and put it into Hogsheads and Pipes. This is that they call Whales oil, or Train oil, accounted the best sort of Train oil. It is hard to be believed, what quantity is gathered of one Whale; Of the tongue, I have been informed, have many Pipes been filled. The fins are also esteemed for many and sundry uses; as is his spawn for diverse purposes: This we corruptly call Parmacittie; of the Latin word, Sperma Ceti.  
And the precious Ambergris (some think also) to be found in his bowels, 
Ambergris.  or voided by him; but not in all seas; yea, they maintain for certain, that the same is engendered by eating an herb which groweth in the Sea. This herb is not in all Seas, say they, and therefore, where it wanteth, the Whales give not this fruit! In the coast of the East Indies in many parts is great quantity. In the coasts of Guyne, of Barbary, of the Florida, in the Lands of Cape de Verde, and the Canaries, Ambergris hath been many times found, and sometimes on the coast of Spain and England. Whereupon it is presumed, that all th●se Seas have not the herb growing in them. The cause why the Whale should eat this herb, I have not heard, nor read. It may be surmised, that it is as that of the Becunia, and other Beasts, which breed the Beazer stone; 
The Beazar stone.  who feeding in the valleys and mountains, where are many venomous Serpents, and herbs; when they find themselves touched with any poison, forthwith they run for remedy to an herb, which the Spaniards call, Contra yerva, that is to say, contrary to poison; which having eaten, they are presently cured: but the substance of the herb converteth itself into a medicinable stone; So it may be, that the Whale feeding of many sorts of fishes, and some of them (as is known) venomous, when he findeth himself touched, with this herb he cureth himself; and not being able to digest it, nature converteth it into this substance, provoketh it out, or dyeth with it in his belly; and being light, the Sea bringeth it to the Coast.  
All these are imaginations, yet instruments to move us to the glorifying of the great and universal Creator of all, whose secret wisdom, and wonderful works, are incomprehensible.  
But the more approved generation of the Amber grease, 
Amber grease.  and which carrieth likeliest probability is, that it is a liquor which issueth out of certain Fountains, in sundry Seas, and being of a light and thick substance, participating of the air, suddenly becometh hard, as the yellow Amber, of which they make Beads; which is also a liquor of a Fountain in the German Sea: In the bottom it is soft and white, and partaking of the air becometh hard and stony: Also the Coral in the Sea is soft, but coming into the air, becometh a stone.  
Those who are of this former opinion, think the reason (why the Amber grease is sometimes found in the Whale) to be for that he swalloweth it, as other things, which he findeth swimming upon the water; and not able digest it, it remaineth with him till his death.  
Another manner of fishing, and catching the Whale I cannot omit, used by the Indians in Florida; 
By the Indians.  worthy to be considered, in as much as the barbarous people have found out so great a secret, by the industry and diligence of one man, to kill so great and huge a Monster; it is in this manner.  
The Indian discovering a Whale, procureth two round billets of wood, sharpeneth both at one end, and so binding them together with a cord, casteth himself with them into the Sea, and swimmeth towards the Whale; if he come to him, the Whale escapeth not; for he placeth himself upon his neck, and although the Whale goeth to the bottom, he must of ●orce rise presently to breath, (for which nature hath given him two great holes in the top of his head, by which every time that he breatheth, he spouteth out a great quantity of water) the Indian forsaketh not his hold, but riseth with him, and thrusteth in a Log into one of his Spowters', and with the other knocketh it in so fast, that by no means the Whale can get it out: That fastened, at another opportunity, he thrusteth in the second Log into the other Spowter, and with all the force he can, keepeth it in.  
The Whale not being able to breath, swimmeth presently ashore, and the Indian a cockhorse upon him, which his fellows discovering, approach to help him, and to make an end of him: it serveth them for their food many days after.  
Since the Spaniards have taught them the estimation of Amber grease, they seek curiously for it, sell it to them, and others, for such things as they best fancy, and most esteem; which are (as I have been informed) all sorts of edge-tools, Copper, Glasses, Glasse-beads, red Caps, Shirts, and Pedlery ware. Upon this subject, diverse Spaniards have discoursed unto me, who have been eye witnesses thereof, declaring them to be valorous, venturous, and industrious: otherwise they durst not undertake an enterprise so difficult and full of danger.   

SECT. XX.  
FRom the Tropic of Cancer to three or four degrees of the Equinoctial, the breze which is the North-east wind, doth reign in our Ocean sea the most part of the year, except it be near the shore, and then the wind is variable. In three or four degrees of either side the line, the wind hangeth Southerly, in the months of july, August, September and October: all the rest of the year from the Cape bona esperança to the Lands of Azores, the breze reigneth continually; and some years in the other months also, or calms, but he that purposeth to cross the line from the North-wards to the Southwards, 
B●st times to pass the line, from the North-wards to the southward.  the best and surest passage is, in the months of january, February, and March. In the months of September, October and November is also good passage, but not to sure as in the former.   

SECT. XXI.  
BEtwixt nineteen and twenty degrees to the Southwards of the line, the wind took us contrary, which together with the sickness of my people made me to seek the shore, and about the end of October, we had sight of the Land, which presenlty by our height and the making of it, discovered itself to be the port of Santos, alias nostra Senora de Victoria, and is easy to be known, for it hath a great high hill over the Port, which (howsoever a man cometh with the land) riseth like a bell, and coming near the shore presently is discovered a white Tower or Fort, which standeth upon the top of a hill over the Harbour, and upon the seamost land: It is the first land a man must compass, before he enter the Port; coming within two Leagues of the shore we anchored, and the Captains and Masters of my other ships, being come aboard, it was thought convenient (the weakness of our men considered, for we had not in our three ships twenty four men sound) and the wind uncertain when it might change, we thought with policy to procure that, which we could not by force; and so to offer traffic to the people of the shore, by that means to prove, if we could attain some refreshing for our sick Company.  
In execution whereof, I wrote a letter to the Governor in Latin, and sent him with it a piece of crimson Velvet, a bolt of fine Holland, with diverse other things, as a present; and with it, the Captain of my ship, who spoke a little broken Spanish, giving the Governor to understand, that I was bound to the East Indies, to traffic in those parts, and that contrary winds had forced me upon that Coast: If that he were pleased to like of it, for the commodities the Country yielded in abundance, I would exchange that, which they wanted. With these instructions my Captain departed about nine of the clock in the morning, carrying a flag of truce in the head of the boat, and sixteen men well armed, and provided; guided by one of my Company which two years before had been Captain in that place, and so was a reasonable Pilot.  
Entering the Port, within a quarter of a mile is a small Village, and three Leagues higher up, is the chief Town: where they have two Forts, one on either side of the Harbour, and within them ride the Ships which come thither to discharge, or load. In the small Village is ever a Garrison of a hundreth Soldiers, whereof part assist there continually, and in the white Tower upon the top of the hill, which commandeth it.  
here my Captain had good entertainment, and those of the shore received his message and Letter, dispatching it presently to the Governor, who was some three Leagues off in another place: at least, they bear us so in hand. In the time that they expected the Post, my Captain with one other entertained himself with the Soldiers a shore, who after the common custom of their profession (except when they be hesonios) sought to pleasure him, and finding that he craved but Oranges, Lemons, and matters of small moment for refreshing for his General, they suffered the women and Children to bring him what he would, which he gratified with double Pistolets, that I had given him for that purpose. So got he us two or three hundreth Oranges and Lemons, and some few Hens.  
All that day and night, and the next day, till nine of the clock, we waited the return of our boat; which not appearing, bred in me some suspicion, and for my satisfaction I man'd a light horseman which I had, and the Fancy, the best I could; showing strength, where was weakness and infirmity, and so set sail towards the Port; our Gunner taking upon him to be Pilot, for that he had been there some years before.  
Thus, with them we entered the Harbour, my Captain having notice of our being within the Bar, came aboard with the Boat, which was no small joy to me; and more, to see him bring us store of Oranges and Lemons, which was that we principally sought for, as the remedy of our diseased Company. He made relation of that had passed, and how they expected present answer from the governor. We anchored right against the village, and within two hours, by a Flag of Truce, which they on the shore showed ●s, we understood that the Messenger was come: our Boat went for the answer of the governor, who said, he was sorry that he could not accomplish our desire, being so reasonable and good; for that in consideration of the war betwixt Spain and England, he had express order from his King, not to suffer any English to trade within his jurisdiction, no, nor to land, or to take any refreshing upon the shore. And therefore craved pardon, and that we should take this for a resolute answer: And further, required us to depart the Port within three days, which he said he gave us, for our courteous manner of proceeding; If any of my people from that time forwards, should approach to the shore, that he would do his best to hinder and annoy them. With this answer we resolved to depart; and before it came, with the first fair wind, we determined to be packing: but the wind suffered us not all that night, nor the next day. In which time, I lived in a great perplexity, for that I knew our own weakness, and what they might do unto us, if that they had known so much. For any man that putteth himself into the enemy's Port, had need of Argus eyes, and the wind in a bag, especially, where the enemy is strong, and the tides of any force. For, with either ebb or flood, those who are on the shore, may thrust upon him inventions of fire; and with swimming, or other devises may cut his Cables. A common practice in all hit Countries. The like may be effected with Raffes, Cannoas', Boats or Pynaces, to annoy and assault him; and if this had been practised against us, or taken effect, our Ships must of force have yielded themselves; for they had no other people in them but sick men; but many times opinion and fear preserveth the Ships, and not the people in them.  
Wherefore it is the part of a provident Governor, to consider well the dangers that may befall him, 
For prevention of annoyances, etc. in Harbours.  before he put himself into such places; So shall he ever be provided for prevention.  
In Saint john de Vlua, in the New-Spaine, when the Spaniards dishonoured their Nation with that foul act of perjury, and breach of faith, given to my Father, Sir john Hawkins (notorious to the whole world) the Spaniards fired two great Ships, with intention to burn my Father's Admiral, which he prevented by towing them with his Boats another way.  
The great Armado of Spain, sent to conquer England, Anno 1588. was with that self same industry overthrown; for the setting on ●ire of six or seven ships (whereof two were mine) and letting them drive with the flood, forced them to cut their Cables, and to put to Sea, to seek a new way to Spain. In which the greatest part of their best Ships and men were lost and perished.  
For that my people should not b● dismayed, I dispatched presently my Light-horsman; with only four men, and part of the refreshing, advising them that with the first calm, or slent of wind, they should come off.  
The next night, the wind coming off the shore we set sail, and with our Boats and Barks founded as we went.  
It flowed upon the Bar not above four foot water, and once in four and twenty hours (as in some parts of the West Indies) at full Sea there is not upon the bar above 17. or 18. foot water. The harbour runneth to the Southwestwards. He that will come into it, is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he bear with it, and be bolder of the wester side; for of the Easterland lieth a great ledge of Rocks, for the most part, under water, which sometimes break not, but with small shipping, a man may go betwixt them and the point.  

The virtue of Oranges.  Coming aboard of our Ships, there was great joy amongst my Company, and many with the sight of the Oranges and Lemons, seemed to recover heart; This is a wonderful secret of the power and wisdom of God, that hath hidde● so great and unknown virtue in this fruit, to be a certain remedy for this infirmity; I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sick men, which were so many, that there came not above three or four to a share; but God was pleased to send us a prosperous wind the next day, so much to our comfort, that not any one died before we came to the Lands, where we pretended to refresh ourselves; And although our fresh water had failed us many days, (before we saw the shore) by reason of our long Navigation, without touching any land, and the excessive drinking of the ●icke and diseased, (which could not be excused) yet with an invention I had in my Ship, 
Distilling of Salt water.  I easily drew out of the water of the Sea, sufficient quantity of fresh water to sustain my people, with little expense of fuel; for with four Billets I stilled a Hogshead of water, and therewith dressed the meat for the sick and whole. The water so distilled, we found to be wholesome and nourishing.   

SECT. XXII.  
THe Coast from Santos, to Cape Frio lieth west and by South Southerly. So we directed our course West South-west. The night coming on, and directions given to our other Ships, we set the watch, having a fair fresh gale of wind and large. Myself, with the Master of our Ship, having watched the night past, thought now to give Nature that which she had been deprived of, and so recommended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates; 
Unskilfulness of the Master's Mate.  who with the like travel past being drowsy, or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helm, had not that watchful care which was required; he at the Helm steered West, and West and by South, and brought us in a little time close upon the shore; doubtless, he had cast us all away, had not God extraordinarily delivered us; for the Master being in his dead sleep, was suddenly awaked, and with such a fright, 
Providence of God, and the care of the Master.  that he could not be in quiet: whereupon, waking his youth, which ordinarily slept in his Cabin by him, asked him how the watch went on; who answered, that it could not be above an hour since he laid himself to rest. He replied, that his heart was so unquiet, that he could not by any means sleep, and so taking his Gown, came forth upon the Deck, and presently discovered the Land hard by us. And for that it was sandy and low, those who had their eyes continually fixed on it, were dazzled with the reflection of the Stars, being a fair night, and so were hindered from the true discovery thereof. But he coming out of the dark, had his sight more forcible, to discern the difference of the Sea, and the shore. So that forthwith he commanded him at the Helm, to put it close a starbourd, and tacking our Ship, we edged off; and sounding, found scant three fathom water, whereby we saw evidently, the miraculous mercy of our God; that if he had not watched over us, as he doth continually over his, doubtless, we had perished without remedy; To whom be all glory, and praise everlastingly, world without end.  
Immediately we shot off a Piece, to give warning to our other Ships; who having kept their direct course, and far to wind-wards and Sea-wards, because we carried no light, for that we were within sight of the shore, could not hear the report; and the next morning were out of sight.   

SECT. XXIII.  
IN this point of Steeridge, 
Care of Steeridge,  the Spaniards and Portingalls do exceed all that I have seen, I mean for their care, which is chiefest in Navigation. And I wish in this, and in all their works of Discipline and reformation, we should follow their examples; as also those of any other Nation.  
In every Ship of moment, upon the half deck, or quarter deck, they have a chair, or seat; out of which whilst they Navigate, 
Exquisite in the Spaniards and Portingalls.  the Pilot, or his Adiutants (which are the same officers which in our Ships we term, the Master and his Mates) never depart, day nor night, from the sight of the Compass; and have another before them; whereby they see what they do, and are ever witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helm. This I have seen neglected in our best Ships, yet nothing more necessary to be reform. For a good Helme-man may be overcome with an imagination, and so mistake one point for another; or the Compass may err, which by another is discerned. The inconveniences which hereof may ensue, all experimented Seamen may easily conceive; and by us take warning to avoid the like.   

SECT. XXIIII.  
THe next day about ten of the Clock, we were thwart of Cape Blanco, 
Cape Blanco.  which is low sandy Land, and perilous; for four Leagues into the Sea (thwart it) lie banks of sand, which have little water on them; on a sudden we found ourselves amongst them, in less than three fathom water; but with our Boat and Shalope we went sounding, and so got clear of them.  
The next day following, we discovered the Lands, where we purposed to refresh ourselves: They are two, and some call them Saint james his Lands, and others, Saint Annes. 
Saint james Lands, alias Saint Annes.  They lie in two and twenty degrees and a half to the Southwards of the line; and towards the evening (being the fifth of November) we anchored betwixt them and the Main, in six fathom water, where we found our other Ships.  
All which being well Moored, we presently began to set up Tents and Booths for our sick men, to carry them a shore, and to use our best diligence to cure them. For which intent our three Surgeons, with their servants and adherents, had two Boats to wait continually upon them, to fetch whatsoever was needful from the Ships, to procure refreshing, and to Fish, either with Nets, or Hooks, and Lynes. Of these implements we had in abundance, and it yielded us some refreshing. For the first days, the most of those which had health, occupied themselves in romeging our Ship, in bringing a shore of empty Cask, in filling of them, and in felling and cutting of Wood: which being many works, and few hands, went slowly forwards.  
near these Lands, are two great Rocks, or small Lands adjoining. In them we found great store of young Gannetts in their nests, 
Gannets.  which we reserved for the sick, and being boiled with pickled Pork well watered, and mingled with Oatmeal, made reasonable Pottage, and was good refreshing and sustenance for them. This provision failed us not, till our departure from them.  
Upon one of these Rocks also, we found great store of the herb Purslane, 
Purslane.  which boiled and made into Salads, with oil and vinegar, refreshed the sick stomaches, and gave appetite.  
With the air of the shore, and good cherishing, many recovered speedily▪ Some died away quickly, and others continued at a stand. We found here some store of fruits; a kind of Cherry, 
Cherries.  that groweth upon a tree like a Plum-tree, red of colour, with a stone in it, but different in making to ours, for it is not altogether round, and dented about: they have a pleasing taste.  
In one of the Lands, we found Palmito trees, 
Palmitos.  great and high, and in the top a certain fruit like Cocos, but no bigger than a Walnut. We found also a fruit growing upon trees in cod's, like Beans, both in the cod, and the fruit. Some of my Company proved of them, and they caused vomits and purging, 
Purgatives.  as any medicine taken out of the Apothecary's shop, according to the quantity received. They have hudds, as our Beans, which shalled off, the kernel parteth itself in two, and in the middle is a thin skin (like that of an Onion) said to be hurtful, and to cause exceeding vomits, and therefore to be cast away.  
Monardus writing of the nature and property of this fruit, as of others of the Indies, for that it is found in other parts, also calleth them Havas purgativas, 
The use of Havas purgativas.  and saith, that they are to be prepared, by peeling them first, and then taking away the skin in the middle, and after beaten into powder, to take the quantity of five or six, either with Wine or Sugar. Thus they are good against Fevers, and to purge gross humours; against the Colic, and pain of the joints, in taking them a man may not sleep, but is to use the diet usual, as in a day of purging.  
One other fruit we found, very pleasant in taste, in fashion of an Artechoque, but less; on the outside, of colour red; within white, and compassed about with prickles; our people called them Prick-peares; 
Artechoques, or Prick-Peares.  no Conserve is better. They grow upon the leaves of a certain root, that is like unto that which we call semper viva; and many are wont to hang them up in their houses: but their leaves are longer and narrower, and full of Pricks on either side. The fruit groweth upon the side of the leaf, and is one of the best fruits that I have eaten in the Indies. In ripening, presently the Birds or Vermin are feeding on them; a general rule to know, what fruit is wholesome and good in the Indies, and other parts. 
A good note to take, or refuse unknown fruits.  Finding them to be eaten of the Beasts or Fowls, a man may boldly eat of them.  
The water of these Lands is not good; the one, for being a standing water, and full of venomous Worms and Serpents, which is near a Butt-shot from the Sea shore, where we found a great Tree fallen, and in the root of it the names of sundry Portingalls, Frenchmen, and others, and amongst them, Abraham Cocks; with the time of their being in this Island.  
The other, though a running water, yet passing by the roots of certain trees, which have a smell as that of Garlic, taketh a certain contagious sent of them; 
Contagious water.  Here two of our men died with swelling of their bellies: The accident we could not attribute to any other cause, then to this suspicious water. It is little, and falleth into the sand, and soaketh through it into the Sea; and therefore we made a well of a Pipe, and placed it under the rock from which it falleth, and out of it filled our Cask: but we could not fill above two Tons in a night and a day.   

SECT. XXV.  
SO after our people began to gather their strength, we manned our Boats, and went over to the Main, where presently we found a great Ryver of fresh and sweet water, and a mighty Marish Country; which in the Winter seemeth to be continually overflown with this River, and others, which fall from the mountainous Country adjacent.  
We rowed some leagues up the Ryver, and found that the further up we went, the deeper was the River, but no fruit, more than she sweat of our bodies for the labour of our hands.  
At our return we loaded our Boat with Water, and afterwards from hence we made our Store.   

SECT. XXVI.  
THe sickness having wasted more than the one half of my people, 
Wast and loss of men.  we determined to take out the victuals of the Hawk, and to burn her; which we put in execution. And being occupied in this Work, we saw a Ship turning to Windwards', to succour herself of the Lands; but having descried us, put off to Sea-wards.  
Two days after, the wind changing, we saw her again running alongst the coast, and the Dainty not being in case to go after her, for many reasons, we manned the Fancy, and sent her after her; who about the setting of the Sun ●etched her up, and spoke with her; when finding her to be a great Flyboat, of (at least) three or four hundreth Tons, with 18. Pieces of Artillery, would have returned, but the wind freshing in, put her to Leewards; and standing in to succour herself of the land, had sight of another small Bark, which after a short chase she took, but had nothing of moment in her, for that she had been upon the great Shoals of Abreoios in 18. degrees, and there thrown all they had by the board, to save their lives.  
This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancy could not beat it up in many days: but before we had put all in a readiness, the wind changing, she came unto us, and made Relation of that which had past; and how they had given the small Bark to the Portingalls, and brought with them only her Pilot, and a Merchant called Pedro de escalante of Potosi.   

SECT. XXVII.  
IN this Coast the Portingalls by industry of the Indians, 
Industry of the Indians;  have wrought many feats. At Cape Frio they took a great French Ship in the night, the most of her company being on the shore, with Cannoas', 
They surprise the French,  which they have in this Coast so great, that they carry seventy and eighty men in one of them. And in Isla grand, I saw one that was above threescore foot long, of one tree, as are all that I have seen in Brasill, with provisions in them for twenty or thirty days. At the Island of Sansebastian, 
Sansebastian.  near Saint Vincent, the Indians killed about eighty of master Candish his men, 
kill the English,  and took his Boat, which was the overthrow of his Voyage.  
There cometh not any Ship upon this Coast, whereof these Cannoas' give not notice presently to every place. And we were certified in Isla grand, that they had sent an Indian from the River of jenero, through all the Mountains and Marshes, to take a view of us, 
and discover us.  and accordingly made a Relation of our Ships, Boats, and the number of men, which we might have. But to prevent the like danger that might come upon us being careless and negligent, I determined one night, in the darkest and quietest of it, to see what watch our Company kept on the shore; man'd our Light-horsman, and Boat, armed them with Bows and Targetts, and got a shore some good distance from the places where were our Booths, and sought to come upon them undiscovered: we used all our best endeavours to take them at unawares, yet coming within forty paces we were discovered; the whole and the sick came forth to oppose themselves against us. Which we seeing, gave them the Hubbub, after the manner of the Indians, and assaulted them, and they us; but being a close dark night, they could not discern us presently upon the Hubbub.  
From our Ship the Gunner shot a piece of Ordinance over our heads, according to the order given him, and thereof we took occasion to retire unto our Boats, and within a little space came to the Booths and landing places, as though we came from our Ships to aid them. They began to recount unto us, how that at the wester point of the Island, 
The events of good watch.  out of certain Cannoas', had landed a multitude of Indians, which with a great outcry came upon th●m, and assaulted them fiercely, but finding better resistance than they looked for, and seeing themselves discovered by the Ships, took themselves to their heels, and returned to their Cannoas', in which they embarked themselves, and departed. One affirmed, he saw the Cannoas'; another, their long hair; a third, their Bows; a fourth, that it could not be, but that some of them had their payments. And it was worth the sight, to behold those which had not moved out of their beds in many Months, (unless by the help of others) gotten, some a bow-shoot off into the Woods▪ others into the tops of Trees, and those which had any strength, joined together to fight for their lives. In fine, the Booths and Tents were left desolate.  
To colour our business the better, after we had spent some hour in seeking out, and joining the Company together, in comforting, animating, and commending them; I left them an extraordinary Guard for that night, and so departed to our Ships, with such an opinion of the assault, given by the Indians, that many so possessed (through all the Voyage) would not be persuaded to the contrary. Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Company, that in all places where the Indians might annoy us, they were after most careful and vigilant, as was convenient.  
In these Lands it heigheth and falleth some five or six foot water, and but once in two and twenty hours; as in all this Coast, and in many parts of the West Indies; as also in the coast of Perew and Chely (saving where are great Bays or indraughts) and there the tides keep their ordinary course of twice in four and twenty hours.  
In the lesser of these Lands, is a Cave for a small Ship to ride in, Land-lockt, and she may moor herself to the trees of either side: this we called Palmito Island, 
Palmito Island.  for the abundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees, the other hath none at all. A man may go betwixt the Lands with his Ship, but the better course is out at one end.  
In these Lands are many Scorpions, Snakes, and Adders, with other venomous Vermin. They have Parotts, and a certain kind of fowl like unto Pheasants, somewhat bigger, and seem to be of their nature. Here we spent above a month in curing of our sick men, supplying our wants of Wood and Water, and in other necessary works. And the tenth of December (all things put in order) we set sail for Cape Frio, having only six men sick, with purpose there to set ashore our two Prisoners before named; and anchoring under the Cape, we sent our Boat a shore, but they could not find any convenient place to land them in, and so returned: the Wind being Southerly, and not good to go on our voyage, we succoured ourselves within Isla Grand, which lieth some dozen or fourteen Leagues from the Cape, betwixt the West, and by South and West South-west; the rather to set our Prisoners a shore.  
In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Island, lieth the River jenero, 
jenero.  a very good Harbour, fortified with a Garrison, and a place well peopled. The Isla Grand, is some eight or ten Leagues long, and causeth a goodly Harbour for Shipping; It is full of great sandy Bays and in the most of them is store of good water; within this Island are many other smaller Lands, which cause diverse sounds and creeks; and amongst these little Lands, 
Little Island.  one, for the pleasant situation and fertility thereof, called Placentia. This is peopled, all the rest desert: on this Island our Prisoners desired to be put ashore, and promised to send us some refreshing. Whereto we condescended, and sent them a shore, with two Boats well man'd and armed, who sound few Inhabitants in the Island; for our people saw not above four or five houses, notwithstanding our Boats returned loaden with Plantynes, Pinias, Potatoes, Sugarcanes, and some Hens. Amongst which they brought a kind of little Plantyne, green, and round, which were the best of any that I have seen.  
With our people came a Portugal, who said, that the Island was his; he seemed to be a Mistecho, who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood, poorly apparelled and miserable; we feasted him, and gave him some trifles, and he according to his ability answered our courtesy with such as he had.  
The wind continuing contrary, we emptied all the water we could come by, which we had filled in Saint james his Island, and filled our Cask with the water of this Isla Grand. 
Isl● Grand.  It is a wilderness covered with Trees and Shrubs so thick, as it hath no passage through, except a man make it by force. And it was strange to hear the howling and cries of wild Beasts in these Wood's day and night, which we could not come at to see by any means; some like Lions, others like Bears, others like Hogs, and of such and so many diversities, as was admirable.  
here our Nets profited us much; for in the sandy Bays they took us store of fish. Upon the shore at full Sea-mark, we found in many places certain shells, like those of Mother of Pearls, 
Shells of mother of pearl.  which are brought out of the East Indies, to make standing cups, called Caracoles'; of so great curiosity as might move all the beholders to magnify the maker of them; And were it not for the brittleness of them, by reason of their exceeding thinness, doubtless they were to be esteemed far above the others; for, more excellent workmanship I have not seen in shells.  
The 18. of December, we set sail the wind at North-east, and directed our course for the straits of Magalianes. The twenty two of this month, at the going too of the Sun, we descried a Portugal ship, and gave her chase, and coming within hailing of her, she rendered herself, without any resistance, she was of an hundred Tuns bound for Angola to load Negroes, to be carried and sold in the River of Plate; It is a trade of great profit, & much used, for that the Negroes are carried from the head of the river of Plate, to Patosi, to labour in the Ours. It is a bad Negro, 
Price of Negroes.  who is not worth there five or six hundreth pieces, every piece of ten Rials, which they receive in Ryals of Plate, for there is no other Merchandise in those parts. Some have told me, that of late they have found out the trade, and benefit of Cochanillia, but the River suffereth not vessels of burden; for if they draw above eight or seven foot water, they cannot go further; then the mouth of the River, and the first habitation is above a hundred and twenty leagues up, whereunto many Barks trade yearly, and carry all kind of Merchandise serving for Patosi and Paraquay; the money which is thence returned, is distributed in all the Coast of Brasill.  
The loading of this Ship was meal of Cassavi, 
Cassavi meal.  which the Portugeses call Furina de Paw. It served for Merchandise in Angola, for the Portugeses food in the ship, and to nourish the Negroes, which they should carry to the river of Plate; This meal is made of a certain root which the Indians call Yuca, much like unto Potatoes. Of it are two kinds; the one sweet and good to be eaten (either roasted or sodden) as Potatoes, and the other of which they make their bread, called Cassavi, deadly poison, if the liquor or juice be not throughly pressed out. So prepared it is the bread of Brasill, and many parts of the Indies, which they make in this manner: 
The preparing thereof for ●ood.  first they pair the root, and then upon a rough stone they grate it as small us they can, and after that it is grated small, they put it into a bag or poke, and betwixt two Stones with great weight, they press out the juice, or poison, and after keep it in some bag, till it have no juice nor moisture left. Of this they make two sorts of bread, the one finer, and the other courser, but bake them after one manner. They place a great broad smooth stone upon other four, which serve in steed of a Trevet, and make a quick fire under it, and so straw the flower or meal a foot long, and half a foot broad. To make it to incorporate, they sprinkle now and then a little water, and then another row of meal, and another sprinkling, till it be to their mind; That which is to be spent presently, they make a finger thick, and sometimes more thick; but that which they make for store, is not above half a finger thick, but so hard, that if it fall on the ground it will not break easily: Being newly baked, it is reasonable good, but after few days it is not to be eaten, except it be soaked in water. In some parts they suffer the meal to become fen●ed, before they make it into bread; and hold it for the best; saying, that it giveth a better taste, but I am not of that opinion; In other parts they mingle it with a fruit called Agnanepes, which are round, and being ripe are grey, and as big as an hazel n●t, and grow in a cod like pease, but that it is all curiously wrought, first they parch them upon a stone, and after beat them into powder, and then mingle them with the fine flower of Cassavi, and bake them into bread, these are their spice-cakes, which they call Xanxaw.  
The Agnanapes are pleasant, 
Agnanapes.  give the bread a yellowish colour, and an Aromatical savour in taste. The finer of this bread, being well baked, keepeth long time, three or four years. In Brasill, since the Portingalls taught the Indians the use of Sugar, they eat this meal mingled with remels of Sugar, or Malasses; and in this manner the Portingalls themselves feed of it.  
But we found a better manner of dressing this Farina, in making Pancakes, and frying them with butter, or oil; and sometimes with Mant●ca de Puerco; when, strewing a little Sugar upon them, it was meat that our company desired above any that was in the Ship.  

And for Beverage.  The Indians also accustom to make their drink of this meal, and in three several manners.  
First, is chewing it in their mouths, and after mingling it with water, after a loathsome manner, yet the commonest drink that they have; and that held best which is chewed by an old woman.  
The second manner of their drink, is baking it till it be half burned, than they beat it into Powder; and when they will drink, they mingle a small quantity of it with water, which giveth a reasonable good taste.  
The third, and best, is baking it (as aforesaid) and when it is beaten into Powder, to seethe it in water; after that it is well boiled, they let it stand some three or four days, and then drink it. So, it is much like the Ale which is used in England, and of that colour and taste.  
The Indians are very curious in planting and manuring of this Yuca; 
The manner of planting juca,  It is a little shrubb, and carrieth branches like hazel wands; being grown as big as a man's finger, they break them off in the midst, and so prick them into the ground; it needeth no other art, or husbandry, for out of each branch grow two, three, or four roots, some bigger, some lesser: but first they burn and manure the ground, the which labour, and whatsoever else is requisite, the men do not so much as help with a finger, but all lieth upon their poor women, 
with the labour of the women.  who are worse than slaves; for, they labour the ground, they plant, they dig and delve, they bake, they brew, and dress their meat, fetch their water, and do all drudgery whatsoever; yea, though they nurse a Child, they are not exempted from any labour; their Child they carry in a Wallet about their neck, ordinarily under one arm, because it may suck when it will.  
The men have care for nothing but for their Cannoas', to pass from place to place, and of their Bows and Arrows to hunt, and their Arms for the war, which is a sword of heavy black wood, some four fingers broad, an inch thick, and an ell long, something broader towards the roppe then at the handle. They call it Macana, and it is carved and wrought with inlaid works very curiously, but his edges are blunt. If any kill any Game in hunting, he bringeth it not with him, but from the next tree to the Game, he breaketh a bough (for the trees in the Indies have leaves for the most part all the year) and all the way as he goeth streweth little pieces of it, here and there, and coming home giveth a piece to his woman, and so sends her for it.  
If they go to the War, or in any journey, where it is necessary to carry provision, or Merchandise, the women serve to carry all, and the men never succour, nor ease them; wherein they show greater Barbarism then in any thing (in my opinion) that I have noted amongst them, except in eating one another.  
In Brasill, and in the west Indies, 
Polygamy of the Indians▪ Their attire▪  the Indian may have as many wives as he can get, either bought or given by her friends: the men and women (for the most part) go naked, and those which have come to know their shame, cover only their privy parts with a piece of cloth, the rest of their body is naked. Their houses resemble great Barns, covered over, or thatched with Plantyne leaves, which reach to the ground, and at either end is the door.  
In one house are sometimes ten or twenty households: 
Their manne● of housing.  they have little household stuff, besides their beds, which they call Hamacas, and are made of Cotton, and stained with diverse colours and works. Some I have seen white, of great curiosity. They are as a sheet laced at both ends, and at either of them long strappes, with which they fasten them to two posts, as high as a man's middle, and so sit rocking themselves in them. Sometimes they use them for seats, and sometimes to sleep in at their pleasures. 
And sleeping.  In one of them I have seen sleep the man, his wife, and a child.   

SECT. XXVIII.  
We took out of this Prize, for our provision, some good quantity of this meal, and the Sugar she had, being not above three or four Chests, after three days we gave the Ship to the Portingalls, and to them liberty. In her was a Portugal Knight, which went for Governor of Angola, of the habit of Christ, with fifty soldiers, and Arms for a hundreth and fifty, with his wife and daughter. He was old, and complained, that after many years' service for his King, with sundry mishaps, he was brought to that poor estate, as for the relief of his wife, his daughter, and himself, he had no other substance, but that he had in the Ship. It moved compassion, so as nothing of his was diminished, which though to us was of no great moment, in Angola it was worth good Crowns. Only we disarmed them all, and let them depart, saying, that they would return to Saint Vincents.  
We continued our course for the straits, my people much animated with this unlooked for refreshing, and praised God for his bounty, providence, and grace extended towards us. Here it will not be out of the way to speak a word of the particularities of the Country.   

SECT. XXIX.  
BRASILL is accounted to be that part of America, 
The description of Brasill.  which lieth towards our North sea, betwixt the River of the Amazons, near the line to the Norwards, until a man come to the River of Plate in 36. degrees to the Southwards of the line.  
This coast generally lieth next of any thing South and by west; It is a temperate Country, though in some parts it exceedeth in heat; it is full of good succours for shipping, and plentiful for Rivers and fresh waters; 
It's Havens.  The principal habitations, are Farnambuca, the Bay De todos los Santos, Nostra Senora de victoria, alias Santos, the River jenero, Saint Vincents, and Placentia; every of them provided of a good Port. The winds are variable, but for the most part trade alongst the Coast.  
The Commodities this Country yieldeth, 
Its Commodities.  are the wood called Brasill, whereof the best is that of Farnambuc; (so also called, being used in most rich colours) good cotton-wool, great store of Sugar, Balsamom, and liquid Amber.  
They have want of all manner of Cloth, Linen, and Woollen, 
Its wants.  of Iron, and edge-tools, of Copper, and principally in some places, of Wax, of Wine, of Oil, and meal, (for the Country beareth no Corn) and of all manner of Haberdashery-wares, for the Indians.  
The beasts that naturally breed in this Country, are Tigers, Lions, Hogs, Dogs, Dear, Monkeys, Mycos, and Coneys, 
The bestial thereof.  like unto Rats, but bigger, and of a tawny colour, Armadilloes, Alagartoes, and store of venomous worms and Serpents, as Scorpions, Adders, which they call Vinoras'; and of them, one kind, which the divine providence hath created with a bell upon his head, that wheresoever he goeth, the sound of it might be heard, and so the Serpent shunned; for his stinging is without remedy. This they call the Vynora with the bell; of them there are many, and great store of Snakes, some of that greatness, as to write the truth, might seem fabulous.  
Another worm there is in this Country, 
The discommodities.  which killed many of the first Inhabitants, before God was pleased to discover a remedy for it, unto a religious person; It is like a Maggot, but more slender, and longer, and of a green colour, with a red head; This worm creepeth in at the hinder parts, where is the evacuation of our superstuities, and there (as it were) glueth himself to the gut, there feedeth of the blood and humours, and becometh so great, that stopping the natural passage, he forceth the principal wheel of the clock of our body to stand still, and with it the account of the hours of life to take end, with most cruel torment and pain, which is such, that he who hath been throughly punished with the Colic can quickly decipher or demonstrate. The Antidote for this pernicious Worm is Garlic; and this was discovered by a Physician to a religious person.   

SECT. XXX.  
BEtwixt 26. and 27. degrees near the coast lieth an Island; the Portingalls call it Santa Catalina, 
Santa Catalina.  which is a reasonable Harbour, and hath good refreshing of wood, water, and fruit. It is desolate and serveth for those, who trade from Brasill to the River of Plate, or from the River to Brasill, as an Inn, or baiting place.  
In our Navigation towards the straits, by our observation we found, that our Compass varied a point and better to the Eastwards. 
Variation of the Compass.  And for that diverse have written curiously and largely of the variation thereof, I refer them that desire the understanding of it, to the Discourse of master William Aborrawh, and others; for it is a secret, whose causes well understood are of greatest moment in all Navigations.  
In the height of the River of Plate, we being some fifty leagues off the coast, a storm took us Southerly, which endured forty eight hours; In the first day about the going down of the Sun, Robert Tharlton, master of the Fancy, bore up before the wind, without giving us any token or sign, that she was in distress. We seeing her to continue her course, bore up after her, and the night coming on, we carried our light; but she never answered us; for they kept their course directly for England, which was the overthrow of the Voyage, 
The overthrow of the Voyage.  as well for that we had no Pynace to go before us, to discover any danger, to seek out roads and anchoring, to help our watering and refreshing; as also for the victuals, necessaries, and men which, they carried away with them: which though they were not many, yet with their help in our fight, we had taken the Vide-admiral, the first time she bourded with us, as shall be hereafter manifested. For once we cleared her Deck, and had we been able to have spared but a dozen men, doubtless, we had done with her what we would; for she had no close fights.  

The cause,  Moreover, if she had been with me, I had not been discovered upon the coast of Perew. But I was worthy to be deceived, that trusted my Ship in the hands of an hypocrite, and a man which had left his General before in the like occasion, and in the self same place; 
Infidelity.  for being with master Thomas Candish, master of a small Ship in the voyage wherein he died, this Captain being aboard the Admiral, in the night time forsook his Fleet, his General and Captain, and returned home.  
This bad custom is too too much used amongst Seamen, and worthy to be severely punished; for doubtless the not punishing of those offenders, hath been the prime cause of many lamentable events, losses, and overthrows, to the dishonour of our Nation, and frustrating of many good and honourable Enterprises.  
In this point of Discipline, the Spaniards do far surpass us; 
Discipline of the Spanish,  for whosoever forsaketh his Fleet, or Commander, is not only severely punished, but deprived also of all charge or government for ever after. This in our Country is many times neglected; for that there is none to follow the cause, the principals being either dead with grief, or drowned in the gulf of poverty, and so not able to wade through with the burden of that suit, which in Spain is prosecuted by the King's Attorney, or fiscal; or at least, a judge apppointed for determining that cause purposely.  
Yea, I cannot attribute the good success the Spaniard hath had in his Voyages and peoplings, 
the only cause of their prosperities.  to any extraordinary virtue more in him then in any other man, were not Discipline, Patience, and justice far superior. For in valour, experience, and travel, he surpasseth us not; In shipping, preparation, and plenty of victuals, he cometh not near us; In paying and rewarding our people, no Nation did go beyond us; But God, who is a just and bountiful rewarder, regarding obedience far above sacrifice, doubtless, in recompense of their endurance, resolution, and subjection to commandment, bestoweth upon them the blessing due unto it. And this, not for that the Spaniard is of a more tractable disposition, or more docible nature than we, but that justice halteth with us, and so the old Proverb is verified, Pity marreth the whole City.  
Thus come we to be deprived of the sweet fruit, which the Rod of Discipline bringeth with it, represented unto us in ancient Verses, which as a Relic of experience I have heard in my youth Recorded by a wise Man, and a great Captain; Thus; 
The rod by power divine, and earthly Regal law,  
Makes good men live in peace, and bad to stand in awe:  
For with a severe stroke the bad corrected be,  
Which makes the good to joy such justice for to see;  
The rod of Discipline breeds fear in every part,  
Reward by due desert doth joy and glad the heart.   

The cunning of runaways.  These absenting and escapes are made most times only to pilfer and steal, as well by taking of some prize when they are alone, and without command, to hinder or order their bad proceedings, as to appropriate that which is in their entrusted ship; casting the fault, if they be called to account, upon some poor and unknown Mariners, whom they suffer with a little pillage, to absent themselves, the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders, and robberies.  
For doubtless, if he would, he might have come unto us with great facility; 
and ignoble Captains,  because within sixteen hours, the storm ceased, and the wind came fair, which brought us to the straits, and dured many days after with us at North-east. This was good for them, though naught for us: If he had perished any Mast or Yard, sprung any leak, wanted victuals, or instruments for finding us, or had had any other impediment of importance, he might have had some colour to cloak his lewdness: but his Masts and Yards being sound, his Ship staunch and loaden with victuales for two years at the least, and having order from place to place, where to find us, his intention is easily seen to be bad, and his fault such, as worthily deserved to be made exemplary unto others. Which he manifested at his return, by his manner of proceeding, making a spoil of the prize he took in the way homewards, 
verified at their returns.  as also of that which was in the ship, putting it into a Port fit for his purpose, where he might have time and commodity to do what he would.  
We made account that they had been swallowed up of the sea, for we never suspected that any thing could make them forsake us, So, we much lamented them. The storm ceasing, and being out of all hope, we set sail and went on our course. During this storm, certain great fowls, as big as Swans, 
Birds like Swans  soared above us, and the wind calming, settled themselves in the Sea, and fed upon the sweep of our Ship; which I perceiving, and desirous to see of them, because they seemed far greater than in truth they were, I caused a hook and line to be brought me; 
caught with lin● and hook  and with a piece of a Pilchard I baited the hook, & a foot from it, tied a piece of cork, that it might not sink deep, and threw it into the Sea, which, our ship driving with the Sea, in a little time was a good space from us, and one of the Fowls being hungry, presently seized upon it, and the hook in his upper beak. It is like to a Falcon's bill, but that the point is more crooked, in that manner, as by no means he could clear himself, except that the line broke, or the hook righted: Plucking him towards the ship, with the waving of his wings he eased the weight of his body; and being brought to the stern of our ship, two of our Company went down by the Ladder of the poop, and seized on his neck and wings; but such were the blows he gave them with his Pinnions, as both left their handfast, being beaten black and blue; we cast a snare about his neck, and so tryced him into the Ship.  
By the same manner of Fishing, we caught so many of them, 
Prove good refreshment.  as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day. Their bodies were great, but of little flesh and tender; in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed.  
They were of two colours, some white, some grey; they had three joints in each wing; and from the point of one wing, to the point of the other, both stretched out, was above two fathoms.  
The wind continued good with us, till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes, where it took us Westerly, being (as we made our account) some fifty leagues from the shore. Betwixt 49. and 48. degrees, is Port Saint julian, a good Harbour, and in which a man may grave his Ship, though she draw fifteen or sixteen foot water: But care is to be had of the people called Pentagones'. 
Care of the Pentagones'.  They are treacherous, and of great stature, so the most give them the name of Giants.  
The second of February, about nine of the Clock in the morning, we descried land, which bare South-west of us, which we looked not for so timely; and coming nearer and nearer unto it, by the lying, we could not conjecture what land it should be; for we were next of any thing in 48. degrees, and no Platt nor Sea-card which we had, made mention of any land, which lay in that manner, near about that height▪ In fine, we brought our Larbord tack aboard, and stood to the Northeastwardes all that day and night, and the Wind continuing Westerly and a fair gale, we continued our course alongst the coast the day and night following. In which time we made account we discovered well near threescore leagues off the coast. It is bold, and made small show of dangers.  
The land is a goodly Champion Country, and peopled; we saw many fires, but could not come to speak with the people; 
A description of the unknown land.  for the time of the year was far spent to shoot the straits, and the want of our Pynace disabled us for finding a Port or Road; not being discretion with a ship of charge, and in an unknown coast, 
A caveat for coming suddenly too near an unknown land.  to come near the shore before it was sounded; which were causes, together with the change of the wind, (good for us to pass the Straight) that hindered the further discovery of this Land, with its secrets: This I have sorrowed for many times since, for that it had likelihood to be an excellent Country. It hath great Rivers of fresh waters; for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places, as we ran alongst it. It is not mountainous, but much of the disposition of England, and as temperate. The things we noted principally on the coast, are these following; the westermost point of the land, with which we first fell, is the end of the land to the Westwards, as we found afterwards. If a man bring this point South-west, it riseth in three mounts, or round hillocks: bringing it more Westerly, they shoot themselves all into one; and bringing it Easterly, it riseth in two hillocks. This we called poyn● Tremountaine. 
Point Tremountaine.  Some twelve or fourteen leagues from this point to the Eastwardes, fair by the shore, lieth a low flat Island of some two leagues long; we named it Fair Island; 
Pair Island.  ●or it was all over as green and smooth, as any Meadow in the spring of the year.  
Some three or four leagues Easterly from this Island, is a goodly opening, as of a great River, or an arm of the Sea, with a goodly low Country adjacent. And eight or ten leagues from this opening, some three leagues from the shore, lieth a big Rock, which at the first we had thought to be a Ship under all her Sails; but after, as we came near, it discovered itself to be a Rock, which we called Condite-head; 
Condite head.  for that howsoever a man cometh with it, it is like to the Condite heads about the City of London.  
All this coast so far as we discovered, lieth next of any thing East and by North, and West and by South. The land, for that it was discovered in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, my sovereign Lady and Mistress, and a maiden Queen, and at my cost and adventure, in a perpetual memory of her chastity, and remembrance of my endeavours, I gave it the name of HAWKINS- maiden-land. 
Hawkins-maid●n-land.   
Before a man fall with this land, some twenty or thirty leagues, he shall meet with beds of Oreweed, driving to and fro in that Sea, with white flowers growing upon them, 
Beds of Oreweed, with white flowers.  and sometimes farther off; which is a good show and sign the land is near, whereof the Westermost part lieth some threescore leagues from the nearest land of America.  
With our fair and large Wind, we shaped our course for the straits, 
Our coming to the straits.  and the tenth of February, we had sight of land, and it was the head land of the straits to the North-wards, which agreed with our height, wherein we found ourselves to be, which was in thirty two degrees and forty minutes.  
Within a few hours we had the mouth of the straits open; which lieth in 52. degrees, and 50. minutes. It riseth like the North foreland in Kent, and is much like the land of Margates. It is not good to borrow near the shore, but to give it a fair birth; within a few hours we entered the mouth of the straits, which is some six leagues broad, and lieth in 52. degrees, and 50. minutes; doubling the point on the Starboard, which is also flat, of a good birth, we opened a fair Bay, in which we might descry the hull of a Ship beaten upon the Beach. It was of the Spanish Fleet, that went to inhabit there, in Anno 1582. under the charge of Pedro Sarmiento, who at his return was taken Prisoner, and brought into England.  
In this Bay the Spaniards made their principal habitation, and called it the City of Saint Philip, 
Pedro Sarmi●nto bu●ld●th San-Philip.  and left it peopled; But the cold barrenness of the Country, and the malice of the Indians, wi●h whom they badly agreed, made speedy end of them, as also of those, whom they left in the middle of the straits, three leagues from Cape Froward to the East-wards, in another habitation.  
We continued our course alongst this reach (for all the straits is as a River altering his course, sometimes upon one point, sometimes upon another) which is some eight Leagues long, and lieth West Northwest. From this we entered into a goodly Bay, which runneth up into the land Northerly many Leagues; and at first entrance, a man may see no other thing, but as it were, a main Sea. From the end of this first reach, you must direct your course West South-west, and some fourteen or fifteen leagues lieth one of the narrowest places of all the straits; This leadeth unto another reach, that lieth west and by north some six leagues.  
Here in the middle of the reach, the wind took us by the northwest, and so we were forced to anchor some two or three days. In which time, we went a shore with our Boats, and found near the middle of this reach, on the Starboard side, a reasonable good place to ground and trim a small Ship; where it higheth some nine or ten foot water. Here we saw certain Hogs, but they were so far from us, that we could not discern, if they were of those of the Country, or brought by the Spaniards; these were all the Beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the straits.  
In two tides we turned through this reach, and so recovered the Lands of Pengwins; they lie from this reach four leagues South-west and by west. Till you come to this place, 
Note.  care is to be taken of not coming too near to any point of the Land; for being (for the most part) sandy, they have sholding off them, and are somewhat what dangerous. 
The Lands of Pengwins.  These Lands have been set forth by some to be three; we could discover but two; And they are no more, except that part of the Main, which lieth over against them, be an Island; which carrieth little likelihood, and I cannot determine it. A man may sail betwixt the two Lands, or betwixt them and the Land on the larboard side; from which land to the bigger Island is as it were a bridge or ledge, on which is four or five fathom water; and to him that cometh near it, not knowing thereof, may justly cause fear: for it showeth to be should water with his rypling, like unto a race.  
Betwixt the former reach, and these Lands, runneth up a goodly Bay into the Country to the North-wards. It causeth a great indraught, and above these Lands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the straits to these Lands, the land on the larboord-side is low land and sandy, (for the most part, and without doubt, Lands) for it hath many openings into the Sea, and forcible indraughts by them, and that on the starboard side, is all high mountainous land, from end to end; but no wood on either side. Before we passed these Lands, under the lee of the bigger Island we anchored, the wind being at North-east, with intent to refresh ourselves with the fowls of these Lands. They are of diverse sorts, and in great plenty, 
Good provision in the straits.  as Pengwins, wild Ducks, Gulls and Gannets; of the principal we purposed to make provision, and those were the Pengwins; which in Welsh (as I have been informed) signifieth a white head. From which derivation, and many other Welsh denominations given by the Indians (or their predecessors) some do infer, that America was first peopled with Welsh-men: and Motezanna King (or rather Emperor) of Mexico, did recount unto the Spaniards (at their first coming) that his Ancestors came from a far Country, and were white people. Which conferred which an ancient Chronicle, that I have read many years since, may be conjectured to be a Prince of Wales, who many hundreth years since, with certain ships, sailed to the westwards, with intent to make new discoveries. He was never after heard of.  
The Pengwin, 
The description of the Pengwin.  is in all proportion like unto a Goose, and hath no feathers, but a certain down upon all parts of his body: and therefore cannot fly, but availeth himself in all occasions with his feet, running as fast as most men. He liveth in the Sea, and on the Land; feedeth on fish in the Sea, and as a Goose on the shore upon grass. They harbour themselves under the ground in burrows, as the Coneys; and in them hatch their young. All parts of the Island where they haunted were undermined, save only one valley which (it seemeth) they reserved for their food; for it was as green as any Meadow in the month of April, with a most fine short grass. The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the savour of a certain fowl taken in the Lands of Lundey and Silley, which we call Puffins; by the taste it is easily discerned that they feed on fish. They are very fat, and in dressing must be flayed as the Byter; they are reasonable meat, roasted, baked, or sodden; but best roasted. We salted some dozen or 16. hogsheads, which served us (whilst they lasted) in steed of powdered beef.  
The hunting of them (as we may well term it) was a great recreation to my Company and worth the sight, 
Hunting the Pengwin.  for in determining to catch them, necessarily was required good store of people, every one with a cudgel in his hand, to compass them round about, to bring them, as it were, into a ring; if they chanced to break out, then was the sport, for the ground being undermined, at unawares it failed, and as they ran after them, one fell here, another there; another offering to strike at one, lifting up his hand, sunk up to the arm pits in the earth, another leaping to avoid one hole, fell into another. And after the first slaughter, in seeing us on the shore, they shunned us, and procured to recover the Sea; yea many times seeing themselves persecuted they would tumble down from such high rocks & mountains, as it seemed impossible to escape with life. Yet as soon as they came to the beach, presently we should see them run into the Sea, as though they had no hurt. Where one goeth, the other followeth like sheep after the Bel-wether; but in getting them once within the ring close together, few escaped, save such as by chance hid themselves in the borrows, and ordinarily there was no droue which yielded us not a thousand, and more: the manner of killing them which the hunters used, being in a cluster together, was with their cudgels to knock them on the head; for though a man gave them many blows on the body, they di●d not: Besides the flesh bruised is not good to keep. The Massacre ended, presently they cut off their heads, that they might bleed well: such as we determined to keep for store, 
The keeping for store.  we saved in this manner. First, we split them, and then washed them well in sea water, than salted them, having laid some six hours in salt, we put them in press eight hours, and the blood being soaked out, we salted them again in our other cask, as is the custom to salt beef, after this manner they continued good, some two months, and served us in stead of beef.  
The Gulls and Gannets, 
The Gulls,  were not in so great quantity, yet we wanted not young Gulls to eat all the time of our stay about these Lands. It was one of the delicatest foodes, that I have eaten in all my life.  
The Ducks are different to ours, 
Ducks.  and nothing so good meat; yet they may serve for necessity: They were many, and had a part of the Island to themselves several, which was the highest hill, and more than a Musket shot over.  
In all the days of my life, I have not seen greater Art and curiosity in creatures void of reason, then in the placing and making of their nests; all the hill being so full of them, that the greatest Mathematician of the world, could not devise how to place one more than there was upon the hill, leaving only one pathway for a fowl to pass betwixt.  
The hill was all level, as if it had been smoothed by Art; the ne●tes made only of earth, and seeming to be of the self same mould; for the nests and the soil is all one, which, with water that they bring in their Beakes, they make into Clay, or a certain daub, and after fashion them round, as with a Compass. In the bottom they contain the measure of a foot; in the height about eight inches; and in the top, the same quantity over; there, they are hollowed in, somewhat deep, wherein they lay their eggs, without other prevention. And I am of opinion, that the Sun helpeth them to hatch their young: their nests are for many years, and of one proportion, not one exceeding another in bigness, in height, nor circumference; and in proportionable distance one from another. In all this hill, nor in any of their nests, was to be found a blade of grass, a straw, a stick, a feather, a moat, no, nor the filing o● any ●owle, but all the nests and passages betwixt them, were so smooth and clean, as if they had been newly swept and washed.  
All which are motives to praise and magnify the universal Creator, who so wonderfully manifesteth his wisdom, bounty, and providence in all his Creatures, and especially for his particular love to ingrateful mankind, for whose contemplation and service, he hath made them all.   

SECT. XXXI.  
ONe day having ended our hunting of Pengwins, one of our Mariners walking about the Island, discovered a great company of Seals, or Sea-wolues (so called for that they are in the Sea, 
Of Seals, or Sea-wolues.  as the Wolves on the Land) advising us, that he left them sleeping, with their bellies roasting against the Sun; we provided ourselves with staffs, and other weapons, and sought to steal upon them at unawares, to surprise some of them, and coming down the side of a hill, we were not discovered, till we were close upon them, notwithstanding, their Sentinel (before we could approach) with a great howl waked them: we got betwixt the Sea and some of them, but they shunned us not; for they came directly upon us; and though we dealt here and there a blow, yet not a man that withstood them, escaped the overthrow. They reckon not of a Musket shot, a sword peirceth not their skin, and to give a blow with a staff, is as to smite upon a stone: only in giving the blow upon his snout, presently he falleth down dead.  
After they had recovered the water, they did, as it were, scorn us, defy us, and danced before us, until we had shot some Musket shot through them, and so they appeared no more.  
This Fish is like unto a Calf, with four legs, but not above a span long: his skin is hairy like a Calf; but these were different to all that ever I have seen, yet I have seen of them in many parts; for these were greater, and in their former parts like unto Lions, with shag hair, and mostaches.  
They live in the Sea, and come to sleep on the Land, and they ever have one that watcheth, who adviseth them of any accident. They are beneficial to man in their skins for many purposes; In their mostaches for Pick-teeth, and in their fat to make train-oil. This may suffice for the Seal, for that he is well known.   

SECT. XXXII.  
ONe day, our Boats being loaden with Pengwins, and coming aboard, 
Devises in sudden accidents.  a sudden storm took them, which together with the fury of the tide, put them in such great danger, that although they threw all their loading into the Sea, yet were they forced to go before the wind and Sea, to save their lives. Which we seeing, and considering that our welfare depended upon their safety, being impossible to weigh our Anchor, fastened an empty Barrel well pitched to the end of our Cable, in stead of a boy, and letting it slip, set sail to succour our Boats, which in short space w●e recovered, and after returned to the place where we rid before.  
The storm ceasing, we used our diligence by all means to seek our Cable and Anchor, but the tide being forcible, and the weeds (as in many parts of the straits) so long, that riding in fourteen fathom water, many times they streamed three and four fathoms upon the rhyme of the water; these did so enrol our Cable, that we could never set eye of our boy; and to sweep for him was but lost labour, because of the weeds, which put us out of hope to recover it.  
And so our forcible business being ended, leaving instructions for the Fancy our Pynace, (according to appointment) where to find us, we inroled them in many folds of Paper, put them into a barrel of an old Musket, and stopped it in such manner as no wet could enter; then placing it an end upon one of the highest hills, and the most frequented of all the Island, we embarked ourselves, and set sail with the wind at Northwest, which could serve us but to the end of that reach, some dozen leagues long, and some three or four leagues broad. It lieth next of any thing, till you come to Cape Agreda, South-west; from this Cape to Cape Froward, the coast lieth West South-west.  
Some four leagues betwixt them, was the second peopling of the Spaniards: 
The second peopling of the Spaniards.  and this Cape lieth in fifty five degrees and better.  
Thwart Cape Froward, the wind larged with us, and we continued our course towards the Island of Elizabeth; which lieth from Cape Froward some fourteen leagues West and by South. This reach is four or five leagues broad, and in it are many channels or openings into the Sea; for all the land on the Souther part of the straits are Lands and broken land; and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the straits, high mountainous land on both sides, in most parts covered with snow all the year long.  
Betwixt the Island Elizabeth, and the Main, is the narrowest passage of all the straits, it may be some two Musket shot from side to side. From this Straight to Elizabeth bay, 
Elizabeth's Bay.  is some four leagues, and the course lieth Northwest and by west.  
This bay is all sandy, and clean ground on the Easter part; but before you come at it, there lieth a point of the shore a good birth off, which is dangerous. And in this reach, as in many parts of the straits, runneth a quick and forcible tide. In the Bay it higheth eight or nine foot water. The Norther part of the Bay hath foul ground, and rocks under water: and therefore it is not wholesome borrowing of the main. One of master Thomas Candish his Pynaces (as I have been informed) came aground upon one of them, and he was in hazard to have left her there.  
From Elizabeth Bay to the River of jeronimo is some five leagues. 
The River of jeronimo.  The course lieth West and by North, and West. Here the Wind scanted, and forced us to seek a place to anchor in. Our Boats going alongst the shore, found a reasonable Harbour, which is right against that which they call, River jeronimo: but it is another channel, by which a man may disemboake the Straight, as by the other which is accustomed; for with a storm, which took us one night, suddenly we were forced into that opening unwittingly; but in the morning, seeing our error, and the wind larging, with two or three bourds we turned out into the old channel, not daring for want of our Pynace to attempt any new discovery.  
This Harbour we called Blanches Bay; 
Blanches Bay.  for that it was found by William Blanch, one of our Master's mates. Here having moored our ship, we began to make our provision of wood and water, whereof was plenty in this Bay, and in all other places from Pengwin Lands, till within a dozen leagues of the mouth of the straits.  
Now finding our Decks open, with the long lying under the line, and on the coast of Brasill, the Sun having been in our Zenith many times, we calked our ship, within board and without, above the Decks. And such was the diligence we used, that at four days end, we had above threescore Pipes of water, and twenty Boats of wood stowed in our Ship: no man was idle, nor otherwise busied but in necessary works: some in felling and cleaving of wood; some in carrying of water; some in rummaging; some in washing, others in baking; one in heating of pitch, another in gathering of Mussells; no man was exempted, but knew at evening, whereunto he was to betake himself the morning following.  

Objection of waist.  Some man might ask me, how we came to have so many empty Cask in less than two months; for it seemeth much that so few men in such short time, and in so long a Voyage should waste so much?  
Whereto I answer, 
Answer.  that it came not of excessive expense; for in health we never exceeded our ordinary; but of a mischance which befell us unknown in the Island of Saint james, or Saint Anne, in the coast of Brasill; where we refreshed ourselves, and according to the custom laid our Cask a shore, to trim it, and after to fill it, the place being commodious for us. But with the water a certain worm, called Broma by the Spaniard, and by us Arters, entered also, which eat it so full of holes, that all the water soaked out, and made much of our Cask of small use. This we remedied the best we could, and discovered it long before we came to this place.  
Hereof let others take warning, 
Warning against worms.  in no place to have Cask on the shore, where it may be avoided; for it is one of the provisions, which are with greatest care to be preserved in long Voyages, and hardest to be supplied. These Arters, or Broma, in all hot Countries enter into the planks of Ships, and especially where are Rivers of fresh water; (for the common opinion is, that they are bred in fresh water, and with the current of the Rivers are brought into the Sea) but experience teacheth, that they breed in the great Seas in all hit Climates, especially near the Equinoctial line; for lying so long under and near the line, and towing a Shalop at our stern, coming to cleanse her in Brasil, we found her all under water covered with these worms, as big as the little finger of a man, on the outside of the plank, not fully covered, but half the thickness of their body, like to a jelly wrought into the plank as with a Gowdge. And natural reason (in my judgement) confirmeth this; for creatures bread and nourished in the Sea, coming into fresh water die; as those actually bred in Ponds, or fresh Rivers die presently, if they come into Salt water.  
But some man may say; this faileth in some Fishes and Beasts.  
Which I must confess to be true; but these either are part terrestrial, and part aquatile, as the Mermaid, Sea-horse, and other of that kind, or have their breeding in the fresh, and growth or continual nourishment in the Salt water, as the Salmond, and others of that kind.  
In little time, if the Ship be not sheathed, 
Sheathing of Ships.  they put all in hazard; for they enter in no bigger than a small Spanish Needle, and by little and little their holes become ordinarily greater than a man's finger. The thicker the plank is, the greater he groweth; yea, I have seen many Ships so eaten, that the most of their planks under water have been like honey combs, and especially those betwixt wind and water. If they had not been sheathed, it had been impossible that they could have swom. The entering of them is hardly to be discerned, the most of them being small as the head of a Pin. Which, all such, as purpose long Voyages, are to prevent by sheathing their Ships.  
And for that I have seen diverse manners of sheathing, for the ignorant I will set them down which by experience I have found best.  
In Spain, and Portugal, 
In Spain and Portugal,  some sheath their Ships with Lead; which, besides the cost and weight, although they use the thinnest sheet-lead that I have seen in any place, yet it is nothing durable, but subject to many casualties.  
Another manner is used with double planks, 
with double planks.  as thick without as within, after the manner of furring; which is little better than that with Lead; for, besides his weight, it dureth little, because the worm in small time passeth through the one and the other.  
A third manner of sheathing hath been used amongst some with fine Canvas; 
With Canvas.  which is of small continuance, and so not to be regarded.  
The fourth prevention, which now is most accounted of, 
With burnt planks.  is to burn the utter plank till it come to be in every place like a Coal, and after to pitch it; this is not bad.  
In China (as I have been informed) they use a certain Beta'en or Varnish, 
In China with Varnish.  in manner of an artificial pitch, wherewith they trim the outside of their ships. It is said to be durable, and of that virtue, as neither worm, nor water peirceth it; neither hath the Sun power against it.  
Some have devised a certain Pitch, mingled with Glass, and other ingredients, beaten into powder, with which if the Ship be pitched, it is said, the worm that toucheth it, dyeth; but I have not heard, that it hath been useful.  
But the most approved of all is the manner of sheathing used now adays in England, 
In England▪  with thin bourds, half inch thick; the thinner the better; and Elm better than Oak; for it ryveth not, it endureth better under water, and yieldeth better to the Ships side.  
The invention of the materials incorporated betwixt the plank and the sheathing, is that indeed which availeth; for without it many planks were not sufficient to hinder the entrance of this worm; this manner is thus:  
Before the sheathing board is nailed on, 
Best manner of sheathing.  upon the inner side of it they smear it over with tar half a finger thick, and upon the tar, another half finger thick of hair, such as the Whitelymers use, and so nail it on, the nails not above a spanne distance one from another; the thicker they are driven, the better.  
Some hold opinion, that the tar killeth the worm; others, that the worm passing the sheathing, and seeking a way through, the hair and the tar so involve him, that he is choked therewith; which me thinks is most probable; this manner of sheathing was invented by my Father; and experience hath taught it to be the best, and of least cost.   

SECT. XXXIII.  
Such was the diligence we used for our dispatch to shoot the straits, that at four days end, we had our water and wood stowed in our Ship, all our Copper-worke finished, and our ship Calked from Post to Stem; the first day in the morning (the wind being fair) we brought ourselves into the Channel, and sailed towards the mouth of the straits, praising God; and beginning our course with little wind, we descried a fire upon the shore, made by the Indians for a sign to call us; which seen, I caused a Boat to be man'de, and we rowed ashore, to see what their meaning was, and approaching near the shore, we saw a Cannoa made fast under a Rock with a with, most artificially made with the rinds of Trees, and sowed together with the sins of Whales; at both ends sharp, and turning up, with a green bough in ●ither end, and ribs for strengthening it. After a little while, we might discern on the fall of the mountain (which was ●ull of trees and shrubs) two or three Indians naked, which came out of certain Caves, or coats. They spoke unto us, and made diverse signs; now pointing to the Harbour, out of which we were come; and then to the mouth of the straits: But we understood nothing of their meaning. Yet left they us with many imaginations, suspecting, it might be to advise us of our Pynace, or some other thing of moment; but for that they were under covert, and might work us some treachery (for all the people of the straits, and the land near them, use all the villainy they can towards white people, taking them for Spaniards, in revenge of the deceit that Nation hath used towards them upon sundry occasions:) as also for that by our stay we could reap nothing but hindrance of our Navigation, we hasted to our Ship, and sailed on our course.  
From Blanches Bay to long reach, 
Long Reach.  which is some four leagues, the course lieth West South-west entering into the long reach; which is the last of the Straits, and longest. For it is some thirty two leagues, and the course lieth next of any thing Northwest.  
Before the setting of the Sun, we had the mouth of the Straits open, and were in great hope the next day to be in the South sea; but about seven of the clock that night, we saw a great cloud rise out of the North-east, which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings, and suddenly sailing with a fresh gale of wind at north-east, another more forcible took us astayes; which put us in danger: for, all our sails being a tant, it had like to have overset our ship, before we could take in our sails. And therefore in all such semblances it is great wisdom to carry a short sail, or to take in all sails.  
here we found what the Indians forwarned us of; 
Note.  for they have great insight in the change of weather, and beside have secret dealing with the Prince of Darkness, who many times declareth unto them things to come; By this means and other witchcrafts, which he teacheth them, he possesseth them, and causeth them to do what pleaseth him.  
Within half an hour it began to thunder and rain, with so much wind as we were forced to lie a hull, and so dark, that we saw nothing, but when the lightning came. This being one of the narrowest reache● of all the Straits, we were forced, every glass, to open a little of our foresail, to cast about our ships head: any man may conceive if the night seemed long unto us, what desire we had to see the day. In fine, Phoebus with his beautiful face lightened our Hemisphere, and rejoiced our hearts (having driven above twenty four leagues in twelve hours lying a hull: whereby, is to be imagined the force of the wind and current.)  
We set our foresail, and returned to our former harbour; from whence, within three or four days, we set sail again with a fair wind, which continued with us till we came within a league of the mouth of the Straight, here the ●inde took us again contrary, and forced us to return again to our former port; where being ready to anchor, the wind scanted with us in such manner, as we were forced to make a board. In which time, the wind and tide put us so far to lee-wards, that we could by no means seize it: So we determined to go to Elizabeth Bay, but before we came at it, the night overtook us: and this reach being dangerous and narrow, we durst neither hull, nor try, or turn to and again with a short sail, and therefore bare alongst in the midst of the channel, till we were come into the broad reach, then lay a hull till the morning.  
When we set sail and ran alongst the coast, seeking with our boat some place to anchor in; some four leagues to the Westwards of Cape Froward, we found a goodly bay; which we named English bay: 
English Bay.  where anchored, we presently went a shore, and found a goodly River of fresh water, and an old Cannoa broken to pieces, and some two or three of the houses of the Indians, with pieces of Seal stinking ripe. These houses are made in fashion of an Oven seven or eight foot broad, with boughs of trees, and covered with other boughs, as our Summer houses; and doubtless do serve them but for the Summer time, when they come to fish, and profit themselves of the Sea. For they retire themselves in the Winter into the Country, where it is more temperate, and yieldeth better sustenance: for on the Main of the Straits, we neither saw beast, nor fowl, Sea fowl excepted, and a kind of Blackbird, and two hogs towards the beginning of the straits.  
Here our ship being well moored, we began to supply our wood and water, that we had spent. Which being a day's work, and the wind during many days contrary, I endeavoured to keep my people occupied, to divert them from the imagination which some had conceived; 
Sloth cause of imagination.  that it behoved, we should return to Brasill and winter there, and so shoot the straits in the spring of the year.  
So one day, we rowed up the River, with our boat and light horseman, to discover it, and the inland: where having spent a good part of the day, and finding should water, and many Trees fallen thwart it, and little fruit of our labour, nor any thing worth the noting, we returned.  
Another day, we trained our people ashore, being a goodly sandy Bay: another, we had a hurling of Bachelors against married men; This day we were busied in wrestling, the other in shooting; so we were never idle, neither thought we the time long.   

SECT. XXXIIII.  
AFter we had passed here some seven or eight days, one Evening with a flaw from the shore, our Ship drove off into the channel, and before we could get up our Anchor, and set our sails, we were driven so far to lee-wards, that we could not recover into the bay; and night coming on, with a short sail, we beat off and on till the morning. At the break of the day conferring with the Captain and Master of my ship, what was best to be done, we resolved to seek out Tobias Cove, 
Tobias Cove.  which lieth over against Cape Fryo, on the Southern part of the straits, because in all the reaches of the straits (for the most part) the wind bloweth trade, and therefore little profit to be made by turning to windewards. And from the Lands of the Pengwins to the end of the straits towards the south Sea, there is no anchoring in the channel; and if we should be put to lee-wards of this Cove, we had no succour till we came to the Lands of Pengwins; and some of our Company which had been with master Thomas Candish in the Voyage in which he died, and in the same Cove many weeks, undertook to be our Pilots thither. Whereupon we bore up, being some two leagues thither, having so much wind as we could scarce lie by it with our course and bonnet of each; but bearing up before the wind, we put out our topsails and Spritsayle, and within a little while the wind began to fail us, and immediately our Ship gave a mighty blow upon a Rock, 
Setting of the Ship upon a Rock.  and stuck fast upon it. And had we had but the fourth part of the wind, which we had in all the night past, but a moment before we struck the Rock, our Ship, doubtless, with the blow had broken herself all to pieces. But our provident and most gracious God which commandeth wind and Sea, watched over us, and delivered us with his powerful hand from the unknown danger and hidden destruction, that so we might praise him for his fatherly bounty and protection, and with the Prophet David say, Except the Lord keep the City, the watchmen watch in vain; for if our God had not kept our Ship, we had been all swallowed up alive without help or redemption, and therefore he for his mercy's sake grant that the memorial of his benefits, do never depart from before our eyes, and that we may evermore praise him for our wonderful deliverance, and his continual providence by day and by night.  
My company with this Accident were much amazed, 
The company dismayed.  and not without just cause. Immediately we used our endeavour to free ourselves, and with our boats ●ounded round about our Ship; in the mean time assaying our pump, to know if our Ship made more water than her ordinary, 
Diligence to 〈◊〉 it.  we found nothing increased, and round about our Ship deep water, saving under the mid-shippe, for she was a float a bead and a eterne▪ and bearing some fathom before the main Must, and in●o other part, was like to be our destruction; for being ebbing water, the weight in the head and stern by failing of the water began to open her planks in the midst; and upon the upper Deck they were gone one from another some two fingers, some more; which we sought to ease and remedy by lightning of her burden▪ and throwing into the Sea all that came to hand; and laying out an Anchor, we sought to wend her off: and such was the wa● and force we put to the Capsten and Tackles fastened upon the 〈◊〉, that we plucked the ring of the Anchor out of the eye, but after recovered it, though not serviceable.  
All our labour was fruitless, till God was pleased that the flood came, 
To the laborious God propitious,  and then we had her off with great joy and comfort, when finding the current favourable with us, we stood over to English bay▪ and searching it, ●●e anchored there, having been some three hours upon the Rock▪ and wi●h the blow, as after we saw when our Ship was brought a ground in Peric● (which is the Port of Panama) a great part of her sheathing was beaten off on both sides in her Bulges, and some four foot long and a foot square of her false stem, joining to the Keel, wrested a cross, like unto a Hogs yoke, which hindered her sailing very much.  
Here we gave God praise for our deliverance, 
and therefore praised.  and afterward procured to supply our wood and water, which we had thrown overbourd to case our Ship, which was not much: that supplied, it pleased God (who is not ever angry) to look upon us with comfort, and to send us a fair and large wind, and so we set Sail once again, in hope to disemboke the Straight, but some dozen leagues before we came to the mouth of it, the wind changed, and forced us to seek out some Cove or Bay, with our Boats to ride in near at hand, that we might not be forced to return far back into the straits.  
They sounded a Cove some sixteen leagues from the mouth of the Straight, which after we called Crabby Cove. 
Crabby Cove.  It brooked his name well for two causes; the one for that all the water was full of a small kind of red Crabs, the other, for the crabbed mountains which overtopped it; a third, we might add, for the crabbed entertainment it gave us. In this Cove we anchored, but the wind freshing in, and three or four hills over-topping (like Sugarloafs) altered and straightened the passage of the wind in such manner, as forced it down with such violence in flaws and furious blusterings, as was like to over-set our Ship at an Anchor, and caused her to drive, and us to weigh; but before we could weigh it, she was so'nere the Rocks, and the puffs and gusts of wind so sudden and uncertain, sometimes scant, sometimes large, that it forced us to cut our Cable, and yet dangerous if our Ship did not cast the right way. Here necessity, not being subject to any law, forced us to put ourselves into the hands of him that was able to deliver us. We cut our Cable and Sail all in one instant; And God to show his power and gracious bounty towards us, was pleased that our Ship cast the contrary way towards the shore, seeming that he with his own hand did wend her about; for in less than her length, she flatted, and in all the Voyage but at that instant, she flatted with difficulty, for that she was long, the worst property she had. On either side we might see the Rocks under us, and were not half a Ships length from the shore, and if she had once touched, it had been impossible to have escaped.  
Magnified ever be our Lord God, which delivered jonas out of the Whale's belly; and his Apostle Peter from being overwhelmed in the waves; and us from so certain perishing.   

SECT. XXXV.  
FRom hence we returned to Blanches Bay, and there Anchored, expecting Gods good will and pleasure. Here began the bitterness of the time to increase with blustering and sharp winds, accompanied with rain and sleeting Snow, and my people to be dismayed again, in manifesting a desire to return to Brasill, which I would never consent unto, no, no● so much as to hear of.  
And all men are to take care, that they go not one foot back, more than is of mere force; for I have not seen, 
Voyages ●verthroune by pretences.  that any who have yielded thereunto, but presently they have returned home. As in the Voyage of master Edward Fontom, which the Earl of Cumberland set forth, to his great charge. As also in that of master Thomas Candish, 
Edward F●nton and master Thomas Cand●sh.  in which he died. Both which pretended to shoot the straits of Magelan, and by persuasion of some ignorant persons, being in good possibility, were brought to consent to return to Brasill, to Winter, and after in the Spring to attempt the passing of the Straight again. None of them made any abode in Brasill; for presently as soon as they looked homeward, one, with a little blustering wind taketh occasion to loose company; another complaineth that he wanteth victuals; another, that his ship is leak; another, that his masts, sails, or cordidge faileth him. So the willing never want probable reasons to further their pretences. As I saw once (being but young, and more bold than experimented) in Anno 1582. in a Voyage, under the charge of my Uncle William Hawkins of Plymouth, 
Master William Hawkins.  Esquire, in the Indies, at the wester end of the Island of San Ivan de Portorico. One of the Ships (called the Bark bonner) being somewhat leak, the Captain complained that she was not able to endure to England; whereupon a Counsel was called, and his reasons heard, and allowed. So it was concluded, that the Victual, Munition, and what was serviceable, should be taken out of her, and her men divided amongst our other Ships; the Hull remaining to be sunk, or burned.  
To which, I never spoke word till I saw it resolved; being my part rather to learn, then to advise. But seeing the fatal sentence given, and suspecting that the Captain made the matter worse than it was, rather upon policy to come into another Ship, which was better of Sail, then for any danger they might run into. With as much reason as my capacity could reach unto, I dissuaded my Uncle privately; And urged, that seeing we had profited the Adventurers nothing, we should endeavour to preserve our principal; especially, having men and victuals. But seeing I prevayle● not, I went further, and offered to find out in the same Ship, and others, so many men, as with me would be content to carry her home, giving us the third part of the value of the ship, as she should be valued at, at her return, by four indifferent persons; and to leave the Vide-admiral, which I had under my charge, and to make her Vide-admiral.  
Whereupon, it was condescended, that we should all go aboard the Ship, and that the●e it should be determined. The Captain thought himself somewhat touched in Reputation, and so would not that further trial should be made of the matter; Saying, that if another man was able to carry the Ship into England, he would in no case leave her; neither would he forsake her till she sunk under him.  
The General commended him for his resolution, and thanked me for my offer, tending to the general good; my intention being to force those who for gain could under-take to carry her home, should also do it, gratis, according to their Obligation. Thus, this leake-ship went well into England; where, after she made many a good Voyage in nine years, wherein she was employed to and fro; and no doubt, would have served many more, had she not been laid up, and not used, falling into the hands of those which knew not the use of Shipping. It were large to recount the Voyages, and worthy Enterprises, overthrown by this policy, with the Ships which have thereby gone to wrack.   

SECT. XXXVI.  
BY this and the like experiences, 
Danger to hearken unto reasons of returns.  remembering and knowing, that, if once I consented to turn but one foot back, I should overthrow my Voyage, and lose my reputation, I resolved rather to lose my life, then to give ear to such prejudicial Counsel; And so as the Wether gave leave, we entertained ourselves the first days in necessary works, and after in making of Coal, (for Wood was plentiful, and no man would commence an action of waist against us) with intent (the wind continuing long contrary) to see, if we could remedy any of our broken Anchors; a Forge I had in my Ship, and of five Anchors which we brought out of England, there remained but one that was serviceable.  
In the Lands of Pengwins, we lost one; in Crabbie Cove, another; of a third, upon another occasion, we broke an arm; & the fourth, on the Rock had the eye of his ring broken. This (one day devising with myself) I made to serve, without working him a new. Which when I took first in hand, all men thought it ridiculous: but in fine, we made it in that manner so serviceable, as till our ship came to Callaw, which is the Port of Lyma, she scarce used any other Anchor; and when I came from Lyma to Panama, which was three years after, I saw it serve the Admiral in which I came, (a Ship of above five hundreth tons) without other art or addition, than what my own invention contrived.  
And for that in the like necessity, or occasion, others may profit themselves of the industry, 
The mending of an unserviceable Anchor.  I will recount the manner of the forging our eye without fire, or iron. It was in this sort.  
From the eye of the shank, about the head of the cross, we gave two turns with a new strong Halser, betwixt three and four inches, giving a reasonable allowance for that, which should be the eye, and served in stead of the ring; then we fastened the two ends of the Halser, so as in that part it was as strong, as in any other, and with our Capsten stretched the two byghtes, that every part might bear proportionably; then armed we all the Halser round about, with six yarn Synnets', and likewise the shank of the Anchor, and the head with a smooth Matt made of the same Synnet: this done, with an inch Rope, we woolled the two byghtes to the shank, from the cross to the eye, and that also which was to serve for the ring, and fitted the stock accordingly. This done, those who before derided the invention, were of opinion, that it would serve for a need; only they put one difficulty, that with the fall or pitch of the Anchor in hard ground, with his weight he would ●ut the Halser in sunder on the head; for prevention whereof, we placed a paunch (as the Mariners term it) upon the head of the Anchor, with whose softness this danger was prevented, and the Anchor passed for serviceable.  
Some of our idle time we spent in gathering the bark and fruit of a certain tree, 
Entertainment o● time, to avoid idleness,  which we found in all places of the straits, where we sound trees. This tree carrieth his fruit in clusters like a Hawthorne, but that it is green, each berry of the bigness of a Pepper corn, and every of them containing within four or five grains, twice as big as a Musterd-seed, which broken, are white within, as the good Pepper, and bite much like it, but hotter. The bark of this tree, hath the savour of all kind of Spices together, most comfortable to the stomach, and held to be better than any Spice whatsoever; And for that a learned Countryman of ours Doctor Turner, hath written of it, by the name of Winter's bark, 
In gathering of Winter● Bark.  what I have said may suffice. The leaf of this tree is of a whitish green, and is not unlike to the Aspen leaf.  
Other whiles we entertained ourselves in gathering of Pearls out of Mussels, whereof there are abundance in all places, from Cape Froward, to the end of the straits.  
The Pearls are but of a bad colour, 
Of Pearls.  and small, but it may be that in the great Mussels in deeper water, the Pearls are bigger, and of greater value; of the small seed Pearl, there was great quantity, and the Mussels were a great refreshing unto us; for they were exceeding good, and in great plenty. And here let me crave pardon if I err, seeing I disclaim from being a naturalist, by delivering my opinion touching the breeding of these Pearls, which I think to be of a far different nature and quality to those found in the East and West Indies, which are found in Oysters▪ growing in the shell, under the ruff of the Oyster, some say of the dew, which I hold to be some old Philosopher's conceit, for that it cannot be made probable, how the dew should come into the Oyster; and if this were true, then, questionless, we should have them in our Oysters, as in those of the East and West India's; but those Oysters, were, by the Creator, made to bring forth this rare fruit, all their shells, being (to look to) pearl itself. And the other pearls found in our Oysters and Mussels, in diverse parts, are engendered out of the fatness of the fish, in the very substance of the fish, so that in some Mussels, have been found twenty, and thirty, in several parts of the fish, and these not perfect in colour, nor clearness, as those found in the Pearle-Oysters, which are ever perfect in colour and clearness, like the Sun in his rising; and therefore called Oriental, and not (as is supposed) because out of the East, for they are as well found in the West, and no way inferior to those of the East Indies.  
Other fish, be●ides Seals, and Crabs, like Shrimpes, and one Whale with two or three Porpoises, we saw not in all the straits; here we made also a survey of our victuals; and opening certain Barrels of Oaten meal, we found a great part of some of them, as also of our Pipes and Fats of bread, eaten and consumed by the Rats; doubtless, a fifth part of my Company, did not eat so much, as these devoured, as we found daily in coming to spend any of our provisions.  
When I came to the Sea, it was not suspected, that I had a Rat in my ship; 
Prevention of Ra●s.  but with the bread in Cask, which we transported our of the Hawk, and the going to and again of our boats unto our prize, (though we had diverse Cats and used other preventions) in a small time they multiplied in such a manner, as is incredible; It is one of the general calamities of all long voyages; and would be carefully prevented, as much as may be. For besides that which they consume of the best victuals, they eat the sails; and neither pack, nor chest, is free from their surprises. I have known them to make a hole in a pipe of water; and saying the pump, have put all in fear, doubting lest some leak had been sprung upon the ship. 
The Calamities they bring to a ship.   
Moreover, I have heard credible persons report, that ships have been put in danger by them to be sunk, by a hole made in the bulge. All which is easily remedied at the first, but if once they be somewhat increased, with difficulty they are to be destroyed. And although I propounded a reward for every Rat which was taken, and sought means by poison, and other inventions to consume them, yet their increase being so ordinary and many; we were not able to clear ourselves from them.   

SECT. XXXVII.  
AT the end of fourteen days, one Evening being calm, and a goodly clear in the Easter-boord, I willed our Anchor to be weighed, 
Backwardness in the Company,  and determined to go into the channel, whereof ensued a murmuring amongst my company, who were desirous to see the wind settled before we put out of the Harbour: and in part they had reason, considering how we had been canvased from place to place; yet on the other side, if we went not out before night, we should lose the whole nights sailing, and all the time which we should spend in warping out; which would be, doubtless, a great part of the forenoon. And although the Master signified unto me, the disposition of my people, and Master Henry Courton (a discreet and virtuous Gentleman, and my good friend, who in all the voyage was ever an especial furtherer of all that ever I ordained or proposed) in this occasion sought to divert me, that all but myself, were contrarily inclined to that, which I thought fit: and though the common saying be, 
and the consequences thereof.  that it is better to err with many, than all contradicting, alone to hit the right way, yet truth told me, this proverb to be falsely founded; for that it was not to be understood, that for erring it is better, but because it is supposed that by hitting a man shall get emulation of the contradictors, I encountered it with another, that saith, better to be envied then pitied, and well considering, that (being out of the Harbour, if the wind took us contrary) to go to Elizabeth Bay was better than to be in the Port, (for a man must of force warp in and out of it) and in the time that the Ship could be brought forth into the Channel (the wind being good) a man might come from Elizabeth Bay to the Port, and that there we should have the wind first, being more to the Eastwardes, and in an open Bay, and moreover might set sail in the night, if the wind should rise in the Evening, or in the Night; whereas, in the Port, of force, we must wait the light of the Day. I made myself deaf to all murmurings, and caused my command to be put in execution, and, doubtless, it was Gods gracious inspiration, as by the event was seen; for being gotten into the Channel, within an hour, the wind came good, and we sailed merrily on our Voyage; and by the break of the day, we had the mouth o● the straits open, and about four of the Clock in the afternoon, we were thwart of Cape Desire; which is the westermost part of the Land on the Souther side of the straits.   

SECT. XXXVIII.  
HEre such as have command may behold the many miseries that befall them, 
Advertisements ●or C●mmanders.  not only by unexpected Accidents and mischances, but also by contradictions and murmurs of their own people, of all calamities the greatest which can befall a man of discretion and valour, and as difficult to be overcome; for, to require reason of the common sort, is, as the Philosopher saith, To seek Counsel of a mad man. Herein, as I said before, they resemble a stiff necked Horse, who taking the bridle in his teeth, carrieth the rider whether he pleaseth; so once possessed with any imagination, no reason is able to convince them. The best remedy I can propound, is to wish our Nation in this point to be well advised, and in especial, all those that follow the Sea, ever having before their eyes the ancient Discipline of our Predecessors; who in conformity and obedience to their Chiefs and Commanders, have been a mirror to all other Nations, with patience, silence, and suffering, 
The advantage of obedience.  putting in execution what they have been Commanded, and thereby gained the blessings due to such virtues, and leaving to posterity, perpetual memories of their glorious Victories. A just recompense for all such as Conquer themselves, and subject their most specious wills, to the will of their Superiors.   

SECT. XXXIX.  
IN apprehension whereof at land, I cannot forbear the Discipline thereof, as at this day, and in the days of late memory, it hath been practised in the States of Flaunders, France, and Britain, wher● as the Spaniards, Walloons, Swissers, and other Nations, are daily full of murmurings and mutinies, upon every sleight occasion.  
The like I also wish should be imitated by those, who follow the Sea, that is, that those who are subject to Command, presume no further then to that which belongeth unto them; Qui nescit parere, nescit imperare, I speak this, for that I have sometimes seen unexpert and ignorant persons, yea, unable to judge of any point appertaining to government, or the guide of a Ship, or company of men, presuming upon their fine wits, and enamoured of their own conceits, contradict and dispute against gra●e, wise, and experimented Governors: many forward fellows, thinking themselves better worthy to command, then to be commanded. Such persons I advise not to go, but where they may command; 
Advertisements ●or young Servitor's.  or else looking before they leapt, to consider well, under whom they place themselves, seeing (for the most part) it is in their choice, to choose a Governor from whom they may expect satisfaction; but choice being once made, to resolve with the patient wife in History; That, that day wherein she married herself to an husband, that very day she had no longer any will, more than the will of her husband. And so he that by Sea or Land placeth himself to serve in any action, must make reckoning that the time the journey endureth▪ he hath no other will, nor dispose of himself, then that of his Commander for in the Governor's hand is all power, to recompense and reward, to punish or forgive.  
Likewise those who have charge and Command, must sometimes with patience or sufferance, overcome their fury and misconceits, according to occasions; for it is a great point of wisdom, especially in a general murmuring, where the cause is just, or that (as often times it happeneth) any probable accident may divert the minds of the discontented, and give hope of remedy, or future event may produce Repentance, to turn (as they say) the deaf ear, and to wink at that a man seeth. As it is sa●d of Charles the fifth Emperor of Germany, and King of Spain; who rounding his Camp, one night, disguised, heard some Soldiers rail, and speak evil of him; those which accompanied him were of opinion, that he should use some exemplary punishment upon them; not so, saith he, for these now vexed with the miseries they suffer, ease their hearts with their tongues; but if occasion present itself, they will not stick to sacrifice their lives for my safety. A resolution worthy so prudent a Commander, and so magnanimous a Prince.  
The like is written of Fabius Maximus, the famous Roman, who endured the attribute of Coward, with many other infamies, rather than he would hazard the safety of his Country by rash and incertain provocations.  
No less worthy of perpetual memory was the prudent policy and government of our English Navy, 
The patience of the Earl of Nottingham.  in Anno 1588. by the worthy Earl of Nottingham, Lord high Admiral of England; who, in like case, with mature and experimented knowledge, patiently withstood the instigations of many Courageous and Noble Captains, who would have persuaded him to have laid them aboard; but well he foresaw that the enemy had an Army aboard; he none; that they exceeded him in number of Shipping, and those greater in Bulk, stronger built, and higher moulded, so that they who with such advantage fought from above, might easily distress all opposition below; the slaughter peradventure proving more fatal, than the victory profitable; by being overthrown he might have hazarded the Kingdom, whereas by the Conquest (at most) he could have boasted of nothing but Glory, and an enemy defeated. But by sufferance, he always advantaged himself of wind and tide, which was the freedom of our Country, and security of our Navy, with the destruction of theirs, which in the eye of the ignorant, (who judge all things by the external appearance) seemed invincible; but truly considered, was much inferior to ours, in all things of substance, as the event proved; for we sunk, spoilt, and took of them many, and they diminished of ours but one small Pynace, nor any man of name, save only Captain Cock, who died with honour amidst his Company. The greatest damage, that (as I remember) they caused to any of our Ships, was to the Swallow of her Majesty, which I had in that action under my Charge, with an Arrow of fire shot into her Beakhead, which we saw not, because of the sail, till it had burned a hole in the Rose as big as a man's head: the Arrow falling out, and driving alongst by the Ships side, made us doubt of it, which after we discovered.   

SECT. XL.  
IN many occasions, notwithstanding, it is most prejudicial to dissemble the reprehension and punishment of murmurings and mutterings, when they carry a likelihood to grow to a mutiny, 
Mutinies not always to be winked at.  seem to lean to a faction, or that a person of regard or merit favoureth the intention, or contradicteth the justice, etc. and others of like quality; The prudent Governor is to cut off this Hydra's head in the beginning, and by prevention to provide remedy with expedition; and this sometimes with absolute authority, although the best be ever to proceed by Counsel, if necessity and occasion require not the contrary; for passion many times over-ruleth, but that which is sentenced and executed by consent, is justified, although sometimes erroneous. March. 29. 1594.   

SECT. XLI.  
FRom Cape Desire, some four leagues Northwest, lie four Lands, which are very small, and the middlemost of them is o● the fashion of a Sugarloaf. We were no sooner clear of Cape Desire, and his ledge of Rocks (which lie a great way off into the Sea) but the wind took us contrary by the Northwest; and so we stood off into the Sea two days and two nights to the Westwards.  
In all the straits it ebbeth and floweth more or less, and in many places it higheth very little water, but in some Bays, where are great indraughts, it higheth eight or ten foot, and doubtless, further in, more. If a man be furnished with wood and water, and the wind good, he may keep the main Sea, and go round about the straits to the Southwards, and it is the shorter way; for besides the experience which we made, that all the South part of the straits is but Lands, 
South part of the straits Lands.  many times having the Sea open, I remember, that Sir Francis Drake told me, that having short the straits, a storm took him first at Northwest, and after vered about to the South-west, which continued with him many days, with that extremity, that he could not open any Sail, and that at the end of the storm, he found himself in fifty degrees, which was sufficient testimony and proof, that he was beaten round about the straits, for the least height of the straits is in fifty two degrees and fifty minutes; in which stand the two entrances or mouths.  
And moreover, he said, that standing about, when the wind changed, he was not well able to double the Southermost Island, and so anchored under the lee of it; and going ashore, carried a Compass with him, and seeking out the Southermost part of the Island, cast himself down upon the uttermost point grovelling, 
Sir Francis Drake embraceth the Southermost poin● of the world.  and so reached out his body over it. Presently he embarked, and then recounted unto his people, that he had been upon the Southermost known land in the world, and more ●urther to the Southwards upon it, than any of them, yea, or any man as yet known. These testimonies may suffice for this truth unto all, but such as are incredulous, & will believe nothing but what they see; for my part, I am of opinion, that the Straight is navigable all the year long, although the best time be in November, December, and january, and then the winds more favourable, which other times are variable, as ●n all narrow Seas.  
Being some fifty leagues a Seaboord the straits, the wind vering to the Westwards, we cast about to the North-wards; and lying the coast along, shaped our course for the Island Mocha. 
M●cha.  About the fifteenth of April, we were thwart of Baldivia, 
Baldiv●a.  which was then in the hands of the Spaniards, but since the Indians, in Anno 1599 dispossessed them of it, and the Conception; which are two of the most principal places they had in that Kingdom, and both Ports.  
Baldivia, had its name of a Spanish Captain so called, whom afterwards the Indians took Prisoner, and it is said, they required of him the reason why he came to molest them, and to take their Country from them, having no title nor right thereunto; he answered, to get Gold; which the barbarous understanding, caused Gold to be molten, and poured down his throat; saying, Gold was thy desire, glut thee with it.  
It standeth in forty degrees, hath a pleasant River and navigable; for a Ship of good burden may go as high up as the City, and is a goodly wood Country.  
Here our Beef began to take end, and was then as good, as the day we departed from England; it was preserved in Pickell, which, though it be more chargeable, yet the profit payeth the charge, in that it is made durable, contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible, that Beef should be kept good passing the Equinoctial line. And of our Pork I eat in the house of Don Beltran de Castro, in Lyma, near four years old, very good, preserved after the same manner, notwithstanding, it had lost his Pickle long before.  
Some degrees before a man come to Baldivia to the Southwards, as Spaniards have told me, lieth the Island Chule, not easily to be discerned from the main; for he that passeth by it, cannot but think it to be the main. It is said to be inhabited by the Spaniards, but badly, yet rich of gold.  
The 19 of April, being Easter-even, we anchored under the Island Mocha. It lieth in 39 degrees, it may be some four leagues over, and is a high mountainous hill, but round about the foot thereof, some half league from the Seashore, it is Champion ground, well inhabited, and manured.  
From the straits to this Island, we found, that either the coast is set out more westerly than it is, or that, we had a great current, which put us to the westwards; for we had not sight of land in three days after. Our reckoning was to see it, but for that we coasted not the land, I cannot determine, whether it was caused by the current, or lying of the land. But Spaniards which have sailed alongst it, have told me, that it is a bold and safe coast, and reasonable sounding of it.  
In this Island of Mocha we had communication and contratation with the inhabitants, but with great vigilancy and care; for they and all the people of Chily, are mortal enemies to the Spaniards, and held us to be of them; and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake, when he was in this Island, which was the first land also that he touched on this coast. They used him with so fine a treachery, that they possessed themselves of all the Oars in his Boat, saving two, and in striving to get them also, they slew, and hurt all his men; himself who had fewest wounds, had three, and two of them in the head. Two of his company which lived long after, had, the one seventeen; his name was john Bruer, who afterward was Pilot with master Candish; and the other, above twenty, a Negro-servant to Sir Francis Drake.  
And with me they used a policy, which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined, although I wrought sure; 
Treachery of the Indians.  for I suffered none to treat with me, nor with my people with Arms. We were armed, and met upon a Rock compassed with water, whether they came to parley and negotiate. Being in communication with the Casiques, and others, many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boats, and some went into them. Certain of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oars, for that there went a bad siege, were forced to lay down their Musketts; which the Indians perceiving, endeavoured to fill the barrels with water, taking it out of the sea in the hollow of their hands. By chance casting mine eye aside, I discovered their slyness; and with a truncheon, which I had in mine hand, gave the Indians three or four good lamskinnes; the Casiques' seeing it, began to give me satisfaction, by using rigour towards those which had been in the Boats; but I having gotten the refreshing I desired, and all I could hope from them, would have no further conversation with them. At our first coming, two of their Casiques (who are their Lords or Kings) came aboard our Ship (we leaving one of our company ashore as a pledge) whom we feasted in good manner; they eat well of all that was set before them, and drank better of our Wine: one of them became a little giddy headed, and marvayled much at our Artillery: I caused a Piece to be primed, and after to be ●hott off, whereat the one started, but the other made no show of alteration; after putting them ashore, loaden with toys and trifles, which to them seemed great riches; from all Ports of the Island, the people came unto us, bringing all such things as they had, to wit, sheep, Cocks, etc. (from Hens they would not part) and diverse sorts of fruits, and roots, which they exchanged with us for Knives, Glasses, Combs, Bells, Beads, Counters, Pins, and other trifles. 
Ex●hanges o● trifles.  We saw little demonstration of Gold or Silver amongst them, though some they had; and for that we saw they made estimation of it, we would not make reckoning of it: but they gave us to understand, that they had it from the Main.  
The sheep of this Island are great, 
O● Sheep.  good, and fat; I have not tasted better Mutton any where. They were as ours, and doubtless of the breed of those, which the Spaniards brought into the Country. Of the sheep of the Country, we could by no means procure any one, although we saw of them, and used means to have had of them; for they esteem them much, as reason willeth, serving them for many uses; as in another place, God willing, I shall declare more at large. They have small store of fish.  
This Island is situate in the Province of Arawca, and is held to be peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily, though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdom are very courageous.  
They are clothed after the manner of antiquity, all of woollen; their Cassocks made like a Sack, 
Their apparel,  square, with two holes for the two arms, and one for the head; all open below, without lining or other art: but of them, some are most curiously wooven, and in colours, and on both sidesalike.  

and housing.  Their houses are made round, in fashion like unto our Pigeon houses, with a laver in the top, to evacuate the smoke when they make fire.  
They brought us a strange kind of Tobacco, made into little cakes, like Pitch, of a bad smell, with holes through the middle, and so laced many upon a string. They presented us also with two Spanish Letters, thinking us to be Spaniards, which were written by a Captain of a Frigate, that some days before had received courtesy at their hands, and signified the same to the Governor; wishing that the people of the Island would become good subjects to the King, and that therefore he would receive them into his favour and protection, and send them some person as Governor; but none of them spoke Spanish, and so we dealt with them by signs. The people of this Island, as of all Chily, 
People 〈◊〉 Chily.  are of good stature, and well made, and of better countenance than those Indians which I have seen in many parts. They are of good understanding, and agility, and of great strength; Their weapons are bows, 
Their weapons.  and arrows and Macanas, their bows short and strong, and their arrows of a small read, or cane, three quarters of a yard long, with two feathers, and headed with a flint stone, which is loose, and hurting, the head remaineth in the wound, some are headed with bone, and some with hard wood, half burnt in the fire. We came betwixt the Island and the main; On the south-west part of the Island lieth a great ledge of Rocks, which are dangerous; and it is good to be careful how to come too near the Island on all parts.  
Immediately when they discovered us, both upon the Island, and the Main, we might see them make sundry great fires, which were to give advise to the rest of the people to be in a readiness: for they have continual and mortal war with the Spaniards, 
Their hate to the Sp●niards.  and the Ships they see, they believe to be their Enemies. The City Imperiall lieth over against this Island, but eight or ten Leagues into the Country: for all the Sea coast from Baldivia, till 36. Degrees, the Indians have now (in a manner) in their hands free from any Spaniards.   

SECT. XLII.  
HAving refreshed ourselves well in this Island, for that little time we stayed, which was some 3. days we set sail with great joy, and with a fair wind sailed alongst the coast, and some eight Leagues to the North-wards, we anchored again in a goodly Bay, and sent our boats ashore, with desire to speak with some of the Indians of Arawca, and to see, if they would be content to entertain amity, or to chop and change with us. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person, and so we set sail again; and towards the Evening the wind began to change, and to blow contrary, and that so much, and the Sea to rise so suddenly, that we could not take in our boats, without spoiling of them. This storm continued with us ten days beyond expectation, 
A cruel storm  for that we thought ourselves out of the climate of fowl weather, but truly it was one of the sharpest storms that ever I felt to endure so long.  
In this storm, one night haling, up our boats to free the water out of them, one of our younkers that went into them for that purpose, had not that regard (which reason required) unto our light horseman: for with haling her up, to step into her, out of the boat, 
The important loss of a small vessel.  he split her asunder, and so we were forced to cut her off; which was no small heart's grief unto me, ●or that I knew, and all my company felt▪ and many times lamented the loss of her.  
The storm took end, and we shaped our course for the Island of Saint mary's, 
Saint mary's.  which lieth in thirty seven Degrees and forty minutes, and before you come unto the Island some two leagues, in the trade way lieth a rock, which a far off, seemeth to be a Ship under sail. This Island is little and low, but fertile and well peopled, with Indians and some few Spaniards in it. Some ten leagues to the North-wards of this Island, lieth the City Conception, 
City of Conception.  with a good Port; from this we coasted alongst till we came in thirty three degrees, and forty minutes. In which height lay the Lands of Ivan Fernandes, 
Ivan Fernandes  betwixt threescore and fourscore Leagues from the shore, plentiful of fish, and good for refreshing I purposed for many reasons not to discover myself upon this coast, 
Good to avo●d discovery  till we were past Lyma, (otherwise called Cividad de los Reyes, for that it was entered by the Spaniard the day of the three Kings;) but my Company urged me so far, that except I should seem in all things to overbeare them, in not condiscending to that which in the opinion of all (but myself) seemed profitable and best, I could not but yield unto, though it carried a false colour, as the end proved, for it was our perdition. This all my Company knoweth to be true, whereof some are yet living, and can give testimony.  
But the Mariner is ordinarily so carried away with the desire of Pillage, 
Wilfulness of Mariners.  as sometimes for very appearances of small moment, he looseth his voyage, and many times himself. And so the greediness of spoil, only hoped for in ships of trade, which go too and fro in this coast, blinded them from forecasting the peril, whereinto we exposed our voyage, in discovering ourselves before we passed the coast of Calla●, which is the Port of Lyma; To be short, we haled the coast aboard, and that Evening we discovered the Port of Balparizo, which serveth the City of Saint jago, standing some twenty leagues into the Country; when presently we descried four ships at an Anchor: 
They seize ●pon 4. Ships.  whereupon we manned, and armed our boat, which rowed towards the Ships: they seeing us turning in, and fearing that which was, ran a shore with that little they could save, and left us the rest; whereof, we were Masters in a moment, and had the rifling of all the storehouses on the shore.  
This night, I set a good guard in all the ships, longing to see the light of the next morning, to put all things in order; which appearing, I began to survey them, and found nothing of moment, save five hundreth Botozios of Wine, two or three thousand of Hens, and some refreshing of Bread, Bacon, dried Beef, Wax, Candles, and other necessaries. The rest of their lading was planks, Spares, and Timber, for Lyma, and the valleys, which is a rich trade; for it hath no Timber, but that which is brought to it from other places. They had also many Packs of Indian Mantles, (but of no value unto us) with much Tallow, and Manteca de Puerco, and abundance of great new Chests, in which we had thought to be some great mass of wealth, but opening them, found nothing but Apples therein; all which was good Merchandise in Lyma, but to us of small account. The Merchandise on shore, 
And the warehouses.  in their Storehouses was the like, and therefore in the same predicament. The owners of the Ships gave us to understand, that at a reasonable price they would redeem their Ships and loading, which I hearkened unto; and so admitted certain persons which might treat of the matter, and concluded with them for a small price, rather than to burn them, saving for the greatest, which I carried with me, more to give satisfaction to my people, then for any other respect; because they would not be persuaded, but that there was much Gold hidden in her; otherwise she would have yielded us more than the other three.  
Being in this treaty, one morning, at the break of day, came another Ship touring into the Harbour, and standing into the shore, but was becalmed. Against her we manned a couple of Boats, and took her before many hours. In this Ship, 
They seize upon another Ship,  we had some good quantity of Gold, 
and some gold.  which she had gathered in Baldivia, and the Conception, from whence she came. Of this Ship was Pilot, and part owner, Alonso Perezbueno, whom we kept for our Pilot on this coast; till moved with compassion (for that he was a man charged with wife and children) we set him a shore betwixt Santa and Truxillo. Out of this Ship we had also store of good Bacon, and some provision of Bread, Hens, and other Victual. And for that she had brought us so good a portion, and her owner continued with us, the better to animate him to play the honest man (though we trusted him no further than we saw him, for we presently discovered him to be a cunning fellow) and for that his other partner had lost the greatest part of Gold, and seemed to be an honest man, as after he proved by his thankfulness, in Lyma; we gave them the ship, and the greatest part of her loading freely.  
Here we supplied our want of Anchors, 
Light Anchors brought from the North S●a,  though not according to that which was requisite, in regard of the burden of our Ship; for, in the South Sea, the greatest Anchor for a Ship of six or eight hundreth Tons, is not a thousand weight; partly, because it is little subject to storms, and partly, because those they had till our coming, were all brought out of the North sea by land; for they make no Anchors in those Countries. And the first Artillery they had, 
And the first Artillery.  was also brought over land; which was small; the carriage and passage ●●om Nombre de Bios, or Porto Velo to Panama being most difficult and steep, up hill and down hill, they are all carried upon Negro's backs.  
But some years be●ore my imprisonment, they fell to making of Artillery, and since they forge Anchors also. We furnished our Ship also with a shift of Sails of Cotton cloth, 
Sails of Cotton clothe.  which are far better in that Sea, than any of our double Sails, for that in all the Navigation of that Sea, they have little rain and few storms, but where rain and storms are ordinary, they are not good; for with the wet they grow so stiff, that they cannot be handled.   

SECT. XLIII.  
I Concluded the ransom of the Ships with an ancient Captain, and of Noble blood, who had his daughter there, ready to be embarked to go to Lyma, to serve Donia Teruza de Castro, the Viceroys wife, and sister to Don Beliran de Castro. Her apparel and his, with diverse other things which they had embarked in the greatest Ship, we restored, for the good office he did us, and the confidence he had of us, coming and going only upon my word; for which he was ever after thankful, and deserved much more.  
Another that treated with me was Captain Ivan Contreres, owner of one of the Ships, and of the Island Santa Maria, in thirty seven degrees and forty minutes. In treating of the ransoms, and transporting and lading the provisions we made choice of, we spent some six or eight days; at the end whereof, with reputation amongst our enemies, and a good portion towards our charges, and our Ship as well stored and victualled, as the day we departed from England, we set sail.  
The time we were in this Port, I took small rest, 
They dep●rt from Lyma,  and so did the Master of our Ship, Hugh Cornish, a most careful, orderly, and sufficient man, because we knew our own weakness; for entering into the Harbour, we had but seventy five men and boys, five Ships to guard, and every one moored by himself; which (no doubt) if our enemies had known, 
and conceal their weakness.  they would have wrought some Stratagem upon us; for the Governor of Chily was there on shore in view of us, an ancient Flanders soldier, and of experience, wisdom, and valour, called Don Alonso de Soto Mayor, 
The nobleness of Alonso ●e Soto.  of the habit of Saint jago, who was after Captain general in Terra firm, and wrought all the inventions upon the River of Chagree, and on the shore, when Sir Francis Drake purposed to go to Panama, in the Voyage wherein he died; As also at my coming into Spain, he was Precedent in Panama, and there, and in Lyma, used me with great courtesy, like a noble Soldier, and liberal Gentleman; he confessed to me after, that he lay in ambush, with three hundreth horse and foot, to see if at any time we had landed, or neglected our watch, with Balsas, which is a certain Raffe made of Masts or Trees fastened together, to have attempted something against us. But the enemy I feared not so much as the Wine; 
The enemy less dangerous than the Wine.  which, notwithstanding all the diligence and prevention I could use day and night, overthrew many of my people. A foul fault, because too common amongst Seamen, and deserveth some rigorous punishment, with severity to be executed; for it hath been and is daily the destruction of many good Enterprises, amidst their best hopes. And besides the ordinary fruits it bringeth forth, of beggary, ●hame, and sickness, it is a most deadly sin. A drunkard is unfit for any government, and if I might be hired with many thousands, I would not carry with me a man known to put his felicity in that vice, instiling it with the name of good fellowship; which in most well governed Commonwealths, hath been a sufficient blemish to deprive a man of office, of honour, and estimation. It wasteth our Kingdom more than is well understood, as well by the infirmities it causeth, as by the consumption of wealth, to the impoverishing of us, and the enriching of other Kingdoms.  
And though I am not old, in comparison of other ancient men, I can remember Spanish wine rarely to be found in this Kingdom. Then hot burning Fevers were not known in England, 
Spanish Wines and burning Fevers unknown in England.  and men lived many more years. But since the Spanish Sacks have been common in our Taverns, which (for conservation) is mingled with Lyme in its making, our Nation complaineth of Calenturas, of the Stone, the Dropsy, and infinite other Diseases, not heard of before this Wine came in frequent use, or but very seldom. To confirm which my belief, I have heard one of our learnedst Physicians affirm, that he thought there died more persons in England of drinking Wine, and using hot Spices in their meats and drinks, then of all other diseases. Besides, there is no year, in which it wasteth not two millions of Crowns of our substance by conveyance into foreign Countries, 
And consumeth treasure.  which in so well a governed Commonwealth, as ours is acknowledged to be, through the whole world, in all other constitutions, in this only remaineth to be looked into, and remedied. Doubtless, whosoever should be the Author of this reformation, would gain with God an everlasting reward, and of his Country a Statue of Gold, for a perpetual memory of so meritorious a Worke.   

SECT. XLIIII.  
A League or better before a man discover this Bay to the Southwards, 
Description of the Bay.  lieth a great Rock, or small Island, near the shore; under which, for a need, a man may ride with his Ship. It is a good mark, and sure sign of the Port, and discovering the Bay a man must give a good birth to the point of the Harbour; for it hath perilous Rocks lying a good distance off. It neither ebbeth nor floweth in this Port, nor from this, till a man come to Guayaquill, which is three degrees from the Equinoctial line to the Southwards; Let this be considered. It is a good Harbour for all winds, that partake not of the North; for it runneth up South and by West, and South South-west, but it hath much fowl ground.  
In one of these Ships we found a new devise for the stopping of a sudden Leak in a Ship under water, without board, 
A new devise for stopping a Leak without board.  when a man cannot come to it within board; which eased us of one, that we had from the day we departed from Detford, caused by the touching aground of our Ship at low water, being loaden, and in the neape streams, coming aground in the stern, the force of the tide caused to cast thwart, wrested her slegg, and that in such sort, as it made a continual Leake, though not much. And for that others may profit themselves of the like, I think it good to set down the manner of it; which was, taking a round wicker Basket, and to fill it with pieces of a junke or Rope, chopped very small, and of an inch long, and after tozed all as Oacombe; then the Basket is to be covered with a Net, the meshes of it being at the least two inches square, and after to be tied to a long Pike or Pole, which is to go a cross the Baskets mouth▪ and putting it under water, care is to be had to keep the Baskets mouth towards the Ships side; if the Leak be any thing great, the Oacombe may be somewhat longer, and it carrieth likelihood to do good, & seemeth to be better than the stitching of a Bonnet, or any other diligence, which as yet I have seen.  
Another thing I noted of these Ships, which would be also used by us; that every Ship carrieth with her a spare Rudder, 
Spare Rudders.  and they have them to hang and unhange with great facility: and beside, in some part of the Ship, they have the length, breadth, and proportion of the Rudder marked out, for any mischance that may befall them; which is a very good prevention.  
Ten leagues to the North-wards of this Harbour, is the bay of Quintera, 
Bay of Quintera.  where is good anchoring, but an open bay; where master Thomas Candish (for the good he had done to a Spaniard, in bringing him out of the Straits of Magellan, where, otherwise, 
Nota verum hispanum.  he had perished with his company) was by him betrayed, and a dozen of his men taken and slain: But the judgement of God left not his ingratitude unpunished; for, in the fight with us, in the Vide-admiral, he was wounded and maimed in that manner, as three years after, I saw him beg with Crutches, and in that miserable estate, as he had been better dead, then alive.  
From Balparizo, we sailed directly to Coquinbo, 
Coquinbo.  which is in thirty degrees, and coming thwart the place, we were becalmed, and had sight of a ship: but for that she was far off, and night at hand, she got from us, and we having wind entered the Port, thinking to have had some shipping in it; but we lost our labour: and for that the Town was half a League up in the Country, and we not manned for any matter of attempt, worthy prosecution, we made no abode on the shore; but presently set sail for the Peru. This is the best Harbour that I have seen in the south sea, it is land-locked for all winds, and capable of many ships; but the ordinary place where the ships lad, and unlade, and accommodate themselves, is betwixt a Rock, and the Main on the wester-side; some half a league up within the entrance of the Port, which lieth south and south, and by East and North, and by west.  
In the incountry, directly over the Port, is a round piked hill, like a sugar loaf, and before the entrance on the southern point of the port coming in, out of the Sea, it is a great Rock, a good birth from the shore; and these are the marks of the Port as I remember.  
Being clear of this Port, we shaped our course for Arica, and left the Kingdoms of Chily, 
Arica in Chily, much commended.  one of the best Countries that the Sun shineth on: for it is of a temperate climate, and abounding in all things necessary, for the use of man, with infinite rich mines of Gold, Copper, and sundry other metals.  
The poorest houses in it, by report of their Inhabitants, have of their own store, bread, wine, flesh, and fruit; which is ●o plentiful, that of their superfluity they supply other parts; Sundry kinds of cattle: as Horses, Goats, and Oxen brought thither by the Spaniards, 
For all sorts of fruits.  are found in herds of thousands, wild, and without owner; besides those of the Country, which are common to most parts of America: in some of which are found the Bezoar stones, and those very good and great.  
Amongst others they have little beasts, like unto a Squirrel, but that he is grey, his skin is the most delicate soft, and curious fur that I have seen, and of much estimation, (as is reason) in the Peru; few of them come into Spain, because difficult to be come by, for that the Princes and Nobles lay wait for them, they call this beast Chinchilla, and of them they have great abundance.  
All fruits of Spain, they have in great plenty, saving stone fruit, and Almonds: ●or in no part of the Indies, have I known, that Plumbs, Cherries, or Almonds have borne fruit: but they have certain little round Cocos, as those of Brasill, of the bigness of a Walnut, which is as good as an Almond: beside, it hath most of the fruits natural to America, of which in another place I shall (God wi●ling) speak particularly.  
The Gold they gather, 
And plenty of Gold.  is in two manners; the one is washing the earth in great Treys of wood in many waters; as the earth wasteth away, the Gold in the bottom remaineth. The other is, by force of Art, to draw it out of the Ours, in which they find it. In most parts of the Country, the earth is mingled with Gold; for the Butizias (in which the Wine was) which we found in Balpharizo, had many sparks of Gold shining in them. Of it the Goldsmiths I carried with me (for like purposes) made experience.  
When Baldivia and Arawca were peaceable, they yielded greatest plenty, and the best: but now, their greatest Ours are in Coquinbo; as also the Mines of Copper, which they carry to the Peru, and sell it better cheap, than it is ordinarily sold in Spain.  
The Indians knowing the end of the Spaniards molestation, to be principally the desire of their riches, have enacted, that no man, upon pain of death, do gather any Gold. 
The Indians forbid the search of gold.   
In Coquinbo it raineth seldom, but every shower of rain, is a shower of Gold unto them; 
Every shower, a shower of gold.  for with the violence of the water falling from the Mountains, it bringeth from them the Gold; and beside, gives them water to wash it out, as also for their ingenious to work; so that ordinarily every week they have Processions for rain.  
In this Kingdom they make much linen and wool●en Cloth, 
Linen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo.  and great store of Indian Mantles, with which they furnish other parts, but all is course stuff. It hath no Silk, nor Iron, except in Ours, and those as yet not discovered. Pewter is well esteemed, and so are fin linen, woollen cloth, Haberdashers wares, edge-tools, and Arms, or Munition.  
It hath his Governor, and Audiencia, with two Bishops: the one of Saint jago, the other of the Imperial; all under the Viceroy, Audiencia, and Primate of Lyma. Saint jago is the Metropolitan and head of the Kingdom, and the seat of justice, which hath his appellation to Lyma.  
The people are industrious and ingenious, of great strength, and invincible courage; as in the wars, 
The valour of the Arawcans.  which they have sustained above forty years continually against the Spaniards, hath been experienced. For confirmation whereof, I will allege only two proofs of many; the one was of an Indian Captain, taken prisoner by the Spaniards; and for that, he was of name and known to have done his devoir against them, they cut off his hands, thereby intending to disenable him to fight any more against them; but he returning home, desirous to revenge this injury, to maintain his liberty, with the reputation of his Nation, and to help to banish the Spaniard, with his tongue entreated and incited them to persevere in their accustomed valour and reputation; abasing the enemy, and advancing his Nation; condemning their contraries of Cowardliness, and confirming it by the cruelty used with him, and others his companions in their mishaps; showing them his arms without hands, and naming his brethren, whose half feet they had cut off, because they might be unable to sit on horseback with force, arguing, that if they feared them not, they would not have used so great inhumanity; for fear produceth cruelty, the companion of Cowardice. Thus encouraged he them to fight for their lives, limbs, and liberty, choosing rather to die an honourable death fight, then to live in servitude, as fruitless members in their Commonwealth. Thus, using the office of a Sergeant Maior, and having loaden his two stumps with bundles of Arrows, succoured those, who in the succeeding battle had their store wasted, and changing himself from place to place, animated and encouraged his Countrymen, with such comfortable persuasions, as it is reported, and credibly believed, that he did much more good with his words, and presence, without striking a stroke, than a great part of the Army did with fight to the utmost.  
The other proof is, that such of them as fight on horseback, are but slightly armed, for that their armour is a Beasts hide, fitted to their body, green, and after worn till it be dry and hard. He that it is best armed, hath him double; yet any one of them with these Arms, and with his Lance, will fight hand to hand with any Spaniar● armed from head to foot. And it is credibly reported, that an Indian being wounded through the body by a Spaniards Lance, with his own hands hath crept on upon the Lance, and come to grapple with his adversary, and both fallen to the ground together. By which is seen their resolution and invincible courage, and the desire they have to maintain their reputation and liberty.   

SECT. XLV.  
LEaving the coast of Chily, and running towards that of Peru, my company required the third of the Gold we had gotten, which of right belonged unto them; wherein I desired to give them satisfaction of my just intention, but not to divide it till we came home, and so persuaded them with the best reasons I could; alleging the difficulty to divide the bars, and being parted, how easy it was to be robbed of them, and that many would play away their portions, and come home as beggarly as they came out; and that the shares could not be well made before our return to England, because every man's merits could not be discerned nor rewarded till the end of the Voyage. In conclusion, it was resolved, and agreed, that the things of price, as Gold and Silver, should be put into Chests with three keys, whereof I should have the one, the Master another, and the third some other person, whom they should name. This they yielded unto with great difficulty, and not without reason; for the bad correspondence used by many Captains and owners with their companies upon their return, defrauding them, or diminishing their rights, hath hatched many jealousies, and produced many disorders, with the overthrow of all good discipline and government, as experience teacheth; for where the Soldier and Mariner is unpaide, or defrauded, what service or obedience can be required at his hands?  
The covetous Captain, or Commander, 
Most men unwilling to follow cove●ous Commande●s.  looseth the love of those under his charge; yea, though he have all the parts beside required in a perfect Commander, yet if he prefer his private profit before justice, hardly will any man follow such a Leader, especially, in our Kingdom, where more absolute authority and trust is committed to those who have charge, then in many other Countries.  
And therefore in election of Chieftains, care would be had in examination of this point. The shameful fruits whereof (found by experience of many years, wherein I have wandered the world) I leave to touch in particular; because I will not diminish the reputation of any. But this let me manifest, that there have been and are certain persons, who, before they go to Sea, either rob part of the provisions, 
The mischiefs of corrupt, or scantle provisions.  or in the buying, make penurious, unwholesome, and avaricious pennyworths; and the last I hold to be the lea●t; for they rob only the Victuallers and owners, but the others steal from owners, victuallers, and company, and are many times the only overthrowers of the Voyage; for the company thinking themselves to be stored with four or six months Victuals, upon survey, they find their Bread, Beef, or Drink short, yea, perhaps all, and so are forced to seek home in time of best hopes, and employment. This mischief is most ordinary in great actions.  
Lastly, some are so cunning, that they not only make their voyage by robbing before they go to Sea, but o● that also which cometh home. Such gamesters, a wise man of our Nation resembled to the Mill on the River of Thames, for Grinding both with flood and ebb; So, these at their going out, and coming home, will be sure to rob all others of their shares: although this be a great abuse amongst us, and but of late days practised, and by me spoken unto by way of animadversion, either in hope of redress, or for infliction of punishment; yet I would have the world know, that in other Countries, the fault is far more insufferable. And the principal cause which I can find for it, is that our Country employeth her Nobles, of men of credit in all actions of moment, who rather choose to spend wealth, and gain honour, then to gain riches without reputation; whereas in Spain, and other parts, the advancement of poor men and mean persons by favour and interest produceth no other end, but private and particular respects, to enrich themselves, yet the Nobility themselves (for the most part) in all occasions pretend rewards for any small service whatsoever, which with us as yet is not in use.  
But the greatest and most principal Robbery of all, in my opinion, is the defrauding, or detaining of the Companies thirds or wages, 
Of detaining and defrauding of wages.  accursed by the just God, who forbiddeth the hire of the labourer to sleep with us. To such I speak as either abuse themselves in detaining it; or else to such as force the poor man to sell it at vile and low prices; and lastly to such as upon feigned cavils and suits, do deter the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions; which being too much in use amongst us, hath bred in those that follow the Sea a jealousy in all employments, and many times causeth mutinies and infinite inconveniences. A point deserving consideration and reformation, and which with great facility may be remedied, if upright justice would put itself as stickler betwixt the owners and Company.  
No less worthy of reformation are the general abuses of Mariners and Soldiers, who rob all they can, under the colour of Pillage, 
Of mariners by challenge of Pillage.  and after make Ordinance, Cables, Sails, Anchors, and all above Decks, to belong unto them of right, whether they go by thirds or wages; this proceedeth from those pilfering wars, wherein every Gallant that can arm out a Ship, taketh upon him the name and office of a Captain, not knowing what to command, nor what to execute. Such Commanders for the most part consort and join unto themselves disorderly persons, Pirates, and Ruffians, under the title of men of valour and experience: they meeting with any Prize, make all upon the Decks theirs of duty; viz. the best piece of Ordinance for the Captain; the second, for the Gunner; the third, for his Mate; the best Cable and Anchor for the Master; the Main topsail, for the Boatsman, the bonnetts, for the quarter Masters; and the rest of the Sails for the company: The Cards and Instruments of the Master, for the Master; the surgeons Instruments and Chest, for the Surgeon; the Carpenter's Tools and Chest for the Carpenter; and so consequently of each officer, that answereth the other in the two Ships.  
If one happen upon a bag of Gold, Silver, Pearl, or precious Stones, it is held well gotten; provided it be cleanly stolen, though the Ship, and all her loading beside be not worth so much, little considering the common injury, in defrauding the owners, victuallers, and whole Company: and forgetting, that if himself were a juryman upon another in like case, he would adjudge him to the Gallows. But I would advise such Novices to know, that our true and ancient Discipline of War is far different, and being understood, is much more better for the general. Besides, it is grounded on God's law (from whence all Laws should be derived) and true justice, which distributeth to every one that which to him belongeth of right, and that in due season.  
In the time of war in our Country, as also in others, by the laws of Oleron (which to our ancient Seamen were fundamental) nothing is allowed for Pillage but Apparel, 
The laws of Oleron, concerning pillage.  Arms, Instruments, and other necessaries belonging to the persons, in that ship which is taken; and these too, when the ship is gained by dint of sword; with a proviso, that if any particular pillage, exceed the value of six crowns, it may be redeemed for that value, by the general stock, and sold for the common benefit.  
If the prize render itself without forcible entry, all in general aught to be preserved and sold in mass, and so equally divided: yea though the ship be won by force and entry, yet whatsoever belongeth to her of tackling, sails, or Ordinance, is to be preserved for the generality: saving a piece of Artillery for the Captain; another for the Gunner, and a Cable and Anchor for the Master, which are the rights due unto them; and these to be delivered, when the ship is in safety, and in Harbour, either unloaden or sold: which law or custom well considered, will rise to be more beneficial for the owners, victuallars, and company; then the disorders newly crept in and before remembered.  
For the Sails, Cables, Anchors, and hull, being sold (every one a part) yield not the one half, which they would do, if they were sold altogether, besides the excusing of charges, and robberies in the unloading and parting.  
In the wars of France, in the time of Queen Mary, and in other wars (as I have heard of many ancient Captains) the Company had but the fourth part, and every man bound to bring with him the Arms, with which he would fight: which in our time, I have known also used in France; and if the Company victualled themselves, they had then the one half, and the owners the other half for the Ship, powder, shot, and munition. If any prize were taken, it was sold by the Tun, ship and goods, so as the loading permitted it; that the Merchant having bought the goods, he might presently transport them whethersoever he would; By this manner of proceeding, all rested contented, all being truly paid; for this was just dealing; if any deserved reward, he was recompensed out of the general stock; If any one had filched or stolen, or committed offence he had likewise his desert: And who once was known, to be a disordered person, or a thief, no man would receive him into his ship, whereas now a days many vaunt themselves of their thefts and disorders; yea I have seen the common sort of Mariners, under the name of pillage, maintain and justify their robberies most insolently, before the Queen's Majesty's commissioners, with arrogant and unseemly terms, for that they would not condescend to their unreasonable challenges: The demands being better worth than five hundreth pounds, which some one pretended to be his; and that of the choicest Merchandise, and most of it rob out of that part of the ship, which they themselves, and all the world cannot but confess to be Merchandise.  
My opinion is, that such Malaperts, deserve most justly to have their spoil taken from them, or some worse consideration, and afterwards to be severely punished, in prevention of greater preiudices, then can by paper be well declared.  
But I must tell you withal (such hath been the partiality of some Commissioners in former times) that upon information, in lieu of punishment, Opinion hath held them for tall fellows, when, in truth, they never prove the best men in difficult occasions. For their minds are all set on spoil, and can be well contented to suffer their associates to bear the brunt, whillest they are prowling after pillage, the better to gain and maintain the aforesaid attributes, in Taverns, and disorderly places.  
For the orderly and quiet men, I have ever found in all occasions to be of best use, most valiant, and of greatest sufficiency. Yet I condemn none: but those who will be reputed valiant, and are not, examine the accusation.  
All what soever is found upon the deck, going for Merchandise, is exempted out of the censure of pillage; 
What ought to be reputed pillage.  Silks, Linen, or woollen cloth in whole pieces, apparel, that goeth to be sold, or other goods what soever (though they be in remnants,) manifestly known to be carried for that end; or being comprehended in the Register, or bills of lading, are not to be contained under the name of pillage.  
But as I have said of the consort, so can I not but complain of many Captains and Governors, 
Against the disloyalties of Captains.  who overcome with like greedy desire of gain, condescend to the smothering and suppressing of this ancient discipline, the cleanlier to smother their own disloyalties, in suffering these breake-bulks to escape, and absent themselves, till the heat be past, and partition made.  
Some of these cause the bills of lading to be cast into the Sea, or so to be hidden, that they never appear. Others send away their prisoners, who sometimes are more worth than the ship and her lading, because they should not discover their secret stolen treasure; for many times, that which is left out of the Register or bills of lading, (with purpose to defraud the Prince of his Customs, (in their conceits, 
Conceivement; o● much more value, th●n the Trading.  held to be excessive) is of much more value, then that which the ship and lading is worth. Yea I have known ships worth two hundreth thousand pounds, and better, clean swept of their principal riches, nothing but the bare bulk being left unsacked. The like may be spoken, of that which the disorderly Mariner, and the Soldier termeth pillage; yet all winked at, and unpunished, although such prizes have been rendered without stroke stricken.  
This doubtless, cannot but be an heart's grief and discouragement to all those who virtuously, and truly desire to observe the ancient discipline of our Nation, their own honours, and the service of their Sovereign.  
But to prevent these unknown mischiefs, 
The prevention of undue pillagin●s.  (and for his better discharge) I remember, that my Father Sir john Hawkins in his instructions, in actions under his charge, had this particular Article; That whosoever rendered, or took any ship, should be bound to exhibit the bills of lading; to keep the Captain, Master, Merchants, and persons of account, and to bring them to him to be examined, or into England; If they should be by any accident separated from him, what soever was found wanting (the prisoners being examined) was to be made good by the Captain, and Company, which took the ship, and this upon great punishments. I am witness, and avow, that this course did redound much to the benefit of the general stock; to the satisfaction of her Majesty, and Counsel; the justification of his government, and the content of his followers.  
Thus much have I set down concerning these abuses, and the reformation thereof, for that, I have neither seen them divulged by any, with whom I have gone to Sea, neither yet recorded in writing, by any man's pen; let consideration, present them to the ears of the powerful; But now to our Voyage.   

SECT. XLVI.  
RVnning alongst the coast, till we came within few Leagues of Arica, nothing happened unto us of extraordinary novelty, or moment, for we had the brese favourable, which seldom happeneth in this Climate, finding ourselves in nineteen Degrees, we haled the shore close aboard, purposing to see, if there were any shipping in the road of Arica. 
Arica.  It standeth in a great large Bay, in eighteen degrees: and before you come to it, a league to the southwards of the road and Town, is a great round hill, higher than the rest of the land of the Bay, near about the Town: which we having discovered, had sight presently of a small Bark, close aboard the shore becalmed; manning our boat, we took her, being loaden with fish from Moormereno; which is a goodly head-land, very high, and lieth betwixt twenty four, and twenty five Degrees, and whether ordinarily some barks use to go a fishing every year.  
In her was a Spaniard and six Indians; The Spaniard, for that he was near the shore, swum unto the Rocks, and though we offered to return him his bark, and fish, (as was our meaning) yet he refused to accept it, and made us answer, that he durst not, for fear lest the justice should punish him. In so great subjection are the poor unto those, who have the administration of justice in those parts, and in most parts of the Kingdoms and Countries subject to Spain. 
The severity of Spain.  Insomuch, that to hear the justice to enter in at their doors, is to them destruction and desolation: for this cause we carried her alongst with us.  
In this mean while, we had sight of another tall ship, coming out of the Sea, which we gave chase unto, but could not fetch up, being too good of sail ●or us. Our small prize and boat standing off unto us, descried another ship, which they chased and took also, loaden with fish, coming from the Lands of juan Fernandes.  
After we opened the Bay and Port of Arica, but seeing it clean without shipping, we haled the coast alongst, and going aboard to visit the bigger prize, my company saluted me with a volley of small shot. Amongst them, one Musket broke, and carried away the hand of him that shot it, through his own default, which for that I have seen to happen many times, I think it necessary to note in this place, that others may take warning by his harm.  
The cause of the Muskets breaking, was the charging with two bullets, 
Overcharging o● Artileries.  the powder being ordained to carry but the weight of one, and the Musket not to suffer two charges of powder or shot. By this oversight, the fire is restrained with the overplus of the weight of shot, and not being able to force both of them out, breaketh all to pieces, so to find a way to its own centre.  
And I am of opinion, that it is a great error, to prove great Ordinance, or small shot, with double charges of powder, or shot, my reason is, for that ordinarily the mettle is proportioned to the weight of the shot, which the Piece is to bear, and the powder correspondent to the weight of the bullet: and this being granted, I see no reason why any man should require to prove his piece with more, then is belonging to it of right: for I have seen many goodly pieces broken with such trials, being clean without honey combs, crack, flaw, or other perceavable blemish, which no doubt, with their ordinary allowance would have served many years. Yea I have been certified by men of credit, that some Gunners have taken a glory, for breaking many pieces in the trial: which is easy to be done by sundry slights and means not fit to be published, much less to be exercised, being prejudicial to the seller, and chargeable to the Conscience of the practiser, therefore it were good, this excessive trial by double charges were clean abolished. If I should make choice for myself, I would not willingly, that any piece should come into Fort, or Ship, (under my charge) which had borne at any time more than his ordinary allowance, misdoubting, lest, through the violence of the double charge, the Piece may be crazed within, or so forced, as at another occasion, with his ordinary allowance he might break in pieces: how many men so many minds: for to others, this may ●eeme harsh, for that the contrary custom hath so long time been received, and therefore I submit to better experience, and contradict not but that in a demi Culverin, a man may put two Saker or Minion shots, or many of smaller weight: and so in a Muskett, two Calever shot, or many smaller, so they exceed not the ordinary weight, prescribed by proportion, Art; and experience. These experiments, I hold convenient upon many occasions, yea and most necessary; but the vain custom of double charges, to cause their pieces thereby to give a better report, I affirm can produce no other effect, but danger, loss and harm.   

SECT. XLVII.  
HAving visited our prizes, and finding in them nothing but fish, we took a small portion for our victualling, and gave the bigger ship to the Spaniards again, and the lesser we kept, with purpose to make her our Pinnace. The Indians (which we took in her) would by no means depart from us, 
The amity of the Indians.  but desired to go with us for England; saying that the Indian and English were brothers, and in all places where we came, they showed themselves much affectionated unto us, these were Natives of Moremoreno, and the most brutish of all that ever I had seen; and except it were in form of men and speech, they seemed altogether void of that which appertained to reasonable men. They were expert swimmers; but after the manner of Spaniels, they dive and abide under water a long time, and swallow the water of the Sea, as if it were of a fresh River, except a man see them, he would hardly believe how they continue in the Sea, as if they were Mermaids, and the water their natural Element.  
Their Country is most barren, and poor of food; If they take a fish alive out of the Sea, or meet with a piece of salted fish, they will devour it without any dressing, as savourely as if it had been most curiously sodden or dressed, all which makes me believe, that they sustain themselves of that, which they catch in the Sea.  
The Spaniards profit themselves, of their labour and travel, and recompense them badly, they are in worse condition than their slaves, for to those they give sustenance, houseroom, and clothing, and teach them the knowledge of God; but the other they use as beasts, to do their labour without wages, or care of their bodies, or souls.   

SECT. XLVIII.  
THwart of Ariquipa, the ship we brought with us from Balparizo, being very leak, and my Company satisfied, that their hope to find any thing of worth in her, was vain, having searched her from post to stem, condescended to fire her, and the rather, to keep our Company together; which could not well suffer any division, more than of mere necessity: so by general accord we eased ourselves of her, and continued our course alongst the coast, till we came thwart, of the Bay of Pisco; which lieth within 15. Degrees and 15. minutes.  
Presently after we were clear of Cape Sangalean, and his Lands, we ranged this Bay with our Boat and Pinnace. It hath 2. small Lands in it, but without fruit, and being becalmed, we anchored two days thwart of Chilec.  
By Sea and by Land, those of Clyly had given advice to Don Garcia Hurtado de Mend●ca, 
Advise ●●ven ●y Sea and Land.  Marquis of Cavete, Viceroy of Peru, resident in Lima, of our being on the Coast. He presently with all possible diligence, put out six ships in warlike order, with well near two thousand men, and dispatched them to seek us, and to fight with us, under the conduct of Don Beltrian de Castro Y delaluca, his wife's brother; who departing out of the Port of Callao, turned to windward, in sight over the shore, from whence they had daily intelligence, where we had been discovered. And the next day after our departure out of Chilca, about the middle of May, at break of day, we had sight each of other, thwart of Cavete, we being to wind-wards of the Spanish Armado, some two leagues, and all with little, or no wind. Our Pinnace or prize being furnished with Oars came unto us, out of which we thought to have taken our men, and so to leave her; but being able to come unto us at all times, it was held for better, to keep her till necessity forced us to leave her: and so it was determined; that if we came to likelihood of boarding, she should lay our Boat aboard, and enter all her men, and from thence to enter our ship, and so to forsake her▪ Although by the event in that occasion, this proved good, notwithstanding I hold it to be reproved, where the Enemy is far superior in multitude and force, and able to come and board, if he list: and that the surest course, is to fortify the principal, the best that may be, and to cutof all impediments, where a man is forced to defence; for that no man is assured to have time answerable to his purpose and will, and upon doubt whether the others in hope to save themselves, will not leave him in greatest extremity.   

SECT. XLIX.  
We presently put ourselves in the best order we could, to fight, and to defend ourselves: our prayers we made unto the Lord God of battles, for his help and our deliverance, putting ourselves wholly into his hands. About nine of the Clock, the Brese began to blow, and we to stand off into the Sea, the Spaniards cheek by jowl with us, ever getting to the wind-wards upon us; for that the shipping of the South-sea, is ever moulded sharp under water, and long; all their voyages depending upon turning to wind-wardes, and the Brese blowing ever Southerly.  
As the Sun began to mount aloft, the wind began to fresh: which together with the Rolling Sea, that ever beateth upon this Coast, coming out of the westerne-bourd, caused a chapping Sea, wherewith the Admiral of the Spaniards snapped his main Mast asunder, and so began to lag a stern, and with him, other two ships. The Vide-admiral split her maine-sayle, being come within shot of us, upon our broad side, but to le-wards: the Rear-admiral cracked her mainyard asunder in the midst, being a head of us. One of the Armado, which had gotten upon the broad side of us, to wind-wards, durst not assault us.  
With these disgraces upon them, and the hand of God helping and delivering us, night coming, we began to consult what course was best to be taken, to free ourselves; wherein were diverse opinions; some said it was best to stand off to the Sea close by, all the night; others to lie it a hull; others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses, and after all the night to stand off to Sea close by. The Admiral of the Spaniards, with the other two, were a stern of us, some four leagues▪ the Vice-admiral a mile right to le-wards of us; the Rear-admiral in a manner right a head, some Culverin shot; and one upon our loose, within shot also, the Moon was to rise within two hours. After much debating, it was concluded, that we should bear up before the wind, and seek to escape betwixt the admiral, and the Vice-admiral, which we put in execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them, but that of the Rear-admiral: till after our surrender, when they recounted unto us all that had past. In the Morning at break of day, we were clear of all our Enemies, and so shaped our course alongst the Coast, for the Bay of Atacumes, where we purposed to trim our Pinnace, and to renew our wood and water, and so to depart upon our Voyage, with all possible speed.  
The Spanish Armado, returned presently to Callao, which is the Port of Lyma, or of the City of the Kings.  
It was first named Lyma, and retaineth also that name of the River, which passeth by the City called Lyma, the Spanish Armado being entered the Port, the people began to go ashore, where they were so mocked, and scorned by the women, as scarce any one, by day would show his face, they reviled them with the name of cowards and golnias, and craved licence of the Viceroy, to be admitted in their rooms, and to undertake the surrendry of the English Ship. I have been certified for truth, that some of them affronted their Soldiers with Daggers and Pistols by their sides.  
This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced, as they vowed either to recover their reputation lost, or to follow us into England, and so with expedition, the Viceroy commanded two ships and a Pinnace, to be put in order, and in them placed the chief Soldiers and Mariners of the rest, and furnished them with victuals and munition.  
The foresaid General is once again dispatched to seek us; who ranged the Coasts and Ports, informing himself what he could; Some fifty leagues to the North-wards of Lyma, in sight of Mongon, we took a ship half loaden with wheat, sugar, miell de Canas, and Cordovan skins: which for that she was leak, and sailed badly, and tackled in such manner (as the Mariners would not willingly put themselves into her) we took what was necessary for our provision and fired her.  
Thwart of Truxille, we set the company of her a shore, with the Pilot which we had taken in Balparizo, reserving the Pilot of the burnt ship, and a Greek, who chose rather to continue with us, then to hazard their lives in going a shore▪ for that they had departed out of the Port of Santa, (which is in eight Degrees) being required by the justice, not to weigh anchor, before the Coast was known to be 〈◊〉.  
It is a thing worthy to be noted, and almost incredible, with how few men they use to sail a ship in the south Sea, for in this prize, which was above an hundred Tuns, were but eight persons: and in a ship of three hundreth Tuns, they use not to put above fourteen or fifteen persons: yea I have been credibly informed, that with fourteen persons, a ship of five hundreth Tuns hath been carried from Guayaquil to Lyma, deep loaden: (which is above two hundreth Leagues) and are forced ever to gain their Voyage by turning to wind-wards, which is the greatest toil and labour that t●e Mariners have; and slow sometimes in this voyage four or five months, which is general in all the navigations of this coast: But the security from storms, and certainty of the Brese, (with the desire to make their gain the greater) is the cause that every man forceth himself to the uttermost, to do the labour of two men.   

SECT. L.  
IN the height of this Port of Santa, some seven hundreth and fifty leagues to the westwards, lie the Lands of Solomon, 
The Lands of Solomon.  of late years discovered. At my being in Lyma, a Fleet of four sail was sent from thence to people them; which through the emulation, and discord that arose amongst them, being landed and settled in the Country, was utterly overthrown, only one ship, with some few of the people, after much misery, got to the Philippines. This I came to the knowledge of, by a large relation written from a person of credit, and sent from the Philippines to Panama: I saw it, at my being there, in my voyage towards Spain.  
Having edged near the coast, to put the Spaniards on shore, a thick fog took us, so that we could not see the Land: but recovering our Pinnace and Boat, we sailed on our course, till we came thwart of the Port called Malabrigo, It lieth in seven Degrees.  
In all this coast the currant runneth with great force, but never keepeth any certain course; saving that it runneth alongst the coast, sometimes to the Southwards, sometimes to the North-wards; which now running to the North-wards, forced us so far into the Bay (which a point of the land causeth, 
Punta de Augus●a.  that they call Punta de Augussa) as thinking to clear ourselves by roving Northwest, we could not double this point, making our way, North Northwest. Therefore special care is ever to be had of the current: and doubtless, if the providence of Almighty God had not freed us, we had run ashore upon the Land, without seeing or suspecting any such danger; His name be ever exalted and magnified, for delivering us from the unknown danger, by calming the wind all night: the Sun's rising manifested unto us our error and peril, by discovering unto us the Land, within 2 leagues, right a head. The current had carried us without any wind, at the least 4. leagues; which seen, and the wind beginning to blow, we brought our tacks aboard, and in short time cleared ourselves.  
Thwart of this point of Augussa, lie two desert Islands; they call them Illas de Lobos, for the the multitude of Seals, which accustom to haunt the shore. In the bigger is very good harbour, and secure: they lie in six Degrees and thirty minutes.  
The next day after, we lost sight of those Lands, being thwart of Payta, which lieth in five Degrees and having manned our Pinnace and Boat to search the Port, we had sight of a tall ship, which having knowledge of our being on the Coast, and thinking herself to be more safe at Sea, then in the harbour, put herself then under sail: to her we gave chase all that night, and the next day, but in fine being better of sail than we, she freed herself. Thus being too lee-ward of the Harbour, and discovered, we continued our course alongst the shore. That Evening, we were thwart of the River of Guayaquill, which hath in the mouth of it two Lands: the Souther-most and biggest, called Puma, in three Degrees, and the other, to the North-wards, Santa clara.  
P●ma is inhabited, 
Puma.  and is the place where they build their principal shipping; from-his River, Lima and all the valleys are furnished with Timber, for they have none but that which is brought from hence, or from the kingdom of Chile. By this River passeth the principal trade of the Kingdom of Quito, it is Navigable some leagues into the Land, and hath great abundance of Timber.  
Those of the Peru, use to ground and trim their ships in Puma, or in Panama, and in all other parts they are forced to carene their ships. In Puma, it higheth and falleth, fifteen or sixteen foot water, and from this Island, till a man come to Panama, in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or less; keeping the ordinary course, which the Tides do in all Seas. The water of this River, by experience, is medicinable, for all aches of the bones, for the stone, and strangury; the reason which is given is, because all the banks, and low land adjoining to this River, are replenished with Salsaperillia: which lying for the most part soaking in the water, it participateth of this virtue, and giveth it this force.  
In this River, and all the Rivers of this coast, are great abundance of Alagartoes; and it is said that this exceedeth the rest, for persons of credit have certified me, that as small fishes in other Rivers abound in scoales, so the Alagartoes in this, they do much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards, and are dreadful to all whom they catch within their clutches.   

SECT. LI.  
SOme five or six Leagues to the North-wards of Puma, is lafoy Punta de Santa Elena; under which is good anchoring, clean ground, and reasonable succour. Being thwart of this point, we had sight of a ship, which we chased, but being of better sail than we, and the night coming on, we lost sight of her; and so anchored under the Isla de plata; to recover our Pinnace and Boat, which had gone about the other point of the Island, which lieth in two Degrees, and forty minutes.  
The next day we passed in sight of Puerto Viejo, 
Puerto viejo.  in two degrees ten minutes; which lying without shipping, we directed our course for Cape Passaos. It lieth directly under the Equinoctial line; some fourscore leagues to the westwards of this Cape, lieth a heap of Lands, the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos; They are desert and bear no fruit: from Cape Passaos, we directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco, which lieth in one degree to the Northwards of the line; and being thwart of it, we descried a small ship, which we chased all that day and night; and the next morning our Pinnace came to board her; but being a ship of advice, and full of passengers, and our ship not able to fetch her up, they entreated our people badly, and freed themselves, though the fear they conceived, caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King, as also of particulars into the sea, with a great part of their loading, to be lighter, and better of sail, for the ships of the South Sea load themselves like lighters, or sand barges, presuming upon the security from storms.   

SECT. LII.  
BEing out of hope to fetch up this ship, we stood in with the Cape, where the Land beginneth to trend about to the East-wards. The Cape is high land, and all covered over with Trees, and so is the land over the Cape, and all the coast (from this Cape to Panama) is full of wood, from the Staites of Magelan, to this cape of San Francisco. In all the coast from head-land to head-land, the courses lie betwixt the North and north and by west, and sometimes more westerly, and that but seldom: It is a bold Coast, and subject to little foul weather, or alteration of winds, for the Brese, which is the sowtherly wind, bloweth continually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco, except it be a great chance.  
Trending about the Cape, we haled in East North-east, to fetch the Bay of Atacames, which lieth some seven Leagues from the Cape. In the mid way (some three leagues from the shore) ly●th a bank of sand, whereof a man must have a care; for in some parts of it, there is but little water.  
The tenth of june, we came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames, which on the wester part hath a round hammock. It seemeth an Island, and in high springs, I judge, that the sea goeth round about it. To the East-wards it hath a high sandy cliff, and in the midst of the Bay, a fair birth, from the shore lieth a big black Rock above water: from this Rock, to the sandy cliff, is a drowned Marsh ground, caused by his lowness; And a great River, which is broad, but of no depth.  
Manning our boat, and running to the shore, we found presently in the western bite of the Bay, a deep River, whose indraught was so great, that we could not benefit ourselves of it, being brackish, except at a low water; which hindered our dispatch, yet in five days, we filled all our empty Cask, supplied our want of wood, and grounded and put in order our Pinnace.  
Here, for that our Indians served us to no other use, 
They dismiss their Indians.  but to consume our victuals, we eased ourselves of them; gave them hooks and lines which they craved, and some bread for a few days, and replanted them in a far better country, than their own, which fell out luckily for the Spaniards of the ship which we chased thwart of Cape San Francisco; for victuals growing short with her, having many mouths, she was forced to put a shore fifty of her passengers, near the Cape; whereof more than the one half died with famine, and continual wading through Rivers and waters: the rest (by chance) meeting with the Indians, which we had put ashore, with their fishing, guide, and industry were refreshed, sustained, and brought to habitation.   

SECT. LIII.  
Our necessary business being ended, we purposed the fifteenth day of May, in the morning, to set sail, but the foureteenth in the Evening, we had sight of a ship, some three leagues to Sea wards; and through the importunity of my Captain and Company, I condescended that our Pinnace should give her chase▪ which I should not have done, for it was our destruction; I gave them precise order, that if they stood not in again at night, they should seek me at Cape San Francisco, for the next morning I purposed to set sail without delay, and so seeing that our Pinnace slowed her coming, at nine of the clock in the morning, we weighed our Anchors, and stood for the Cape; where we beat off and on two days; and our Pinnace not appearing, we stood again into the Bay, where we descried her, turning in without a main Mast, which standing off to the Sea, close by, with much wind, and a chapping Sea, bearing a taunt-sayle, where a little was too much (being to small purpose) suddenly they bore it by the board; and standing in with the shore, the wind, or rather God blinding them, for our punishment, they knew not the land; and making themselves to be to wind-wards of the Bay, bore up and were put into the Bay of San Matthew; It is a goodly Harbour, and hath a great fresh River, which higheth fifteen or sixteen foot water, and is a good country, and well peopled with Indidians, they have store of Gold and Emeralds, here the Spaniards from Guayaquill, made an habitation, whilst I was prisoner in Lyma, by the Indians consent; but after not able to suffer the insolences of their guests, and being a people of stomach and presumption, they suffered themselves to be persuaded, and led by a Molato. 
The Indians led by a Molato  This leader many years before had fled unto them from the Spaniards, him they had, long time, held in reputation of their Captain General, and was admitted also unto a chief Office by the Spaniards, to gain him unto them.  
But now the Indians uniting themselves together, presuming that by the help of this Molato, they should force the Spaniards out of the Country, put their resolution in execution, drove their Enemies into the woods, and s●ue as many as they could lay hands on, some they killed, few escaped with life; and those who had that good hap, suffered extreme misery, before they came to Quito; the place of nearest habitation of Spaniards.  
To this Bay, as soon as our people in the Pynnas' saw their error, they brought their tacks aboard, and turned and tided it up, as they could. Assoon as we came to Anchor, I procured to remedy that was amiss; in two days we dispatched all we had to do, and the next morning we resolved to set sail and to leave the coast of Peru and Quito.  
The day appearing, we began to weigh our Anchors, and being a Pike ready to cut sail, one, out of the top, descried the Spanish Armado, 
Spanish Armado.  coming about the Cape: which by the course it kept, presently gave us to understand, who they were: though my company (as is the custom of Sea men,) made them to be the Fleet bound for Panama, laden with treasure, and importuned, that in all haste, we should cut sail & stand with them, which I contradicted, for that, I was assured, that no shipping would stir upon the coast, till they had security of our departure (except some Armado, that might be sent to seek us,) and that it was not the time of the year to carry the treasure to Panama. And beside in Riding still at an Anchor, they ever came nearer unto us; for they stood directly with us, and we kept the weather gage; where if we had put ourselves under sail (the ebb in hand) we should have given them the advantage, which we had in our power, by reason of the point of the Bay. And being the Armado (as it was) we gained time to fit ourselves, the better to fight. And truly (as before, to a stiffnecked horse,) so now again, I cannot but resemble the condition of the Mariner to any thing better, then to the current of a furious River, repressed by force or art, which nevertheless ceaseth not to seek a way to overthrow both fence and bank: Even so the common sort of Seamen, apprehending a conceit in their imaginations, neither experiment, knowledge, examples, reasons nor authority can alter or remove them from their conceited opinions. In this extremity, with reason I laboured to convince them, and to contradict their pretences; But they altogether without reason, or against reason, break out, some into vaunting and bragging, some into reproaches of want of courage, others into wish, that they had never come out of their country, if we should refuse to fight with two ships whatsoever. And to mend the matter, the Gunner (for his part) assured me that with the first tire of shot: 
The unadvised courage of the multitude.  he would lay the one of them in the sods: And our Pynace, that she would take the other to task. One promised, that he would cut down the main yard, another that he ●ould take their flag; And all in general showed a great desire to come to trial with the enemy. To some I turned the deaf ear, with others I dissembled, and armed myself with patience (having no other defence nor remedy for that occasion) soothing and animating them to the execution of what they promised, and persuaded them to have a little sufferance, seeing they gained time, and advantage by it.  
And to give them better satisfaction I condescended, that our Captain with a competent number of men, should with our Pinnace go to discover them; with order, that they should not engage themselves in that manner, as they might not be able to come unto us, or we to succour them. In all these divisions and opinions, our Master Hugh Dormish (who was a most sufficient man for government and valour, and well saw the errors of the multitude) used his office, a● became him; and so did all those of best understanding.  
In short space, our Pinnace discovered what they were, and casting about to return unto us, the Vide-admiral (being next her) began with her chase to salute her with three or four pieces of Artillery, and so continued chase her, and gunning at her. My company seeing this, now began to change humour; And I, then, to encourage, and persuade them to perform the execution of their promises and vaunts of valour, which they had but even now protested, and given assurance of, by their proferres and forwardness.  
And that we might have Sea-room to fight, we presently weighed Anchor, and stood off to Sea with all our sails, in hope to get the weather gage of our contraries. But the wind scanting with us, and larging with them, we were forced to leeward. And the Admiral weathering us, 
The beginning of the ●ight.  came room upon us: which being within Musket shot, we hailed first with our noise of Trumpets, then with our Waits, and after with our Artillery: which they answered with Artillery; two for one. For they had double the Ordinance we had, and almost ten men for one. Immediately they came shoring aboard of us, upon our lee quarter, contrary to our expectation, and the custom of men of War. And doubtless, had our Gunner been the man he was reputed to be, 
The inexperience of the Spa●iards.  and as the world sold him to me, she had received great hurt by that manner of boarding: But contrary to all expectation, our stern pieces were unprimed, and so were all those, 
And carelessness of the English.  which we had to leeward (save half one in the quarter) which discharged wrought that effect in our contraries as that they had five or six foot water in hold, before they suspected it.  
Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust any man in such extremities, when he himself may see it done: 
How far a Commander is to trust his officers.  and coming to fight, let the Chieftain himself be sure to have all his Artillery in a readiness, upon all occasions. This was my oversight, this my overthrow. For I, and all my company, had that satisfaction of the sufficiency, and care of our Gunner, as not any one of us ever imagined there would be any defect found in him. For my part, I, with the rest of our Officers, occupied ourselves in clearing our decks, laceing our nettings, making of Bulwarks, arming our tops, fitting our wast-cloathes, tallowing our pikes, slinging our yards, doubling our sheets, and tacks, placing and ordering our people, and procuring that they should be well fitted and provided of all things; leaving the Artillery, and other instruments of fire, to the Gunners dispose and order, with the rest of his Mates and adherents: which (as I said) was part of our perdition. For bearing me ever in hand, that he had five hundred Cartreges in a readiness, within one hours' fight, we were forced to occupy three persons, only in making and filling Cartreges, and of five hundredth else of Canvas and other Cloth given him for that purpose, at sundry times, not one yard was to be found. For this we have no excuse, and therefore could not avoid the danger, to charge and discharge with the ladle, especially in so hot a fight. And coming now to put in execution the sinking of the ship, as he promised, he seemed a man without life or soul. So the Admiral coming close unto us, I myself, and the Master of our Ship, were forced to play the Gunners.  
Those instruments of fire, wherein he made me to spend excessively (before our going to Sea) now appeared not; 
Deceit of the Gann●r, and his extreme carelessness, and suspicious disloyalty.  Neither the brass Balls of Artificial fire, to be shot with slurbowes (whereof I had six bows, & two hundreth balls, and which are of great account & service, either by Sea or Land) he had stowed them in such manner, (though in double barrels) as the salt water had spoilt them all; so that coming to use them, not one was serviceable. Some of our Company had him in suspicion, to be more friend to the Spaniards, then to us; for that he had served some years in the Tercera, as Gunner, and that he did all this of purpose. Few of our pieces were clear, when we came to use them, and some had the shot first put in, and after the powder. Besides, after our surrendry; it was laid to his charge, that he should say; he had a brother that served the King in the Peru, and that he thought he was in the Armado; and how he would not for all the world, he should be slain. Whether this were true or no, I know not, but I am sure all in general gave him an ill report, and that he, in whose hands the chief execution of the whole fight consisted, executed nothing as was promised and expected.  
The grief and remembrance of which oversights once again enforceth me to admonish all Captains and Commanders hereby to take advice, 
Admonitions, for Commanders.  now and then to survey their officers and storeroomes; the oftener, the better; that so their defects and wants may be supplied in time; Never relying too much upon the vulgar report, nor giving too much credit to smooth tongues and boasting Companions. But to perform this task, it is requisite that all Captains, and Commanders were such, and so experimented in all offices, that they might be able as well to control as to examine all manner of errors in officers. For the government at Sea hardly suffereth a head without exquisite experience. The deficiency whereof hath occasioned some ancient Seamen, to straighten the attribute of Mariner in such sort, 
Who to be accounted a true Mariner.  as that it ought not to be given, but to the man, who is able to build his ship, to fit and provide her of all things necessary, and after to carry her about the world: the residue, to be but sailors. Hereby giving us to understand, that though it is not expedient, that he should be an Axe-Carpenter, to hew, cut, frame, and mould each timber piece, yet that he should know the parts and pieces of the ship, the value of the timber, 
His knowledge for Materials.  plank and ironwork, so to be able aswell to build in proportion, as to procure all materials at a just price. And again though it be not expected, that he should sow the sails, arm the shrowds, and put the tackling over head, yet is it requisite that should know how to cut his sails, what length is Competent to every Rope, and to be of sufficiency to reprehend and reform those who err, 
For provisions.  and do amiss. In providing his ship with victuals, munition and necessaries, of force it must be expected: that he be able to make his estimate, and (that once provided, and perfected) in season, and with expedition to see it laden and stowed commodiously, with care and proportion. After that, He is to order the spending thereof, that in nothing he be defrauded at home, and at Sea, ever to know, how much is spent, and what remaineth unspent.  
In the Art of Navigation, 
For Navigation.  he is bound also to know, so much, as to be able to give directions to the Pilot and Master; and consequently to all the rest of inferior officers.   

SECT. LIIII.  
MY meaning is not that the Captain (or Governor) should be tied to the actual toil, or to intermeddle with all offices, (for that were to bind him to impossibilities, to diminish and abase his authority, and to deprive the other officers of their esteems and of that that belongeth unto them, which were a great absurdity.) But my opinion is, that he should be more then superficially instructed and practised in the employments. Yea I am verily persuaded, that the more absolute authority any Commander giveth to hi● under officers, being worthy of it, the sweeter is the Command, and the more respected and beloved the Commander.  
For in matter of guide and disposing of the Sailors, 
Offic● of the Master.  with the tackling of the Ship, and the works which belong thereunto, within board and without, all is to be committed to the Master's charge.  
The Pilot is to look carefully to the Sterridge of the Ship, 
Office of the Pilot.  to be watchful in taking the heights of Sun and Star; to note the way of his Ship, with the augmenting and lessening of the wind, etc.  
The Boateswayne is to see his Ship kept clean; 
The Boatswain.  his Masts, yards and tackle well coated, matted and armed; his shrouds and stays well set; his sails repaired, and sufficiently prevented with martnets, blayles, and caskets; his boat fitted with Sail, Oars, thoughts, tholes danyd, windles and rother; His Anchors well boyed, safely stopped and secured, with the rest to him appertaining.  
The Steward is to see the preservation of victuals and necessaries, 
The Steward  committed unto his charge; and by measure and weight, to deliver the portions appointed, and with discretion and good terms, to give satisfaction to all.  
The Carpenter is to view the masts and yards, 
The Carpenter.  the sides of the Ship, her decks and cabins; her pumps and boat; and moreover to occupy himself in the most forceible works, except he be otherwise commanded.  
The Gunner is to care for the britching and tackling of his Artillery; 
The Gunner.  the fitting of his shot, Tampkins, coins, crones and linstockes, etc. To be provident in working his fire works, in making and filling his Cartreges; in accommodating his ladles, sponges and other necessaries; in sifting and drying his powder; in cleaning the arms, munition, and such like works, entrusted unto him.  
In this manner every officer, in his office, aught to be an absolute Commander, yet ready in obedience and love, to sacrifice his will to his superiors command: This cannot but cause unity; and unity cannot but purchase a happy issue to dutiful travels.  

Directions in secret.  Lastly, except it be in urgent and precise cases, the Head should never direct his command to any, but the officers, and these secretly, except the occasion require publication; or that, it touch all in general.  
Such orders would be (for the most part) in writing, that all might know what in general is commanded and required.   

SECT. LV.  
ANd as the wise husbandman, 
Parts requisite in a good husbandman.  in walking from ground to ground, beholdeth one ploughing; another harrowing; another sowing; and lopping; another pruning; one hedging; another threshing; and diverse occupied in several labours: Some he commendeth, others he reproacheth; others he adviseth; and to another he saith nothing, (for that he seeth him in the right way: and all this; for that he knoweth and understandeth what they all do, better than they themselves, though busied in their ordinary works:) even so, a worthy Commander at Sea, aught to have the eyes, 
The like in a good Chieftain.  not only of his body, but also of his understanding, continually, set (with watchful care) upon all men, and all their works under his charge; imitating the wise husbandman; first to know, and then to command; and lastly, to will their obedience voluntary, and without contradiction. For who knoweth not that ignorance many times commandeth that, which it understandeth not; which the Artist perceiving, first disdaineth, afterwards disesteemeth, and finally in these great actions, which admit no temporising, either he wayveth the respect of duty, or faintly performeth the behest of his superior, upon every slight occasion, either in public opposing, or in private murmuring: the smallest of which, is most pernicious, Thus much (not amiss) for Instruction.   

SECT. LVI.  
THe reason why the Admiral came to leewardes, 
Why the Spanish Admiral ca●e to leewards.  (as after I understood) was for that her Artillery being very long, and the wind fresh, bearing a taunt sail, to fetch us up, and to keep us company, they could not use their Ordinance to the weather of us, but lay shaking in the wind: And doubtless, it is most proper for ships, to have short Ordinance, except in the stern or chase. The reasons are many: viz. easier charging, ease of the ships side, better traversing, and mounting, yea, greater security of the Artillery, and consequently of the ship. For the longer the piece is, the greater is the retention of the fire, and so the torment and danger of the piece the greater.  
But here will be contradiction by many, that dare avouch that longer pieces are to be preferred; for that they burn their powder better, and carry the shot further, and so necessarily of better execution; whereas the short Artillery many times spends much of their powder without burning, and works thereby the slenderer effect.  
To which I answer, that for Land service, Forts, or Castles, the long pieces are to be preferred; but for shipping, the shorter are much more serviceable. And the powder in them, being such as it ought, will be all fired long before the shot can come forth; and to reach far in fights at sea, is to little effect: For he that purposeth to annoy his Enemy, must not shoot at random, nor at point blank, if he purpose to accomplish with his devoir, neither must he spend his shot, nor powder, but where a potgun may reach his contrary; how much the nearer, so much the better: and this duly executed, the short Artillery will work its effect, as well as the long; otherwise, neither short, nor long are of much importance: but here, my meaning is no●, to approve the overshort pieces, devised by some persons, which at every shot they make, dance out of their carriages, but those of indifferent length, and which keep the mean, betwixt seven and eight foot.   

SECT. XLVII.  
THe entertainment we gave unto our contraries, 
Entertainment of Spaniards.  being otherwise then was expected, they fell off, & ranged a head, having broken in pieces all our gallery: and presently they cast about upon us, and being able to keep us company, with their fight sails lay a weather of us, ordinarily within Musket shot; playing continually with them and their great Artillery; which we endured, and answered as we could.  
Our Pinnace engaged herself so far, as that before she could come unto us, the Vide-admiral had like to cut her off, and coming to lay us aboard, and to enter her men, the Vide-admiral boarded with her: so that some of our company entered our ship over her bow-sprit, as they themselves reported.  
We were not a little comforted with the fight of our people in safety, within our ship, for in all, we were but threescore and fifteen, men, and boys, when we began to fight, and our Enemies thirteen hundred men and boys; 
The English, 75.  little more or less, and those of the choice of Peru. 
The Spaniards, 1300.    

SECT. LVIII.  
Here it shall not be out of the way, to discourse a little of the Spanish Discipline, 
The Spanish discipline.  and manner of their government in general; which is in many things different to ours. In this expedition came two Generals, the one Don Beltran de Castro, who had the absolute authority and command: The other Michael Angel Filipon, a man well in years, and came to this preferment by his long and painful service, who though he had the title of General by sea, I think it was rather of courtesy then by Patent; and for that he had been many year's General of the south Sea, for the carriage and wa●tage of the silver from Lyma to Panama; He seemed to be an assistant, to supply that with his counsel, advice, and experience, whereof Don Beltran had never made trial (for he commanded not absolutely, but with the confirmation of Don Beltran) for the Spaniards never give absolute authority to more than one. A custom that hath been, and is approved in all Empires, Kingdoms, commonwealth, and Armies, rightly disciplined: the mixture hath been seldom seen to prosper, as will manifestly appear, if we consider the issue of all actions and journeys committed to the government of two, or more generally.  
The famous victory of Hannibal against the Roman Consuls Paulus Emillius and Terrentius Varro, 
Two Clac●etaines joined in Commi●●ion dangerous.  was attributed to their equality of government. The unhappy overthrow, given by the Turk Amurate to the Christian Princes, in the journey of Nicapolis, is held to have proceeded from the difference betwixt the Heads; every one leaning to his own opinion. The overthrow in recovery of the Holy land, undertaken by King Richard of England, and King Philip of France, sprang from the like differences and dissensions. The victory of the Emperor Charles the fifth, against the Protestant Princes of Germany, is imputed to their distractures arising from parity in command. If we look into our own actions, committed to the charge of two Generals, th● effects and fruits which they have brought forth, (for the most part,) will be found to be little better: yea, most of them through emulation, envy and pride, overthrown, and brought to nought; though to cover their confusions, there have never been wanting cloaks and colours. The most approved writers reprove, and call it a monster with two heads, and not without reason. For if the Monarchy be generally approved, for strongest, soundest, and most perfect, and most sufficient to sustain itself; And the Democracie and Aristocracy, utterly reproved, as weak, feeble and subject to innovations and infirmities; it cannot be but error, confusion, and imperfection to differ or descent from it. For where the supreme government is divided betwixt two or more, the Authority is diminished, and so looseth his true force, as a fagget of sticks, whose bond being broken, the entire strength is easily dissolved: but all under correction.  
The Spaniards in their Armadas by Sea, imitate the discipline, order and officers, which are in an Army by land, and divide themselves into three bodies; to wit Soldiers, Mariners and Gunners.  
Their Soldiers, 
The Soldier.  ward and watch, and their officers in every Ship round, as if they were on the shore; this is the only task they undergo, except cleaning their Arms, wherein they are not, over curious. The Gunners are exempted from all labour and care, 
The Gunner.  except about the Artillery.  
And these are either Almains, Flemings, or strangers; for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this Art. The Mariners are but as slaves to the re●t, 
The Mariner.  to moil and to toil, day and night, and those but few and bad, and not suffered to sleep, or harbour themselves, under the decks. For in fair or fowl weather, in storms, sun or rain, they must pass void of covert or succour.  
There is ordinarily in every ship of War, 
Officers i● a ship. of War.  a Captain; whose charge is, as that of our Masters with us, and al●o a Captain of the Soldiers, 
Captain of the So●ldiers.  who commandeth the Captain of the Ship, 
Captain of t●e ship.  the Soldiers, Gunners and Mariners in her; yea, though there be diverse Captains, with their companies in one ship, (which is usual amongst them,) yet one hath the supreme authority, and the residue are at his ordering and disposing. They have their Mastros de Campo, 
Mr. Del Campo, etc.  Seargeant, Master, General (or Captain) of the Artillery, with their Assere Maior, and all other officers, as in a Campe.  
If they come to fight with another Armado, they order themselves as in a battle by land; In a Vanguard, rearward, main battle, and wings, etc. In every particular ship the soldiers are set all upon the decks; their forecastle they account their head Front, or Vanguard of their company; that abast the Ma●t, the rearward; and the wa●te, the main battle; wherein they place their principal force, and on which they principally rely; which they call their placa de armas or place of Arms: which taken, their hope is lost.  
The Gunners fight not, but with their great Artillery: the Mariners attend only to the tackling of the ship, and handling of the sails; and are unarmed, and subject to all misfortunes; not permitted to shelter themselves, but to be still alof●, whether it be necessary or needless. So ordinarily, those which first fail, are the Mariners and Sailors; of which they have greatest need. They use few close fights or fireworks; and all this proceedeth (as I judge) of error in placing land Captains, for Governors and Commanders by Sea; where they seldom understand what is to be done or commanded.  

Prving of the Sp●niards into o●r Discipline.  Some that have been our prisoners, have perfited themselves of that, they have seen amongst us: and others disguised, under colour of treaties, for ransoming of prisoners, for bringing of presents, and other Imbassages, have noted our form of shipping, our manner of defences, and discipline: Since which espial, in such actions as they have been employed in, they seek to imitate our government, 
Their imitation o● o●t discipline.  and reformed discipline at Sea: which doubtless is the best, and most proper, that is at this day known, or practised in the whole world, if the execution be answerable to that which is known and received for true and good amongst us.  
In the Captain (for so the Spaniards call their Admiral) was an English Gunner, who to gain grace with those under whom he served, preferred himself, and offered to sink our ship with the first shot he made: who, by the Spaniards relation, being travesing of a piece in the bow, to make his shot, had his head carried away with the first, or second shot, made out of our ship. It slew also two or three of those which stood next him.  
Which may be a good and gentle warning for all those, who moved either with covetousness, or with desire of revenge, or in hope of worldly promotion, or other respect whatsoever; do willingly and voluntarily serve the enemy, against their own nation: nulla causa insta videri potest, adversus patriam arma capiendi.  
And if we consider the end of those, who have thus erred, we shall find them for the most part lamentable, and most miserable. 
The ends of Fugitives.  At the least, those whom I have known, have lived to be pointed at, with detestation, and ended their lives in beggary, void of reputation.   

SECT. LIX.  
THE fight continued so hit on both sides, that the Artillery and Muskets never ceased playing. Our contraries, towards the evening, determined the third time to lay us aboard, with resolution to take us, or to hazard all. The order they set down for the execution hereof, was, that the Captain (or Admiral) should bring himself upon our weather bow, and so fall aboard of us, upon our broad side: And that the Vice-admiral, should lay his Admiral aboard upon his weather quarter, and so enter his men into her; that from her, they might enter us, or do as occasion should minister.  
The Captain of the Vice-admiral, being more hardy than considerate, and presuming with his ship and company to get the price, and chief honour; waited not the time to put in execution the direction given, 
The Spaniards pay dearly for their rashness.  but presently came aboard to wind wards upon our broad side. Which doubtless was the great and especial providence of Almighty God, for the discouraging of our enemies, and animating of us. For although she was as long, or rather longer than our ship, being rarely built, and utterly without fights or defence; what with our Muskets, and what with our fireworks we cleared her decks in a moment; so that scarce any person appeared. And doubtless if we had entered but a dozen men, we might have enforced them to have rendered unto us, or taken her, but our company being few, and the principal of them slain, or hurt, we durst not, neither was it wisdom, to adventure the separation of those, which remained: and so held that for the best and soundest resolution, to keep our forces together in defence of our own.  
The Vice-admiral seeing himself in great distress, called to his Admiral for succour: who presently laid him aboard, and entered a hundreth of his men, and so cleared themselves of us.  
In this boarding the Vice-admiral had at the least thirty and six men hurt, and slain; and amongst them his Pilot shot through the body, so as he died presently. And the Admiral also received some loss; which wrought in them a new resolution; 
And take a new resolution  only with their Artillery to batter us; and so with time to force us to surrender, or to sink us; which they put in execution; and placing themselves within a Musket shot of our weather quarter, and sometimes on our broad side, lay continually beating upon us without intermission; which was doubtless the best and securest determination they could take, for they being rare ships, and without any manner of close fights, in boarding with us, their men were all open unto us, and we under covert and shelter. For on all parts our ship was Musket free, and the great Artillery of force must cease on either side (the ships being once grappled together) except we resolved to sacrifice ourselves together in fire. For it is impossible, if the great Ordinance play (the ships being bourded) but that they must set fire on the ship they shoot at; and then no surety can be had to free himself, as experience daily confirmeth. For a piece of Artillery most properly resembleth a thunderclap, which breaking upwards, or on the side, hurteth not; for that the fire hath scope to dispense itself without finding resistance, till the violence which forceth it taketh end, and so it mounts to its centre: but breaking down right or stooping downwards, and finding resistance or impediment (before the violence that forceth it take end, being so subtle and penetrable a substance) passeth and pierceth so wonderfully, as it leaveth the effect of his execution in all points answerable to his level and nighness. For if the clouds be nigh the earth (as some are higher, some lower) and break downwards, the violence wherewith the fire breaketh out is such, and of so strange an execution, that men have been found dead, without any outward sign in their flesh, and yet all their bones burnt to dust. So the blade of the sword hath been found broken all to pieces in the scabbard, and the scabbard whole without blemish: And a crystal glass all shivered in pieces, his cover and case remaining sound, which cometh to pass, for that in the flesh, in the scabbard, and in the case, the fire being so subtle of nature, findeth easy passage without resistance, but the bones, the blade, the Crystal, being of substance more solid, maketh greater resistance, and so the fire with the more fury worketh the more his execution in its objects. As was seen in the Spanish Admiral (or Captain) after my imprisonment, crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco, a Rayo (for so the Spaniards call a thund●rclappe) broke over our ship, killed one in the foretop, astonished either two or three in the shrouds, and split the Mast in strange manner; where it entered, it could hardly be discerned, but where it came forth, it drove out a great splinter before it; and the man slain, was clean in a manner without sign or token of hurt, although all his bones turned to powder, and those who lived, and recovered, had all their bodies black, as burnt with fire, which plainly declareth and confirmeth that above said, and may serve to judge in such occasions of persons hurt with thunder: for if they complain of their bones, and have little sign of the fire, their hazard of death is the greater, than when the fire hath left greater impressions outward. The fire out of a cloud worketh like effect only, where it leveleth directly, as experience daily teacheth; killing those who are opposite, hurting those who are near, And only terrifying those who are further distant.  
In like manner the piece of Ordinance hurteth not those which stand aside, nor those which stand a slope from his mouth, but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his level: though sometimes the wind of the shot overthroweth one, and the splin●ers (being accidents) main and hurt others. But principally where the piece doth resemble the thunderclappe, as when the ships are bourded. For then, although the Artillery be discharged without shot, the fury of the fire, and his piercing nature is such, as it entereth by the seams, and all parts of the ships sides, and meeting with so fit matter as Pitch, Tar, Ocombe, and sometimes with powder, presently converteth all into flames.  
For avoiding whereof, as also the danger and damage which may come by pikes and other inventions of fire, and if any ship be oppressed with many ships at once, and subject by them to be bourded; I hold it a good course to strike his fire and main yards close to his deck, and to fight with spritsail, and myson, and topsails lose: so shall he be able to hinder them from oppressing him.  
Some have thought it a good policy to lance out some ends of Masts or yards by the ports or other parts: 
Policies to avoid bourdings.  but this is to be used in the greater ships, for in the lesser, though they be never so strong, the weight of the bigger will beat out the opposite sides, and do hurt, and make great spoil in the lesser. And in boarding, ordinarily the lesser ship hath all the harm, which the one ship can do unto the other.  
Here is offered to speak of a point much canvassed amongst Carpenters, and Sea Captains, diversely maintained, but yet undetermined: that is, whether the race or lofty built ship, be best for the Merchant, and those which employ themselves in trading: 
Dispute concerning ships of Trade.  I am of opinion, that the race ship is most convenient; yet so, as that every perfect ship ought to have two decks, for the better strengthening of her; the better succouring of her people; the better preserving of her Merchandise and victual, and for her greater safety from sea and storms.  
But for the Prince's ships, 
Concerning the Prince his ships.  and such as are employed continually in the wars, to be built lofty I hold very necessary for many reasons. First for Majesty and terror of the enemy; secondly, for harbouring of many men; thirdly for accommodating more men to fight; fourthly, for placing and using more Artillery; five, for better strengthening and securing of the ship, sixthly for overtopping and subiecting the enemy; seventhly, for greater safeguard and defence of the ship and company. For it is plain, that the ship with three decks, or with two and a half, shows more pomp than another of her burden with a deck and half, or two decks, and breedeth greater terror to the enemy, discovering herself to be a more powerful ship as she is, than the other; which being indeed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a Bark, and with her low building hideth her burden. And who doubteth, that a deck and a half cannot harbour that proportion of men, that two decks, and two decks and a half can accommodate to fight; Nor carry the Artillery so plentifully, nor so commodiously. Neither can the ship be so strong with a deck and a half, as with two decks, nor with two, as with three; nor carry her Masts so taunt; nor spread so great a clue; nor contrive so many fights, to answer one another, for defence and offence. And the advantage the one hath of the other, experience daily teacheth.  
In the great expedition of eighty eight, 
All ships of war are not to below bu●lt  did not the Elizabeth jonas, the Triumph, and the Bear, show greater majesty than the Ark Royal and the Victory, being of equal burdens? did they not cause greater regard in the enemy? did they not harbour and accommodate more than men? and much better? did they not bear more Artillery? And if they had come to board with the Spanish high-charged ships, it is not to be doubted but they would have mustered themselves better, than those which could not with their prowess nor props, have reached to their wastes. The strength of the one cannot be compared with the strength of the other: but in boarding, it goeth not so much in the strength, as in weight and greatness. For the greater ship that bourdeth with the lesser; with her Masts, her Yards, her Tackle, her Anchors, her Ordinance, and with her sides bruiseth and beateth the lesser to pieces, although the lesser be far stronger according to proportion.  
The Foresight of his Majesties, and the Dainty, were ships in their proportions far more stronger, than the Carake which was taken by them, and their consorts, Anno 92. (For she had in a manner no strong building nor binding, and the others were strengthened and bound, as art was able to afford;) and yet both boarding with her, were so bruised, broken, and badly handled, as they had like to have sunk by her side, though boarding with advantage to weather-wards of her. But what would have become of them, if she should have had the wind of them, and have come aboard to windward of them? In small time no doubt, she would have beaten them under water.  
An. 90. in the fleet under the charge of Sr john Hawkins my father, coming from the Southwards, the Hope of his Majesties gave chase to a French ship, thinking her to be a Spaniard. She thought to have freed herself by her sailing, and so would not avail, but endured the shooting of many pieces, and forced the Hope to lay her aboard; of which issued that mischief which before I spoke off. For in a moment the French ship had all her Masts, Yards, and Sails in the Sea; and with great difficulty the Hope could free herself from sinking her.  
In the self same voyage, near the Lands of Flores and Corvo, the Rainbow and the Foresight came foul one of another, the Rainbow (being the greater ship) left the Foresight much torn; and if God had not been pleased to separate them, the lesser (doubtless) had sunk in the Sea: bu● in these encounters, they received little or no hurt. The boarding of the Rainbow and Foresight, (as I was informed) proceeded of the obstinacy and self will of the Captain or Master of the Foresight, who would not set Sail in time, to give Sea-room to the other, coming driving upon her, 
Particular respects must give place to the General.  for that she was more flotie. This pride I have seen many times to be the cause of great hurt, and is worthy of severe punishment: for being all of one Company, and bound every one to help and further the good of the other, as members of one body, their ought to be no straining of courtesy, but all are bound to suppress emulation and particular respect, in seeking the general good of all, yea of every particular more ingeniously, then that of his own.  
But in equity and reason, the leeward ship ought ever to give way to the weather most, in hulling, or trying, without any exception. First, for that she advantageth the other in hulling or trying: which is manifest, for that she to wind-wards drives upon her to le-wards. Secondly, for that the windermost ship, by opening her sail, may be upon the other before she be looked for, either for want of steeridge, not being under way, or by the rolling of the Sea, some one Sea casting the ship more to le-wards then ten others. And thirdly, for that the windermost ship being near, and setting sail, is in possibility to take away the wind from her to le-wards coming within danger. And this by way of Argument, for a hull and under-sayle in storms and fair weather, in Harbour, or at Sea.  
Humanity and courtesy are ever commendable and beneficial to all, whereas arrogancy and ambition are ever accompanied with shame, loss and repentance.  
And though in many examples (touching this point) I have been an eye witness, 
Arrogancy of a Spanish General.  yet I will record but one, which I saw in the River of Civil, at my coming out of the Indies amongst the Galleons loaden with silver. For their wafting, the King sent to the Tercera, eight new Galleons, under the charge of Villa viciosa: who entering the Bar of Saint Luar jointly, the ships loaden with silver Anchored in the midst of the River in the deeper water, and the wafters on either side, near the shore. The Admiral of the wafters road close by the Galleon, in which I was, and had mored herself in that manner, as her stream, Cable, and Anchor overlayed our land-most. And winding up with the first of the flood, she herself in one of her Cables; which together with the great currant of the ebb, and force of the wind which blew fresh, caused her to drive, and to drag home her Anchors; and with that which over-lay ours, to cause us to do the like. Whereupon on both sides, was crying out, to veer cable: we for our part had lost all our Cables in the Terceras, saving those which were a ground, and those very short, and vered to the better end. The Admiral strained courte●ie, thinking the other (though loaden with silver) bound to let slip one, so to give him way; and the General standing in his Gallery, saw the danger which both ships ran into, being in a manner board and board, and driving upon the point of the shore: yet he commanded to hold fast, and not to vere Cable, till he was required and commanded in the King's name, by the Captain of our ship; protesting, the damage (which should ensue thereof, to the King and Merchants) to run upon the Admiral's account; and that in his ship he had no other Cable, but those which were aground; And that they had vered as-much as they could: which the General knowing, and at last better considering, willed to vere his Cable end for end, and so with some difficulty and dispute, the punto was remedied, which if he had done at first, he had prevented all other danger, inconvenience, and dispute, by only weighing of his Cable and Anchor; after the gust was past, and letting it ●all in a place more commodious: whereas his vainglory, stoutness, and self-will, had put in great peril two of the King's ships, and in them above two Millions of treasure. And it may be, if he had been one of the ignorant Generals, (such as are sometimes employed) whereas he was one of best experience, I doubt not, but they would have stood so much upon their puntoes, as rather than they would have consented to vere their Cables, (for that it seemed a diminution of authority,) they would rather have suffered all to go to wrack, without discerning the danger and damage.  
But to return to my former point of advantage, which the greater ship hath of the lesser; 
Doubts and objections resolved.  I would have it to be understood according to occasion, and to be understood of ships of war, with ships of war: It being no part of my meaning to maintain, that a small man of war, should not board with a great ship, which goeth in trade. For I know, that the warlike ship, that seeketh, is not only bound to board with a greater, 
And the duty of a small ship against a greater.  but were she sure to hazard herself, she ought to board where any possibility of surprising may be hoped for. Witness the Biscaine ships of five hundreth tons, taken by ships of less than a hundreth; Such were those which were taken by Captain George Reymond. and Captain Greenfield Halse; both won by boarding and force of Arms. And did not Marks Berry with a ship of fourscore tons, by boarding and ●ent of sword, take a ship, which came from the Nova Hispania of near ●oure hundreth tons? to recount all such as have been in this sort taken by our Countrymen, as also those of great worth which they have lost, for not hazarding the boarding, were never to make an end.  
Yet discretion is ever to be used: for a man that in a small bark goeth to warre-fare is not bound to board with a Carake, nor with a ship, which he seeth provided with Artillery and other preventions far above his possibility.  
The Spaniards confess us to advantage them in our shipping, and attribute all our victories ●o that which is but a mass of dead wood, 
Vainglory of the Spanish.  were it not managed and ordered by Art and experience, affirming; that if we came to handle strokes and boarding, they should go far beyond us, which to any person of reasonable understanding, cannot but seem most vainglorious; for we leave not to board with them upon occasion, when otherwise we cannot force them to surrender, but I conclude it to be great error, and want of discretion in any man, to put himself, his ship, and company in peril, being able otherwise to vanquish his enemy.  
This imagination so vain, and void of ground, hath grown from the ignorance of some of our common sort of Mariners, and vulgar people, which have been prisoners in Spain: Who being examined and asked, why her Majesty's ships in occasions board not? have answered, and informed; That it is the express order of her Majesty and Counsel; in no case to hazard her ships by boarding: yea I have known some Captains of our own, (to colour their faint proceedings) have averred as much, which is nothing so. For in the hour, that her Majesty, or Counsel committeth the charge of any her ships to any person, it is left to his discretion to board, or not to board, as the reason of service requireth. And therefore let no man hereafter pretend ignorance, nor for this vanity leave to do his duty, or that which is most probable to redound to the honour and service of his Prince and Country, and to the damage of his enemy. For in case, he excuse himself with this allegation, it cannot but redound to his condemnation and disreputation; And I assure all men, that in any reasonable equality of shipping, we cannot desire greater advantage, than we have of the Spaniards, by boarding. The reasons why, I hold it not convenient to discourse in particular, but experience and tract of time, with that which I have seen amongst them, hath taught me this knowledge; and those who have seen their discipline, and ours, cannot but testify the same.   

SECT. LX.  
Again, all that which hath been spoken of the danger of the Artillery in boarding, is not to be wrested, nor interpreted, to cut of utterly the use of all Artillery, after boarding, 
Courses for Artillery after boarding.  but rather I hold nothing more convenient in ships of war, than fowlers and great bases in the cage works, and Murderers in the Cobridge heads; for that their execution and speedy charging and discharging, is of great moment.  
Many I know have left the use of them, and of sundry other preventions, as of sherehookes, stones in their tops, and arming them; Pikebolts in their wales and diverse other engines of Antiquity. 
Disuse of engines of Antiquity.  But upon what inducement, I cannot relate, unless it be because they never knew their effects and benefit; and may no doubt be used without the inconveniences before mentioned in great Ordinance. As also such may be the occasion, that without danger some of the great Artillery may be used, and that with great effect, which is in the discretion of the Commanders and their Gunners, as hath been formerly seen and daily is experimented in the Revenge of her Majesties, good experience was made; who sunk two of the Spanish Armado lying aboard her.   

SECT. LXI.  
IN these bourdings, and Skirmishes, diverse of our men were slain, and many hurt, and myself amongst them received six wounds; one of them in the neck very perilous; another through the arm perishing the bone, and cutting the sinews close by the Armepit; the rest not so dangerous. The Master of our ship had one of his eyes, his nose, and half his face shot away. Master Henry Courton was slain; on these two, I principally relied for the prosecution of our voyage, if God by sickness, or otherwise, should take me away.  
The Spaniards with their great Ordinance lay continually playing upon us, 
The Spaniards parley.  and now and then parled and invited us to surrender ourselves a Buena Querra. The Captain of our ship, in whose direction and guide, our lives, our honour, and welfare now remained; seeing many of our people wounded and slain, and that few were left to sustain, and maintain the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy (if he should again board with us) and that our contraries offered us good pertido: came unto me accompanied with some others, and began to relate the state of our ship, and how that many were hurt, and slain, and scarce any men appeared to traverse the Artillery, or to oppose themselves for defence, if the enemy should board with us again: And how that the Admiral offered us life and liberty, and to receive us a Buena querra, and to send us into our own country. Saying, that if I thought it so meet, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put out a flag of truce, and make some good composition. The great loss of blood had weakened me much. The torment of my wounds newly received, made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I should give up the ghost.  
But this parley pierced through my heart, and wounded my soul; words failed me wherewith to express it, and none can conceive it, but he which findeth himself in the like agony: yet grief and rage ministered force, and caused me to break forth into this reprehension and execution following.  
Great is the Cross, which Almighty God hath suffered to come upon me; That assaulted by our professed enemies, and by them wounded (as you see) in body, lying gasping for breath,) those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me, those which I relied on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions; Those whom I have nourished, cherished, fostered and loved as my children, to succour me, help me, and to sustain my reputation in all extremities, are they who first draw their swords against me; are they which wound my heart, in giving me up into mine enemy's hands, whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this faintness of heart? whence this madness? is the cause you fight for, unjust? is the honour and love of your Prince and Country buried in the dust? your sweet lives, are they become loathsome unto you? will you exchange your liberty for thraldom, will you consent, to see that, which you have sweat for, and procured with so great labour and adventure, at the dispose of your enemies? can you content yourselves to suffer my blood spilt before your eyes? and my life bereft me in your presence? with the blood and lives of your dear brethren to be unrevenged? is not an honourable death to be preferred before a miserable and slavish life? The one sustaining the honour of our nation, of our predecessors, and of our society; the other ignominious to ourselves, and reproachful to our nation. Can you be persuaded that the enemy will perform his promise with you, that never leaveth to break it with others, when he thinketh it advantageous? and know you not, that with him, all is convenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxim; that, nulla fides est seruanda cum hereticis. In which number they account us to be. Have you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in St. john de Vlua, the conditions and capitulations being firmed by the Viceroy, and twelve Hostages, all principal personages given for the more security of either party to other? Have you forgotten their promise broken with john Vibao, and his company in Florida, having conditioned to give them shipping and victuals, to carry them into their Country? immediately after they had delivered their weapons and arms, had they not their throats cut? have you forgotten how they dealt with john Oxtiam, and his Company, in this Sea, yieldeth upon composition? and how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries (being carried from Panama to Lyma) and there hanged with all his Company, as Pirates, by the justice? And can you forget how daily they abuse our noble natures, which being void of malice, measure all by sincerity, but to our loss? for that when we come to demand performance, they stop our mouths; Either with laying the inquisition upon us; or with delivering us into the hands of the ordinary justice; or of the King's ministers. And then urged with their promises, they shrink up to the shoulders; and say, That they have now no further power over us; They sorrow in their hearts, to see their promise is not accomplished; but now they cannot do us any good office, but to pray to God for us, and to entreat the ministers in our behalf.  
Came we into the South-sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose to avail ourselves of white rags? and by banners of peace to deliver ourselves for slaves into our enemy's hands? or to range the world with the English, to take the law from them, whom by our swords, prowess, and valour, we have always heretofore been accustomed to purchase honour, riches and reputation? If these motives be not sufficient to persuade you, than I present before your eyes, your wives and children, your parents and friends, your noble and sweet country, your gracious Sovereign: of all which account yourselves for ever deprived, if this proposition should be put in execution; But for all these, and for the love and respect you owe me, and for all besides that you esteem and hold dear in this world, and for him, that made us and all the world, banish out of your imagination, such vain and base thoughts; and according to your wonted resolution, prosecute the defence of your ship, your lives, and liberty, with the lives and liberty of your companions; who by their wounds and hurts are disabled and deprived of all other defence and help, save that which lieth in your discretions and prowess. And you Captain, of whom I made choice amongst many, to be my principal assistant, and the person to accomplish my duty, if extraordinary casualty should disable me, to perform and prosecute our voyage. Tender your obligation, and now in the occasion give testimony, and make proof of your constancy and valour, according to the opinion and confidence, I have ever h●ld of you.  
Whereunto he made answer; my good General, I hope you have made experience of my resolution, which shall be ever to put in execution, what you shall be pleased to command me; and my actions shall give testimony of the obligation wherein I stand bound unto you. What I have done, hath not proceeded from faintness of heart, nor from a will to see imaginations put in execution (for besides the loss of our reputation, liberty, and what good else we can hope for.) I know the Spaniard too too well, and the manner of his proceedings, in discharge of promises, but only to give satisfaction to the rest of the Company, which importuned me to move this point. I condescended to that, which now I am ashamed of, and grieve at, because I see it disliking to you. And here I vow to fight it out, till life or limbs fail me. Be you pleased to recommend us to Almighty God, and to take comfort in him, whom I hope will give us victory, and restore you to health and strength, for all our comforts, and the happy accomplishing and finishing of our voyage, to his glory.  
I replied: this is that which beseemeth you; this sorteth to the opinion I ever held of you; and this will gain you (with God and man) a just reward. And you the rest (my dear companions and friends) who ever have made a demonstration of desire to accomplish your duties, remember, that when we first descried our enemy, you showed to have a longing to prove your valours against him: Now that the occasion is offered, lay hold of the forelock. For if once she turn her back, make sure account never after to see her face again; and as true English men, and followers of the steps of our forefathers, in virtue and valour, sell your bloods and lives dearly, that Spain may ever record it with sadness and grief. And those which survive, rejoice in the purchase of so noble a victory with so small means against so powerful an enemy.  
Hereunto they made answer; that as hitherto they had been conformable to all the undertake, which I had commanded or counselled, so they would continue in the self same duty and obedience to the last breath: vowing either to remain Conquerors and Freemen, or else to sell their lives at that price, which their enemies should not willingly consent to buy them at. And with this resolution, both Captain and company took their leave of me, every one particularly, and the greater part with tears, and and embrace, though we were forthwith to depart the world, and never see one the other again, but in heaven; promising to cast all forepast imaginations into oblivion, and never more to speak of surrendry.  
In accomplishment of this promise and determination, 
They resolve to fight it out.  they persevered in sustaining the fight, all this night, with the day and night following, and the third day after. In which time the Enemy never left us, day nor night, beating continually upon us, with his great and small shot. Saving that every morning an hour before break of day, he edged a little from us, to breath, 
The Enemy breatheth,  and to remedy such defects as were amiss; as also to consult, what they should do the day and night following.  
This time of interdiction, we employed, in repairing our sails, and tackle, in stopping our leaks, 
The English repair their defects.  in fishing and wolling our masts and yards, in mending our pumps, and in fitting and providing ourselves for the day to come: though this was but little space for so many works, yet gave it great relief and comfort unto us, and made us better able to endure the defence: for otherwise, our ship must of force have sunk before our surrendry, having many shot under water, and our pumps shot to pieces every day: In all this space, not any man of either part took rest or sleep, and little sustenance; besides bread and wine.  
In the second days fight, the Vide-admiral coming upon our quarter, William Blanch, one of our Master's mates, with a lucky hand, made a shot unto her, with one of our stern pieces; it carried away his main Mast close by the deck: wherewith the Admiral bear up to her, to see what harm she had received, and to give her such succour, as she was able to spare: which we seeing, were in good hope, that they would have now left to molest us any longer, having wherewithal to entertain themselves in redressing their own harms. And so we stood away from them, close by as we could: 
Advantages omitted.  which we should not have done, but prosecuted the occasion, and brought ourselves close upon her weather gage, and with our great and small shot hindered them from repairing their harms: if we had thus done, they had been forced to cut all by the board; and it may be (lying a hull, or to le-wards of us) with a few shot, we might have sunk her. At the least, it would have declared to our enemies, that we had them in little estimation, when able to go from them, we would not: and perhaps been a cause to have made them to leave us.  
But this occasion was let slip, as also, that other to fight with them, sailing quarter winds, or before the wind: for having stood off to Sea, a day and a night, we had scope to fight at our pleasure, and no man having sea room, is bound to fight as his enemy will, with disadvantage, being able otherwise to deal with equality: chose, every man ought to seek the means he can, for his defence, and greatest advantage, to the annoyance of his contrary.  
Now we might with our foresail, low set, have borne up before the wind, and the enemy of force must have done the like▪ if he would fight with us, or keep us company: and then should we have had the advantage of them. For although their Artillery were longer, weightier, and many more than ours, and in truth did pierce with greater violence; 
The difference of shot.  yet ours being of greater boar, and carrying a weightier and greater shot, was of more importance and of better effect for sinking and spoiling: For the smaller shot passeth through, and maketh but his whole, and harmeth that which lieth in his way; but the greater shaketh and shivereth all it meeteth, and with the splinters, or that which it encountreth, many times doth more hurt, then with his proper circumference: as is plainly seen in the battery by land, when the Saker, the Demy-Colverin, 
Their effects.  the Colverin, and demi-Canon, (being pieces that reach much further point blank than the Cannon) are nothing of like importance for making the breach, as is the Cannon; for that this shot being ponderous pierceth with difficulty, yea worketh better effects, tormenting, shaking and overthrowing all; whereas the others, with their violence, pierce better, and make only their hole, and so hide themselves in the Wool or Rampire.  
Besides (our Ship being you're and good of fleeridge) no doubt but we should have played better with our Ordinance, and with more effect, than did our enemies; which was a great error, being able to fight with less disadvantage, 
Errors in Fight,  and yet to fight with the most that could be imagined, which I knew not off, neither was able to direct, though I had known it; being in a manner senseless, what with my wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded, for that I had seldom known it spoken of, but that it came afterwards to be put in execution.  
The General not being able to succour his Vide-admiral, except he should utterly leave us, gave them order, to shift as well as they could ●or the present, and to bear with the next Port, and there to repair their harms. Himself presently followed the Chase, and in short space fetched us up, and began a fresh to batter us with his great and small shot. The Vide-admiral (having saved what they could) cut the rest by the board, and with Foresail and My son came after us also, and before the setting of the Sun, were come upon our broad side, we bearing all our Sails, and after kept us company, lying upon our weather quarter, and annoying us what she could.  
Here I hold it necessary, to make mention of two things, which were most prejudicial unto us, and the principal causes of our perdition, the errors and faults of late days, crept in amongst those who follow the Sea, and learned from the Flemings and Easterlings. 
Learned from the Flemings and Easterlings.  I wish that by our misfortunes others would take warning, and procure to redress them, as occasions shall be offered.  
The one, is to fight unarmed, where they may fight armed. 

1. To fight unarmed.  
2. To drink to excess.   The other, is in coming to fight, to drink themselves drunk. Yea, some are so mad, that they mingle Powder with Wine, to give it the greater force, imagining that it giveth spirit, strength, and courage, and taketh away all fear and doubt. The latter is for the most part true, but the former is false and beastly, and altogether against reason. For though the nature of Wine, with moderation, is to comfort and revive the heart, and to fortify and strengthen the spirit; yet the immoderate use thereof worketh quite contrary effects.  
In fights, all receipts which add courage and spirit, are of great regard, to be allowed, and used; and so is a draught of Wine, to be given to every man before he come to action, but more then enough is pernicious; for, exceeding the mean, it offendeth, and infeebleth the senses, converting the strength (which should resist the force of the enemy) into weakness: it dulleth and blindeth the understanding, and consequently depraveth any man of true valour. For that he is disenabled to judge and apprehend the occasion, which may be offered, to assault, and retire in time convenient; the raynes of reason being put into the hands of passion and disorder. For after I was wounded, this nimium bred great disorder and inconvenience in our Ship; the pot continually walking, infused desperate and foolish hardiness in many, who blinded with the fume of the liquor, considered not of any danger, but thus and thus would stand at hazard; some in vain glory, vaunting themselves; some other railing upon the Spaniards; another inviting his companion to come and stand by him; and not to budge a foot from him; which indiscreetly they put in execution, and cost the lives of many a good man, slain by our enemy's Musketeers, who suffered not a man to show himself, but they presently overthrew him with speed and watchfulness; For prevention of the second error, although I had great preparation of Armours, as well of proof, as of light Co●●eletts, yet not a man would use them; but esteemed a pot of Wine, a better defence than an Armour of proof. Which truly was great madness, and a lamentable fault, worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable people, and well to be weighed by all Commanders. For if the Spaniard surpasseth us in any thing, it is in his temperance, 
The Spaniard surpasseth us only in temperance.  and suffering: and, where he hath had the better hand of us, it hath been (for the most part) through our own folly, for that we will fight unarmed with him being armed. And although I have heard many men maintain, that in Shipping, Armour is of little profit; All men of good understanding, will condemn such desperate ignorance. For beside, that the sleightest Armour secureth the parts of a man's body (which it covereth) from Pike, Sword, and all hand weapons: it likewise giveth boldness and courage; a man Armed, giveth a greater and a weightier blow, than a man unarmed; he standeth faster, and with greater difficulty is to be overthrown.  

The use and profit of arming,  And I never read, but that the glistering of the Armour hath been by Authors observed, for that (as I imagine) his show breedeth terror in his contraries, and despair to himself if he be unarmed. And therefore in time of war, such as devote themselves to follow the profession of Arms (by Sea or by Land) ought to covet nothing more, then to be well Armed; for as much as it is the second means, next God's protection, for preserving, and prolonging many men's lives.  

exactly observed by the Spanish.  Wherein the Spanish nation deserveth commendation above others, every one from the highest to the lowest, putting their greatest care in providing fair and good Arms. He which cannot come to the price of a Corslet, will have a coat of Mail, a jackett, at least, a Buff-jerkin, or a privy Coat. And hardly will they be found without it, albeit, they live; and serve (for the most part) in extreme hit Countries.  
Whereas I have known many bred in cold Countries, in a moment complain of the weight of their Arms, that they smother them, and then cast them off, choosing rather to be shot through with a Bullet, or launched through with a Pike, or thrust through with a Sword, then to endure a little travail and suffering. But let me give these lazy ones this lesson, that he that will go a warfare, must resolve himself to fight; and he that putteth on this resolution, must be contented to endure both heat and weight, first, for the safeguard of his life, and next for subduing of his enemy; both which are hazarded, and put into great danger, if he fight unarmed with an enemy armed.  
Now for mine own opinion, I am resolved that Armour is more necessary by Sea, then by Land, 
Arms more necessary by Sea, then at Land.  yea, rather to be excused on the shore, then in the Ship. My reason is, for that on the shore the Bullet only hurteth, but in the Ship, I have seen the ●plinters kill and hurt many at once, and yet the shor● to have passed without touching any person. As in the Galeon, in which I came out of the Indies, in Anno 1597. in the road of Tercera, when the Queen's Majesty's Ships, under the charge of the Earl of Essex▪ chased us into the road, with the splinters of one shot, were slain, maimed, and sore hurt, at the least a dozen persons, the most part whereof had been excused, if they had been Armed.  
And doubtless, if these errors had been foreseen, and remedied by us, many of those who were slain and hurt, had been on foot, and we enabled to have sustained and maintained the fight much better and longer; and perhaps at last had freed ourselves. For if our enemy had come to board with us, our close fights were such, as we were secure, and they open unto us. And what with our Cubridge heads, one answering the other, our hatches upon bolts, our bracks in our Decks, and Gunner room, it was impossible to take us as long as any competent number of men had remained, twenty persons would have sufficed for defence; and for this, such Ships are called Impregnable, and are not to be taken, but by surrender, not to be overcome, but with boarding or sinking, as in us by experience was verified: and not in us alone, but in the Revenge of the Queen's Majesty, which being compassed round about with all the Armado of Spain, and bourded sundry times by many at once, is said, to have sunk three of the Armado by her side.  
And in this conflict, having lost all her Masts, and being no other than a log in the Sea, could not be taken with all their force and policy, till she surrendered herself by an honourable composition.  
By these precedents, let Governors by Sea take special care above all, to preserve their people, in imitation of the French; who carry many Soldiers in their ships of War, and secure them in their holds, till they come to entering, and to prove their forces by the dint of Sword.  
But here the discreet Commanders are to put difference, 
A difference for Commanders.  betwixt those which defend, and those which are to offend, and betwixt those which assault, and those which are assaulted. For (as I have said) no government whatsoever, better requireth a perfect and experimented Commander, then that of the Sea. And so no greater error can be committed, then to commend such charges to men unexperimented in this profession.  
A third and last cause, of the loss of sundry of our men, most worthy of note for all Captains, owners, and Carpenters: was the race building of our ship; 
Race-ships of War disliked  the only fault she had; and now a days, held for a principal grace in any ship: but by the experience which I have had, it seemeth for sundry reasons very prejudicial for ships of War, For in such, those which tackle the sails, of force must be upon the decks, and are open without shelter, or any defence: yet here it will be objected; That for this inconvenience, wast clothes are provided, 
Wast-clothes not so useful,  and for want of them, it is usual to lace a bonnet, or some such shadow for the men; worthily may it be called a shadow, and one of the most pernicious customs, that can be used, for this shadow, or defence, being but of linen or woollen cloth, emboldeneth many; who without it would retire to better security, whereas now thinking themselves unseen, they become more bold, then otherwise they would, and thereby shot through, when they least think of it; Some Captains observing this error, have sought to remedy it, in some of his Majesty's ships: not by altering the building, 
as other devises.  but by devising a certain defence, made of four or five inch planks of five foot high, and six foot broad, running upon wheels, and placed in such parts of the ship, as are most open. These they name blenders, and made of Elm for the most part; for that it shivers not with a shot, as Oak and other Timber will do, which are now in use and service, but best it is, when the whole side hath one blender, and one armour of proof, for defence of those, which of force must labour, and be a lost.  
This race building, first came in, by overmuch homing in of our ships; and received for good, under colour of making our ships thereby the better sea-shippes, and of better advantage to hull and try: but in my judgement, it breedeth many inconveniences, and is far from working the effect they pretend, by disinabling them for bearing their cage work correspondent, to the proportion and mould of the ship, making them tender sided, and unable to carry sail in any fresh gaile of wind, and diminishing the play of their Artillery, and the place for accommodating their people to fight, labour, or rest.  
And I am none of those, who hold opinion, that the overmuch homing in, the more the better, is commodious and easier for the ship; and this out of the experience, that I have learned; which with forcible reasons, I could prove to be much rather discomodious and worthy to be reform. But withal I hold it not necessary to discourse here of that particularity, but leave the consequence to men of understanding, and so surcease.   

SECT. LXII.  
ALl this second day, and the third day and night, our Captain and company sustained the fight, notwithstanding the disadvantage where with they fought; The enemy being ever to windward, and we to lee-ward, 
The disadvantage o● Ships to lee-wa●d.  their shot much damnifying us, and ours little annoying them, for whensoever a man encountreth with his enemy at sea, in gaining the weather gage, he is in possibilie to sink his contrary; but his enemy cannot not sink him; and therefore he which is forced to fight with this disadvantage, is to procure by all means possible to shoot down his contraries Masts or Yards, and to tear or spoylr his tackling and sails; 
And the b●st remedy.  for which purpose, billets of some heavy wood fitted to the great Ordinance are of great importance. And so are Arrows of fire, to be shot out of slurbowes, and cases of small shot joined two and two together, with pieces of wire of five or six inches long, which also shot out of muskets are of good effect, for tearing the sails, or cutting the tackling.  
Some are of opinion, that cross bars and chain-shot, are of moment for the spoiling of Masts and Yards, but experience daily teacheth, them not to be of great importance, though near at hand, I confess, they work great execution: but the round shot, is the only principal and powerful means, to break Mast or Yard.  
And in this our fight, the Admiral of the Spaniards, had his foremast shot through with two round shot, 
The Spaniards●ore-mast ●ore-mast thrice shot through.  some three yards beneath the head; had either of them entered but four inches further into the heart of the Mast, without all doubt, it had freed us, and perhaps put them into our hands. The third day in the afternoon which was the 22. of june 1594. according to our computation, and which I follow in this my discourse, our sails being torn, our Masts all perished, our pumps rend, and shot to pieces, and our ship with fourteen short under water, and seven or eight foot of water in hold; many of our men being slain, and the most part of them (which remained) sore hurt, and in a manner altogether fruitless, and the enemy offering still to receive us a buena querra, and to give us life and liberty, and imbarkation for our country; Our Captain, and those which remained of our Company, were all of opinion that our best course was to surrender ourselves, before our ship sunk. And so by common consent agreed the second time, to send a servant of mine Thomas Sanders, to signify unto me the estate of our ship and company; And that it was impossible by any other way to expect for hope of deliverance, or life, but by the miraculous hand of God, in using his Almighty power; or by an honourable surrender: which in every man's opinion was thought most convenient. So was I desired by him, to give also my consent, that the Captain might capitulate with the Spanish General, and to compound the best partido he could by surrendering ourselves into his hands: upon condition of life and liberty. This he declared unto me, being in a manner void of sense, and out of hope to live or recover, which considered, and the circumstances of his relation, I answered as I could, that he might judge of my state, ready every moment to give up the Ghost, and unable to discern in this cause what was convenient, except I might see the present state of the ship. And that the honour or dishonour, the welfare or misery, was for ●hem, which should be partakers of life; At last, for that I had satisfaction of his valour and true dealing, in all the time, he had served me, and in correspondence of it, had given him (as was notorious) charge and credit in many occasions, I bound him, by the love and regard, he ought me, and by the faith and duty to Almighty God, to tell me truly, if all were as he had declared. Whereunto he made answer, that he had manifested unto me the plain and naked truth, and that he took God to witness of the same truth; with which receiving satisfaction, I forced myself what I could, to persuade him to animate his companions, and in my name to entreat the Captain, and the rest to persevere in defence of their liberty, lives, and reputation, remitting all to his discretion: not doubting, but he would be tender of his duty, and zealous of my reputation, in preferring his liberty, and the liberty of the Company above all respects whatsoever. As for the welfare hoped by a surrender, I was altogether unlikely to be partaker thereof, Death threatening to deprive me of the benefit, which the Enemy offered; but if God would be pleased to free us, the joy and comfort I should receive, might perhaps give me force and strength to recover health.  
Which answer being delivered to the Captain, he presently caused a slagge of truce, to be put in place of our Ensign, and began to parley of our surrendry, with a Spaniard, which Don Beltran appointed for that purpose, from the poop of the Admiral, to offer in his name, the conditions before specified; with his faithful promise and oath, as the King General to take us a buena querra, and to send us all into our own Country. The promise he accepted, and said, that under the same, he yielded, and surrendered himself, ship, and company. Immediately, there came unto me another servant of mine, and told me, that our Captain had surrendered himself, and our ship; which understood, I called unto one I●an Gomes de Pineda, a Spanish Pilot, which was our prisoner, and in all the fight we had kept close in hold, and willed him to go to the General Don Beltran de Castro from me, to tell him, that if he would give us his word, and oath, as the General of the King, and some pledge for confirmation, to receive us a buena querra, and to give us our lives and liberty, and present passage into our own Country, that we would surrender ourselves, and ship into his hands; Otherwise, that he should never enjoy of us, nor ours, any thing, but a resolution every man to dye fight.  
With this Message I dispatched him, and called unto me all my Company, and encouraged them to sacrifice their lives fight, and killing the Enemy, if he gave but a fillip to any of our companions. The Spaniards willed us to hoist out our boat, which was shot all to pe●●es; and so was theirs. Seeing that he called to us to amain our sails, which we could not well do, for that they were slung, and we had not men enough to hand them. In this parley, the Vide-admiral coming upon our quarter, and not knowing of what had passed, discharged her two chase pieces at us, and hurt our Captain very sore in the thigh, and maimed one of our Master's Mates, 
Th● English surrender.  called Hugh Maires, in one of his Arms, but after knowing us to be rendered, he secured us: And we satisfying them that we could not hoist out our boat, nor strike our sails the Admiral laid us aboard, bu● before any man entered, john Gomes went unto the General, who received him with great courtesy, and asked him what we required; whereunto he made answer that my demand was that in the King's name, he should give us his faith and promise, to give us our lives, to keep the Laws of fair wars and quarter, and to send us presently into our country; and in confirmation hereof, that I required some pledge, whereunto the General made answer; that in the King's Majesty's name his Master, he received us a buena querra, and swore by God Almighty, and by the habit of A cautara, (whereof he had received knighthood, and in token whereof, he wore in his breast a green cross, which is the ensign of that order) that he would give us our lives with good entreaty, and send us as speedily as he could, into our own country. In confirmation whereof, he took of his glove, and sent it to me, as a pledge.  
With this message john G●mes returned, and the Spaniards entered, and took possession of our ship, every one crying buena querra, buena querra, oy p●r in maniana porti: with which our Company began to secure themselves.  
The General, was a principal Gentleman, of the ancient Nobility of Spain, and brother to the Conde de Lemos, whose intention no doubt was according to his promise; and therefore considering that some bad entreaty, and insolency, might be offered unto me in my ship, by the common Soldiers, who seldom have respect to any person in such occasions, especially in the case I was, whereof he had informed himself; for prevention, he sent a principal Captain, brought up long time in Flaunders, called Pedro Alueres de Pulgar, to take care of me, and whilst the ships were one aboard the other, to bring me into his ship: which he accomplished with great humanity and courtesy; despising the bars of gold which were shared before his face; which he might alone have enjoyed, if he would; And truly he was, as after I found by trial, a true Captain; a man worthy of any charge, and of the noblest condition, that I have known any Spaniard.  

T●e mildness of a General after victory  The General received me with great courtesy and compassion even with tears in his eyes, and words of great consolation, and commanded me to be accommodated in his own Cabbine, where he sought to cure and comfort me the best he could; the like he used with all our hurt men, six and thirty at least. And doubtless as true courage, valour, and resolution, is requisite in a General, in the time of battle. So humanity, mildness, and courtesy, after victory.   

SECT. LXIII.  
WHilst the ships were together, the mainmast of the Daintie●ell ●ell by the board, and the people being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoil and Pillage, neglected the principal; whereof ensued, that within a short space the Dainty grew so deep with water, which increased for want of prevention, that all who were in her, desired to forsake her, and weaved and cried for succour to be saved; being out of hope of her recovery.  
Whereupon, 
The Dainty in danger of perishing.  the General calling together the best experimented men he had, and consulting with them what was best to be done: it was resolved, that General Michael Angel should go aboard the Dainty, and with him threescore Mariners, as many Soldiers; and with them, the English men who were able to labour to free her from water, and to put her in order, if it were possible: and then to recover Perico, the port of Panama, for th●t, of those to wind wards, it was impossible to turn up to any of them and nearer than to leeward was not any, that could supply our necessities and wants; which lay from us, east north east, above two hundreth leagues.  
Michael Angel, 
M●●haell Archangel, recovereth th● Sh●p.  being a man of experience and care, accomplished that he took in hand, although in clearing and bayling the water, in placing a pump, and in fitting, and mending her foresail, he spent above six and thirty hours.  
During which time, the ships lay all a hull; but this work ended, they set sail, & directed their coarse for the Isles of Pearls; And for that the Dainty sailed badly, what for want of her maine-sayle, and with the advantage, which all the south-sea ships have of all those built in our-North sea: The Admiral gave her a t●we; which notwithstanding, (the wind calming with us, as we approached nearer to the land) twelve days were spent, before we could fetch sight of the Lands; which lie alongst the coast, beginning some eight leagues, West south-west from Panama, and run to the southwards near thirty leagues. They are many, and the most unhabited, and those which have people, have some Negroes, slaves unto the Spaniards, which occupy themselves in labour of the land, or in fishing for Pearls,  
In times past, many enriched themselves with that trade, but now it is grown to decay. The manner of fishing for Pearls is, 
Fishing for Pearls.  with certain long Pinnaces or small barks, in which, there go four, five, six, or eight Negroes, expert swimmers, and great deevers, whom the Spaniards call Busos; with tract of time, use, and continual practice, having learned to hold their breath long under water, for the better achieving their work. These throwing themselves into the Sea, with certain instruments of their art, go to the bottom, and seek the banks of the Oysters, in which the Pearls are engendered; and with their force and art, remove them from their foundation, in which they spend more or less time, according to the resistance the firmness of the ground affordeth. Once loosed, they put them into a bag under their arms, and after bring them up into their boats; having loaden it, they go to the shore: there they open them, and take out the Pearls: they lie under the uttermost part of the circuit of the Oyster, in ranks and proportions, under a certain part, which is of many plights and folds, called the Ruff, for the similitude, it hath unto a Ruff.  
The Pearls increase in bigness, as they be nearer the end or joint of the Oyster: The meat of those, which have these pearls, is milky, and not very wholesome to be eaten.  
In Anno, 1583. In the Island of Margarita, I was at the dregging of Pearl Oysters, after the manner we drag Oysters in England; and with mine own hands I opened many, & took out the pearls of them; some greater, some less, and in good quantity.  
How the Pearl is engendered in the Oyster, or Mussel (for they are found in both) diverse and sundry are the opinions; but some ridiculous; whereof, because many famous and learned men have written largely, I will speak no more, then hath been formerly spoken, but refer their curious desires to Pliny, with other Ancient, and modern Authors.  
They are found in diverse parts of the world, as in the west Indies, 
The places where pearl are found.  in the South sea, in the east Indian sea, in the straits of Magellane, and in the Scottish Sea.  
Those found near the Pools, are not perfect, but are of a thick colour; whereas such as are found near the line, are most orient & transparent: the curious call it their water: and the best is a clear white shining, with fiery flames. And those of the east India have the best reputation, though as good are found in the west India, the the choice ones, are of great value and estimation, but the greatest, that I have read or heard of, was found in these Lands of Pearls; the which King Philip the second of Spain, gave to his daughter Elizabeth, wife to Albertus, Archduke of Austria, and Governor of the States of Flaunders: in whose possession it remaineth, and is called, la Peregrina, for the rareness of it; being as big, as the pommel of a Poniard.   

SECT. LXIIII  
IN this Navigation, after our surrender, the General took especial care for the good entreaty of us, 
The General continueth his honourable usage, towards the sick and wounded.  and especially of those who were hurt. And God so blessed the hands of our Surgians (besides that they were expert in their Art) that of all our wounded men not one died, that was alive the day after our surrendry: The number whereof was near forty; and many of them with eight, ten, or twelve wounds, and some with more. The thing that ought to move us to give God Almighty especial thanks and praises; was, that they were cured in a manner without instruments or salves: For the chests were all broken to pieces; and many of their simples and compounds thrown into the Sea; those which remained, were such, as were thrown about the ship in broken pots and bags, and such as by the Divine providence were reserved, at the end of three days, by order from the General, were commanded to be sought and gathered together. These with some instruments of small moment, bought and procured from those, who had reserved them to a different end, did not only serve for our cures, but also for the curing of the Spaniards, being many more, than those of our Company.  
For the Spanish Surgians were altogether ignorant in their profession, and had little or nothing wherewith to cure. And I have noted, that the Spaniards in general are nothing so curious, in accommodating themselves, with good and careful Surgeons, nor to fit them with that which belongeth to their profession, as other Nations are, though they have greater need than any, that I do know.  
At the time of our surrender, I had not the Spanish tongue, and so was forced to use an interpreter, or the Latin, or French; which holp m● much for the understanding of those, which spoke unto me in Spanish; together with a little smattering I had of the Portugal.  
Through the noble proceeding of Don Beltran with us, and his particular care towards me, in curing and comforting me, I began to gather heart, and hope of life, and health; my servants which were on foot, advised me ordinarily of that which past. But some of our enemies, badly inclined, repined at the proceedings of the General; and said, he did ill to use us so well; that we were Lutherans; and for that cause, the saith which was given us, was not to be kept nor performed: Others, that we had fought as good Soldiers, and therefore deserved good quarter. Others, nicknamed us with the name of Corsarios, or Pirates; not discerning thereby that they included themselves within the same imputation. Some were of opinion, that from Panama, the General would send us into Spain; Others said, that he durst not dispose of us, but by order from the Viceroy of Peru, who had given him his authority. This hit the nail on the head.  
To all I gave the hearing, and laid up in the store-house of my memory, that which I thought to be of substance, and in the store-house of my consideration, endeavoured to frame a proportionable resolution to all occurrants, conformable to Gods most holy will. Withal I profitted myself of the means, which should be offered, and bear greatest probability to work our comfort, help, and remedy. And so, as time ministered opportunity, I began, and endeavoured to satisfy the General, and the better sort in the points I durst intermeddle. And especially to persuade (by the best reasons I could) that we might be sent presently from Panama: Alleging the promise given us, the cost and charges ensuing, which doubtless would be such as deserved consideration and excuse: besides that, now whilst he was in place, and power and authority in his hands, to perform with us, that he would look into his honour, and profit himself of the occasion, and not put us into the hands of a third person; who perhaps bring more powerful than himself, he might be forced to pray and entreat the performance of his promise; whereunto he gave us the hearing, and bore us in hand, that he would do, what he could.  
The General, and all in general, not only in the Peru, but in all Spain, and the Kingdoms thereof (before our surrendry) held all English men of War, to be Corsarlos, or Pirates; which I laboured to reform, both in the Peru, and also in the Counsels of Spain, and amongst the Chieftains, soldiers, and better sort, with whom I came to have conversation; Alleging that a Pirate or Corsario, 
What a Pirate is.  is he, which in time of peace, or truce spoileth, or ●●b●eth those, which have peace or truce with them: but the English have neither peace nor truce with Spain, but war; and ●herefore not to be accounted Pirates. Besides, Spain broke the peace with England, and not England with Spain; and that by Ymbargo, which of all kinds of defiances, is most reproved, and of least reputation; The ransoming of prisoner's, and that by the Cannon, being more honourable, but above all, the most honourable, is with Trumpet and Herald, to proclaim and denounce the war by public defiance. 
3. Sorts of defiances.  And so if they should condemn the English for Pirates, of force, they must first condemn themselves.  
Moreover, Pirates are those, who range the Seas without licence of their Prince; who when they are met with, are punished more severely by their own Lords, then when they fall into the hands of strangers; which is notorious to be more severely prosecuted in England (in time of peace) then in any the Kingdoms of Christendom.  
But the English have all licence, either immediately from their Prince, or from others thereunto authorized, and so cannot in any sense be comprehended under the name of Pirates▪ for any hostility undertaken against Spain, or the dependencies thereof.  
And so the state standing as now it doth; if in Spain a particular man should arm a ship, 
The Custom of Spain ●or of war.  and go in warre-fare with it against the English, and happened to be taken by them: I make no question, but the Company should be entreated according to that manner, which they have ever used since the beginning of the War: without making further Inquisition.  
Then if he were rich or poor, to see if he were able to give a ransom, in this also they are not very curious. But if this spanish ship should fall a thwart his King's Armado, or Galleys, I make no doubt but they would hang the Captain and his Company for Pirates. My reason is, for that by a special law, it is enacted: that no man, in the kingdoms of Spain, may arm any ship, and go in warre-fare, without the King's special licence and commission; upon pain to be reputed a Pirate, and to be chastised with the punishment due to Corsarios. In England the case is different, 
The Custom of England.  for the war once proclaimed, every man may arm that will, and hath wherewith; which maketh for our greater exemption, from being comprehended within the number of Pirates.  
Wi●h these, and other like Arguments to this purpose, (to avoid tediousness) I omit; I convinced all those whom I heard to harp upon this string; which was of no small importance for our good entreaty, and motives for many, to further and favour the accomplishment of the promise lately made unto us.   

SECT. LXV.  
ONe day after dinner, (as was the ordinary custom) The General, his Captains, and the better sort of his followers, being assembled in the cabin of the Poop in conference, an eager contention arose amongst them, touching the capitulation of Buena Querra and the purport thereof. 
A disputation concerning Buena querra.  Some said, that only life and good entreaty of ●he prisoners, was to be comprehended therein; Others enlarged, and restrained it, according to their humours and experience. In 〈◊〉 opinion was required, and what I had seen, and known, touching that point: wherein I paused a little, and suspecting the wo●st, feared that it might be a bait laid to catch me withal, and so excused myself; saying, that where so many experimented soldiers were joined together, my young judgement was little to be respected; whereunto the General replied: That knowledge was not always incident to years, (though reason requireth, that the Aged should be the wisest) but an Art, acquired by action, and management of affairs. And therefore they would be but certified, what I had seen, and what my judgement was in this point, unto which, seeing I could not well excuse myself, I condescended; and calling my wits together, holding it better, to shoot out my boult, by yielding unto reason, (although I might err) then to stand obstinate, my will being at war with my consent, and fearing my denial might be taken for discourtesy, which peradventure might also purchase me mislike with those, who seemed to wish me comfort and restitution. I submitted to better judgement, the reformation of the present Assembly; 
The Resolution etc.  saying, Sir, under the capitulation of Buena querra, (or fair wars) I have ever understood, and so it hath been observed in these, as also in former times, that preservation of life, and good entreaty of the prisoner, have been comprehended: and further by no means to be urged to any thing contrary to his conscience, as touching his Religion; nor to be seduced, or menaced from the allegiance due to his Prince and Country: but rather to ransom him for his months pay. And this is that which I have known practised in our times, in general amongst all civil and noble Nations. But the English, 
The noble usage of the English,  have enlarged it one point more towards the Spaniards rendered a Buena querra, in these wars; have ever delivered them, which have been taken upon such compositions, without ransom: but the covetousness of our Age hath brought in many abuses, 
But abused in these days.  and excluded the principal Officers from partaking of the benefit of this privilege, in leaving them to the discretion of the Victor, being many times poorer, than the common Soldiers, their qualities considered, whereby they are commonly put to more, than the ordinary ransom, and not being able of themselves to accomplish it, are forgotten of their Princes, and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which they should not.  
With this, Don Beltran said, 

Don Beltran satisfied  
And answereth.   This ambiguity you have well resolved; And like a worthy Gentleman (with great courtesy and liberality) added; Let not the last point trouble you: but be of good comfort, for I here give you my word anew, that your ransom (if any shall be thought due) shall be but a couple of Greyhouds for me; and other two for my Brother, the Conde de Lemes, An● this I swear to you by the habit of Alcantera. Provided always, that the King my Master leave you to my dispose, as of right you belong unto me.  
For amongst the Spaniards in their Armadas, if there be an absolute General, the tenth of all is due to him, and he is to take choice of the best: where in other Countries, it is by lot, that the General's tenth is given; And if they be but two ships, he doth the like, and being but one, she is of right the Generals. This I hardly believed, until I saw a Letter, in which the King willed his Viceroy, to give Don Beltran thanks for our ship and Artillery, which he had given to his Majesty.  
I yielded to the General, most hearty thanks for his great favour, wherewith he bound me ever to seek how to serve him, and deserve it.   

SECT. LXVI.  
IN this discourse General Michael Angel demanded, for what purpose served the little short Arrows, which we had in our ship, and those in so great quantity: I satisfied them, that they were for our Muskets. 
Short arrows for Muskets.  They are not as yet in use amongst the Spaniards, yet of singular effect and execution as our enemies confessed: for the upper work of their ships being Musket's proof, in all places they passed through both sides with facility, and wrought extraordinary disasters, which caused admiration, to see themselves wounded with small short, where they thought themselves secure; and by no means could find where they entered, nor come to the sight of any of the shot.  
Hereof they proved to profit themselves after, but for that they wanted the trappings, which are first to be driven home, before the arrow be put in, & as then understood not the secret, they rejected them, as uncertain, and therefore not to be used, but of all the shot used now a days, for the annoying of an Enemy in ●ight by Sea, few are of greater moment for many respects: which I hold not convenient to treat of in Public.   

SECT. LXVII.  
A Little to the Southwards of the Island of Pearl, betwixt seven and eight degrees, is the great River of Saint Buena Ventura. It falleth into the South Sea with three mouths, the head of which, is but a little distant from the North Sea. In Anno 1575. or 1576. one john Oxman of Plymouth, 
john Oxmans' Voyage to the South Sea.  going into the west Indies, joined with the Symarons. 
What the Symarons are.   
These are fugitive Negroes, and for the bad entreaty which their Masters had given them, were then retired into the mountains, and lived upon the spoil of such Spaniards, as they could master, and could never be brought into obedience, till by composition they had a place limited them for their freedom, where they should live quietly by themselves. At this day they have a great habitation near Panama, 
Their habitation.  called Saint jago de los Negro, well peopled, with all their Officers and Commanders of their own, save only a Spanish Governor.  
By the assistance of these Symarons, 
Their assistance.  he brought to the head of this River, by piecemeal, and in many journeys a small pinnace, he fitted it by time in warlike manner, and with the choice of his Company, put himself into the South Sea, where his good ha●, was to meet with a couple of ships of trade, and in the one of them a great quantity of gold. And amongst other things two pieces of special estimation, the one a Table of massy gold, with Emeralds, sent for a present to the King; the other a Lady of singular beauty, married, and a mother of Children. The latter grew to be his perdition: for he had capitulated with these Symarons, 
john Oxman capitulateth with them,  that their part of the booty, should be only the prisoners, to the end to execute their malice upon them, (such was the rancour they had conceived against them, for that they had been the Tyrants of their liberty.) But the Spaniards not contented to have them their slaves; who lately had been their Lords, added to their servitude, cruel entreaties. And they again to feed their insatiable revenges, accustomed to roast and eat the hearts of all those Spaniards, whom at any time they could lay hand upon.  
john Oxman (I say) was taken with the love of this Lady, 
His folly,  and to win her good will, what through her tears and persuasions, and what through fear and detestation of their barbarous inclinations; breaking promise with the Symarons, yielded to her request, 
And  which was, to give the prisoner's liberty with their ships; 
Breach of promise.  for that they were not useful for him: notwithstanding Oxman kept the Lady, who had in one of the restored ships, either a Son, or a Nephew. This Nephew with the rest of the Spaniards, 
His pursuit.  made all the hast they could to Pa●am●, and they used such diligence, as within few hours, some were dispatched to seek those, who little thought so quickly to be overtaken. The pursuers approaching the River, were doubtful by which of the afore-remembred three mouths, they should take their way.  
In this wavering, one of the Soldiers espied certain feathers, 
And evil Fortune.  of Hens, and some boughs of trees, (which they had cut off to make their way) swmming down one of the Outlets. This was light sufficient, to guide them in their course, they entered the River, and followed the track, as far as their Frigates had water sufficient; and then with part of their Soldiers in their boats, and the rest on the banks on either side, they marched day and night in pursuit of their enemies; and in fine came upon them unexpected at the head of the River, making good cheer in their Tents, and divided in two partialities about the partition, and sharing of their gold. Thus were they surprised, and not one escaped.  
Some say that john Oxman, fled to the Symarons, 
He flieth to the Symarons  but they utterly denied to receive, or succour him, for that he had broken his promise; the only Objection they cast in his teeth, was, that if he had held his word with them, he never had fallen into this extremity.  
In fine he was taken; and after, his ship also was possessed by the Spaniards; which he had hid in a certain Cove, and covered with boughs of trees, in the guard and custody of some four or five of his followers. All his Company, were conveyed to Panama, and there were ymbarked for Lyma; where a process was made against them, by the justice, and all condemned and hanged as Pirates.  
This may be a good example to others in like occasions: first, to shun such notorious sins, which cannot escape punishment in this life, nor in the life to come: for the breach of faith is reputed amongst the greatest faults, 
Breach of faith never unpunished.  which a man can commit. Secondly, not to abuse another man's wife, much less to force her, both being odious to God and man. Thirdly to beware of mutinies, which seldom or never are seen to come to better ends; for where such trees flourish, the fruit of force, must either be bitter, sweet, or very sour. And therefore, seeing we vaunt ourselves to be Christians and make profession of his law, who forbiddeth all such vanities; let us faithfully shun them, that we may partake the end of that hope which our profession teacheth and promiseth.   

SECT. LXVIII.  
Coming in sight of the Lands of Pearls, the wind began to fresh in with us, and we profited out selves of it: but coming thwart of a small Island, which they call la Pacheta, 
La Pacheta  that lieth within the Pearl Lands, close aboard the main, and some eight or ten Leagues south and by west from Panama, the wind calmed again.  
This Island belongeth to a private man, it is a round humock, containing not a league of ground, but most fertile. Insomuch that by the owner's industry, and the labour of some few slaves, who occupy themselves in manuring it; and two barks, which he employeth in bringing the fruit it giveth, to Panama; it is said to be worth him every week, one with another, a bar of silver; valued betwixt two hundreth and fifty, or three hundreth pesoes: which in English money, may amount to fifty or threescore pounds and for that, which I saw at my being in Panama, touching this, I hold to be true.  
In our course to fetch the Port of Panama, we p●● ourselves betwixt the Lands and the Main: which is a goodly Chan●ell, of three, four, and five leagues broad, and without danger; except a man come too near the shore on any side; and that is thought the better course, then to go a seaboord of the Lands, because of the swift running of the tides, and the advantage to stop the ebb: As also for succour, if a man should happen to be becalmed at any time beyond expectation; which happeneth sometimes.  
The seaventh of july we had sight of Perico; they are two little Lands, which cause the Port of Panama, where all the ships use to ride; It is some two Leagues west northwest of the City, which hath also a Peer in itself for small Barks, at full sea, it may have haven some six or seven foot water, but at low water it is dry.  
The ninth of july we anokored under Perico, and the General presently advised the Audiencia, of that which had succeeded in his Journey: 
The General certefieth the Audiencia of his success.  which understood by them, caused bonfires to be made, and every man to put luminaries in their houses; the fashion is much used amongst the Spaniards in their feasts of joy, or for glad tidings; placing many lights in their Churches, in their windows, and Galleries, and corners of their houses; which being in the beginning of the night, 
The great joy of the Spaniards.  and the City close by the sea shore, showed to us (being far off) as though the City had been on a light fire.  
About eight of the clock all the Artillery of the City was shot off which we might discern by the flashes of fire, but could not hear the report: yet the Armando being advised thereof, and in a readiness, answered them likewise with all their Artillery: which taking end (as all the vanities of this earth do) The General se●led himself to dispatch advise for the King● for the Viceroy of Peru, and for the Viceroy of the Nova Spana, for he also had been certified of our being in that sea, and had fitted an Armado to seek us, and to guard his coast.  
But now for a farewell, (and note it) Let me relate unto you this Secret. 
Note  How Don Beltran showed me a Letter from the King his Master, directed to the Viceroy, wherein he gave him particular relation of my pretended voyage; of the ships; their burden; their munition; th●ir number of men, which I had in them, as perfectly as it he had seen all with his own eyes; Saying unto me: Hereby, may you discern, whether the King my Master have friends in England, and good and speedy advice of all that passeth.  
Whereunto I replied; It was no wonder, for that he had plenty of gold and silver, which worketh this and more strange effects: for my journey was public and notorious to all the Kingdom, whereunto he replied, that if I thought it so convenient, leave should be given me to write into England to the Queen's Majesty my Mistress, to my Father, and to other personages, as I thought good; and leaving the Letters open; that he would send some of them, in the King's Packet, others to his Uncle Don Rodrigo de Castro, Cardinal and Archbishop of Sevill, and to other friends of his: Not making any doubt but that they would be speedily in England. For which I thanked him, and accepted his courtesy, and although I was myself unable to write, yet by the hands of a servant of mine, I wrote three or four copies of one letter to my Father, Sir john Hawkins. In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our voyage.  
The dispatches of Spain and new Spain, went by ordinary course in ships of advice; but that for the Peru was sent by a kinsman of the Generals, called Don Francisco de la Cuena.  
Which being dispatched, Don Beltran hasted all that ever he could, to put his ships in order, to return to Lyma. He caused the Dainty to be grounded, and trimmed, for in those Lands, it higheth and falleth some fifteen or sixteen foot water.  
And the General with his Captains, and some Religious men being aboard her, and new naming her, named her the Visitation; for that she was rendered on the day, on which they celebrate the visitation of the blessed Virgin Mary. In that place the ground being plain and without vantage, (whereby to help the tender sided and sharp ships) they are forced to shore them on either side. In the midst of their solemnity, her props and shores of one side failed and so she fell over upon that side suddenly, entreating many of them (which were in her) very badly, and doubtless had she been like the ships of the South Sea, she had broken out her bulge: but being without Masts and empty, (for in the South Sea, when they bring a ground a ship, they leave neither mast, ballast, nor any other thing aboard, besides the bare hull) her strength was such, as it made no great show to have received any damage, but the fear she put them all into was not little, and caused them to run out of her ●aster then a good pace.  
In these Lands is no succour, nor refreshing; only in the one of them, is one house of straw, and a little spring of small moment. For the water, which the ships use for their provision; they fetch from another Island two Leagues west northwest of these; which they call Tabaga, having in it some fruit and refreshing, and some few Indians to inhabit it.  
What succeeded to me, and to the rest during our Imprisoment, with the rarities and particularities of the Peru, and Tierra firm, my voyage to Spain, and the success, with the time I spent in prison in the Peru, in the Tercera, in Sevill, and in Madrid, with the accidents which befell me in them; I leave for a second part of this discourse, if God give life, and convenient place and rest, necessary for so tedious and troublesome a work: desiring God, that is Almighty, to give his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions: that it and they may be fruitful, to his glory, and the good of all: then shall my desires be accomplished, and I account myself most happy. To whom be all glory, and thanks from all eternity   
FINIS.   

Errata sic corrige.  
FOlio 5. for recant, read recount. fol. 7. and 9 for wasters, read wa●ters. fol. 9 line 7. for light, read last. fol. 15. for serve read save. fol. 23. for we not, read we were not. for the River of jeromino, read jenero. for rose, read nose. The litteralls are commended to favour.   

The Table of the principal Observations contained in this Book.  


A  Advantage of obedience. 
Folio. 91  Advise by Land and Sea. 
Folio. 117  Advertisements for Commanders. 
Folio. 91  For servitors. 
Folio. 92  Agnanapes. 
Folio. 62  Nobleness of Alonso de soto. 
Folio. 103  Alcatrices. 
Folio. 44  Ambergrice. 
Folio. 46.47  Amity of the Indians. 
Folio. 116  Mending of unserviceable Anchors. 
Folio. 87  Light Anchors fit for the South Sea. 
Folio. 102  Arica. 
Folio. 114  Valour of the Arawcans. 
Folio. 107  Much commended for all sorts of fruit and gold. 
Folio. 106  Spanish Armado. 
Folio. 125  Arrogancy of the Spanish General. 
Folio. 140  Overcharging of Artillery. 
Folio. 115  Courses for Artillery after boarding. 
Folio. 145  Donna Austria in the narrow Seas. 
Folio. 21    


B  Backwardness of Companies. 
Folio. 90  Evil consequences thereof. 
ibid.  Baldivia. 
Folio. 96  English Bay. 
Folio. 82  The Bezoar stone. 
Folio. 47  Beef pickled. 69. held good beyond the Equinoctial. 
ibid.  Blanches Bay. 
Folio. 77  Policies to avoid Boarding. 
Folio. 138  The Bonito. 
Folio. 42  Brasil known, etc. 
Folio. 38  Bravo. 
Folio. 29  Description of Brasil. 
Folio. 64  Its Havens. 
Folio. 64  Commodities and wants. 
Folio. 65  Bestial and discommodities. 
ibid.  Loss of the Bordeaux Fleet. 
Folio. 9    


C  FAlse Calking. 
Folio. 18  Prevention thereof. 
ibid.  Thomas Candish. 85. surprised 
Folio. 58  Canary Lands. 
Folio. 24  Grand Canary. 
Folio. 25  Cap● Blanco. 
Folio. 54  Ignobl● Captains. 
Folio. 68  Disloyalties of Captains. 
Folio. 112  Beverage of Cassavy. 
Folio. 62  Cas●avi Meal. 
Folio. 61  Preparing thereof. 
ibid.  S. Catelena. 
Folio. 66  Parts requisite in a Chieftain. 
Folio. 130  Two Chieftains dangerous. 
Folio. 133  Cherries. 
Folio. 55  People of Chile. 
Folio. 98  Their weapons. 
Folio. 99  And hate to the Spaniards. 
●●id  Civil Cats. 
Folio. 31  City of Conception. 
Folio. 100  Unwillingness to follow covetous Commanders. 
Folio. 109  A Commander not to trust his officers. 
Folio. 127  Admonitions to Commanders. 
Folio. 128.  Cocos, and their kinds. 
Folio. 30.31  Complaints of master Thomas Candish. 
Folio. 14  Of master George Raymond. 
ibid.  Company sick. 38. dismayed. 
Folio. 84  Loss of the Edward Cotton. 
Folio. 33.  Clothes made in Coquimbo. 
Folio. 107  Crabby Cove. 
Folio. 84  Care of Currant. 
Folio. 33    


D  DEparture from Lyma. 
Folio. 103  Devises in sudden accidents. 
Folio. 76.  Directions to be secret. 
Folio. 130  Discipline of the Spanish. 
Folio. 67  Cause of their prosperities. 
ibid.  Discipline neglected by the English. 
Folio. 8  Pried into by the Spaniards 
Folio. 134  And by them imitated. 
ibid.  Use of Discoveries. 
Folio. 1  Discovery on the coast to be avoided. 
Folio. 100  The Dolphin. 
Folio. 42  Sir Francis Drake upon the sothermost part of the world. 
Folio. 9●  Providence of the Dutch. 
●7  Ducks. 
Folio. 74    


E  Elizabeths' Bay. 
  Disuse of Engines of Antiquity. 
Folio. 143  The English carry up their flag 
Folio. 20  English Authors of Sea Discipline. 
Folio. 8  Carelessness of the English. 
Folio. 127  Exchange of trifles. 
Folio. 98  Of sheep. 
ibid.  Exercise always necessary. 
Folio. 26    


F  Ed▪ Fenton. 
Folio. 85  juan Fernandes. 
Folio. 100  Danger of Fire. 39 By heating of Pitch. ibid. By taking Tobacco. ibid. By Candle light. 
ibid.  By hooping and scutling. 
Folio. 40  By nature of waters. 
ibid.  Strange tree in Fiero. 
Folio. 25  Beginning of the Spanish Fight. 126. Their entertainment. 
Folio. 122  The English. 75. The Spanish 130 ibid. pay dear for their rashness. 135. Take a new resolution. 
Folio. 1●6  Flying fishes. 
Folio. 44  French and English salute. 
Folio. 20  French surprised. 
Folio. 57  To know wholesome fruits. 
Folio. 55  Fuego. 
Folio. 29  End of Fugitives. 
Folio. 135    


G  GAnnetts. 
Folio. 54  God propitious. 
Folio. 84  Therefore praised. 
ibid.  One Ship and some Gold taken. 
Folio. 101  Every shower, a shower of Gold. 
ibid.  S: R: Greenfild at Flores. 
Folio. 10  Guls. 
Folio. 73  Deceit of the Gunner. 
Folio. 127    


H  MAster Thomas Hampton. 
Folio. 20  Annoyances in Harbours. 
Folio. 51  Use of Havas purgativas. 
Folio. 55  Master Wil: Hawkins. 
Folio. 86  Hawkins Mayden-●and. 
Folio. 70  Helm-man. 
Folio. 54    


I  SAint jago 29. sacked. 
ibid.  S. james Lands. 
Folio. 54  The jesus of Lubeck. 
Folio. 3  jenero. 
Folio. 77.59  Unwholesome Lands. 27 Their heat. ibid. The breze. ibid. The best remedy. 
Folio. 28  Inconvenience of Imprests. 
Folio. 15  Their true use. 
Folio. 16  Indians howsing 63. and manner of sleeping. 
ibid.  Indians apparel. 
Folio. 98  Indians polygamy 
Folio. 63  Indians treachery. 
Folio. 97  Indians foresight. 
Folio. 81  Indians industry. 57 dismissed 123. led by a Mulato. 
Folio. 124  Consequence of Instructions. 
Folio. 17  Isla Grand. 
Folio. 60  Planting of juca. 
Folio. 62  By women. 
ibid.    


L  Unknown Land. 
Folio. 69  Care of approach. 
ibid.  New devise for stopping Leaks without Board. 
Folio. 104  Best time to pa●se the Line. 
Folio. 48    


M  Madera▪ 
Folio. 24  Who to be accounted a Mariner. 
Folio. 128  His knowledge. ibid. and materials. ibid. for navigation. 
ibid.  The Mariner's revenge. 
Folio. 43  Wilfulness of Mariners. 
Folio. 100  S. mary's. 
Folio. 100  Care of the Master. 
Folio. 53  Unskilfulness of the Master's Mate. 
Folio. 52  Fittest places of meeting. 
Folio. 17  Mocha. 
Folio. 96  Monkeys, Parrots. 
Folio. 31  Influence of the Moon. 
Folio. 28  Mutinies how to be winked at 
Folio. 94  Vnadvisednesse of the multitude. 
Folio. 126    


O  Objections resolved. 
Folio. 141 
Office of a Master. 
Folio. 129  Of a Pilot. 
ibid.  Of the Boatswain. 
ibid.  Of the Steward. 
ibid.  Of the Carpenter. 
ibid.  Of the Gunner. 
Folio. 130    Laws of Oloron. 
Folio. 111  Virtue of Oranges. 
Folio. 52  Beds of Oreweed. 
Folio. 70    


P  Modesty of Sir Hen: Palmer. 
Folio. 8  Patience of the Earl of Nottingham. 
Folio. 93  Parts requisite in a Com●●nder at Sea. 
Folio. 8  The Palmito. 
Folio. 29.55  Palmito Island. 
Folio. 59  Pearls. 
Folio. 88  Island of Pengwins. 
Folio. 72  Described 
ibid.  Hunting of Pengwins. 
Folio. 73 
Kept for store. 
ibid.    Care of the Pentagones'. 
Folio. 63  King Philip's coming into England. 
Folio. 21  Pilat's Fishes. 
Folio. 44  Challenging of pillage. 
Folio. 110  Prevention of undue pillage. 
Folio. 113  What to be reputed pillage. 
Folio. 112  Placentia. 
Folio. 30  The Plaintai●. 
Folio. 30  Duty of Pynaces. 
Folio. 24  Pynace lost. 
Folio. 13  Pork good four year old. 
Folio. 96  Danger of open Ports. 
Folio. 5  Providence of God. 
Folio. 53  Corrupt; or scanty Provisions. 
Folio. 109  Provisions, better provided at Pli●●●outh. 
Folio. 5  Puerto Viejo. 
Folio. 122  Puma. 
Folio. 121  Purgatives. 
Folio. 5●  Purflain. 
Folio. 55    


Q.  BAy of Quintera. 
Folio. 105    


R.  PRevention of Rats. 
Folio. 89  Calamities they bring. 
ibid.  Long Reach. 
Folio. 81  The Repentance. 
Folio. 3  Reasons of return dangerous. 
Folio. 87  The Revenge. 
Folio. 2  Spare R●dders. 
Folio. 105  runaways. 
Folio. 68    


S  SAbboth reserved for holy exercises. 
Folio. 27  Sails of Cotton cloth. 
Folio. 102  Lands of Solomon. 
Folio. 1●0  Arrival at Santos. 
Folio. 49 
Forbidden to trade. 
Folio. 50    Pedro Sarmiento. 
Folio. 71  The Scurvy. 35. The signs. 
ibid.  The causes. 
ibid.  Seething Meat in Salt water. 
Folio. 36  Corruption of Victual. 
ibid.  Vapours of the Sea. 
ibid.  The remedies, 

By Diet. 
ibid.  By Shift. 
ibid.  By labour. 
ibid.  By early eating and drinking 
ibid.  By sour Oranges and Lemons. 
ibid.  By Doctor Stevens water 
ibid.  By oil of ●itry: 
ibid.  By air of the Land. 
ibid.    Abuses of Seafaring men. 
Folio. 14  Seals. 
Folio. 75  Setting the Ship upon a Rock. 83. diligence to free it. 
ibid.  Shething of Ships. 
Folio. 78 
In Spain and Portugal. 
Folio. 79  With double Planks. 
ibid.  With Canvas, 
ibidem  With burnt Planks. 
ibid.  With Varnish in Chi●●. 
ibid.  In England. 
Folio. 80    Best manner of Shething. 
Folio. 80  The Shark. 
Folio. 43  What requisite in Shipping. 
Folio. 2  The honour of his Majesty's Ships. 
Folio. 20  Ships of trade. 
Folio. 138  The Prince his Ships. 
ibid.  All Ships of war are not to be low built. 
Folio. 139  Four Ships taken. 
Folio. 10●  Duty of a small Ship against a greater. 
Folio. 141  Shooting at Sea 19 Mischances thereupon ensuing. 
ibid.  Sloth cause of fancies. 
Folio. 82  Care of sounding. 
Folio. 32  Spanish discipline. 
Folio. 132.133.134  Spanish officers. 
Folio. 134  Spanish Admiral cometh to Leeward. 
Folio. 131  Spaniards parley. 
Folio. 134  Inexperience of the Spaniards. 
Folio. 126.  Weakness of the Spaniards. 
Folio. 9  Vainglory of the Spaniards. 
Folio. 142  Severity of Spain. 
Folio. 144  Care of Steerage. 
Folio. 53 
Exquisite in the Spaniards and Portugeses. 
ibid.    The straits. 
Folio. 70  Second peopling of the straits 
Folio. 76.  South part of the straits Lands. 
Folio. 95  Effects of courage in Storms. 
Folio. 10  A cruel Storm. 
Folio. 99  Birds like Swans. 68 how caught, good refreshment. 
Folio. 69  Swearing remedied. 
Folio. 41    


T  DEscription of Tenerif. 
Folio. 25  The Thunderbolt of London. 
Folio. 3.  Tobias Cove. 
Folio. 83  Concealment hindereth Trading. 
Folio. 113  Point Tremontame. 
Folio. 70  Entertainment of Time. 
Folio. 88    


V  Captain Vavisor. 
Folio. 10  Importance of a small Vessel. 
Folio. 100  Place of Vide-admiral. 
Folio. 9  Considerations for Voyages. 
Folio. 4  Voyages overthrown by pretences. 
Folio. 95  Overthrow of the Voyage. 
Folio. 66 
The cause. 
ibid.  Infidelity. 
ibid.      


W  ORder of the Flemish Wafters. 
Folio. 8.  Detaining of Wages. 
Folio. 110  Warehouses sacked. 
Folio. 101  Objection of waist. 
Folio. 78 
answered. 
ibid.    Wast of men. 
Folio. 57  Distilling of Salt- water. 
Folio. 52  Contagious Waters. 
Folio. 56  Care of Watches. 
Folio. 34  Fruits of good Watch. 
Folio. 58  Concealment of Weakness. 
Folio. 103  Wilfulness of Mariners. 
Folio. 6  Wine more dangerous, than the enemy. 
Folio. 103  Spanish Wines and Fevers unknown in England. 
Folio. 103  Wine consumeth treasure. 
Folio. 104  Fight of the Whale. 
Folio. 45 
With the Sword fish. 
ibid.  With the Thresher. 
ibid.    Taking of the Whale. 
Folio. 46 
By the Indians. 
Folio. 47    Warning against Worms. 
Folio. 78    


Y  YOnkers ever necessary in the top. 
Folio. 26    
FINIS.