AN ADVERTISEMENT To the Subjects of Scotland, Of the fearful Dangers threatened to Christian States; And namely, TO GREAT BRITAIN, by the Ambition of SPAIN: With a Contemplation, of the truest Means, to oppose it. Also, Divers other TREATISES, Touching the present estate of the KINGDOM of SCOTLAND; Very necessary to be known, and considered, in this Time: CALLED, The First Blast of the Trumpet. WRITTEN by PETER HAY, of NAUGHTON, IN NORTH-BRITANE.  
IN ABERDENE, PRINTED BY EDWARD RABAN Cum Privilegio. 1627.   


BON. ACCORD  
Insignia Vrbis abredonie,    

TO THE MOST ROYAL, AND MIGHTY MONARCH, CHARLES, BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, and IRELAND, Defender of the Faith.  
MOST Gracious, and most Sacred Sovereign, This Time, and This Subject, do join and meet so well together, that it is now, if ever; and in this, if in any thing, that I dare be bold express the desire I have to do service to Your Majesty, and to my Country. I wish the occasion had not been so fair for venting 〈◊〉 ambition; but rather that it had lain buried in my Breast, and I myself had been unknown of Your Majestîe to my life's end. But GOD, who putteth Marches to Peace and Wars, and periods to Time; and who hath His apt and proper Instruments, for every disposition of Time; HE hath encouraged me, to offer to Your Majesty, this Treatise, as a necessary, and useful Intercourse of this Time.  
I did strive, so much as I could, to make it short; but by reason of so many Histories, Discourses, and Examples, as were to be pertinently and profitably brought in, I could not confyne it to a more narrow Compend.  
And yet, when Your Majesty shall consider it, it will be found minus mole, quam facultate, a great deal lighter in Paper, than in Matter: For why? It containeth the large Extent and Mysteries of the Spanish Ambition, with a Contemplation of the truest Contrapoyse to be made thereunto by Neighbour States; Grave and Weighty Theorems indeed, but which few of them do speculate so deeply as need were; the greatest part being wholly carried to things sensible, present, and of nearest commodity to themselves in particular, albeit it should import a manifest danger to their Common-peace and Prosperity: without the care, and curious maintenance where-of, neither can any one of Them flourish by itself, nor yet the most flourishing, long endure.  
Farther, SIR, here are contained divers Purposes and Passages, touching The present estate of this Kingdom of SCOTLAND, most expedient for awaking Your Majesty's Subjects, to look to that which the great exigence of this Time doth require at their Hands; together with a variety of delicate Conceits, very fit to season both the Understanding and Humour of a young PRINCE: and those not hatched in my Brains, but sought, and sucked by me, from the richest Hives of Politic Wits, which have been committed to Registers in any Age gone.  
here also is contained, A new Reason, brought from the mystical Theology, for the holiness and perfection of the number 10; and why GOD did choose it to be the Quotient of the Ecclesiastic Goods, in the levitical Churches.  
So that if Your Majesty shall vouchsafe to read it once, I have good hope that Ye shall do● it twice, albeit I know, that it is not Your Majesty's Calling, to cast over Books, Tu regere imperio popul. Rom. mem. hae tibi erunt arts: but such Books do belong unto that same Arte. Demetrius Phalereus did counsel King Proleme, to buy all Books written, de regno imperioque eosque lectitaret, quia (inquit) quae amici non audent Reges monere, ea in ejusmodi libris descripta esse. Alexander the Great did sleep with Homer's Poësies under his head. julius Caesar, amidst the combustion of bloody Wars, did spend most part of nights, in reading and writing.  
Therefore, SIR, let it please Your Majesty, to take pains, remembering how the same Homer, whom that great Monarch did so affect, and whom the Philosophs esteemed to be A source of humane Sciences, he hath left this Aphorism for a King, Non decet Principem solidam dormire noctem: A Prince must not take a whole night's sleep. A thing well proved by that Arch-Prince for civil wisdom, Augustus, who whiles at a certain time he could not rest in the night, having his mind loaden with anxieties and cares of the State, he sent for the pillow of a known Bancq-ruptier, greatly indebted, who was reported to sleep well.  
GOD hath called Your Majesty up in-to this Mountain of Painful Governament; not like unto Helias, who whiles he went up, too much delighted with the pleasant umbrage of the junopre Tree, he fell asleeping there-by: But like to Moses, to whom it was said, Ascend in Montem, & esto ibi. Upon which words, Esto ibi, another doth well note, Non dicitur venisse, qui non steterit. We do not read that Moses sleeped in that Voyage to the Mountain: It was a significant Hyerogliffe, which the Egyptians had of a King, Oculum cum Sceptro, One Eye, and one Sceptre: Showing, that Princes are to join Vigilance with Power; and aught to have Aquiline Eyes, able to penetrate the hidden things of the Vulgar Valleys below them: Even as the Eagle doth espy the Prey under him, before himself can be perceived of Fowls. Nazianzen, speaking of Governament, he sayeth, it is, Ars artium, to rule a People: And Seneca, speaking of Man, Nullum morosius animal, nec majori arte tractandum; There is not a more enorm and insolent Creature than Man, nor which is to be managed with more cunning. And, as Plutarch sayeth, That as Beasts can not be guided, nor commanded, but by Men; So Men cannot be governed, but by Him who is more than a Man, and hath a great measure of Deity into Him.  
certainly Your Majesty hath need of Eyes under Wings, as is said of the Spanish Cuttuio; that Ye might fly abroad, to explore the manners of Your Subjects, and malice of Your Enemies: to see that no Backdoor be left for those to enter at, nor no Field commodious, where they may cover their insidious Nets: but that the whole Sea of Your Majesty's Governament be calm and peaceable: understanding how the Spaniard is skilful to fish in drumblie Waters. He can practise as well Protestants as Papists, if he find them lose and wavering. Which particular Your Majesty will see examplified in this Treatise: besides Testimonies of French Writers, which might be suspected of Partiality, and malicious detraction, it is verified by natural Spaniards, namely, Antonio Peres, who was a chief Secretary of Estate, under Philip the second; and whose Relation in some things touching the said King, and Estate of Portugal, I have trusted, and followed, for two respects: First, Because none could have known those better: and secondly, Because he did handle the like Theme to this, by way of showing to King Henry the fourth of France, the necessity of making Wars to Spain.  
Your Majesty knoweth, that it was a brave Emblem for Kings, which Cyrus had, of putting his foot upon the midst of a hard and dry hyde, where-by he kept it close at earth: for if he had set his foot upon the borders, or extremities thereof, the whole should have revolted: to note the Golden Rule of the Midway in Governament, & forbearing of Extremities: and to show, that Kingdoms are never sure to Princes, until they be in the midst of the Hearts of their People, and guarded round about with their Affections. Your Majesty seeth how the example of David is a perspicuous Mirror for Kings to look unto; of whom we read, 2. Sam. 7. When the king sat in his house, and the LORD had given him rest round about from all his enemies, he said unto Nathan the Prophet, Behold, Idwell in a house of Cedar trees, & the Ark of God remaineth within the Curtains. He resolved to provide for building of the Lord's House: Therefore, can we not deny, Sir, that the Orient of Your Majesty's Reign, doth break up in just & holy Actions, in favours of the House of GOD, by setting out a Navy against the mighty Enemies of Christian Peace, and true Religion; and by whom the overthrow thereof hath been so directly sought in these Your Majesty's Kingdoms, that numbers of us yet live, who did see their proud Armada, put even to the parts of our Country for that end.  
Your Majesty's Intentions at Home, to restore the maintenance and Splendour of God's Worship, do argue the like zeal: and who doubteth, but God will grant to Your Majesty the same spirit of wisdom, with David, rightly to choose your times, for offices of Peace, & offices of wars. The prudence, and happy successes of Actions, do consist in discreet & sure application of Circumstances. With a little Time & Patience, your M. will get your good Subjects, not only to contribute after your desires, to the House of the Lord, to the Commonwealth, & works of Piety; but to do it willingly, as those Israelits did unto David, 1. Chron. 29. Then the people rejoiced, for that they offered willingly; because with a perfect heart they offered willingly to the Lord. And David the king also rejoiced with great joy. And then, Sir, their Sacrifices shall be savoury unto God, when they come not from Hearts died into Murmuration, Grudge, or Blackness, like unto the Swan, which for the same cause was anciently forbidden to be sacrificed to the gods.  
I do most humbly recommend these my Christian Endeavours to your M. patronage & protection. If they be acceptable to your M. I hope they shall displease none of your faithful Subjects. If they do not fully correspond the judicious quickness of your M. great spirit, it is not my fault; my small Vessel could hold no more. The Lord, who is the giver of all good things, and who hath sown into your M. Heart these Seeds of Royal Piety and Virtue, He may be pleased to nourish them, with the daily influence of His Grace; until they grow to that glorious and fruitful Harvest, which they do now prognosticate and promise in their Spring. That God, who hath set your M. over a great and mighty People, He may bless your M. with the true wisdom of Governament, the trustiness of faithful Counsellors, the upright love of your Subjects, and a prosperous & fortunate Reign unto the end.  
Your M. most humble, faithful, and affectionate Subject and Serviture, PETER HAY.   

TO THE READER.  
COurteous Reader,  
I speak to as many as be upright Subjects of this Kingdom; of which number I am sure, there is not one, to whom the principal scope of this Discourse will not be gracious and plausible. If some Passages do perhaps displease, it is for too narrow counting in your Particulars. And if I have touched these points moderately, and have in them also my interest equal with yours, it doth absolve me from any meaning to wrong you; and showeth, that the acting hereof hath not been intended for you, or me, or for another, but for the Commonwealth.  
We have spent our whole Years gone to our Private Studies, Pleasures, or Emolument, without the meanest distraction by any sort of Tyranny, or State-Calamitie, Our days have been like unto that jubilant age of the Roman Empire, under Augustus, of whom sayeth the Po●t, 
Ille meos errare boves, ut cernis, & ipsum  
Ludere, quae vellem, calamo permisit agresti.  
Ille erit, ille mihi semper DEUS.   
But now this Time doth require us to carry public, and not private Minds; which is the reason, why I do find myself in this action, pene th●m quam antea. There is (sayeth SALOMON) a time for Peace, and a time for War: a time to gather and keep, and a time to cast away: and GOD doth these things that men should fear before Him. The golden time of Peace, and collection, that we have enjoyed, under our late King of blessed memory, hath so besotted our Minds, with Security, that we are even Ignorants of the ordinary vicissitude of the World; so far, that the very first threatenings of change, do confound us; where as by the contrary, they should make us turn to our GOD, and fear before Him: resolving to accept at His Hands, patiently, and thankfully, after so long Prosperity, the Corrections, for our sins proper to us; and in the nature of things common with us, to all People.  
I have presented before you, in this Treatise, as upon a Board, a summary Portrait of the estate of this time, and of the dangers whereof we are so much afraid: which if ye shall diligently contemplate, it will help both your knowledge and your resolution. As for some few particulars, that for the first face, may be somewhat disagreeable with you, ye shall find here also conjoined with them, their sovereign remeadies and solaces. If ye will but ascend a while, with me upon this Stage, to agitate the cause of your Prince, your Country, your Commonwealth, and Religion, when we shall look back upon the invincible coverage of our Predecessors, against so many mighty Nations, for the standing of this Kingdom, before they were Christians; and that more than humane magnanimity of the Heathen Codrus of Athens, and others like to him, the Bruti of Rome, deciosque caput fatale voventes, and these heroic Deccis, how in sacred ecstasies of resolution, they did devote and sacrifice their lyues, for safety of the States whereof they were members; such speculations shall make us ashamed of some of our discontentments, and languishing amidst so great exigence, and appearance of public distresses.  
I know there is no generose spirit, but will be much delighted with this subject, nor any wise-hearted man, who will not esteem it a virtuous and laudable part, to be foreseeing of so capital dangers.  
Within these three, or four Years, the Palatinate did less dread the Spaniard, than we do now. Tum tua res agitur, paries dum proximus ardet. If we do fear the LORD, obey our Prince, and be of united Minds, timously to employ the means that GOD hath given us, to withstand so strong an Enemy; then there is no doubt, but we shall be bastant to oppose him: but if we be relenting in these, than I would say, as one of the Parthian Kings said, long before they were conquered, by the Romans, Timeamus, ●●●eamus, magnum illum Romanorum Genium, qui tam brevi spacio torrentis instar effusus est per orbem terrarum. We have great cause to project Fears, and long before to parralele the flourishing destinies of the Spanish Empire: which, like unto a Torrent, hath within these hundreth Years, over-flowed the fairest and strongest Countries of Europe.  
Certainly, it is no time for us to delay in murmurations, and to object our poverty, amongst infinite Examples that be in Histories, of the fatal ruin that hath followed to Princes and People, by such doing: the pitiful and merciless sackage of Constantinople, by Mahomet the second, may only serve, to terrify us from the like: the Citizens of that Town being full of Richeses, did so misregard their late Emperors, that one of them, Baldwine, after he had sold his Silver Plate, jewels, and best Movables, he was forced to pawn his Son to the Venetians, for Money to maintain Wars against the Turks. The last of them, Constantine the eight, being desperately besieged by the said Mahomet, was not able to furnish Pay to his Soldiers, by reason of exorbitant Usuries, exercised by his Merchands; nor Corn, nor Victuals, by reason of their Monopolies, although there was great store of both within. Where-upon, after some Weeks of mutual grudges, and exclamation of the Emperor against his Subjects, and of them against him, that glorious City, so commodiously seated (for dominion over the World) upon the shoulders of Europe and Asia, so Emperesse-lyke overlooking both, was taken by the Turks, her miserable Prince and People cruelly murdered, her beautiful Churches turned in Stables, her huge Richeses possessed by the Enemies, and she made a Port for that bloody and barbarous Nation, to come in upon the neck of Christendom. I will no more insist thus in this place, because the Treatise is full of Practices and Examples, convenient for your present use: I will only say again, That it is no time for us now to contest with our King, when question is for preservation of the State: and I exhort you to read this, with that disposition as I write it: not of private Subjects, but of Statesmen, and kindly Children of this Commonwealth: that we may all in one voice say with Pericles of Athens, when his City was reduced to great straits, for want of Money, in time of hot Wars, Ne cernere cogamur cuncta nostra in servitutem rap●, mensae, cubilis, supellectilis, ac dierae, superflua abscindamus, no●●que & liberos, servemus, ut quum pinguior fortuna aspiraverit, nobis rursus ea restituere valeamus, Let us curb our Humours, control the delicacy of our Diet, make sober our Movables, and cut off whatsoever is superfluous in our Manners, for our own safety; and let us refer the farther fruition of those, to more propitious and fortunate Time's.  
Thus much more must I say (tout●cing the mystery of the number 10 here treated) to some of you, who dye disdain to hear from another, that whereof yourselves are ignorant: I wish ye be not scandalised, by the mention of remote, or natural Theology: remembering how Saint Paul, 1. Cor. 15, calleth him a Fool, who in the Analogy of GOD'S Works, cannot find a natural Argument, to corroborate his supernatural Belief, for the Resurrection of his Body. And the learned Scaliger, in his Exercitations against Cardan, discoursing of the Angelical nature, he calleth that kind of knowledge fastigium omnis scientiae, the top of humane Wisdom: and doth very confidently censure the contemners thereof, saying, Irridebuntur ista à quibusdam sectis nebulonum qui otio & supinitate marcentes fastigium scientiae contemnunt titulo curiositatis: noting two sorts of them, who (saith he) do constantly bark against the search of any other thing than the naked and literal sense in the Scripture: one is of those who be mere naturalists, & nunquam assurgunt ad supremam causam: Another, of some presumptuous, but shallow-brained Theologues, who covering their Ignorance, with pretext of Holiness, semper assurgunt ad supremam causam, they are ever speaking, and talking of the knowledge of GOD, but may not abide one word of Nature; contemning the high contemplations thereof, which are the very paeth-way that do lead us unto that Knowledge, Neither of which two (sayeth he) have tasted this sweet Science of Analogical harmony, that is betwixt the intellectual and visible World: whereof sayeth the divine Plato, that, that is the real substance, and this but the shadow depending therefra; that Truth, and true subsistence are there, and here nothing but as a flowing and transition of Images, Nulla sunt vera nisi quae sunt aeter●●, ista autem quae vide●us non sunt vera, sed ve●i similia: the things that we see, are but temporary shadows of things true and eternal: and as the shadow of any creature doth perfectly declinate unto us the shape, the form, the space, and name thereof, although we do not see the body itself; so (saith he) into this great body of visible Nature (which is the Image of that intellectual and infinite World) there is the true deliniation and vive Images of the several creatures which be there, and of the Heavenly Governament, and blessed harmony that is amongst them. And brief, (saith Plato) we have no knowledge in this World, but that which is symbolical, having reference to things invisible, as the shadow hath unto the body. The Prophets of the old Law did receive their revelations from the Angels in symbolical speeches, and (sayeth Christ Himself) litera occidit, spiritus vivificat; The letter is dead, but it is the Spirit that quickeneth. And of Him sayeth Saint Mark, That without Parables He spoke nothing to them: and twelve several Parables of the Kingdom of Heaven He did delyver to them, all which do thus begin, Simile est regnum coelorum: and the Prophet David sayeth, I shall open my mouth by Parables.  
Certainty, if ever there was an Age of the World, wherein the supernatural light of Christ's Gospel had need to have annexed unto it the dark light of Nature, for alluring and entertaining the weakness of our spiritual sight it is even this which we now live into, wherein the Heresies of doctrine are so pregnam 〈◊〉, and the love of the World, pride of Life, and singularity of Opinion so predominant in the professors of the Truth, that we may say not only with ●lato, but with Hosea the Prophet, Non est veritas in terra: the pure Verity hath left the Earth. So that I say to you, Ye must not be disgusted if upon the sudden ye cannot comprehend every symbolical Verity that is propounded unto you: which, if it could be, than we should vilipende the Mysteries of GOD, as things trivial and vulgar. It is said in Eccles that God hath made the world beautiful, & did set it in the heart of man, even that he may admire it, and vex himself to explore the nature thereof: Vexatio dat intellectum, sayeth the same Solomon. And I say, that as the intellectual spirits of our Brain, which are the Scarchers of the Verity, are most subtle in themselves, and closed up from our Eyes, within divers Cabinets of our Head: Even so the Verity itself, which is the thing searched by them, is much more subtle, and involved from our sight. The first Ages of the World did emblem the Verity, by a Triton, standing above the Temple of Saturn, with a Trumpet in his mouth: signifying, that her habitation was most high, & with the most ancient Gods, and that therefore she must be sought laboriouslie, and from afar. GOD Himself, who is only Verity, hath made His Mysteries to be umbragious, and as at wee-light before us, (whiles He Himself doth inhabit the inaccessible light, as is said, 1. Tim. 6,) represented to us by the Seraphims, Esa. 6. beholding Him through two wings; and by the darkness of the Cloud, wherethrough Moses did enter into the light of Mount Sinai, to receive the Law; and by that Pillar of Fire, that conducted Israel, which was in like manner locked up in a Cloud. All these do figure unto us, that albeit the Verity (like to the Branch of Gold, that did secure the Voyage of Aeneas, unto the Elisean Fields) shall at length open a Passage for us, to the inaccessible Light. Yet for the present of our mortal life, there be infinite Mysteries of the Verity, which we cannot see otherways, than through dark and doubtful Clouds: amongst the which, this of the number 10, hath fallen in mine hands; it may be, as a precious jewel cometh to an unskilful Goldsmith; who, although he cannot mount it curiously, yet he setteth it so, as it may be carried, viewed, and valued, of all men. The ancient Persian and Egyptian Theologues, did call the Body of GOD, Light; and His Soul, Verity: to declare unto us, that the Verity, when it is found by us, it should by our means shine to others. And, as a Lantern carried by a Man in the night time, is better seen of those who be about him, than by himself; Even so, perhaps, this Noble Mystery, once pointed at by me, shall be now understood better by many of you, than it is by me, who did mark it unto you: and I pray GOD it may be so.  
Your true, and loving Friend, PETER HAY.   

AN ADVERTISEMENT To the Subjects of SCOTLAND, Of the Dangers threatened to Christian States; And namely, To GREAT BRITAIN, by the Ambition of SPAIN.  
THere are some Yeares-gone, since partly my Age, (now about 60.) and partly my retired Life, free from any public Charge, did make me to disgust all civil Meditations, and exercise of the more humane Letters; wherein I had given satiety to my Mind in my Youth-head, both by diligent reading of Histories, and by travelling abroad thorough the World, to look upon the several Governaments thereof. And now I had gotten place upon an higher Stage, and was become familiar with the Muses more sublime and divine, where I did study to understand the policy of Nature, the Bounty, Beauty, and Order of the visible Creatures: and that Magical Spirit, which doth by a common sympathy connect and unite in one Commonwealth so many Contrarieties, as are within the enclose of the supreme Heaven, and which doth maintain whole, and inteire this great Body of the Universe, whilst her Members do daily perish, and pass away before our Eyes. I did consider, whether this huge frame was animate, or inanimall, & where was the residence of that mighty Spirit, where-by it is governed, how Scripture telleth me that, Spiritus DEI implet orbem terrarum, The Spirit of GOD doth fill the whole Earth: and how Philosophy persuadeth me, that GOD is, into Nature, as the Soul of Man within his Body: that even as our Soul doth fill the Body, with Life and Motion, and furnish to the Organs of our Senses, their faculties of several operation; and having its seat hidden into the Brains, yet is it not confined there, but goeth out at random, to run over the whole Earth, to penetrate the Centre, to travel through the Spheres, to fly above them, and to discourse of things imaginable to be without the purprise of the Heavens: That even so, GOD hath His Habitation and Seat into the inaccessible Light, (as the Head and hidden Brains of Nature) and therefra doth disperse the Spirit of Life, and motion thorough all: putting into the Starre● (as Organs seated into the face of that great Body) the influences which minister to all her parts, inspiring into the vast Belly thereof, the blowing Winds, which are the breathing Spirit of Nature: and again placing the Ocean, as the livare and fountain that doth ramifie & spread so many Veins through the Earth, (as it were of blood, through the fleshly body, and trunk of Nature) and lastlie, these rocky Craiges, as the Bones of that Body. Then I did dispute with myself, how far these visible things did bear the Characters of the invisible Governament of GOD, into the intellectual or Architypicall World: where only (as Plato sayeth) there is real and true subsistence, and whereof these caduc Creatures that we see, are but a shadow, or a mirror, wherein GOD letteth us behold the Image of that Order and governament that is in Heaven: According to which, sayeth Saint Paul Rom. 2. The invisible things of GOD, from the creation of the World, are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made. Farther, I went on, to ponder that discourse of Plato in his 6. de Rep. where he maketh the Mind of Man to have that relation to GOD, which his Eye hath to the Sun; wherefra, as a visible Light, proceedeth to illuminate the Eye, and maketh it to see the Sun itself, that giveth it light: So doth a spiritual Light, proceeding from GOD, illustrate our Minds, with that splendour where-by we do behold GOD Himself: which Light of GOD, he calleth in that place, Foetum, sive prolem DEI, The Birth, or Child of GOD. Where-upon I was begun to debate with myself, from what good warrant the learned Marcilius Ficinus, could affirm, that Plato did there-by mean the eternal Son of GOD, manifested to us in the Scriptures: of whom sayeth Saint john, in the first of his Evangell, in terms not unlike, Est lux illuminans omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum: That He is a Light, which doth illuminate every man that cometh in this World.  
But now, while as my spirit had ascended to this height of Heavenly transportation, little thinking of any worldly retract, or encumbrance, Alace for pity! the late deplorable death of our blessed King, of sacred memory, did intercept my joys, and make me Icarus-lyke, to fall back into the Seas, once again to sail along the Coasts of that wicked Circe, 
Death of our late Sovereign.  where nothing is to be seen, but the dead bones of those who are daily naufraged amidst her enchanted allurements, & once again to set myself upon the bloody Theatre of the World, to partake of the public sorrows, wherewith so many good souls are afflicted, for the loss of so precious a jewel, whose royal worth, his divine virtues, his happy times, and miraculous fortune (if Fortune may be spoken of, where GOD did so manifestly rule) as I am not bastant to express them, so it is not my intention to touch them in this Discourse, because as Plutarch sayeth, Praeclara gesta praeclaris orationibus indigent ne gloria defraudentur: curable griefs are spended, and consumed with words of lamentation, or washed away with tears, but deep and irrecoverable displeasures will have none other style, nor other Mourning-Cloath, but astonishment and silence: Therefore, I will only say this for all, to awake our Minds, in thankfulness to GOD, who is the giver of all good things; That if it were true which Plato supposeth, that there are certain habitable Regions in the Air, for an Heroical, and more celestial kind of Men, who live to many ages, and feed only of the vapours, and fragrant smells of Fruits, that grow there, for their nowrishment; or if so be, that Paradise hath been, or doth yet remain there, which some Christian writers spare not to affirm, That as Lucifer, after his rebellion, was thrown from the Heavens, downward in the Air, so Adam, after his fall, was detruded from an higher habitation, to a lower. If I say, either of the two were extant, we of this Kingdom, might contend with any of them, for public Prosperity and Peace, of a whole Age, without interruption. I make the challenge to those imaginary and Airy People, because I find none upon the known Earth, who may enter the Lists, with us, in that behalf. The sanctified Reign of our sweet Sovereign, who doth now enjoy his Crown in the eternal Glory, who lived 60 years a King, and the hundreth and sixth King of one Stock, who banished Idolatry, planted the Gospel, superadded two Diaedemes to the third, making a confluence, of a natural and stately Monarchy; and all this, siue saenguine, aut sudore; yea, without the putting one Lance to the Field: let us weigh this well, and then say truly, qui poterunt similiter gloriari nobis.  
But as nothing which is vehement, or extraordinary, can endure into this ordinary vicissitude of Mortality, so were the very Funerals of this great Prince. followed with the doubting and fears of all his good Subjects; 
His late Majesty's death, followed with great fears of his Subjects.  as if with the death of our holy and peaceable King, the period of our Countreyes-Peace had also expired. Whether it be that some malignant constellation, unable to perturb so rare a Saint of GOD, hath lain in wait till now, to spew upon us some mischievous Influence; or that GOD, for his sake, hath forborn hitherto, to inflict the Punishments due for our Sins: It is no new thing indeed, but usual for People subject to Kings, to be taken with some fear of Innovations, or change, at the entry of a young Prince. The Philosophers say, that the Celestial Orbs, do sometime suffer their motum trepidationis, a motion (as they call it) of trembling. What marvel then, if when the Axletree of a State is changed, the Body which is carried upon it, do shake a little? But because I have perceived by conversation with divers of grave and constant minds, that such Fears begin to be apprehended of them more deeply, than is agreeable with the loyal affection, that we ought to carry to, and trust that we should place in our natural and kindly Prince, of so great expectation: Therefore it is, that I out of that common Sympathy, which one Member hath with another of the same Body, and being now upon the public Stage of the World, (I mean, a deep and serious Contemplation of the present condition of things) where the matter and nature of Dangers threatened, do lie open, and discovered to mine Eyes, I have resolved for information, and solace of many others, whose sight perhaps cannot penetrate so far, to deduce and examine the Causes of our Fears, for a tymous Advertisement, to all the upright Subjects of this Kingdom; that every Man may the better understand the case of the present time, and everse Man may provide to contribute the best of his Wits, of his courage, and of his Goods, to the service of our Prince, whom GOD hath set over us, to foresee and obviate our Dangers, The Fears which have possessed our Minds, be of two sorts, either flowing from Foreign, or from Domestic occasions: from Foreign, because that our mighty Enemy of Spain, 
Causes of our fears, what these be.  is irritated against us, and hath already gotten great advantages: Our intestine Fears, be one of three, either for Aggravations and Pressures, which the great exigence of this Time seemeth to put upon us: or secondly, for the intended Reformation, or Innovation of Session, Counsel, or State-Officers: because it seemeth to chop at the Arch-Pillars of our Governament, who have been placed, and long pratticked by a King most famous for solid Wisdom: or thirdly, for the large extent of the Revocation made by his Majesty who now is, which doth touch so many of us to the quick, and as it were rankle us to the very bones. Of all which three, I shall treat a little with that Modesty and Reverence which becometh a private and faithful Subject.  
And first, because our Foreign Dangers are most manifest, I will speak of that, 
The King of Spayre, and the Pope, troublers of Christian Princes.  (instar montis equum) that monstruous and formidable pride of Spain, the Common Enemy of Christian Tranquillity. This King, with his Pope, are the two Furies, who do enrage all Neighbour-Princes, and States; the Nemesis and Pandora, who disperse Christian Plagues; the two insatiable Daughters of the Leech, mentioned in the Scripture, who still cry, Give, give, and who suck the blood, not of Beasts, but of the Saints of GOD. They are the two Stars of our wretched Constellations: and when-so-ever it falleth in their courses, to be Ascendants of this occidental Hemisphere, then let not Christian people expect other than Fire and Sword, and the blood of legions, unless the Conjunction of other Princes do make an Aspect happily and rightly opposed to them. This great King, hath long time gone, devoured in his mind the Occydentall Empire: the design of which Ambition, is not so remarked by Neighbour-States, (which is their great fault) nor so withstood, as is necessary for cutting the Thread thereof in time, before it grow to greater length: and that because it seemeth in the mean while to advance but slowly, as the highest Spheres, who have longest periods, do move most insensibly to us; yet they cease not to make still progress, till they come to their stations. Will we but cast back our Eyes a short way, even to the beginning of Charles the fifth, the Grandsire of this present King, 
Ambition of Spain different from that of the Romans.  there we shall see the swift march of that Ambition, so far, that if they had brooked, that which they gripped, since then, they had matched the Romans, for dilatation of Empire, in the like tract of tyme. The generous Romans did not found their Empire upon Oppression and Spoil, nor raise it by Arts of Tyranny: They were a just and magnanin ious People, concitate by GOD, to deliver the Oppressed, and purge the World from proud Tyrants; to introduce Community of Conversation amongst Countries, Common Laws of justice, Civil Policy, and Learning: for the which, sayeth one of the Fathers, that GOD did favour their Empire, and the growing thereof: Donec eo tandem deventum esset, (saith he) ut sieret totus terrarum orbis, quasi unum cultissim●m imperiirus: That it came to pass, that the whole World was as a well manured Husbandry, or Fame, of that Empire. Where, by the contrary, these late Kings of Spain have not only interverted the most laudable and virtuous Ambition begun, 
Different from that of their Predecessors.  and prosecuted many years, by their Predecessors, for plantation of Religion and Policy, amongst the Insidels of Africa, of the Levantine Indies, and divers Yles of the Main Ocean: but they have turned upsyde down, this Christian Ambition, as fair Lucifer did change himself into a Devil; and have converted the Edge thereof, to the confusion of the fairest Countries of Europe, so sufficiently adorned with Piety, justice, and Policy, that they might have been called The Gems of the World. And if the Monies, and Forces of Arms, which have been spent to the sackage of these, within an hundreth years gone, had been employed against Barbarians, and Ignorants of GOD, than the best part of Africa, of the Eastern and Western ●dies, might have been at this day under the peaceable Domini● of that King; and he, by that Conquest, more justly called a Catholic King: as may be easily understood, by the Stories extant, of the prosperous and happy beginnings of his Antecessours, against the Infidels of those Nations: which, because it doth most clearly paint out the ugly and odious Face of his detestable and execrable Ambition, I think it not amiss, to make a short Relation thereof, out of their own Histories.  
About some more than 800 years bygone, Roderigo, a Christian King of the Goths in Spain, having ravished and deflored the Daughter of the Earl juliano, his own Subject, was casten out from his Kingdom, & slain by Tariffio, a Barbarian king, 
The origine and Antiquity of the present house of Spain.  brought from Africa, by means of the said juliano, for just revenge of the ignominy done to him. Those Barbarians did possess the whole Country (few Cities excepted) of Spain, with the utter exterminion of the Gothicke Empire, and were begun to spread themselves over the Perenees, when Pelagius, son of the Duke of Biscaglia, (of whom is descended this present King of Spain, by succession not yet interrupted) having a Sister of rare beauty, in like sort violented and raped, by a Cousin of this Barbarian King: and being a great spirit, full of Valour and Piety both, he did plot some Stratagems, for the revenge of this injury: wherein his courage and good fortune were so conspicuous, 
Notable punishment of Lust, in Princes.  that the Goths (now oppressed by the Barbarian servitude) did comfort him to public Arms, for restitution of their Christian Liberty: wherein he made so good progress, that they did elect and erect him to their Kingdom. The Ravishment of the Daughter of juliano, was the introduction of the Moors in Spain, and the dejection of the Gothicke Dominion. 
Pelagius.  The Rape of the Sister of Pelagius, did procure the restitution of the same, and the ejection of that Barbarian King. There is not certainly a Vice, which hath procured greater ruin to mighty Princes, than this of raging and voluptuous Lust. Tyranny hath thrown out many from their Crowns, but more yet have been cast out by immundity. Belike, as being a gross, lourde, and sensual Vice, the LORD doth more punish it i● Princes, than private men, who are set up, above their People, to spread abroad the Rays of their exemplary Piety and Virtue. This Pelagius did spend the rest of his days against those Infidels, whom he swept out of divers corners of that Country, 
Pelagius honoured of the World.  although they were so numerous at that time, that there were found of them in one Battle in Aquitane, 400000, which made the World adore, in a sort, his Name, because he was the first Prince, who with extraordinary zeal did enterprise holy and heroic Wars, against those impious Barbarians, who were begun to tread over all Christian People. Virtuous beginnings, if with length of time they grow to large extent of Prosperity, they are much honoured by after-coming Ages; and great reason: for why? the Tree, how tall soever it be in the Field, yet it was once all in the Seed. This is the just Reward of Virtue past, and the chief Spur of that which is to come. This Pelagius is most renowned in the Histories. Buchanan, amongst others, in his jure regni apud Scotos, doth introduce him for the Image of a most virtuous and temperate Prince.  
The second of these Kings, 
Ferdinandus Magnus.  memorable in Histories, was Ferdinando, called Magno, who no less than Pelagius, to the glory of GOD, and his immortal fame, did pacify his Controversies with some Christian Neighbours, to his great disadvantage, to manage Wars against the Moors; of whom he overthrew, and banished the King of Toledo, and the King of Siviglia, with all their People. This Prince is so honoured by their Writers, for a wonderful temperament that was in him of fierceness against the Barbarians, and religious humility of carriage, and conversation with his Subjects, that they do equal him unto that perfect Cavalliere, that Virgil describeth in the person of Aeneas.  
For the third, I will remember Ferdinando, called Santo, who did holily bend himself to cleanse the Country of Spain from the remnant of that Vermin, 
Ferdinando Santo.  with such zeal and fervour, that he was noted thus to speak of the Ambition of Princes, that in their Wars they had divers ends; some Vindication, some Extension of Dominions, some Glory of the World, and love of Popular Air: and all these, said he, were vain, as David speaketh of them, Periit memoria illorum cum sonitu: Their memory passeth away with that same sound, which doth so much inveigle them for the tyme. Others, said he, have for the scope of their Wars, justice, and the Peace of People: and these do not willingly move Wars, but for succouring of the Oppressed, and extinction of Pride and Tyranny. And lastlie, others for propogation of the Faith, and that (said he) is the top of all Glory, to be purchased by Wars. Although (he said) that seldom were Christian Princes happy in that sort, to have their designs in War simple, and incommixed with Ambition, Pride, or Avarice: which (said he) was the true reason why Christian Empyres do flourish so slowly. This Prince did purge Granada, Valenza, Saint Lucar, and Cartagena; and planted divers Bishop's seats, ritchlie rent. This Prince was after his death, not only of Christians, but even of Infidels so honoured, that Halamar, one of their Kings, did yearlie send an hundreth great Torches, with numbers of his Friends, to assist a commemorative Celebration, used to be yearly of his Funerals. He was so modest in acceptation of Honours whilst he lived, that when the Barons of his Kingdoms had resolved to erect some Statues, to remain as famous Ensigns of his glorious Victories, he would not suffer it to be done; saying, it was to ascribe to Man the honour which is only due to the LORD of Hosts.  
For the fourth, I will make mention of the Spaniards Predecessoures' maternal. Alphonso the fifth, King of Portugal, under whom were discovered, possessed, and made open for Christian Traffic, the Coasts of Aethiopia, the Yles of Capoverde, Arguim, Medera, Saint Thomas, those of Terzere, upon the Coast of Africa. He made conquest of Alcazar, and Arzilla, with their Territories. After these he did Knight five of his Sons, for their great and hardy Adventures, about these exploits: and before their instalment of cavalry, he did publicly in a Church, oblish them by a Sacramental Oath, to hard points of pious Magnanimity, for giving their lyues, if need were, for their Faith, their Honour, their Country, their Prince, their Friends, and all Oppressed. This Prince was often heard to say, that it importeth ●othing to the Commonwealth of Christendom, whether this or 〈◊〉 Province were under the Dominion of Spain, or France, or of Almaignie, or any others, providing all were good Christians.  
For the fifth, I will say somewhat of Emanuel, King of Portugal. Alphonso the first, did cleanse whole Portugal from the Moors. Alphonso the fifth, as I have said, did war against them in Africa. And this Emanu●ll did persecute them even to Asia, and manage hot Wars against them, with extraordinary good fortune, and is counted amongst the most nominate, and glorious Kings that have been in any Age: who without removing his Person from Portugal, did place the Trophies of his Victories in Africa, Arabia, Persia, and the Indees, and fill the Earth with the splendour of his Name. He made himself full Master of the Barbarian Ocean, and of the Indish Traffic: he overthrew divers of their Kings, and did overrun the Levant, as the Stories show, even to the Ports of China: he daunted the Aethiopians, about the Cape of Bona-speranza: he built the Fortresses there, called Sofala, and Mozambi: discovered, and made Tributaries, the noble Yles of Saint Lorenzo, Quiloia, and Socotera: fortified the Isle of Ormus, and made the King Homager, and Vassal of Portugal. He planted a Colony in Goa, which at this day is esteemed one of the most opulent Cities of the Levant. He took in Moluca, and frequently assaulted Calicute, he did brook the things left to him in Africa, and super-adjoyned thereto, Safin, and Azamor. He bestowed one of the hundreths of all his Revenues, and the tenth part of the Tributes of his Conquests, for plantation of the Faith amongst them. He sent learned Churchmen to the King of Congo, (with whom he was in friendship) and procured the coming of the said King, his Son, Brother, and divers Noblemen, to Portugal, where they were taught, and received to the Christian Faith. He sent Priests into Brasilia. And brief, their Histories presume to equal this Prince, to Solomon.  
Of this Emanuel, Charles the fifth, 
Charles the fifth, Emperor.  Emperor, did marry a Daughter, of whom is descended the present King of Spain, Charles, did follow the same Footsteps of the Christian Ambition of his Predecessors, against the Infidels. He conquered the Kingdom of Peru, wherefra he brought into the Countries of Europe, 〈◊〉 infinite Number of Gold and Silver, which did on the suddle, (as ye will find noted hereafter) alter the Manners, Estates, and Traffics of Merchandise, universally of all men. He restored the King of Tunis, and made him Vassal of the Crown of Spain. He did employ mighty Forces, at sundry times, against Solyman the great, who did then gape most greedily for to have devoured Germany. But above all, the memory of him doth rest most sacred for the longsome Toils and Troubles endured by him, and Worlds of Money, which he spent, for the pacification of Christian Religion, and reformation of the Church of Rome. If this fatal and wretched Emulation, and jealousy of Neighbour-Princes, had not made King Francis the first, to oppose and mar him: and if that same had not likewise made the Pope, his Cardinals, and all the Prelates, and Princes Catholic of Germany, his Enemies fearing both the greatness, the good natural, and sincerity of this Prince, of whose fraudelent and unchristian proceedings with him, the History of the Counsel of Trent, published within these few Years, hath the full and perfect Deduction. Always, notwithstanding that he was a rare King, whose fame and credit is above Envy, full of Royal Magnanimity, religious toward GOD, and fortunate to Greatness; alike to whom there hath been in these latter Ages, if some, yet surely not many, Nevertheless, I say, even in him began to be seen the marks of this Inclination, of the Spanish Ambition, to universality of Empire in Europe: the testimony whereof, was by his own direction, publicly set up upon the Ports of such famous Cities as he conquered; as I myself have seen upon those of Naples, and Milan, that too superbe and glorious Superscription, Carolus 5. Imperator, ad colligenda regna dispersa, & plantaudam fidem Christianam, à DEO destinatus: Charles the fifth, Emperor, destinated by GOD, to collect together dispersed Kingdoms, and to make plantation of the Christian Faith. I confess indeed, that he in his time went about this design of Universal Dominion, by more laudable and Christian ways, than his Successors have done since: that is to say, by seeking to curb the Papal Tyranny, and to reunite the Church of GOD, in one Faith, one Governament, under one Civil Law, and, I warrant, under one Prince, if he could: And to give him his due, assuredly, he hath had a most brave and heroic mind, like to that of Alexander the Great, of whom sayeth Plutareh, to his immortal fame, Ni DEUS ille qui Alexandri huc animam demiserat eam praepopere revocasset, haud scio an lex una cunctos homines regeret, unumque jus veluti commune Lumen, ad omnes pertineret.  
O blessed Ambition of those brave Princes before mentionated● nowadays, their Successors do exhausted their Treasures, their Wits, their Forces, to make desolate Christian States, as is said, and to destroy Christian People; whilst their Predecessors did seek under Heavens unknown, to find out Deserts unpeopled, or else plenished with Savages, and have reduced them to fruitful Agriculture, civil Policy, and Christian Discipline. O damnable, and cursed jealousy of Christian Kings, and States! which do not permit their Ambition to extend itself, to the glory of GOD, the increase of their own Dominions, and their immortal Fame. This Globe of the World lieth abroad by 360 degrees in Longitude, and as many in Latitude: The English have made Navigation to within 77, 
Contrapoyse of Christian 〈◊〉, warranded in Nature.  toward the North, and the Portugals and Castilians, to within 56, toward the South; so there do rest 228 to discover: and what a fairer Field, or richer Spoils, can be wished for Christian Ambition, or Avarice, than this? Yet what shall I say of this Emulation of near, and Neighbour-Princes? It seemeth to be fatal in effect; and what is fatal, is necessary: for fatal we call, Quasi fatum, sive dictum a DEO: A thing pronounced by GOD to be. For if we shall take a view of His whole Works, we shall see nothing but a temperament, and contrapoysing of natural Extremities, in such equality of Balance, that none be able to excrease to the overthrow of the other. The Heavens are placed into that Equilibrie, that every side is jump with the other, and may not over-shoot it. The contrary motions of the Heavens, do not confound, nor impede one another. The coldness of Saturn, and the heat of Mars, do not eat up one another, because jupiter cometh between, as the Axletree of their Contrapoyse, by the serenity of his temperature. So is it in the Elements, the Fire and Water are kept from desperate conflicts, by the Balance kept by the Air, attempered to both. So it is amongst Beasts, whereof those that be of fierce and savage kinds, least useful unto Man, (as Lions) GOD hath made them more barren. Those again of the weaker sort, which be more necessary, and serviceable for Man, He hath made more broodie and foecund; to the end, the Stronger should not be able to destroy that which is more infirm; but the multitude of weak ones, should be sufficient to contrapoyse the paucity of the mightier. There is no Beast, which is not afraid of the Lion, & trembleth at his presence; yet something hath he to contrapoyse his awfulness: for he may not abide himself the crying of the Cock, but is astonished there-by. So the Bellicose Elephant, whom all the terrors of Battle cannot make afraid, he may not endure the cry of a Swine, but presently fleeth, &, as is said in Eccles, Intuere opera omnia Altissimi, & videbis semper unum contra aliud: Do contemplate all the works of the most High & you shall find aye one against another. Even amongst the intellectual Creatures, the good Angels, against the bad, GOD this way showing the Height and Deepness of His unsearchable Wisdom, by lodging, and ruling of so many contrary things, peaceably within this one House of the Universe.  
Shall we not think then, but the LORD, who hath so moderated and bridled every extreme & contrariety, who hath placed Mountains, and steep Shores, to keep in the raging Sea, that she rise not over her Marches, and ordinary Banks; but he hath likewise, in the governament of the World, by several great Kingdoms, and Monarchies, appointed and allowed the same Contrapoyse, that no Prince become so mighty, as to devour his Neighbour; that no Pride, or Insolency, do excrease without Limitation? certainly, I think it hath a Warrant in Nature: and Reason telleth us, That as it is lawful, to withstand Force, by Force; it is also lawful, to provide, if we can, that no Case come, that may constrained us to do so; or, that may put us to the employing of Force, or Violence: So that it seemeth lawful to Princes, or States, to impede, so far as they can, suspected Neighbour Grandour, lest it become at length to master them. Hieronimus, 
Hieron. King of Syras.  King of Syracuse, being demanded, (as Polybius writeth) why in the meane-tyme of his being Confederate, and Friend of Rome, he did aid and supply the Carthagenians against them? He answered, That it was to the end he might brook the friendship still of the Romans: whom, if he should suffer to overthrow the Carthagenians, then of his Friends, they should become his Masters. Or, will a wise King, within his own Dominion, permit a particular Statesman, to carry away the whole sway of Governament, by too much of Authority? no, but he will contrapoyse him with a College of a contrary Disposition, to keep him in order. Hence is it, that the LORD GOD in all Ages, hath suffered one Nation to combat with another, one King to beat another, and one man to hold in the Horns of another, that nothing should shoot out above that just proportion which doth correspond to the communion of Nature: yea, if we should come to consider and weigh the particular Fabric of every one man's Body, if the like equilibrie of Contra-Ballance did not attemper our contrary Humours of Complexion, certainly our Constitution were not able to subsist; but either the Choler shall burn up the Phlegm, or the Phlegm extinguish the Choler, if the interjection of these median Humours of Sanguinean and Melancholic, did not impede that Conflict. And hence are all the Leagues of Mutual Defences amongst weaker States contracted against the more mighty.  
Having thus shortly showed how the Ambition of Castille and Portugal was virtuous, and laudable, 
Philip the second, King of Spain, his first action, his Marriage in England.  unto the death of Charles the fifth, I come now to Philip his Son, and Successor, who did spot the Glory of his noble Predecessors, by turning his Thoughts to the Conquest of Christian People. He it was, who did complot and conduct all the Tragedies which thencefoorth have been acted in Christendom. This King finding himself debouted of his design to the Crown of England, by the death of Marie▪ Queen thereof, who was his Wife, returning into Spain, his first Practice was, 
Spanish Inquisition, his second action.  for excluding the Light of the Gospel, (which then began to break forth over all) to strengthen against Christians, that fearful Inquisition, which his Antecessours had erected against the Infidels, jews, and Moors: whereof this far may be affirmed, that if Satan himself had been King of Spain, he could not have brought from the bottomless Pit, a more horrible Plague, more cruel, more Barbarous, and beyond all Humanity; the wicked Invention whereof, no Words can suffice to express, in sort that it doth rather resemble Hell itself, than that we can find any Example ever heard of the like, upon the face of this Earth: where innocent Men, yea, Good, and holy Men, after being straitly incarcerate divers Years, spoiled of their Lands and Goods, afflicted with Famine, rend with Tortures, and in end, falsely and unjustly condemned, to the number of 800 in one Year under that King were brought to public Spectacles to be burnt, with Buckels and Bullets in their Mouths, to stop all Apologetical speeches, and again, and again casten in the Fire, and taken out of the Fire. It is hard, that any Christian should think of it, without Trembling, and Tears: the farther Discourse whereof, were but unpleasant here, albeit most necessary for Demonstration of that hateful Tyranny: and who so is curious to understand more of it, he may find a Treatise done at large on that subject, by Reginaldus Consalvus Montanus, De Artibus Sanctae, Inquisitionis Hispanicae: one who hath for many Years known, and beheld it with his Eyes.  
The next thing that King Philip went about, was the joining of Portugal to the other Kingdoms of Spain already in his Possession, 
His third action, the betraying of the King of Portugal his Cousin.  and there-by to make the Body of that Monarchy perfect and entire: and finding nothing that could serve him for pretext, or colour to move open Wars, the King thereof, Don Sebestian, being his near Cousin, of one Religion, free from any Controversies with him for Dominion; and knowing the said Sebestian to have a Kingly and cowragious Mind, withal hardy and temerarious, he did corrupt and suborn some of his chiefest Favourites, to puisse him to the enlarging of his Conquests in Africa, against the Moors, whereof his Predecessors had already laid so good Foundations: and for his easier inducement thereto, he did promise him large aid, both of Soldiers, & of Money; And when Don Sebestian had embarked himself for Africa, and did expect the arrival of the promised Succours, he found nothing but Letters of new expectation, while in the mean time Philip did practise, by Claudestine means, both discontentment and Mutiny within his own Armies, and Treyes with the Barbarian Kings, against whom he went. Where-upon ensued the overthrow and death of the said Prince, (without Children) in that Battle which he fought against the Kings of Fez and Morocco: after the which the Portugals did receive the next lawful Heir to their Crown, Don Antonio, whom the said Philip did eject by open War; and Violence, and forced the Subjects to declare himself righteous Successor of that Kingdom, by his Mother.  
Then he perceiving that King Henry the third of France, 
His fourth action, was to plot the holy League in France, against Don Antonio.  did send a sea-army to Portugal, in favours of Don Antonio, he resolved to stir up and kindle a civil War in France, that might constrain them to forbear the farther assaulting of his new Conquest in Portugal: and by a public deliberation with his Counsel in the City of Tison, Anno 1577, he laid the grounds of that Confederacy, called The Holy League, which did almost reduce in Ashes, that ancient and flourishing Kingdom of France: And to that effect, sent thither secret Practices, with 200000 Crowns, to draw and assure to his Course, the chiefest of the Nobility, and Gentry Catholic: which did succeed well enough to his Mind, and to the great Dangers and Disasters of all the Neighbour-States of Europe, as the Stories do at length record. And then, that those who were enraged by him to Arms, should not want an Enemy, on whom they might consume them-selues, he sent also to negotiate privately, with King Henry the fourth of France, (being then styled King Of Navarre, 
Philip did also practise the Protestants of France.  and Head of the Protestant Faction in France) offering to marry the said King's Sister, whose Children to Philip, should succeed to the Kingdom of Navarre, with the Yles of Majorque, Minorque, and Sardinia: also, that the said King of Navarre should have in marriage the Infanta of Spain, eldest Daughter of Philip, with condition to be established King of Guyene, at the adventure, and charges of Philip; and withal, should have the Right and Possession of the Duchte Milan, with a present advancement of 200000 Crowns, for the provision of Forces competent against his Enemies of the League. Who doth not see by these, the insatiable thirst of wicked Ambition, after the Blood of their Neighbours? never an hungry Bear did hunt more fiercely for to fill his Paunches, than he was enraged for the Conquest of France. But the said King of Navarre, guided by a better Spirit, did refuse all these Ouvertures, as treacherous, and tending to the dissipation of France, within itself, that it should be more open and obnoxious for the Spanish invasion. And by his refusal, he laid the first Stone, whereupon thereafter he did build his reconciliation with as many Papists, as were true hearted Frenchmen, and his Peace with his Predecessor, King Henry the third, to whom he did impart all these secret practices, Anno 1583, and who permitted him to assemble the whole Reformed Churches of France. at Montaban, the year thereafter, for trial, and punishment of the Negotiators of the same.  
For by this time, the said King Henry the third, was begun with bitter Grief and Repentance, to acknowledge his Error, in retiring his Forces from Portugal; which he was forced to do, by the fury and hot persecution of the Leaguars. And the year 1589, 
Elizabeth, Queen of England.  he did send Ambassadors to the Queen of England, (who was already engaged to the protection of Don Antonio) to treat with her, that she would send him back to Portugal, with a sea-army, promising for himself, to join thereunto 5000 Men, nevertheless that he was then mightily agitated with the many Forces of the League, and that the hottest Flames thereof did burn about his Ears, having even then surprised the lyues of the Duke, and Cardinal of Guyse, at Blois. This was easily obtained of the said Queen, who perceiving well that there was no other way to free her own Countries, (the Spanish Army having threatened her Coasts the year before) nor to liberate her Confederates of France, and the Netherlands, 
The Voyage of the English Navy, to Portugal, under Queen Elizabeth.  from the Tyranny and Oppression of Spain, but by making Wars to him in Spain; she did set forth with Don Antonio, an Army for Portugal, under two Generals, the Lord Noris for the Land, and Dark for the Seas, together with the Earl of Essex.  
But nothing of importance was performed by that Army: the Causes whereof are diversly agitated, and alleged; the English History affirming, that their Generals then had no warrant to make War, except that they had seen an universal Revolt of the Portugals, from the Spaniard, 
Antonio Pe●es, wrongeth the English, in in his relation of that Voyage.  to Don Antonio, their King: whereof, say they, there was no appearance. But Antonio Peres, in his Treatise to the French King, upon that Subject, doth impute the Causes to Mislucke, and Misgovernament, the Linger and Longsomeness of the Voyage, their lying many days at Plymouth, and many at the Groin; where-by the Enemy had too much leisure to fortify himself, a mortality of their People, whereof their best Canoniers, and other Soldiers, died; the want of Horses, and Wagons, for transportation from the coast of Lisbon: so that they were forced to quite great part of their Arms, and in place thereof carry Bottles of Wyne, and other things, for their maintenance. The distraction of the Sea-Generall, Drake, from the Land-Generall, who when he should have entered the Port of Lisbon, finding a Fleet of Easterlings to pass by him, he set himself to the hazard of that Prey, neglecting al-together the Enterprise against Lisbon. About the which, when the land-army did lie in siege, there was a great confluence (as he saith) of the Portugals, to Don Antonio: but by reason they were addressed, in base and course Apparel, they were esteemed by the English, to be but Commons, and none of the Gentry, and therefore contemned. But (sayeth he) if the Enterprise had been followed, the Town of Lisbon had been taken in most easily; for that the Cardinal of Austria, who commanded within, and so many Castilians as were under him, were ready to leave it upon the first arrival of Drake within the Harberie: that he had already hired thirty Galleys, for his transportation: and that with such sear and consternation, that he conduced to give them 300 Ducats apiece, for three leagues of Sea.  
Always, in the diversity of opinions, concerning that Voyage, for my part, I do more trust the English History, for two (as I think) infallible Reasons: first, the World knoweth, that in those days there was not in Christendom, a more solid, sure, and reverenced Counsel, than was in England: so that it is not to be doubted, of that which their History beareth; That their Generals of that Army did obey their Warrant: secondly, I find Antonio Peres contrary to himself; for first he sayeth, That by the longsomeness of the English Navy, the Enemy had leisure to provide and guard himself: secondly, sayeth he, the whole Gentry of Portugal did repair to join with Don Antonio, and the English Army. But here I do trap, and convict him from his own mouth: If (as he sayeth) the Spaniard had leisure at his pleasure to provide for himself, who then is so simple, as to think, but he did in the mean time remove from Portugal the Nobility, namely, the Favourers of Don Antonio, with the whole Gentry, without the leaving of any Man sufficient to allure a Multitude, or to lead them to a revolt? I think he hath forgotten himself a little here, out of an ardour of his spirit, to have removed all show of impediment to the French King, for putting of Wars in Portugal.  
In the meane-tyme, thus far may be said, That as Obedience and Discipine, military in the Body of an Army, under a trusty and skilful General, is of that importance in actions of War, as, sine quo nihil, 
Too strict limitation of Generals in War, hurtful.  a point wherein lieth the chief Surety and Success of all things, except of Fortune; Yet a strict limitation of Generals, hath for the most part marred, both good Fortunes, and good Successes of War, where the Opportunities, Advantages, and Ouvertures are merely casual, and inpendent from precise times. To prescribe to their Generals, was not the custom of the Wyse, Valiant, and fortunate Romans, Sed videant ne quid Resp. detrimenti cap●at. 
The Patience and Wisdom of Fabius Maximus.  And what should have become of that great State, if their General, Fabius Maximus, had not so stiffly followed his private will of cunctation and protracting of time with Hannibal? contemning the infamous Reproaches and Exclamations, both of Senate and People against him: namely, of his Magistrum equitum: Whom if he had not at length rescued in his temerarious recounter with Hannibal, he had perished, with all those whom he commanded.  
Now, what were the Practices likewise of Philip, even then also in England and Scotland, by Corruption, and jesuisticke Arts, to have drawn the Subjects of both Kingdoms to unnatural Revolts, from their Sovereign Princes? It is better known, than that I need here to make mention of it: I wish the Writers of our Country's History, may overpass that Interlude, of those Insidious times, as Lucan did the Cruelties unnatural, committed mutually amongst the Romans at Pharsalia: Quicquid in hac acie gessisti Roma tacebo (said he.)  
By these few Circumstances, 
The first thing to be observed of the former Discourse.  shortly related of the progress of the Spanish Empire, we may easily and usefullie observe these three things: first, the growing and fearful greatness thereof, as it standeth at this day. Maximilian, Emperor, and Duke of Austria, did marry Catherine, 
The first, the greatness of the Spanish Empire.  only Child and Successor of Charles, Duke of Burgundy; where-by were annexed the 17 Provinces of the Nether-lands, to Austria. Of this Marriage issued Philip, who being Duke of Austria, Burgundy, and Flanders, did marry the Heretrix of Castille, Daughter of Ferdinando, and Isobella, the Mother of Charles the fifth, and so did conjoin the Estates foresaid, unto the Crown of Castille. Charles the fifth, by his own Virtue, did superadde unto it, the Kingdom of Peru, the Duchy of Milan, the peaceable Possession of the Kingdom of Naples, and the Kingdom of Sicilia, with the Yles of Sardinia, Majorque, Minorque, and their Possessions, which they yet have into the Western Indees. His Son again, Philip the second, of whom I speak, besides that, he had once within his Claws, France and England: (which both he lost again) he did conjoin with these, that which made the integrity and perfection of the Spanish Empire, Portugal; 
The Importance, and Worth of Portugal.  the importance whereof may be remarked by these three: first, by their glorious Conquests before rehearsed, into the Levant, into Africa, and through the main Ocean: secondly, by the great multitudes of People, which do inhabit the Territories thereof. Antonio Peres doth affirm, that under Sebestian, their last King, of whom I have before remembered, there were throughout the Realms of Portugal, under military Discipline, 1200 Companies of Footmen, whereof there was no Gentleman, other than Commanders; and in every Company at least 200. Which being allowed, doth amount jump to 240000 Men. And that Portugal did yearlie send out to their Conquests, 6000 Men, whereof the third part did never turn home again. thirdly, by the Riches thereof, it being affirmed by him, that their Kings did in this one point of Greatness, surpass all the Princes of Europe; being able in half an hour, to give unto their Subjects, ten, or fifteen Millions, or more, to be received by Ticquets, for dispatches of Governourships, Captainships, Receipts, Offices, Licences, to make Voyages by Sea, to the Indees, and Yles of the Ocean. But here I judge, that he hath been too large, out of a great fervour, to persuade Christian Princes, to set their Hearts upon so noble a Prey: at leastwise, to provide and prevent, that it should not fall into the hands of their Common Enemy. But certainly, the best part of these, are well approved to be true, by this that Philip the second of Spain did put himself at so great expense, for the purchase and prefervation of Portugal, by kindling and feeding the Fire of Civil Wars, through Christendom, namely, in France and Flanders: exhausting to that end, the richest Mines that be under the Heaven, and by making so ignominious and impious Peace with Insidels; to be the more able to maintain Portugal, and to encroach farther on Christian Neighbours. Under King Philip the third again, his son, there was no accession indeed to this Empire: The mightiest Conquerors that ever have been, in the Nature and Necessity of things, needed their own Intervals, Cessation, and Repose, for breeding of new Fortitude and Strength: and any Man may find into the Roman Wars, there hath been at divers times, longer Intervalles of Peace: and now we see, that this present King of Spain, after these Refreshments, is begun to rake and extend the Marches of his Dominions.  
The second thing to be observed by the former Discourse, 
The second to be marked of the former Discourse, is, the extent of the Spanish Ambition.  is, the proud Design, and large Extent of the Spanish Ambition: when this King, of whom I treat, (Philip the second) durst, together, and at once, adventure to set himself a-work for the purchase of Portugal, France, the Netherlands, England, and Scotland, who should doubt, or call it in question, that by length of Time they intend not to subjugate the whole Estates of Christendom? We find it written by themselves, that when he was about the taking in of Portugal, being demanded by one of his greatest Favourites, what was the reason why he did neglect his things of East India, and suffer Friezland, and so many good Towns, to be invaded and possessed of Heretics, his Enemies, and all to maintain the League, and Civil Wars in France? whereunto he answered, That those might be forgotten for a time, because the settling of Portugal did import no less to him, than the security of his whole Empire: which once done, he would easily make all those his Neighbours, to become his Homagers and Tributaries: yea, it was the common Theme of Discourse amongst his Captains, and Soldiers, both in Italy, Flanders, and France, or where ever they were, That since Portugal was now theirs, that France and England could not escape them. And more, (which is a public Testimony) the Writers of the Spanish Story affirm thus far, That if it had not been, that the said King Philip had resolved before any thing, to bridle Portugal, he should have before then sufficiently daunted France, and have put strong Armies in England.  
Farther, the Extent of this Ambition of Spain, is clearly seen by their Authority, 
The Spanish Usurpation over the Consistory of Rome.  usurped over the Consistory of Rome; where they have made themselves perpetual Dictator's, which is one of the surest Fundaments of the increase of their Grandour nowadays: that Consistory being, as the Alembicke, wherein are fined all the Counsels, Projects, and Designs of Christendom, and the Pope arrogating to him, power at his pleasure, to excommunicate, and consequently depose Christian Princes, and to transfer the Succession of their Crowns, whereof only the Riches must belong to that Catholic King, as of England, and Yreland, to Philip the second, (by Pius Quintus, who did excommunicate Queen Elizabeth of ●England) and of Navarre, to his Predecessors, by the same Title of being Heir and Successor, to excommunicate Princes, keeping still in their own hand, the raygnes of the Papal Election, and invading of their Patrimonies, as that of Sicily; and being in effect Popes themselves, governing at their will the Church Rents throughout their Kingdoms, exacting a very great part universally of all, for their own use.  
The third point of Observation, upon the preceding Discourse, is the jusidiation, 
● 3. Observation upon the former Discourse, is, the Insidiation of the Spanish Ambition.  and Latent Attempts of this Ambition, by godless Perfidies, and Treachery, where no Faith is kept, nor Conscience, nor Religion, nor Humanity, nor Vere●unditie, where Neighbour-Princes cannot brook their lyues, by reason of the excessive Rewards, and Honours promitted, to traitorous Executioners of Claudestine Murders. What shall I say of Enemy Princes? no, I say of whatsoever persons, public, or private, suspected Enemies to their proud Tyranny, sparing neither Papist, nor Protestant; Pope, nor Cardinal; Bishop, nor Priest, nor nearest Kinsfolks, nor their most faithful Counsellors, or most fortunate Generals, if they but once, upon the lightest Occasion, become jealous of them: no, not their own Children, when their blood may bring the smallest accession unto the strength of that diabolicke Ambition, they do murder, poison, embotch, and bewitch at their pleasure: So that this same Philip, of whom I speak, he caused to be made away in his time, as Writers have observed, more than 200 nominablie recorded in divers Histories, whereof I will remember but seven, of the most abominable Paricidies (I will call them all so) ever heard of, and yet best known. King Henry the third of France, a Christian Prince, of equal quality with himself, to whom he was bound by that Fraternity, and by the union of one Faith, besides some degrees of Blood; yet it is well known, that he did contrive the death of this King, as truly, as he did plot the League against him. Pope Sextus the fifth, whom he professed to be Head of the Church, and his holy Father, because that Pope fearing the Spanish Tyranny, if his Conquest of France had proved good, he did favour the said Henry the third, in his last Distresses; Philip made him away by Poison: a thing so well understood, that they have it for a common speech yet at Rome, (which I have heard with mine ears) That if a Pope do enter without the approbation of Spain, he will go the way of Sextus the fifth. He did betray, to the Eyes of the World, Don Sebestian, King of Portugal, his Cousin, Alexander Farnesse, Duke of Parma, his Kinsman, and General in Flanders, that valiant and renowned Captain, who had done him so great Services, immediately after the misfortune of his Armada set out for England, 1588. (which he did impute to the slowness of the said Duke) he fell into a linger Disease, and died by Poison, ministered from Philip: the World doth know it. Don Bartholomew Carenzae, Archbishop of Toledo, who had been the Preceptor, and Father of his own Youth-head, as Seneca to Nero, because he would not publicly maintain his Title to the Crown of Portugal, he also did dispatch him. His Brother, Don john de Austria, (whose great and ambitious spirit he began to suspect) he was stricken with the Plague of Pestilence, immediately after the receipt of a Letter from Spain, whilst there was no Post in the Countries about, and whereof he died. But above all, that most deplorable and nefarious Paricidie, publicly committed, avowed by himself, authorised by the Church, the murdering of Prince Charles, his own eldest Son. He did price the life of Don Antonio, at 100000 Crowns, and of Elizabeth Queen of England, and of the late Prince of Orange, at as-much apiece. He was not ashamed to receive certain Towns from the King of Morocco, upon Bargain, to betray (as he did) Don Sebestian, King of Portugal, his Cousin, nor to render unto those Infidels, Arzilla, (which his Predecessors had nobly conquered) upon condition, they should not furnish in pressed to Don Antonio, 200000 Crowns, as they had promised to do at the Intercession of the said Queen of England. 
Namely, Antonio 〈◊〉.  These are not mine Assertions, but taken and collected from Spanish Writers.  
Of all the foresaid Perpetrations, the kill of his Son, Prince Charles, being in itself most fearful, and execrable of the whole; it is also most clearly verified, not only by the Histories of Neighbour-countreyes', as by the French records of Majerne, of Matthew of Paris, of Thuanus; but so stood to, by the Church of Rome, that into that deed, they do place the Triumph, and Glory of the Piety of the said King, advancing his Faith above that of Abraham, who did only offer to sacrifice his Son, and comparing him to GOD Himself, witnessed by Hieronimus Catena, writing upon the life of Popius Quintus, the which Pope, by a public Panegyricke, did celebrate the praises of the said Philip, for that fact, saying, E cosa multo notabile, & stupenda ch' el re facesse sacrificio d'ella carne sua, & del suo sangue à DIO, dicendo, i ' non come Abrahamo, ma come DIO stesso, Propter salutem Ecclesiae, non pepercit unico filio: That is to say, It is a thing most notable, and admirable, that this King did sacrifice unto GOD, his own Flesh, and his own Blood, for nought, like unto Abraham: but like unto GOD Himself, for the safety of the Church, he would not spare his only begotten Son. Farther, it is affirmed by the English Writers, namely, Sir Francis Hastings, in his Watchword to Queen Elizabeth, against the Spanish Insidiation, that the same Philip, did by his Agents, the Count of Fuentes, than General in the Low-countrieses, and Secretary Ibarra, induce Doctor Lopez, a jewish Physician, at London, for fifty thousand Crowns, to poison Queen Elizabeth: which he himself, upon his trial, did confess, and two others, Manoel Lois, and Stephen Ferraires, did depone, and all three suffered Death for it, as the process criminal led against them, and yet extant, will verify.  
What shall I say upon this fearful kind of Policy? Ah for pity! Quid non mortalia pectora cogit, reg●andi dira libido? What is that so odious, which the love of domination will not persuade the ambitious heart to perpetrate? The public cruelty of the Inquisition on the one part, and the covert Cruelty of Ambushes practised by the King, and his Jesuits, 
Parricid●e practised in Spain, as in Turkle, by a religous Tradition.  on the other part, seem to be a chief Mystery of this Ambition, as two Arch-pillars, which do for the time sustent the great Sphere of their Empire, and the wicked Source, wherefra have flowed so many Chastels, Clements, Ravillacks, Babingtons', Fauxes, Garnets', &c. as have been Actors of the woeful Assassinates, Sorceries; Pests, Powder Treasons, Poisons, etc. that have surprised the lives of so many anointed Kings, and others of lawful Authority, and do still lie in wait for the like Executions, against those who are present, or to come hereafter. And here is a Case to be lamented eternally, that those Parricidies, committed now in Spain, after the manner of the Mahumetane Superstition; not as Crymes to be repent, but as Religious Traditions, and Deeds of great Merit, when the life of one Man, or a few Men, if it were of our Brethren, or Children, are taken, and sacrificed, for preservation of the public Tranquillity both of Church and State, chiefly in great and Monarchical Kingdoms, where Religion doth shoot out, with a growing and flourishing Empire. Alace! is not this the Fire of Moloch, and the sacrificing of our Children to those bloody and savage Gods? This is a Fascination and stupidity of the Mind in the highest Degree: And here it is, where that powerful Circe of Superstition, hath transformed those Kings really into Beasts, that wittingly, and willingly, they have cast off both Sense, and as it were Shape of Humanity; that the greatest Ulysseses of the World, is not able by any Oratory, to reclaim them. In the meantime, it is a Case that doth admonish Neighbour-Princes, 
Christian Princes, to be a●ware of Spanish Treacheries.  to be of constant Piety, and Devotion towards GOD; and their Domestic Servants, to be vigilant, and studious, for the avoiding of that kind of claudestine Dangers. And, O what great cause we have to render thanks to the MOST HIGH, for that, that our late Sovereign, of blessed memory, did escape the Insidiation, and bloody Knife of such Butchers! he who was the most conspicuous Mark whereat they did shoot, and of whom their curious casters of Horos●ops, and malignant Astrologues, did so often prognosticate, that his end should not be peaceable.  
fourthly, we are to weigh the Strength and Solidity, of this great and growing Empire, to see if we can explore should not furnish in pressed to Don Antonio, 200000 Crowns, as they had promised to do at the Intercession of the said Queen of England. 
〈…〉.  These are not mine Assertions, but taken and collected from Spanish Writers.  
Of all the foresaid Perpetrations, the kill of his Son, Prince Charles, being in itself most fearful, and execrable of the whole; it is also most clearly verified, not only by the Histories of Neighbour-countreyes', as by the French records of Majerne, of Matthew of Paris, of Thuanus; but so stood to, by the Church of Rome, that into that deed, they do place the Triumph, and Glory of the Piety of the said King, advancing his Faith above that of Abraham, who did only offer to sacrifice his Son, and comparing him to GOD Himself, witnessed by Hieronimus Catena, writing upon the life of Popius Quintus, the which Pope, by a public Panegyricke, did celebrate the praises of the said Philip, for that fact, saying, E cosa multo notabile, & stupenda ch' el re facesse sacrificio d'ella carne sua, & del suo sangue à DIO, dicendo, i ' non come Abrahamo, m● come DIO stesso, Propter salutem Ecclesiae, non pepercit unico filio: That is to say, It is a thing most notable, and admirable, that this King did sacrifice unto GOD, his own Flesh, and his own Blood, for nought, like unto Abraham: but like unto GOD Himself, for the safety of the Church, he would not spare his only begotten Son. Farther, it is affirmed by the English Writers, namely, Sir Francis Hastings, in his Watchword to Queen Elizabeth, against the Spanish Insidiation, that the same Philip, did by his Agents, the Count of Fuentes, than General in the Low-countrieses, and Secretary Ibarra, induce Doctor Lopez, a jewish Physician, at London, for fifty thousand Crowns, to poison Queen Elizabeth: which he himself, upon his trial, did confess, and two others, Manoel Lois, and Stephen Ferraires, did depone, and all three suffered Death for it, as the process criminal led against them, and yet extant, will verify.  
What shall I say upon this fearful kind of Policy? Ah for pity! Quid non mortalia pectora cogit, regnandi dira libido? What is that so odious, which the love of domination will not persuade the ambitious heart to perpetrate? The public cruelty of the Inquisition on the one part, and the covert Cruelty of Ambushes practised by the King, and his Jesuits, on the other part, 
Parricidie practised in Sp●tne, as in Turkey, by a religous Tradition.  seem to be a chief Mystery of this Ambition, as two Arch-pillars, which do for the time sustent the great Sphere of their Empire, and the wicked Source, wherefra have flowed so many Chastels, Clements, Ravillacks, Babingtons', Fauxes, Garnets', &c. as have been Actors of the woeful Assassinates, Sorceries▪ Pests, Powder Treasons, Poisons, etc. that have surprised the lives of so many anointed Kings, and others of lawful Authority, and do still lie in wait for the like Executions, against those who are present, or to come hereafter. And here is a Case to be lamented eternally, that those Parricidies, committed now in Spain, after the manner of the Mahumetane Superstition; not as Crymes to be repent, but as Religious Traditions, and Deeds of great Merit, when the life of one Man, or a few Men, if it were of our Brethren, or Children, are taken, and sacrificed, for preservation of the public Tranquillity both of Church and State, chiefly in great and Monarchical Kingdoms, where Religion doth shoot out, with a growing and flourishing Empire. Alace! is not this the Fire of Moloch, and the sacrificing of our Children to those bloody and savage Gods? This is a Fascination and stupidity of the Mind in the highest Degree: And here it is, where that powerful Circe of Superstition, hath transformed those Kings really into Beasts, that wittingly, and willingly, they have cast off both Sense, and as it were Shape of Humanity; that the greatest Ulysseses of the World, is not able by any Oratory, to reclaim them. In the meantime, it is a Case that doth admonish Neighbour-Princes, to be of constant Piety, 
Christian Princes, to be a●ware of Spanish Treacheries.  and Devotion towards GOD; and their Domestic Servants, to be vigilant, and studious, for the avoiding of that kind of claudestine Dangers. And, O what great cause we have to render thanks to the MOST HIGH, for that, that our late Sovereign, of blessed memory, did escape the Insidiation, and bloody Knife of such Butchers! he who was the most conspicuous Mark whereat they did shoot, and of whom their curious casters of Horos●ops, and malignant Astrologues, did so often prognosticate, that his end should not be peaceable.  
Fourthlle, we are to weigh the Strength and Solidity, of this great and growing Empire, to see if we can explore, and find out any Weakness, Breach, or Advantage to be gained, 
A trial of what Weakness is into this great Empire.  since they are our Capital, and mighty Enemies; of whom it is not likely, that long we shall be fred. Albeit it be true, that it is not so much governed by the Sword, as by Grave and Sage Council, which is never a whit diverted from their Plots, and Purposes, by the death of any King, wherein standeth, no Question, a chief point of the Firmness and Perpetuity thereof. 
The State and Counsel of Spay●, not interrupted, or altered, by the death of a King.  Yet it cannot be denied, that for abundance of Money, for military Discipline, and for great numbers of good Soldiers, (which three be as the Nerves, Veins, and gross Body of the Wars) they too far exceed their Neighbours. Always, for the first, I say, that the light of Reason showeth me, that the greater Fortitude, doth aye consist in the greater Union, Vis unita fortior. 
Fortitude of Empire, standeth in 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  There is no perfect Strength, but in GOD, because there is nothing merely and simply Vnike, but GOD: The Strength of Nature, dependeth from her Compaction, Union, and Sympathy of her well-conjoyned Members. This made Augustus to abandon and neglect the Longinque Provinces, beyond Caucasus and Taurus, and here in Great Britain: by maintenance whereof, they did receive greater damage, than could be countervalued by any Benefit to be had therefra in time of Peace: saying, that as there were two defaults, that made the natural Body imperfect; that which was too small, and under a proportion natural; and again, that which was above, too big, superstuous, and unwieldy, called by the Physicians, Plethera, and Endeiat Even so it was in the Civil Body of the State, and therefore did he recommend to his Successor, 
Examples of disunited Conquests.  the Limitation of the Empire united and consolidated within the Marches of Euphrates, Danubius, and the Western Ocean: forbearing to have more care of the most remote and disjointed Provinces, which did not other, but teach the Discipline militare, to barbarous Nations, who were ignorant of it: Where-upon sayeth Tacitus, Longa oblivio Britanniae etiam in pace, consilium id Augustus vocavit, maxim Tiberius. Henry King of Castille, who died Anno 1217, without Children, having two Sisters, of whom the elder had been married to Lewes the eight of France, the youngest to Alphonsus, King of Leon in Spain: The Castilians, by public Parliament, did declare the youngest to the Crown of Castille; albeit against their Law, yet convenient in the nature of things, (said they) seeing Castille and Leon, were Cosines, and easily did incorporate: they had one Language, and Manners nothing different, whereas France was naturally divided from them by the Mounts Pirenees, of divers Languages, and discrepant Manners, things difficile to be united under one King. Of Examples of this kind, the Histories be full, of Princes and States, who stryving to possess things far removed, and disjoined from them, and disconvenient in Nature, albeit their Titles to them were just, yet after many years enjoying of them with much War & Trouble, they have been in end forced to quite them, being things altogether improfitable, a● the English of Aquitane and Guienne, the French of Naples, the Venetians of Pisa, and some Territories of Genua, the German Emperor of some Cities in Italy: of all which they have nothing this day, but the Burials of their Predecessors: in which respect, (to return to the purpose) I may say of the Spaniard, that it is not all Gold, that glistereth: 
The Spanish Provinces, disjointed members.  his great Empire is patched, of things dismembered, discommodious, and disconvenient in Nature: he hath Navarre divided by the Pirenees in part, and naturally incorporate to the mighty Kingdom of France: he hath Milan divided by the Alps, Naples by both those, and by the Apemmie too, and both but members of the body of Italy: Flaunders separated by interjection of France and Switzerland; the Indees, by the great Ocean; that if we shall consider all the mightiest Monarches, we shall find none so weak and obnoxious in that behalf: so far, that it is more easy for France, England, Holland, and Denmark, to put into Spain 50000 Soldiers, than for Spain itself, to transport thither from their own Provinces 20000.  
Again, Kings are set above their People, as the Sun above the Earth, and Seas, who draweth up the Moistures, wherewith he doth partly feed his own Flames, and partly converteth them in Raines▪ to refresh the Seas, and nowrish the Earth: 
The Spaniard draweth nought from his Provinces.  yet it is thought, that he beholdeth his Provinces oftentimes as Clouds without Rain; he draweth nothing from them, but glorious and airy Titles of Ambition: yea, he must go search the Belly of the Earth, under another Hemisphere, to suck the Vapours that must entertain them: for if it were not by his Treasures of the Indees, it is judged, that he were not able to brook them. The year of their last Pacification with Holland, I did hear into Brusels, by some of his entire Counselors, that since the first entry of those Wars, he had spended of his proper Fiances, above the Rents of Flaunders, 60 Millions. I did hear about that same time, at Naples and Milan, by those of good intelligence in his Affairs, that his whole Revenues there were morgadged, and that he was greatly indebted above; and that he was often-tymes so scarced of Monies, that at Antwerp, Genu●, and other Banks, he did pay more than thirty for the hundreth: which Inconveniences do all result from this, that his Provinces are not contiguous, nor incorporate.  
And yet, it being so, we are not to vilipende our Enemies, no, even those Provinces do bring notable increase to his Grandour; they are as the Heads or Hearts of the Countries where they lie; 
The commodities of his Pro●nees.  they are most fertile, flourishing, and rich for themselves; and upon extraordinary Necessities, able to advance to him infinite sums of Money: planted they are, to the full, with industrious People: They are the Seminaries of his Milice, which do breed unto him good store of witty Counselors, skilful Commanders, and brave Soldiers. And how-so-ever they yield nothing to his Coffers, yet the Vice-rayes and Governors sent thither, (who commonly are of his nearest Parentage) they do load themselves with Richeses, by the Mechanic Tyrannies that they are permitted to exercise: and at the end of their three years, which is the period of their Reign, they do return to Spain, as clogged Bees, with Honey to their Hives: which I confess to be of as great importance and profit to him, as if those did come directly to his own Coffers; for why? a great Monarch hath not so good a Treasure, as trafficable Countries, 
What is the greatest Treasure of a Prince.  and Subjects virtuous, and full of Wealth: for then do Monies abound, and People do serve their Prince in Offices of Peace, or War, with contentment and splendour both. But if an avaricious Prince do study to collect and amass Richeses to lay in store, by too much pressing of his Subjects, than they are discowraged from their Trades, the Fruits whereof they are not suffered to enjoy, Virtue decayeth, that should enrich the Country, and the courage of Men faileth, when time of War doth come: So that the best Politickes that have been, hold, that the Richeses of mighty Kings, are not so much to be esteemed, by their Ordinary Rents, as by the Extraordinary Means they have to lift Monies upon great necessity: of the which Means, that Prince doth rob himself, who maketh his Subjects poor, to fill his Coffers. And they do think, that as rich was Lewes the twelft of France, whose yearly Rent▪ did not exceed one Million, and an half, as Francis the first, under whom it arryved at three; or Henry the second, who doubled that, or yet the third, who did multiply it to ten Millions. Those Provinces of Flaunders, being courteou●●e ruled by Charles the fifth, and by his Son Philip, with more moderation, after the return of the Duke de Alva, they are found in the Histories to have advanced willingl●e to those two Kings, in the space of nine Years, twentie-three Millions of Crowns, which made them to be called the Northern Indees of the said Empire; and which they could not possibly have done, if he had lifted gross yearly Rents from them. So that the Prince, who doth thus tender his People, is said to have his Treasures more sure in the custody of his Subjects, than if they were collected to his Coffers.  
For as they write, hardly can Treasures be saved in the hands of Princes, even in time of Peace, by reason of so many occasions as they embrace to disperse them, 
Inconvenientes following upon the being of Treasures in the hands of Princes.  to the splendour of their Courts, their bounty to their Favourites, public and popular shows, employment of Ambassadors upon light causes, which perhaps had not been taken notice of, if the Coffers had been empty, and such like: or it may be (say they) that abundance of present Monies doth awake Ambition and Pride, more than is expedient for their Prosperity, and quiet of their People. And it is even a difficile thing of itself, to keep things that are much desired, and of many, namely, hard to great Kings, upon whose bounty so many greedy and importune Suitors do depend and hang; Difficilis magni custodia census. Or if a temperate and prudent Prince, can save them from all these, and leave them to his Successor, yet seldom do we find in the Stories, that they have been converted to any happy use. Tiberius' the Emperor, left behind him 67 Millions, 
Treasures collected by great Kings, most often unhappily spended.  and his Successor devoured them in one year. Domitian, and Antonius Caracalla, did consume at their pleasures and riot, the Treasures of Vespasian, and of Septimius Severus. Cyrus' left 50 Millions of golden Crowns: his Enemy did carry them: Darius left 80 Millions: Alexander the Great, did spend them. Sardanapalus left 40 to his Enemies. Pope john the 22, did leave 33 Millions to the avarice of his Successors, Nephews, and Favourites: Stephen, King of Bosna, had his Skin fleede from his Body, by Mahomet the second, because he did not employ his Treasures▪ to the safety of himself. David (as we find, 1. Chron. last Chap.) left behind him 120 Millions, (which was the greatest Treasure ever heard of) not to the arbitrement or appetites of his Successor, but by the special appointment of GOD, to the building of the Temple. Farther, we may draw an Argument from an article of the Law of GOD, Deut. 17, Where Kings are forbidden to multiply Silver and Gold to themselves, either for taking away the occasions of Aggravations and Imposts on Subjects, or of excessive Prodigality of their Courts, or Pride of moving unjust and unlawful Wars, or to invite them to employ the superplus of their yearly Rents, to present works of Piety, or Charity, or advancement of the Commonwealth, one way or other. 
Public Charity of Augustus.  Augustus did furnish great sums of Money to the People, without Interest, sayeth Suetonius: Quoties ex damnatorum bonis pecunia superflueret, usum ejus gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent indulsit: to those of mean and sober estate, who were able to set Cautioners for the double of the principal. And of the Emperor Alexander Severus, sayeth Lampridius, Foenus publicum trientarium exercuit, & pauperibus plerisque sine usuris pecunias dedit ad agros emendos, ●eddendas paulatim de fructibus: that is, four for the 100, to those of middle & reasonable estate, and to the Poor, without Interest. And of Antoninus Pius, julius Capitolinus doth affirm the same. So that it hath been thought by many, that Treasures reserved in the hands of Princes, be but like Cisterns, and reserves of Water, which may be soon exhausted, by daily taking from them, because they have no Fountain: and again, that the same being in the hands of the People, exposed to daily Exchange and Traffic, is like unto a running River, whose source cannot be dried up. As Corns do not yield increase that are locked in G●rnels; but the seed dispersed through the ground, is the thing that doth multiply; so are the Monies dispersed in popular Trades, only fruitful.  
Neither do I allege any of these, as if Kings, and specially great ones, must not have Royal and Magnific Rents: for it is not possible for us, who be private Subjects, to know how many necessary occasions do daily occur to them, 
Princes have many occasions, not known to Subjects, of necessary debursments.  of great and vast Expenses; neither must we be curious for that part. That Princes are to live with that Pomp and Dignity, which is requisite to conserve Majesty, that we do know and see: That they must be at huge Charges, by sending out, and accepting in of Ambassadors, that we also see: That they must give Pensions and Fees to Counselors, Statesmen, Noblemen, Captains, and serviceable Gentlemen, that we see: Likewise, the exorbitant debursment which is in War. But what secret Bounty must be bestowed through the World, amongst sure Friends, in the Courts of other Princes, by which kind of practising they do oftentimes best assure their Affairs, when all men think them in greatest peril: that, and many such, we do not know, neither must we inquire: but when after their death, the Histories of their lyues come to be devulgate, than we find and read, what these policies, of having latent Friends abroad, have imported to the greatest Kings. Do not we read of King Francis the first, that to Almains, Italians, English, Spanish, Swissers, he paid during all his life-time, great yearly Pensions, unknown to the world for the time? And of Lewes the eleventh, who was a sort (I may say) of Sorcerer, or Enchanter, in that kind of subtlety, to make mercenary the Counsels of Neighbour-Princes: so far, that there was none of them free from his corruption: by which doing, he did render himself a Miracle to the World, for dexterity of wit, to dissolve the strongest Leagues of his Enemies, without the drawing of a Sword: he did pay by public paction to King Edward the fourth of England, 50000 Crowns yearly: but withal, secretly to his Counselors, and Domestickes, 17000, also yearly; which (sayeth the Writer of the History) was the truest Means of the two, for the continuance of that Pacification. In consideration of these necessary and weighty Charges, 
Oblations of Money anciently made to Princes.  anciently Subjects were wont to give freely to their Princes, and frequently a Portion of Money, that they called Oblations. Augustus did leave behind him in Testament, eleven Millions, to be distributed amongst the People of Rome: where-into he did subjoin this Testimony of the mutual benevolence of the Romans towards him, saying, that within few years preceding his death, he had gotten of voluntary Donatives, to the avail of 35000 golden Crowns. But nowadays, Subjects have for borne these voluntary Gratuities in time of public indigence to their Princes, by reason that some avaricious Kings have pressed to convert, the same to an annual and ordinary Duty, as Philip le Long of France, having in his ●necessities granted by his Subjects the first impost upon the Salt, 
First Impost of the Salt in France, a gratuity temporal, but turned to be annual.  of four Denieres on the pound; with this Condition, to stand but until his Debts were defrayed. Yet Philip de Valois thereafter, did incorporate the same to the perpetual Domain of the Crown, saying, that there could not be a more competent thing to come under Tollage, than Salt, whereof all sort of People, poor and rich, young and old, had the necessary and daily use. Or as King Philip the second, (of whom I have spoken) having of before annexed to the Crown Patrimony, the third part of the Ecclesiastical Rents; yet for the support of the Wars, wherewith he was greatly charged, had granted to him by the Prelates, a certain sum of Money also of the two-part, which they called Subsidy, on condition to stand but some few years: he also did perpetuate the same to the Crown.  
But to return to the purpose of Cases of Weakness to be found into the Empire of Spain, we cannot think, but, to be feared of all, 
Another Weakness of Spain, to be feared of all.  and hated of the greatest part, is a Weakness, if it were of the mightiest that ever have been: Passimus custos diaturnitatis metus, sayeth the great Statesman Cicero, That Fear can never make diuturnity of Greatness. And all men know it to be true, that the Spaniard is feared of all: I prove it shortly, by the Church of Rome, (the Jesuits excepted) he is feared universally, to whom he is most nearly linked of any foreign Amitis: Ergo, much more by any other Neighbour-Prince, or State, the truth of mine Antecedent, is showed by two famous and infallible Testimonies; one of the History of the Counsel of Trent, where a Man shall clearly see, how this Fear did make the Sea Apostolic, directly to oppose the Grandour of Charles the fifth, 
Cardinal 〈◊〉, against 〈◊〉 the second of Spain.  whereof I have already discoursed. For the second, I take me to Cardinal Baronio, the most learned and most sincere, that hath been amongst them in these late Ages, in his Treatise written against the Spanish usurpation of the Kingdom of Sicily, where he writeth thus of Philip the second, in whose days he lived, in one place, Sub vocabulo (inquit) Monarchiae, praeter unum Monarcham, quod vn●m visibile caput Ecclesiae est cognitum, aliud in Monarchia Siciliae obortum, pro monstro & ostento caput Ecclesiae: that is to say, Above one Monarch over Sicilia, who is the only one visible head of the Church, having right unto it, there is risen an other monstrous head and Monarch of the same. And in another place thereafter, Ista sunt quae manus audax, ad sacrilegium prompts, abstulit, à recitato Papae diplomate: Those things have that bad and bolde-hand, ready to sacrilege rest from the Papal Title. This Cardinal had an offer of the Papal Diadem, made him from Philip the second, if he would call in this opinion; but did refuse it, preferring his Conscience to whatsoever palinody. Next, unto the Pope, the nearest Neighbour allied to him, is the French King, his Brother in Law, of whose daily Fears, and jealousies of the Spanish Ambition, I were idle to treat here, it being so well remarked of the World.  
Since it is so with his most entire Confederates, I need not, neither I hope to call it in question, whether the other Potentates, and States of Christendom, do much more fear him. Therefore, leaving those, I come to try what probably is the disposition of his own People towards him. 
The Portugals do hate the Castilians.  Portugal is of all his things in Spain, of greatest importance, betwixt whom and the Castilians, there hath been from all Antiquity, not only Neighbour Emulation, but inveterate malice, and as it were, a fundamental and natural Antipathy of minds and manners, as their own Histories do confess. The heat whereof, no doubt, must be greatly increased by this Castilian Tyranny, so lately and unlawfulie thrown upon them. There be yet many alive there, who did spend their Blood, to have withstood that Castilian pride. It is an ordinary speech of the Portugals, 
The origine of the Portugals, and 〈◊〉.  to say, That the Castilians be worse th●n the Moors, who did first inhabit Castille. The Portugals are said to be descended of the Gauls, their language approaching unto the Latin. The Castilianes again of the Vandals, jews, and Moors, their accent annearing to the Morasque; whereof it is said, that the Castilians being amongst the Turks, are easily induced to deny the Christian Faith. And in this point appeareth to be a noteable Weakness of that Empire: Portugal accosting to the Sea, so opportune and commodious for great Navies, the People many, and malicious against their Conquerors, and having their Sores yet open and quick.  
To come to their other Subjects, we hear that the Arragonees have their Minds in like sort wounded, with the remembrance of the late Conquest made of them, 
The whole 〈◊〉 of Spain, do hate their Prince his greatness, & why they do so.  and to speak generally, of all the Nobility of Spain; yea, even of those of Castille itself. It hath been ever so, that as Thiefs have been studious to provide Backe-Doores, so great Noblemen under Kings, in all Ages have wished, that some adjacent Prince might be in Terms of Emulation with their Master, to whose protection they might have recourse, in Case at any time they should happen to fall under their Master's wrath, by their Ambitious and insolent carriage: things familiar enough to potent Subjects in every Country. Now Spain, being as it is at this day, conjoined under one Crown, in manner of an Island, wherefra the Princes and Lords thereof, cannot easily withdraw themselves in such a Case, they are by that means brought under greater Fear, Slavery, and Subjection. When there were several Kingdoms in Navarre, Arrogone, and Portugal, the Castilian Nobles upon any distraction, 
It is not so easy for our Noble men to rebel now, as before our Conjunction with England  or variance with their King, did find easy retract and protection, with some of these Neighbour-Princes, perhaps with more Honour, and Preferments than at home, by reason of Neighbour jealousies and Contention, the examples whereof, are most frequent in any History: as in our own, we find, that before the union of Great Britain, it was more easy and secure for Scottish Noblemen, to offend their Princes, and leap out from their obedience, having so near a Sanctuary, in the Hospitality and Arms of England, by reason of Neighbour Distractions, than it is now, when their nearest refuge should be Spain, or Flanders. And as anciently that advantage did often awake the Pride of our great Men, and give way to Rebellion, against their Kings: So the solid Incorporation that now is, hath put a Bridle into the Teeth of that kind of Ambition, that no stir can be here to trouble a King, unless it were, by general revolt of the whole Country, or receiving of Foreign Arms within our Bowels, and joining with them. And as the supposed proud and tyrannous Governament of Spain, is thought to estrange the Hearts of their Nobility from their King, and to make them more practizable to rebellions, if they should see the occasion fair; so there is no doubt, but dure and rigorous Governament, should even in this Kingdom, or any other else, produce the like Consequences. Always, the Nobility of Spain, at this day, doth want this Sanctuary of Refuge, that the skurviest Marshal is able to arrest the greatest of them: and now with much grief they do resent the effects of that, which was prognosticated unto them, when King Charles the fifth began to extend the Wings of his Domination; for the which cause they did show themselves notably displeased with the conjunction of Portugal, as Don Francisco de Ivara, a noble man of Castille, being Ambassador at Paris, during the League, Anno 1579, hearing by a French Gentleman, newly come from Africa, that the Moors were in fear, having intelligence that King Philip did put together great Forces, for to conquer them, under pretext to revenge the slaughter of Don Sebastian, King of Portugal. 
A clear Testimony thereof.  (for so did Philip make the World believe, when he did conveane his Armies against Portugal) But the said Francis did answer this Gentleman, saying, It is well, that the Moors be in fear, but it is better that your Master, the King of France understand the intention of that Army, to be against Portugal; which if he do conquer, your Master, and the Pope, and all the Princes of Europe may lay count, by length of time, to be his Tributaries. Which speech doth well enough demonstrate the averseness of the Spanish Nobility, from the fearful Greatness of his Empire. The State Ecclesiastic indeed doth more affect him, yet I have told you, that he doth scum the Fat of their P●t: but of this Weakness, which we gather, of discontented humours of their Nobility, there is no advantage to be gained by secret Practices, because of the terror of the Inquisition. His Jesuits, and perfidious Ambassadors, get liberty with other Princes, to traffic & to traitor at their pleasure; whereof we have late experiences to our own Coasts, but none dare adventure that kind of doing in Spain. Always, out of those it may be surely enough presumed of the Nobility, (namely, of their late Conquests of Spain) that when they should see a puissant Enemy amongst them, the Fire of their indignation should break forth so much more violently, by how much it hath been long & masterfullie suppressed amongst the Ashes of their Servitude, sayeth Scip. African. in that Oration to the Senate, for sending of Forces in Africa, during Hannibal's being in Italy, Non speraverat Hanniball fore, ut tot populi in Italia ad se deficerent, post Cannensem dedem, quanto minus quicquam in Africa firmum a● stabile sit Carthaginensibus, infidis sotiis, gravibus dominis? Hannibal did not look for so great revolting of People within Italy, from the honest and generous Romans, after his victory at Cannae: how much less can things be firm and sure in Africa, to the Carthagenians, a Nation treacherous, and untrusty to their Associates, and tyrannous to their Subjects? which Saying how properly it may be applied to the present Purpose, any man doth see it.  
Next, it is thought, that there be small store of Arms in Spain, 
A 〈◊〉 supposed in Spain, for 〈◊〉 of Arms, and how it is so.  the numbers of Cities and People considered; partly because they go for the furnishing of his Wars abroad, and partly because it is not thought expedient by his Counsel, that Multitudes but lately conquered, whose Minds are yet suspected, should be armed at their pleasure: remembering well what had almost befallen KING PHILIP the third, if the Moors, called N●vos Christianos, (who then had a near Design against him) had not been suddenly disarmed, and cast forth of the Country.  
Moreover, the proud and tyrannous nature of the Spaniard, 
Their natural Pride, a great Weakness.  is no small point of Weakness: for why? the LORD GOD doth humble the Proud, and punish the Oppressor▪ Tolluntur in altum ut lapsum graviora cadent. I do not only speak of that dominant and Monarchical Pride, maintained by so many Cruelties, Perfidies, and Impieties bore-saide; but universally of the very vulgar pride, chiefly of the Castilians. Even as the fumes of strong Wine, do inebtiate, and make gidd●e the Brains of Man, transporting them from the centre of their place; so doth Pride blind and confuse the Understanding: (and as seldom Prudence doth accompany Youth-head) Even so is Wisdom rarely conjoined with too much Prosperity. Neither shall it be out of purpose to speak a few words of the Spanish Nature in general. They are extremely melancholious, 
Vi●e Description of the Spanish H●mour.  which every ●ot of their carriage doth verify, their grave Apparel, their sober Diet, their Dancing, their Music, their hunting of Bulls, their personal March, their austere phisnomy, obscure Colour, unpopular presentation; whereof every thing is disgustful to M●n of other Nations. Melancholy is a tenacious and viscuous humour, wherefrom proceedeth their slow and linger Deliberations, the longsomeness of their Actions, their constant Prosecution of their Enterpryses, their obstinate adhering to ancient Customs, abhorring imitation of Foreign Manners, their Superstition in Religion, their silence from Discourse, and reservedness from Conversation; which indeed do make them, being contemplative, more capable of solid Knowledge. 
The Spanish Punctuality approacheth to Nullity.  They go here and there, through Neighbour-countreyes', but never procure familiarity of friendship with any Man: yea, there is small interchange of Kindness or Courtesy amongst themselves, because, attour being thus concentricke and contracted within themselves, they do make profession of Punctuality, which is contrary to Friendship, that in its own nature is open and communicable, liberal of Discourse and Compliments, and of steadable Actions, things opposed to those who stand upon points, measure their Paces, and number their Words, fearing to peril their Reputation for a syllable more or less; as if they durst not adventure to go without the Confines of their Melancholy: whereas by any experience, one would think, that Punctuality is not only Enemy to Friendship, but contrary to great Actions, 
Description of Punctuality.  because what convenience can be betwixt Greatness, and that which is small? a point (as every Man knoweth) doth very nearly approach to nothing, and Punctuality, to Nullity. Therefore is it, that he who standeth upon points in Businesses, oftentimes attaineth nothing; which, men say, 
A quick observation, for Punctuality.  was the chief reason of their bad Successes against England, and Algiers, where the Designs of their Enterpryses were founded upon such Subtleties, Moment's, and points of time, as was not possible for any General to observe, except him who could control Time, and make the Sun fixed, as to joshua, or retrograde, as it was unto Ezechias.  
Lastlie, 
The Navar●oies do hate the Spaniard.  to come without the Confines of Spain, to consider what trust they have with their next Neighbours, if men of experience should enter to dispute, on what side it were most advantageous for Enemie-Forces to enter upon Spain, one might ●ay, that even Navarre were not unfit, albeit it be unlawfully possessed by them, yet those are the natural Subjects of the French King, and there should be found at this day, the grandchildren of them who did lose their lives and Goods in the service of his Predecessors, 
And the French too.  against the tyranny of Spain, and who themselves would undergo willingly the like, to have him restored to be their King. Adjacent to Navarre, are the Countries of France, whose bravest Men do even now carry into their Faces, the honourable Seat, and Marks of the bloody Wounds which they did courageously sustain, when the Spaniard did employ all his Forces to extinguish the glory of that Nation. We need go no farther, for if we should travel to the World's end, we shall never arrive there, where they are not either feared, or hated, or both.  
Now, since so it is, that this Catholic Ambition aimeth over all, every Man seeth that it doth require a strong Opposition, the Means whereof, and easiest Possibilities, 
The Pride of Spain, to be opposed by War.  is not an unfit Contemplation for us of this Isle, who for the present seem to be most threatened by the same. It cannot be opposed, but by Wars: and these are not to be wished. Albeit GOD and Nature have their good ends in Wars, as GOD to purge the Sins wherewith a Land is defiled, and chiefly of the Gentry, by Pride, Oppression, and Lust: and Nature again, to cut, as it were, and crop the over-grouth of the Civil State, when People do multiply above the proportion of the Country's means▪ yet we are not to desire Wars, but rather wish the sending out of Multitudes to Neighbour-Warres; or by transportation of Colonies, where we can find any possibility to plant them▪ which is the most laudable and lawful Means of the two, 
Colon●es.  for the disburdening of populous Countries; because Wars are never without too much Cruelty, and effusion of innocent Blood: yea, even where the Pretences, and Claims of Princes and States seem to be most just, the gross of their Armies are brought to the Shambles, and innocently murdered; at least, they are guiltless of the Ambition which did move the War, albeit it pleased GOD to punish them that way, for other Sins, and to purge the Land therefrom: But by transportation of Colonies, GOD did people the Earth, as the sacred History showeth: Nature doth the same; for are we not all of this Occidental World descended of the Trojan, Egyptian, or other Foreign Colontes? Nature hath imprinted this Politic Instinct into Beasts: when the Eagle hath taught her young ones to fly, and catch their Prey, she doth no more admit them to her Nest, but dryveth them away: and if she find any one lazy, and unwilling to labour for itself, she killeth it. The Bees constrain their brood, when they once can fly abroad, to seek new Habitationes. All well-governed States have followed the same, there being no surer Rule in Policy, than the imitation of Nature, which things I need not here to discourse, being of daily practice in the World, so notorious in Histories, and lately so well set down, by a virtuous and worthy Gentleman of our Country, Sir William Al●xander, now Secretary for Scotland, 
Plantation of Nova Scotia.  in his Treatise for Plantation of Nova Scotia; of which Enterpryze, and of all such like, I must say thus far, that they are not only virtuous, and noble, but in a degree heroic, above ordinary Virtue, and Nobility: and for this Assertion, I give my reason thus; GOD did frame the World to the end, that by length of time it might be peopled, and that no corner thereof might be empty of holy Altars, Priests, and People, to celebrate His Worship: So that he that putteth his Hands to such Works, for plantation of Countries disinhabited or desarted, he doth second the first Intentions of GOD toward the World, and doth puisse the course of Nature, so far as in him lieth, to her destinate perfection: and albeit this brave Enterpryze of the foresaid Gentleman, be somewhat withstood, by that unlucky Genius of our Nation, ever esteemed to be averse from such public Virtues, witnessed by many particulars in our Days, namely, by the bad success of the late Iron Works, long gone about by inexhaustible pains of another great spirit amongst us; and falling in the end, for want of concurrence: Not-the-lesse, let not Virtue want her due, to be honoured of Men, Sat magnum est voluisse magna: and seeing no Nation hath greater cause than we, to try the Fortune of Transplantation, let us be a little ashamed to be so contrary to this Design of Nova Scotia, that we do not only refuse to embark ourselves into it, but we seem to have an heartsore, that His Majesty should confer the marks of Honour on such as do join thereunto; while as we cannot deny him to have the more high and noble Mind, who doth it, than he who refuseth, by as far as Hope is more heroic than Despare. Rome was not builded in one day, and many glorious works have been founded upon doubtful and difficile beginnings: although many of us do hold it an idle Project, yet understanding Men have seen and contemplate the Country, who intend to return and remain there-in, certain, it is more idle, and more unreverend withal, to think, that GOD hath placed a Region under a degree so temperate, which he will not suffer to be peopled by tyme. Albeit Men have often builded Houses, and never dwelled into them, much less have plenished them; it is not so with GOD, whose ends are infallible. For my part, I do hold, that that insearchable Wisdom hath framed no part of this whole Globe, which is not capable of Man, and sufficient for the maintenance of his Life.  
But as touching the nature and condition of War, 
Incommodities, and Evils following on Warr●.  such are the Distresses that come by Wars, that even the best Fortunes of the Victors do seldom contrapoyse them: In pace causas & merita spectari, ubi bellum ingruat innocentes ac impios juxta cadere, sayeth one. What War was there ever in the World, which was not damnable, for desolation of Cities, exterminion of noble Houses, spoil of poor People, rape of Women, violation of Churches, and of Holy Things? And happy is that Warrior, whose Sword hath not been defiled with Christian Blood. Augustus, that mighty Emperor, did abhor War, and adore Peace: his Successor Tiberius, did arrogate to him, as the greatest of all his Glories, when he had pacified any Tumult, rather by practising, than by War. The Emperor Adrian, did compare Peace to Argent Content, and his Forces were most strong, and when he could choir his bordering Nations with peaceable ways: jactabat palam (sayeth Aurelius Victor) plus se ocio adeptum quam armis caeteros: he bragged openly, that he had done more in Peace, and Quietness, than his Neighbours had by Arms.  
I know farther, that when GOD hath brought a State to a sort of Maturity, and Perfection, 
When a Kingdom is imperfection, then be aware of Wars.  that it is, as compacted and limited naturally; as presently is this Monarchy of GREAT BRITAIN, consolidate within itself, and confined within the Ocean, that then it is good, to fear the instability of things. And seeing whatsoever thing is under the Moon, yea, the Moon itself, is subject to ordinary changes; It must be an heroic, and more than an humane, yea, a divine work, the maintaining of great Kingdoms to great length of time: and this is not done, 
Great B●itane already a perfect Monarchy.  but by a prudent wariness and moderation, when States are once come to a maturity for reasonable greatness, or for Antiquity, as this Kingdom (I say again) of Great Britain. It is written of Scipio, that when he had ruinated Carthage, and destroyed Numantia, 
Wisdom, and Moderation of Scipio 〈◊〉.  the two Competitors, and Emulators of Rome, than he did not so much wish the farther increase, as the continuation of the Roman State: So far, that being himself Censor a while thereafter, and making the Lustrum, at the pubilcke Sacrifice, the Master of their religious Ceremonies, according to their form, he prayed for the daily growing of their Empire. Scipio did correct and change the Style of that Invocation: Satis inquit bonae ac magnae sunt res Romanae, itáque Deos precor ut eas perpetuo incolumes servant, ac protinus in publicis tabulis ad hunc modum carmen emendari voluit, saith the History: He would have the Gods to be invocated only for the continuation of the Empire, because it was already great enough: and he would have that Phrase of Prayer to remain thereafter in the Books public of their Priests. In which case, I say, it were madness for us of this Isle to cry for Wars, out of Pride, 
Foreign 〈◊〉 fruitless for our Princes.  or for extension of Empire. The mightiest Kings of England (as I have before touched) did find their Forraigue, Ambition but troublesome and fruitless, that after the possession of many Ages, they were contented to quyne the things that they and their Predecessors had lawfully, justly, and long brooked in France.  
But now it is one thing to wish War, and another thing to embrace timously a most necessary and inevitable War. 
The definition of a just War.  Omne bellum necessarium est justum, said that Captain of the Volsques, in Livius, when the Romans had determined to conquer his Country. And no Man can deny it that War which is necessary, is just; because we define necessary, that which can be no otherwise. The Volsques behoved to quite their Country's Liberty, 
Our War against Spain just, in three main respects.  or fight with the Romans. Again, that War which is moved to procure Peace, and is defensive, it is a just War: GOD and Nature do warrant that. So, I say, for aught I see, we are to embrace a War most just in all these three Respects; and I show it by this Argument: To do that which may stop the coming against our Country, a mighty Enemy, whose design to conquer us is hereditary to him; it is both necessary, defensive, and tendeth to purchase Peace: But to make War to such an Enemy, within some part of his own Dominions, is to impeach and stop his coming: Ergo, the moving of War against him, is just, defensive, and tendeth to procure Peace. The Major of this Syllogism is so clear, that it needeth no probation: the light of Reason doth show it. The Minor is verified by the ordinary experience of all Ages gone, and Histories be full of Examples of the same, whereof I will allege, for Brevity's cause, but three or four, of the most famous, and most frequently cited by every Man, upon this kind of Theme: The noble Island of Sicilia, seated betwixt Rome and Carthage, (the two mighty Emulators for the Empire of the World) was long stryven for, and oftentimes assaulted by them both, as a thing that would downe-swey the Balance of their Emulation, and draw after it universality of Dominion. Amongst others, Agathocles, King thereof, being hardly besieged within his Town of Syracuse, by the Carthagenians, he did closely convoy himself forth, and went with an Army into Africa: by means whereof, they were forced to lift the Siege, and turn home for defence of their own Country. Which exploit Scipio Afri●. did object in these Terms to Fabius Maxintus, who went about in the Senate, to hinder the sending of an Army with Scipio against Carthage, during Hannibal his being in Italy: 
Livius dec. 3. lib. 8.  Car ergo Agathoc●e●● Sy●●. regem 〈◊〉 Sicilia punico bello vexaretur, transgressum in hanc eandem Africam avertisse eo bell●●n, unde venerat, non rofers. Thereafter the Romans perceiving that Amilcar, the Father of Hannibal, was likely to adjoin Sicily to Carthage: therefore, to prevent that a conquering People should not spread over their Arms to Italy, they resolved to make War with them in Sicil●a itself. From the same ground, the Carthaginians, after the fulling of Sicily, into the hands of the Romans, fearing likewise their coming into Africa, they did send Hannibal, with strong Forces into Italy, to keep them at home: whereof sayeth the same Scipio, in the same place and to the same purpose, Sed quid veteribus externisque exemplis opus est majus praesentiusque ●llum esse exemplum quant Hannibal potest. From the same ground, yet the Romans, by sending of Scipio to make War in Africa, made Hannibal constrainedlie to be called out of Italy; Quasi eodem telo saepius retorto, (sayeth one) as by a natural, necessary, and ordinary mean, for keeping of any State peaceable, and free from Enemie-Invasion, namely, of the weaker, from the more mighty.  
For even in like manner, when the great Persian Monarches did often afflict the weak and dismembered Estates of Greece, 
Ag●silaus, ● poor King went against the Persian Empire.  gaping at length after the conquest of all, Agesilaus, King of Lacedaemon pitying his Country's Calamity, and to divert those mighty Kings from Greece, he did put himself with a main Army into the midst of Persia, where he did so daunt the pride of Xerxes, that it behoved him to practise the same Policy, for Liberation of his Kingdoms, from Foreign Powers, he sent 10000 great pieces of Gold, bearing the Image of an Archer: on the one side (the current Stamp then of his Coin) to corrupt (as it did) the Orators of Athens and Thebes, and concitate the People, to make War to Lacedaemon, in absence of their King, and Country's Forces: whereupon the Ephorie were compelled to recall Agesilaus, 
〈…〉  who in his returning, said, that 10000 Persian Arcbers had chased him out of Asia.  
Again, of the like practice to this of Xerxes, with Athens and Thebes, for moving and keeping of Wars in Enemie-countreyes', that we may remain within ourselves free from their Invasion, we read in the Histories of Scotland, that the renowned Prince, Charles Magne, having an holy and Christian Resolution, to prosecute (as he did) Wars against the Barbarians: and finding the English begun in their prosperity, to cross the Seas, and to molest the Borders of his Kingdom of France, he sent Ambassadors to Aebains, King of Scotland, to negotiate with him a perpetual League, in these Terms, that when-so-ever the English should molest either of their Countries, the other should move War to England, and so constrain them to call home their Armies. Which (after great Controversies of Opinions amongst the Scottish Nobility, and frequent Orations of the French Ambassadors) was finally concluded, and stood to, by their Successors, in all time following; with often mutual Advantages against their Common Enemy. For late Examples, I have already told you, how King Philip made Wars in France, and intended against England, and that to the end they should retire their Forces from Portugal: Hannibal did ever affirm, namely to King Antiochus, that it was impossible to vanquish the Romans, but at home in Italy, as the same Livius doth testify.  
Now I think ye will come to the Hypothesis, and put me to prove, 
How the Spaniard is proved to be our Enemy.  that the Spaniard is that mighty Enemy, who intendeth to trouble this Kingdom. That he is mighty a great deal above that, which we would wish, I have already showed, and that he is our Enemy, not only by actions intended, or projected, but diversly already attempted, these are the Circumstances, which do qualify it: First he is Enemy to all Christian States, by the universality of his Ambition: Ergo, also to us; secondly, his Grandsire, Philip the second, did once obtain a matrimonial right to the Crown of England, by his marriage with Queen Marie. thirdly, & a Papal right, by excommunication of Queen Elizabeth. fourthly, he did set forth a great Armada, to have reconquered it, as is before rehearsed. Fyftlie, he hath ever since, and as I think, doth yet maintain within it, a claudestine Traffic of Jesuits, and Seminary Priests, to alienate the Hearts of Subjects from their natural King, or to keep them umbragious, and suspended in minds, until his better occasion. And I do think, that besides Ambition puissing him thereunto, there be no Neighbour-States that he so much feareth, by reason of their strong and skilful Navigation, as ye will hear hereafter more particularly. But this King that now is in Spain, hath proceeded farther: he hath reft, and taken away, the whole estate of the Palatine, who is Brother-in-law to His Majesty, our Sovereign: and by that deed, hath made this War to be defensive to us: Non enim nobis solum nati, etc. We are not only borne to ourselves, but our Prince, our Parents, our Children, our Friends, Commonwealth; and Religion: every of these have their own part and interest in us, and all these together do concur to move us to so just a War: so far, that if that Prince Palatine were not linked to us by so near Alliance, and by communion of one Faith; yet, Tum tua res agitur paries dum proximus ardet, the propulsion of a fearful Enemy approaching nearer to our Coasts, and seeking to do mineire over all, is sufficient enough to make all the brave Hearts of Christendom to boil: Besides these, he hath put upon us intolerable Indignities, in a very high degree: he hath made us, by false, and perfidious Promises, to be as indifferent beholders of his conquest of the Palatinate: yea, more, to facilitate his engresse thereto, he hath made us to seek Peace, perhaps, to have been accepted upon disadvantageous Conditions, and hath refused the same. And he who refuseth Peace, by necessary consequence, doth intend War. The marriage of our King, hath been agitated by him, and illuded: and he who doth contain so near friendship of Neighbours, appearinglie intendeth to be their Superior. And so he hath left us no hope of Peace, but in Arms: therefore we may conclude with that Captain of the Volsques, of whom I spoke before, justum est Bellum, quibus est necessarium: & pia Arma, quibus nulla nis● 〈◊〉 Armi● relinquitur spes: Their War is just, whose War is necessary, and their Arms bolie, to whom there is no hope relinquished but in Arms.  
Since than I hold it granted, that of necessity there must be Wars, 
How Scotland is furnished of Men for War.  it followeth to consider the Forces to be employed thereto, and those must either be properly our own, or of conjoined Confederates. We are bred into, and do inhabit, a Northern Region, naturally generative of great Multitudes, of more bellicole kind, and of more robust Bodies, than those of the Southern Climates: And albeit we have for the first face, but small opinion of our vulgar sort, because an hard condition of living hath somewhat dejected their Hearts, during these late unfruitful Years: yet there be many strong Persons of Men amongst them, who pressed for the Milice, and once made acquainted therewith, and being fred from the Poverty and Baseness of their carriage, they will more gladly follow the Wars, than the Plough. We have numbers of brave Gentlemen, wanting virtuous Employments, and, for the most part, necessary Means. We read in our Country Annals, how our ancient Kings did lose in Battles, yea, and frequent Battles, ten, or twenty, or thirty thousand Men, when Scotland was not so populous. What should we then doubt, nor we be able now to make great numbers? and that is alwise easily tried, by Rolls of Weapon-showes, if they be diligently noted: and so what do we lack of War, but Armour, Discipline and maintenance?  
And certainly, it is strange, that in this great appearance of Wars, 
Neglect of military Discipline.  the two or three years bygone, no order hath been given, to bring able men under Discipline. We hear, and have read, that even in Spain, when the Countrey-Youthes of vulgar kind are enrolled for the Milice, and brought to Cities for Discipline, they do look as most vile and abject Slaves: if one have Socks, he wanteth Shoes; and many do want both: if another have Breaches, he wanteth the Doublet: pitiful Bodies, and our of countenance: but when they be exercised during two Months, and once put into Apparel, than they are seen of most haughty Carriage, and to walk as Captains in the Streets. Why then are we not to expect the like of our People, if like pains were taken? and if in every Shire 〈◊〉 Men expert in the soldiery were set a-work to enrol, and bring under Capt●ines, and Discipline, those who were most fitting for the Wars, no doubt but our basest Clowns should grow both to civil conversation and courage. There hath never been yet any great State careless of the Military Seminaries, not in times of most solemn and sworn Peace.  
As for Alliance, Leagues, or Confederacio in Wars, 
Thenature of Leagues and Confederacies.  they are indeed not only necessary, but as I have said before, even natural to be, for the safety of smaller States, or Princes, from the tyranny and violence of the mightier: But withal, they have been oftentimes subject to one of two great Inconveniences, either to Pride, for Preferment, or Priority of place during Wars: wherethorow what dangers did ensue in that famous Confederacy for the Battle of Lepanto, 
Confe● for the Battle of Lapanto.  because of emulation betwixt Don john de Austria, and Vinieri, the Admiral of Venice, the Story doth bear it at length: and albeit it pleased GOD in His mercy, to favour the present action, yet the remembrance of that Contestation, did debrash all farther prosecution of that glorious and holy Enterprise, and utterly dissolve that Christian Union. Neither is it a new thing, although I bring this late Example for it: The Romans in their beginnings, being confederate with the Latins, in a League offensive, and defensive, the Latins did challange Parity of Government: Si societas aequa●io juris est (sayeth Livius) cur non omnia aequantur, cur non alter ab Latinis Consul datur, ubi pars vivium, ibi & imperij pars? Tum consul Rome▪ 
Confed. of the Romans and 〈◊〉.  audi Iupiter baec scelera, perigrinos consuls, etc. If society be an equality of things, Why are not all things made equal to us? and why should not one of the two Consuls be a Latin? whereunto the Romans did answer, by attesting jupiter, that it was an impious demand, to have a stranger Consullover them. Or again, Leagues are subject to fraudful desertion of some of the Sociation, in time of greatest Danger: Whereof the World is full of daily experience. 
Confed. betwixt Car●es the eight of France, & the Duke of Milan.  I will remember that of Lodowick Duke of Milan▪ who upon malice against the Aragones of Naples, did procure King Charles the eight of France, (pretending some Title to Naples) to bring a great Army into Italy, & joined with him, a Confederacy of diverse of his Friends in Italy: But seeing the said King, to pass thorough so fortunately, and to behave himself as a Conqueror in many of their Towns, and to enter peaceably in Naples, without that any Teeth were showed against him, as the King returned from Naples homeward, the same Duke did negotiate a League of the greatest Potentates against him, who did constrained him to fight a Battle at Forum Novum, under the Apennine, where he did hardly escape with his life, although he overthrewe them. I have told you already, how Philip the second of Spain did desert Don Sebastian of Portugal, and betray him by a League: but of all Examples for this Purpose, that is most remarkable, of the Confederacy drawn by Charles of Burgundy, with the whole Princes of France, against Lewis the eleventh; 
Confederacy against Lewis the eleventh of France.  whereunto they were so bended, and willing, that they did call it, Bellum pro Rep. A War under-gone for the Commonwealth. Which Confederacy, that subtle King did dissolve, as Clouds dispersed with the Wind, before they could grow to Rain: whereupon, sayeth the Writer of the History, De Comines, That he holdeth one party stronger for himself, who doth command absolutely over 10000, than are ten Confederates against him, albeit every of them doth command over 6000.  
To come to our Purpose: 
Leagues, or Confederacies of Salt.  There are as many Christian Princes, and States, true Enemies to the Spaniard, as are able to devour him, in two or three Years, if it were possible to contract amongst them a Confederacy, or League of Salt: that is to say, which might endure without Corruption, of Fraud, or Emulation. 
Deliberation for War, the weightiest matter belonging to a King.  And therefore here must I say, that all the Actions belonging to a King, are of light importance, compared to this, to maturely deliberate both of his own Forces, and of the trustiness of Confederates, before he do enterpryze Ware. alwise, when we take but a single view of our Associates against Spain, we should think it strange, why they may not stand united, being al-readie conjoined, by Vicinity of Neighbourhood, by Consanguinity, Affinity, communion of one Cause, against a Common Enemy, communion of one Faith: 
Confederates against Spain.  connected, I say, every one of them, by divers of these Bands, our Sovereign, the King of Great Britain, the French King, his Brother-in-law, the King of Denmark, his Uncle, the Princes of Germany, all knit to the Prince Palatine, either in Blood, in Religion, or participation of one Fear of the House of Austria: the Duke of Savoy, who lieth nearest to the Thunders and Threats of Spain, having a great part of his Territories circumscribed by them: the Venetians, who behold his Garrisons daily upon their Frontiers, gaping for some good opportunity of Assault; Holland, and her Estates, who have been so long protected, and as it were, fostered in the Bosom of the Crown of England: now, who would not conjecture, that this Tiger's Whelp might be surely impailed amidst those mighty Hunters? and that it were easy for them to bring him to his latter sweat. I scorn here to call in question, what invincible Armies they might assemble by Sea and Land, sufficient to rob him of all that he hath: for it is thought, that if after the taking in of Portugal, England, France, Holland, and other Confederates, had then put into it amongst them all, but 30000 Men, with sufficient Shipping, and Munition, they had been bastant to recover it, and King Philip had been forced to forbear from the farther troubling of France or Holland.  
And yet to treat this Point of so great Consequence, with Candour and Sincerity, 
Whether small, or gross Armies to be sent to Enemy Countries.  I find, that Men of great experience for War, do hold opinion contrary to this, being of the mind of King Francis the first, who said, that longsome Wars, and small Armies, served rather to exercise Men in the Arts Military, than to daunt the Enemy: and that without gross Armies, and quick dispatch, it was not possible to compass great Enterpryses: saying withal, that the Maintenance of small Armies, and longsome Wars, was much more chargeable than the other. They tell us, that the Empire of the Turk beginneth to decline for his Pretermission of two things, which his Predecessors did observe and follow: One, that he goeth not in person, to be over his Armies, as they did: another, that they are not so numerous and gross as they had them, and that light exploits, and often leading of small Armies to and fro, doth but teach the Milice to his Enemies, and spoil his own Countries, thorough which his Soldiers so frequently do pass. whereof they give us this Example: Amurat the third, 
The longsome Wars of Amurat the third, improfitable.  kept under the commandment of his Bussaes, a linger War, of more than twelve Years, employing not very great Armies against the Persian, where-by, albeit he conquered great parts of his Countries, yet were his Losses known to be greater, because he spended the Flower of his Forces, of young Soldiers, and lusty Horses, 200000 Horses, and more than 500000 Men, from the beginning to the end, and made desolate the Countries that he took in: so far, that Osman Bassa alone (besides what was done by others) did cast to the ground, and burn, 100000 Houses, besides that the Persians, their Enemies, during that great length of time, did become more skilful Warriors than themselves. The Spanish Wars against Holland, Zealand, and Friezland, have wrought the same Effects. Agesilaus, King of Lacedemonia, in his longsome Wars against the Thebaus, having one day received a dangerous Blow in his Person, was told by one of his Friends, that he deserved well to have it, because he had taught his Enemies to be good Soldiers.  
I confess indeed, that in this point of teaching the Art Military to Enemies, we can lose nothing, being rather to learn from them: but whether the employing of small or grosie Armies against them, shall be most hurtful to them, before we say to that, 
● prudent Prince will not manage Wars within, but without his Countries.  we must consider what parts of his Dominions do lie most open for our Invasion, and most easily and profitably brooked: for I take it also as granted, that as there must be Wars, so they must be without our Country, and into that of the Enemy. Never an active Prince was known to look on, until the Enemy should be seen within his Bowels. There be thousands of Examples of Ignorants, who by so doing have cast away their Kingdom from themselves. Antiochus, Persius, juba Ptolemy the last of Egypt, Darius, some of the French Kings, as King john, taken within his own Countries, by Edward, the Black Prince of England: And for this cause, Philip of France, called the Conqueror, understanding that the Emperor, Otho the second, and the King of England, were to assault his Kingdom, he fortified sundry strong places, and led his Army without the Frontiers, where he did combat, and defeat them. We read in our Scottish Histories, how frequently Armies have been convoyed beyond our Marches, to find the Enemy, before he should enter amongst us. So long as a Country is free from open Hostility, as long it doth not feel extreme Calamity; sayeth Scipi● Afric. for putting of Armies into Africa, Plus animi est inferenti periculum quam propulsanti, ad hoc major ignotarum rerum est terror, etc. The Assaulters of any Country must have greater courage than the Defendants, who having mo● things, and more dear, in peril their Houses, their Rit●●es, Wyues, and Children, are more taken with fear: beside, being within the Enemy's Country, ye do discover all his weaknesses, whilst your strength and possibilities, the more they be unknown to him, they do the more increase his terror.  
But to speak of places in general, most proper for this War, there is none more honourable than the Palatinate, 
Palatinate, the most honourable place of this War.  (albeit most difficile to come unto, by reason of remoteness from the Sea:) without the restitution whereof, there can remain no credit with the parties and Princes of the League. I heard a Scottish Captain of good experience in those Countries, lately say to me, that it was impossible to recover the Palatinate, but by Sea Advantages over the Spaniard, because it was so far removed from Friends; and I did ask him, how the late Prince of Parma did lead 10000 Men to Paris, in the Teeth of a mighty King, amidst his Armies? he answered me, that those were carried as in Trenches, and the way was easy, without impediment of Mountains, or Rivers. Again I demanded, how did the Christian Kings anciently of England, Scotland, and France, convoy their Armies to the holy Wars of Jerusalem, and most part over Land? or how Alexander the Great, an Army of within 40000, from Macedon, to the Eastern Ocean, and did subjugate all the Nations by the way? or how julius Caesar, a smaller by the one half, from the occident of France, to Pharsalia in Greece? or Hannibal from Carthage, by the way of Spain and France, thorough so many alpestiere and precipitious Mountains, even to Naples, and brooked Italy fifteen Years? Although themselves were excellent, and incomparable Captains, and of extravagant Fortunes, yet their Soldiers appearinglie have been but such Men, as do yet live in the World, the difference and odds of Time's excepted: for softness and Delicacy in some, and contemplation, and love of Letters in others, have so daunted, and as it were emasculate the courage of Men, who now are, that none is able to endure that austerity and hardness of living with Hannibal himself, let be his Soldiers.  
The next Field fitting for this War, 
West Flanders, a proper Seat for Wars against Spain.  is that which were most easy to come unto, and likely to bring the Business to a short and prosperous End, and this is the Country of West Flanders, if this fatal jealousy of Neighbour-Princes, which hath been so many times contrarious to the best Designs and Enterpryses of Christendom, did not here withstand: that is to say, if the French King did not call to mind, how that was the Port where-at anciently the English did so often enter to trouble his Predecessors. It is a wonderful thing, if Kings so nearly allied, and so nearly touched by one Common Danger, cannot be assured from mutual jealousies in the mean time, Nulla fides regni sociis. Therefore, leaving that to the Event which GOD shall grant, 
Going of the Navy lately to Portugal.  I will speak of putting Armies into Spain by Sea, whereunto, it may be, ye will object the small Successes; now, of a second Navigation of the English to Portugal; and that His Majesty had better kept his Navy at home, Careat successibus opto, quisquis ab eventu facta not and a putet. 
Cou●sels not to be pondered by the events.  I answer to you, that Counsels and Designs, are not to be weighed from the Event, that was so good a purpose, as in my judgement, will not yet be left. But ye will say, We have wakened the sleeping Dog, and made spoil of our best Occasion: I confess, that is more considerable, than any loss; and yet who doubteth, for the Dog, but he was awake before? Diabolus non dormit. How can he sleep, that lieth in Ambush, for all the World?  
As touching the credit of the Enterprise, it is so far from bringing under question the Reputation of our Sovereign, that by the contrary, 
The going of our King in person to Spain.  both that, and his personal going to Spain, are things whereof we should rejoice; as being infallible Arguments of his Royal Magnanimity, and Preambles of much greater things. King Philip of Macedon, being brought for the first time, to see the noble Horse, Bucephalus, commanded his best Horseman to ride him: which when he could not do, by reason of his fierceness, the King did set another to him, and the third, who in like manner did not suffice; until at length, Alexander his Son, being but a young Stripling, did adventure himself to it, and did perform it: which when his Father beheld, shedding Te●res for joy, he apprehended there-by, the greatness of his Spirit, saying, that Greece was too small for him. Where such Sparkles break forth, before the Fire of a young Prince his courage be well kindled, it is like enough once to spread many Flames abroad. Yea, I will say farther, that the success of that Business went better, than if it had been to our Wishes, for that it is not good, that Fortune should be too indulgent to the beginnings of a young King, or should lay the Reigns upon his Neck: but rather that he run his first Carrier's with a born head; to the end, that he may learn the ways of true Wisdom, and Fore-sightfulnesse in Matters of greater Consequence. The ancient Theologues▪ amongst the Gentiles, did never introduce their Goddess Fortune in the Counsel of the Gods. There is nothing that doth more rectify the judgement to Action, than Experience, whereof one Trick, in our Youthhead, is more worth to us, than twenty in our Age.  
Besides that, we are certainly but ignorant, to think, that great things can be gone about, or compassed, but by adventuring somethings also of the like kind: but lest we be any way discowraged, by those two fruitless Voyages of the English to Portugal, we may read in the Stories, how that Nation anciently hath been no less victorious in Spain, than in France, albeit not so often, because they were old, and long Inheriters, and Inhabiters of divers parts of France. Edmund, called De Langley, Duke of York, and john of Gaunt, Duke of Langcaster, both Sons of Edward the third, King of England, having obtained divers glorious Victories against the Castilians, in favours of the Kings of Portugal, sought to be ejected by the said Castilians: 
The English anciently most victorious in Spain.  not-the-lesse whereof, they did at length marry the two Daughters of Peter, King of Castille: who dying without other Children, the said john of Gaunt, who was married to the eldest, did style himself King of Castille, and pass from Gascoigne, (then being under the English Dominion) into Castille, with 8000 Footmen, & 2000 Horse; where he did quickly make himself Master almost of the whole Country: but partly, by Famine then in Castille, and secondly, because of new Troubles betwixt the English and French, then in Gascoigne; and thirdly, by reason of hot Broils in England, which was likely to cut him from succourse of his Friends, he did transact with most honourable and advantageous conditions, even at his own option, that his only Daughter and Child, should marry the eldest Son of the Castilian King, that himself should have the present Possession and profits of four chief Towns of Castille, with sixty hundreth thousand Frankes, in Argent Content, to defray his Charges, and forty thousand Franks of yearly Rent. What then? shall we think, but the English, who are the natural Offspring of those generose Stocks, have also brave Minds, and abundance of courage, to invade, by way of just and necessary War, their old and sworn Enemies of Castille, if they were once set on edge, after this long Intervale of Peace? Have they not all the while been exclaiming against the days of Peace? And was it not much for a pacificke King, to contain them? Did they not yearn after the Spaniard, as Hounds long kept up after Hares? And may we not hope, that Armies which be not very gross, well disciplined, well armed, and well maintained, can do great things in Portugal, being of so easy access and receipt? when we read of Scanderbag. 
Scanderbag, William Wallace.  or of the late Prince of Transylvania, or in our own Annals, of William Wallace, what Miracles were done by small numbers against worlds of Men? It is the LORD, who stirreth up the Heart, to persecute Pride, and punish Tyrants: it is He, who doth deliver into the Hands of Israel, their mighty Enemies. 2000 Men, that Charles the eight of France gave to his Cousin, Henry, Earl of Richmond, 
Henry, Earl of Richmond, against Richard the third, with 2000 French.  were sufficient for him to pass into England, and give Battle to Richard the third, the Tyrant, and to slay him. The Kingdom of Spain was once already (as I have related) taken from Roderigo, a licentious Prince, by 12000 Moors.  
But, to return to the particular: Navarre, or Portugal, shall be the first Revolters from Spain, 
Portugal and Navarre, the first revolters from Spain.  when-so-ever the time shall come, wherein GOD hath apppointed to dissipate that Empire: there shall the Stone be first moved, which rolling along, shall bruise and break the Horn's thereof. Portugal must be the chief Port of our Hopes in Spain. The World holdeth, that His Majesty of Great Britain, and the Hollanders, his protected Confederates, have more Shipping than will command the whole Ocean, let be to get footing in Portugal, or to stop the Traffic of the West Indees. And if we would make a likely Conjecture, what they are able to do in Portugal, let us but call to mind, what great Conquests were made by the Portugals themselves, with no great numbers of Ships (as is shown in the former part of this Discourse:) There be many yet alive, who know, that when those few of England and Holland did last invade, and took the Town of Cales, King Philip did presently send for his Galleys of Naples and Sicilia, and would have borrowed from Genua and Malta: he called his Forces out of Brittany, and had been compelled to call Home all that he had any where, if the English had remained longer.  
It is greatly to be marveled, why the Richeses of the West Indees should not before now have alured both English & Flemings, and others, who are powerful by Sea, those being the Treasures that do fortify and assure the Spanish Tyranny. 
The West Indees in the possession of a great Monarch, aninfallible means to universality of Empire, & the proof there of.  The Romans and Carthagenians, when they began to flourish, and to have mutual jealousies, foreseeing that Sicilia (being a Store-House of fine Corns and People) was the thing which would determine their Emulation, as I have said before, they fought cruel Battles for it. The Carthagenians had it, and lost it often. At length it did incline to the Romans, and with it, the sovereignty also of Empire. We cannot err, to think, that never a Monarch, or mighty State, did possess such probable Means, and such inexhaustible Mines, more commodious for Extension, and universality of Dominion, as are the West Indees to the Spaniard, if he be suffered to enjoy them peaceably, together with the other rich Mines of Silver, and great Revenues that he hath elsewhere. Plinius held Spain the richest for Silver Mines in the World, then in his time: It is wonderful, said he, to see one only Silver Mine in Spain, broken up by Hannibal, and which yielded to him 300 pound weight daily, to continue still now under Vespasian. He hath divers of the most fruitful and questuous Countries of Europe, as Naples, Milane, Sicily, Flanders, being all of the Superlative Degree, for Richeses, and for virtuous Traffickes', (which are the Fountains from whence Richeses flow) so it is indeed: for we read in the Histories, that Charles the fifth of Spain, Emperor, did draw yearlie more Monies out of the Duchy of Milan, than King Francis the first, who lived with him, did from whole France; and more out of the Low-countrieses, than the King of England of his whole Kingdoms. (This is affirmed by French Writers.) It being so, may not I say, with good warrant, that (saving Fatality, and the secret providence of GOD) the Kings of Spain shall be once Masters of the Occidental World, except that Neighbour Princes and States take it more in heart, to oppose him, than hitherto they have done?  
Bio●, the Philosopher, said, that Money was the Nerve of Action, and of all the Effayres of Men. And of him sayeth Plutarch, that his speech doth most touch the Actions of War, 
Money the Nerve of War, and the proof thereof.  wherein there was no doing at all without Money: For why? said he, a Captain hath only two things to go about; either to draw Men together for Services of War; or being together, to lead them to their Services; where-of he can do neither without Money. Thucitides saith, that the People of Pelop. did often vex themselves, and over-runne their own Territories, by short Wars, and small Exploits, because of their Poverty, and want of Money to attend Wars. The Foundator of that State, Lycurg●s, having by a Law prohibited the use of Money there, Agesil. their King, were into Egypt, with great Forces, to be mercenary, and serve for Money, wherewith he might be able to keep Wars against the Theb. who had almost ruinated his Country. Alexander the Great, before he enterpryzed his Wars, did alienate whatsoever he had for provision of Money, leaving nothing to himself but Hope. Pompey the Great, 
Greatest States and monarchs, straited for w●nt of Money.  the time of his Wars in Spain, against Sertorius, he wrote to the Senate, that if they did not send him quickly store of Money, his Army would go from that Province. Hannibal after he had defeated the Romans, by three great Battles, did write as much to Carthage. So, if Money be the strength of humane Actions, as Bion said, and principally of War, as Plutarch did subjoin, I say, it is a thing no less than fearful, to suffer the Spaniard to brook peaceably his Traffic of the West Indees, having there-by a greater means to enlarge his Dominions, than either Rome, or any others have hitherto had; that of Rome was the greatest of any times past; Plinius calleth it, a Sunne-shyning to the World, but when their Town was taken by the Gauls (who were irritated by the unjust dealing of the three Fabli) they were forced to rob their People, of their whole Gold and Silver, and did scarcely find so much as to pay the Ransom: many years thereafter when they were so broken by Hannibal▪ they were compelled to do the same, and were in such pain, for want of Money, that they had no means to redeem 8000 Prisoners, who were taken by him at the Battle of Cannae.  
Now I do not doubt, but some Men will think, that I have said too much, in affirming, That the West Indees, and Monies, which the Spaniard hath, may by length and tract of Time, purchase unto him the Western World: therefore I would press to show it this way, By posing the Case, that two things may concur together, 
The huge Monies gotten by Charles the fifth, into Peru.  which are possible enough to mere, by progress of Time: First, If the Spaniard should light at once upon the like Treasure as he got at the taking in of Peru, where there was such plenty of Gold and Silver, that the Bottle of Wine was sold for 300 Ducats there, a Spanish Cape, at 1000, a Jennet of Spain, at 6000. And besides the fifth part of all Monies general in that Country paid to the King, Charles' the fifth, the king thereof, Atabalipa, paid to him, for his Ransom, ten Millions, three hundreth, twenty, and six thousand Ducats, in pure Gold, at one time: which was the first thing that made in these Countries of Europe, the great alteration of all sort of Merchandise, Vivers, and of the prices of Land, and, almost, of the Manners of Men: even as it fell out in Rome, when jul. Caes. brought thither the rich Spoils and Treasures of Egypt, that made upon the sudden the Usury of Money to be diminished by the one half, and the price of Land to be haughted by the other half. For the second, I put the Case, that together with this Casuality, the Spaniard should find the Humours of France so easy to be practised, and such Distemper, and Distraction of Minds amongst them, as his Grandfather, Philip the second, did find, then when he broached the holy League in France. If these two should mere, I put it to any Man's contemplation, if any less could follow there-on, than the conjunction of France, to the Empire of Spain? which Philip had even then obtained, if his Conquest of Portugal had not diverted him from it. And may not these supposed two Cases arrive, and come to pass together? Unless the vigilance, and diligence of Neighbour Princes, do stop the Ways where-by they must come, assuredly it is a thing most possible: for why? the French, how-so-ever after they be beaten with the Miseries and Calamities of War, they can for a while be content to refresh themselves, 
The natural humour, and manners, of the French Nation.  with Peace and quietness: yet that is but a Digression, or a By-Strype, from the Current of their natural Humour, which is to be volage, and removeant, much delighted with present things, having no long Projects, given to Change, both of Apparel, and Mind, jovial; and of open Conversation, of easy Familiarity, of amiable Countenance, never silent, but still in Compliment, and Discourse, full of Noble, and Courteous Carriage, inclined to all sort of Gallantry, which doth require great Charges, of moderate Devotion, suden, and precipitant in their Resolutions, and loving Innovations of State, above all things: that it is a wonder, to see such Antipathy every way betwixt them, and the Spaniard, divided but by one Mountain of the Pirenees, and no otherwise.  
Thus have I discoursed on this last Point, to let you see, what great necessity have Princes, who would make Wars, to be well provided of Monies, which, because it doth no less touch and concern us, who be Subjects of this Kingdom, 
A 〈◊〉 of the Re●sor● which should encowrage us against the spa●y●rd.  than it doth our Sovereign King, it shall be very expedient to treat somewhat seriously of it, as the weightiest Article we have to speak of. That we are bound to contribute to just and necessary War, under-taken by our Prince, Pro aris & focis, not only our Goods, but our lives, it is a Position that no Man will contradict: And to know, that we of this Kingdom are most obliedged of any People in the World, not only to do so, but to accept the necessity of so doing, with much patience, and thankfulness to GOD, for the great Peace and Quietness, vouchsafed on us, during a whole Age bygone, without the smallest interruption, which, what an extraordinary Blessing it is, 
Co ●emplat●on of our 〈…〉, during our P●ace, this 〈◊〉 bygone.  we cannot understand, never having felt nor known the Afflictions of War. But if we shall set before our Eyes, (as Portracts of those Calamities) the fearful Naufrages of our Neighbours, during the time of our quietness; and the disastrous, and sorrowful Days, of our own Predecessors, before our Times, whilst this Isle remained disvnited, and under discordant Kings, we should not then forbear to fall upon our Faces, and to adore that Bounty of the MOST HIGH, who did reserve so happy Days for us. As for our Neighbours, we have so often heard the Thunders of their Troubles, sounding in our Ears; and, as it were, securely standing upon the S●oare, so often beheld the Spoils of their Tempests, that I need not to particularise any Examples of things that are so recent. When those of that Noble City of Paris, (the Queen of all the Towns of the World) were forced by this tyranny of Spain, 
Calamity of the City of Paris, and of whole France.  to nowrish themselves with the bodies of Horses, of Dogs, Cats, and Rats, we were fed, the greater part of us, to Superfluity, and all to Sufficience, When those of her Country about, were glad to get an hour of sleep in their Armour, under some Covert in the Fields, the LORD did grant to us, Mollibus incumbere toris, & pingues exigere somnos.  
As for our Predecessors, if we shall cast over the Annals of our Nation, we shall find it the most cruent and bloody History, wherein, since the establishment of our Crown, (notwithstanding of the matchless Antiquity, and lawfulness thereof) we shall not read of an Age, nor half, nor third part of an Age, 
Contemplation of the Troubles of our Predecessors.  free from desperate Wars, now with Peghts, now with Dane●, now with Saxons, now with Romans, now with English, (tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem:) where not only Men, but Women, did ordinarily go to Battle: ordinarily, I say, for many Ages, after many Testimonies of our famous Historiographer, Hector Bo●ce, whereof I will ci●e to you but one, in his sixth Book, where he setteth down that fearful Battle fought against them by Maximus, the Roman General, with the assistance of the saxons, and perfidious Peghts, wherein our King, Eugenius, with the whole Nobility, gentile, Commons, and their aged Parents, were nearly extinguished, without any hope of farther memory of our Race, 
Maximus, the Roman General, against the Scottish King, Euge●●●.  except that it pleased GOD to reserve miraculously amidst their Ashes, some sparkles of Life, which did after some Years revive, and restore the Progress of our Nation, Convenere (sayeth he) ad E●genium regem frequontes viri, foeminae que ad militiam, ex veteri gentis instituto, urgentibus extremis, conscriptae, clamantes aut eo die moriendunt sibi omnibus fortiter dimicando, aut vincendos infensissin os hosts, etc. There did conveane (sayeth he) unto the King E●gemus, multitudes of Men, and Women, to stand in Battle, according to the ancient and observed custom of the Country; protesting, that day either to vanquish, and destroy their deadly Enemy, or otherwise, to lay down their whole lives into the Sepulchers of Valour and Dignity. And a little thereafter, speaking of their ardour, and fierceness in that Battle, Whilst the fury of the Enemy did approach unto the King's Person, the Noble Men assisting nearest unto him, did persuade him; yea, with akinde of Violence pressed him, to retire his Person, and save himself to a better Fortune, and to the Commonwealth: but he casting from him his Kingly Ornaments, did thrust himself amongst the vulgar Ranks, to the Main of the Battle; where, with incredible courage, and contempt of Death, he did sacrifice his Heroic Spirit. Few of Men, and of Women, almost none, did escape this Calamity: and whilst the Romans did too insolently, and fiercely pursue the small numbers of those, who at the length did flee, they did recounter a new sort of Combat, never of before known unto them: for why? the remnant of the aged people, Men and Women, unable for Wars, did follow afar, upon the Army, to know what should be fall thereunto: and finding the event so bad, and infortunate, they did run unto the Weapons, and Armour of their dead Children; and forgetting both Age and Sex, did encowrage those few that yet did rest alive, to make a new assault upon the Romans: which they did, more like unto savage and enraged Beasts, than puissed by any humane instigation: where they were all consumed, and not without great slaughter of their Enemies. These are the very words of the Writer, by my Translation, from the Latin Text.  
Of the like to this, the Historis hath many, to show what was the bitter Cup of our Antecessours, compared with our delicacy; and what they did under-lye, for mainta●nance of that Liberty, whereof we have enjoyed the Sweetness. 
Encowragement, from great Reasons.  This and thus was the Foundation, which it pleased GOD to bless, and to build upon it a stately and united Monarchy, after the which the Spaniard doth no less greedily gape now, than did the Romans then. here is an Object of yielding infinite thanks to GOD, and honour to the memory of our generose Antecessours: They kept constant Wars, in expectation, and we begin now to be called to Wars, for that whereof we have had long Fruition: They were as the Israelites in the Deserts, under Moses, and we like unto Israel under Solomon: we are but gently pressed, as yet, (GOD grant it he so long) to send forth some of our able Youths: and that is an Advantage to us, it being a Liberation of our Country, from that it may want commodiously: and then to contribute some Trifles of our Goods, for their entertainment. And we have better store of Men, and ten times more Monies, 
It is proved, that there is more by a great deal of Money and Men now, than our Predecessors had.  (praised be GOD) than our Antecessours had, who did render willingly both lives, and Goods, and Wife, and Children, and all for the service of their Prince and Country.  
And because it may be, this be counted a rash or temerarious Speech, I think it may be easily proved in this manner: Albeit it be so, that only GOD can multiply the Earth, yet it is of verity, that we, since the days of our Predecessors, have multiplied the Fruits of the Earth; so far, that for every three Plough gate of Land, (as we do call it) manured, which was in Scotland an hundreth Years bygone, there are four now. And if ye answer, that the People are multiplied proportionally to that, so that I should not esteem it to be increase of Richeses, which doth bring with it increase of People to consume them; I will reply to you, that is the point I intend to prove, for Multitudes of People industrious, are both the Richeses and Strength of a Country; and that we do exceed our Antecessours both for numbers of People, and of Monies, ye shall understand it this way: They wanted first the two Seminaries for breeding of People, which we have: every one knoweth, that the Multiplication of Ground-Labourers, and Husbandmen, (as we call them) have peopled the Land-warts of Scotland, far above that it was anciently; for we see now upon a Manes (that of old was laboured by a Baron himself) twenty or thirty several Families of those Retite Husbandmen, where-of every one hath a good number of Children. Next again, it is well known to be the Sea Trade, which hath peopled our Maritine Towns, and that also, our Predecessors wanted: so far, that I may say, there be now twenty Ships of Traffic amongst us, for every one that was in their days. Then, who doth not know, that by the Traffic of the Sea●, our Country hath twenty times more Monies, than was an hundreth years bygone? or if ye do doubt of it, ye may soon learn, that our Grandfather's could have bought as much Land for one thousand Marks, as we can do for twenty thousands, and far more. Farther, our Predecessors had a means for stopping the growing of Multitudes, and increase of People, that we want: and it was by the great numbers of Men and Women, who took themselves to the Caelibate and Monastic life, of whom there was no Offspring. And if ye would know of what great importance that was, do but consider how many Bishoprickes, Abbacies, Priories, Nunueries, with the number of their Convents, Arch-deanries, Deaneries, Personages, and places of cure for secular Priests, was into Scotland, in time of Paperie: and when ye have taken up their number, do confer them with the 70 of the house of jacob, who went into Egypt, and how in the fourth Age thereafter, there came forth 600000, fight Men, besides Women and Children, all descended of them. Which when ye have considerately done, I think ye shall be afraid of the huge Multitudes, that before now, should have issued from the professed religious of Scotland, if they had followed the Matrimonial life. If ye will yet insist, to object the Poverty of our Country, by reason of the broken Estates of Noblemen, and Gentlemen, who have our Lands morgadged for great Debts of Money, 
It is shown that the broken Estates of particular me●, doth not argue the poverty of a Country.  I answer to you, that (by the contrary) it is an Argument of the Richeses of our Country: for if the Nobleman's Grandfather, by Predigalitie, Pride, wilful pleying in Law, or any other such Misgovernment, had brought himself to need the like Sums of Money, twenty Lords could not have gotten so much then, as one can get now. And I will find now a base-born Man advance to a Nobleman in pressed, 30, 40, or 50000 Pounds, whose Grandfather, and all his Parentage, was not valiant of the twenty part thereof: Ergo, the personal Distresses of Noblemen and Gentlemen, doth not argue the Poverty of the Country in general. We see into Nature, that her several Members, as of plants, Beasts, and Men, do daily decay and die; and others do shoot up in their Rooms, whilst Nature itself remaineth in entire and full strength. In the days of our Predecessors, there were in Scotland but Victual Rents, whereas now, by the virtuous Trades, which have been since introduced, a great part of Men do live by Silver Rents.  
Things being manifestly so, shall we refuse to furnish out, and maintain, two or three thousand Soldiers, to so just and necessary Wars? 
The d●ngerous consequence of ingratitude in People.  certainly, it cannot be heard abroad, without our great Ignominy, & (which is worse) adding of courage to our Enemies, when they shall know us to be so base and degenerose. Well, let us not be ungrate towards GOD. It is true, indeed, that Nature and Ty●●e do favour the growing of Monarchies, namely, where they are just and temperate, as being the vi●e Image of GOD, for Governament of the World; But it is also true, that unthankful People do procure short Periods of great Kingdoms. The Throne of Israel was established in the person of David, after many toilsome and laborious years of the preceding Rulers of that People, and great sheeding of Blood, and so much in David his own time, that GOD would not suffer his bloody Hand to be put to the building of the Temple: but the Glory, Peace and Prosperity thereof did expire, with the death of Solomon his Son. Thereafter the LORD did set many wicked Kings over that wicked People. The greatest Punishment that GOD threateneth to inflict upon a rebellious Nation, 
A wicked People, do make a wicked King.  is to give them evil Kings: where-upon the Divines do note, that it is the highest Transgression, whereof a People can be guilty before GOD, When by their Ingratitude they make Princes, of their nature perhaps seren● and temperate, to turn to tyrannous Governament, and to lay upon their Necks the Yoke of perpetual Grudge and Murmuration: and so not only themselves transgress against GOD, but make their Kings also to do the like, who most of all Men should obey & fear the LORD: so that often times a wicked People, maketh a wicked King.  
But to return: If we do question for small things now, what would we do, si Hannibal astaret portis? if our Enemies were at the Ports of our Country, or within the Bowels of it? We would be forced to do even as the Romans did against Hannibal, to run and offer all our Monies, and our jewels, and our Earrings, for safety thereof. We would undoubtedly say, as that famous Warrior did, the late King of France, who after the recovery of Cain from the Spaniard, by transaction, after he had spended a great part of his life in Wars, he said, they were not wise, who would not make a Bridge of Gold, for their Enemies to pass out upon. 
A Bridge of Gold to be made, for Enemies to pass out on.  But as we say, It is better to hold out, than to put out: Durius ejicitur quam non admittitur hostis. Have we not seen our Kings use all possible Practices, for procuring of Peace all this time bygone, by toiling of Ambassadors to and fro, by super-spending their Rents, exhausting their Coffers, and indebting of themselves? Are we not natural Members, as they are natural Heads? Are they more bound to do for us, than we for ourselves? Albeit the King's Sphere he higher and greater than ours, 
Just and true Encowragements, from solid Causes.  yet every Man doth fill his own Sphere, and every Man's estate, is a Kingdom to himself. Perseus, that mighty King, having beside him infinite Treasures, and refusing to bestow some of them to Gentius, a Neighbour-prince, and others, who offered to combat the Romans in Italy, he suffered them to overthrow himself, in his own Country. Darius' committed the like Error with Alexander, and Stephanus, King of Bosna, the like with Mabomet the second: as I have remembered before, we may praise GOD, that we have not such avaricious Kings. What is it, that good and natural Subjects will not do for the safety of the Sacred Persons of their Kings? Let be of their Kingdoms, wherein we have our Portion, and common Interest with them. We may read in the Histories of France, what damage that Country did sustain, 
Captivity of King john of France, and of Francis the first.  for the liberation of their King john, taken by Edward, the Black Prince of England, at the Battle of Poiteou, and of King Francis the first, taken at the Battle of Pavia: and in our own Histories, what our Predecessors did, for the redemption of King David Bruce, led Captive in England, and there detained eleven years: 
Great Ransom paid by our Antecessours, for King David Bruce, if the Author was not a little mistaken.  Liberatus (sayeth the History) undecimo ex qu● captus est anno, numeratis quingentis millibus Mercarum Sterlingarum in presenti moneta. He was redeemed upon payment of five hundreth thousand Marks Sterling, in argent contant. A thing most admirable, the scarcity of Monies in those days considered. If a Physician should command us, in time of a dangerous Sickness, to take a little Blood, for preservation of the whole Body, we should be glad to obey him: 
Philip de Cominit saith, five hundreth thousand Crowns.  why not by the like reason, when our King (who cureth and careth for the Body of the Commonwealth) doth command us, to bestow some of our Goods, for safety of our whole Estate, ought we not to obey? if we were versed in the French Annals, to know what innumerable spoil of Goods was there, before the Spaniards could be piked out of the Nests, which they did build upon their Coasts, and within their Bowels, we would be content to spend to our Shirt (as it is said) before they should plant their Tents amongst us. I have already told you, how they are of Melancholious, and fixed Minds, not easily raised, or remooved, where once they are set down: whereof we see the present experience into the Palatinate. To take, and then to give back again, is not the way of their Design to universal Empire, over their Neighbours.  
If any would object, that the Palatinate is detained for Reparation of the Wrongs and Injuries done in Bohemia, he hath little skill in the Affairs of the World: for why? these might have been long since composed, or redressed: but it is done to facilitate their Conquest in Germany, to enclose the Netherlandes from Succourse of their Friends there, 
The Causes why the Palatinate, is detained by the Spaniard.  and to open a Gate into England, by length of Time, when they shall find the Occasion fitting. So that if the Kings of Great Britain, and France, together with their Confederates of Germany & the Netber-Lands, do not join their Forces, to banish them timously, from the Palatinate, as the Romans did the Carthagenians from Sicilia, (which I did note in the beginning here-of) doubtless they will be upon their own Necks at the length. There was a great Intervale of Time betwixt the first and second Wars of the Romans, against the Carthagenians; and yet the last did come to pass, and therewith the utter overthrow of the Carthaginian State. And here I must recount a thing, (which I have often called to mind, since His Majesty's coming from Spain, 
A remarkable Speech, of Colonel Semple, to the Author of this Treatise.  and that the Treaty of his Marriage did there expire) how I myself, the year of their Pacification with Holland, being in the Town of Brussels, in familiar discourse, touching our late Sovereign his coming to the Crown of England, with a Scottish Gentleman, of a fine Wit, Experience, & Insight in the Spanish Designs, and who had been long time a Colonel, and Counsellor of War amongst them, Colonel Semple; he said to me, That albeit King james was an aged & wise Prince, who had providently practised his peaceable Entry to England, that yet he was much beholden to that Time so fortunate, as it was for him, when Spain, being so broken with longsome Wars, had almost begged their Peace from Holland. And how-so-ever (said he) your King may be free of us, during his life, yet if ye shall survive him, ye shall see no more Peace betwixt England and Spain: adding withal, this Speech, Laus non solum hominum est, sed etiam temporum. whereunto I did answer, that by these it seemed, that the Spaniard intended to conquer England. Then he rehearsed to me, the many & notable Injuries done to them, by the English Nation, by their proud and fascuous ejection of King Philip, before the death of Marie; by their fostering of their Rebels in Flanders; by their protection of Don Antonio, King of Portugal, and aiding of him with Sea Armies; but namely, by their ordinary Sea Rapines, and insolent Navigation, without the controlling and coercing where-of, Spain could not be in so good Case, as was hoped for to be, in progress of Time. And in the end, he did subjoin thus far, If your Catholic Noblemen of Scotland, with whom myself (said he) did negotiate from Spain, had been wise, and constant, your Country might have been, long before now, in a twentie-folde more happy Condition, under the Dominion of Spain, than ever it can be under the Crown of England; the Yoke of whose Servitude and Tyranny, shall questionless become intolerable to you, so soon as that King shall be gone, who doth so well know you: for why? by reason of their Vicinity, and nearness unto you, they shall be ever pressing to draw great Rents from you into England, which cannot fail to impoverish your Country: whereas by the contrary, the Spaniard should not only spend it amongst yourselves, but should also yearlie send in great sums of Money to you, according as he doth here in Flanders, & in his other Provinces. This Story did I, after my returning to London, relate to His Majesty, who is now with GOD; and who having heard it, did answer me, That Semple was an old Traitor, and dangerous company for his Subjects, which went beyond the Seas.  
Thus the spaniards know not when the Fish will swim, but they do keep their Tides diligently, and have their Nets hung in all men's Waters: so that if any of us would think, that the present Quarrel against Spain, 
The Quarrel of the Palatinate, most ●ib to us, & why.  is more sib to the King, our Sovereign, than to us, by reason of the Palatinate, it were absurd ignorance also: For first granting it were so, yet there can be no Separation betwixt the Head and the Members: whom GOD and Nature have knit together, there is none can lose: Next again, it is well known, that our late King, of blessed memory, could have gotten to marry his only Daughter, greater, and the greatest of Christian Princes, if it had not been to prevent the falling of our Crowns Succession, into the person of some Papistical Prince, to the dangering of the Liberty Evangelicall, and Unity of this Kingdom of Great Britain: of both which the LORD hath made Himself the Instrument to establish them. Our latest Histories do record, that Scotland, England, and Ireland, have already been almost devoured by Foreign Ambition, by way of Marriages with Papal Kings, as of Queen Marie, the Grandmother of our present King, with the Dolphin of France; & of Marie, Queen of England, to Philip the second, King of Spain; where-of what Blood-sheeding, Cruel Wars, and Persecution of the Professors of the Gospel did follow, 
john Knox, against the Regiment of Women.  even to public Martyrdom, the Stories do mention at length: which moved our Proto Reformator, john Knox, to publish that Treatise against the Regiment or Reigns of Women. If so be, that the only Daughter of Great Britain, (and of that King) capable of the greatest Marriage in Christendom, was couched in so narrow Bounds, out of the holy Projects of her Father, to assure the Peace and Liberties of this Kingdom, to us & our Successors, then can any Quarrel in the World be so dear to us, & more prick our Consciences and Honour, nor the Restitution of her Estate, although the Spaniard were resolved, to march his Ambition there, and come no farther?  
Having treated thus far concerning War, 
Of our domestic discontent, or Fears.  or the necessity of War with Spain, I come now to speak of things that may breed into us Distraction of Minds, or Coldness of Affection towards this Business: And first, (because it is most easily answered unto) I will remember how it did stick in many men's Teeth, and could not at the first be digested, that we did not know, no, not the Lords of our Counsel, what was the Course of His Majesty's Navy: 
The going of the Navy to the Seas, and our public Fast.  that a public Fast and Praying was enjoined for the success of we know not what; and that this Fast was not limitated, but during the King's will, contrary the Custom of the Scottish Church, and divers from any Example to be found in Scripture. The last of these two being a Question Theological, and impertinent to this Discourse, I will not touch: But for the first, I say, and it is approved in all Ages, that nothing doth more advance great Enterpryses, than Secrecy; so far, that Secrecy is the very Soul of the Actions of Kings: and their Secrets once published, are but like vented Wine, which can no more be drunken. And most active Princer, have brought to pass amongst puissant Enemies, 
Secrecy advanceth great Enterpryses.  most noteable Exploits, only by means of Secrecy: as we do find specially in the lyues of julius Caesar, Charles the fifth Emperor, Lewis the eleventh of France, whose cover Plots, secret Friends, Voyages, Diets, and Days of Battle, 
Secrecy of julius Caesar, Charles the fifth, 〈◊〉 the eleventh, and of the 〈◊〉 Council.  were kept in their Breasts, unto the time of present Execution: which kind of doing, was the chiefest thing that made them so redoubted, and feared of all their Enemies; as the Spaniard, even to this day, delighteth to hold his Neighbours in perpetual fear, by this secrecy of Counsels and Courses. Withal I do confess, that such doing requireth a solid wisdom in Princes, and that otherwise it were very dangerous: in the mean time it is sure, that we who be private Subjects, are not to crave a Compt of their Counsels; no more than the Members of the Body, do question for that which they are commanded to do, by the intellectual Reason that lodgeth in the Head.  
The next Point, shall be to consider of our Doubts, and Fears Domestic, as I did term them in the beginning: and first, touching the Reformation, 
The Reformation, or Innovation of Magistrates.  or Innovation of Counsel and Session, intended by His Majesty; It is certain, that Princes both may and aught to reform, and if they please, innovate where there is need; there being no means in this corruptible World, to keep things in due temper, but after long progress of Time, and growing of Abuses; to reduce them to their first Institution. Plato holdeth, that an the length, GOD shall reform the Work of the whole World, and reduce it to the first Purity; and that otherwise it is not able to endure and stand, I know not how that acordeth with Saint john Apoc. who sayeth, That we shall see new Heavens, 
〈…〉.  and a new Earth. And a great Politic said, That if some late reformed Franciscan Friars, and the late Order of the austere Caputchines, bade not risen to maintain some credit to the Pope's Church, that it had been before now disgustful even to all the World, by reason of his obstinate denial, to reform his Church, against the nature of things. But to the Purpose● There is indeed no small importance in the Auncietie of Senators, long experienced in the Mysteries of a State, and with the Humours and Conditions of a People● and these are only they, who can be called Old Counsellors: And divers of the wisest Emperors, said it was more dangerous to have an old King, and a young Counsel, nor a young King, and an old Counsel. 
Senators are to be of good Age, & Experience.  Where of we see the good experience in the Spanish Government, where the death of a King doth no more interrupt the Course and prosperity of that Empire, than it were of any private person. The very Name itself of a Senator, doth signify Agedness, as a Senectute. The greeks called the Senate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; to show, that both greeks and Latins did choose aged Men to their Counsellors: yea, suppose they could have found numbers of young Men, Wyse, Grave, and of good Experience, yet they would not have them to be Senators, because that were (said they) to turn their Senate into a juvenat. Solon and Lycurgus, did prohibit by a Law, the coming of any upon the Senate, within the age of 40, although they were never so sufficient. But to leave them, the Scripture telleth us, (which is a Warrant infallibl●) that in the settling of the jewish Governament, GOD commanded to choose 70, not of the best, nor the most learned, nor of greatest experience; but sayeth the text, Of the most Aged, 
Num●. 11.  to whom He gave the Spirit of Wisdom, in abundance.  
Yet whilst it is so, 
Inconvenients that follow the perpetuity of Magistrates.  even good Politickes of the latter Time's, and consequently of greater Experience, will hold the Opinion, that it is expedient for the Commonwealth, to change and innovate Magistrates: and for it they do bring this Reason, They tell us, that the end of good Governament is Virtue; and the scope of every prudent Prince, should be to render his Subjects Virtuous: and therefore the Rewards of Virtue, (which are public Offices of the State) ought to be patent to every virtuous Mind, and the Hopes of them set before it, as the Mark where-at it must aim: which cannot be, if Offices of State be lyfe-rentallie established in the Persons of a Few, who whilst they, and only they, do enjoy the public Honours, and Emoluments, it doth beget an Heartburning, and Envy, into other good Spirits, who find themselves neglected; and so doth breed, and nowrish the Seeds of Civil Sedition. Farther, (say they) it doth procure to those who possess● chief Offices in perpetuity, too much Grandour and Authority: it draweth away after it, the Eyes and Dependence of the People; and, as it were, stealeth a little of that Splendour, that is due to the Royal Majesty: and being in the Persons of great Subjects, prepareth the Way to Popularity, and Ambition. Again, 
Inconvenientes by the Innovation of Magistrates, and Counsellors.  they who reason against the frequent change of Magistrates, they use that Argument, which the witty Tiberius used, when his Friends told him, that he did continue Men in great Offices too long, against the Custom of that State: he said, it was better for People, to endure those, who were al-readie satiate, and full of their Blood, (meaning their Goods) then under-ly the Hunger, and Avarice of a new Entrant: Nec enim parcit populis regnum breve. Withal (they say) that the changeable Magistrate hath no courage, nor Boldness, to administer justice; but feareth the displeasure of Men, being shortly himself to descend to a private Condition, perhaps inferior to many, over whom he is judge for the time: So that betwixt these two Extremities, one would think the Midway very fitting to be followed by prudent Princes, where they may neither be perpetual, nor much frequently changed; where they be only to the pleasure of the Prince, and withal made Syndicable, and Censurable. For certainly, 
Utility of the Censor amongst the Romans.  (as all Men know, who understand Policy & Histories) there was never a Magistracy invented by Men, that did add more to the Virtue, Increase, and Stability of a State, than that of the Censor amongst the Romans; when once a Year, the Consuls, the Senators the Generals, the Knights, the Captains, the Tribunes, the Praetors, the Questors, & all who had the meanest Intromission with the State, did compeare, & tremble, in presence of a Censor; fearing Disgrace, or Deposition from their Offices, or Dignities. The spaniards keep in their Provinces of Italy, 
The Spanish Syndicator, in place of the Censor.  an Image of this sort of Magistrate, called by them, Syndicator: and so they do in the State of Genua. Of this they have some shadow in England, albeit not in the person of one Man, by those who are called Their Court of Conscience. And of this it seemeth that our Sovereign King hath now erected an Image amongst us, (if I be not misse-taken) in establishing The judicatory of Grievances.  
Of the which judicatory (because Men do dispute diversely, as of a thing new, 
Nature of the Comiss. for Grievances.  and unknown amongst us) I will shortly consider two Circumstances, which I trust shall serve somewhat for our Information, touching the Importance thereof: First, the Use and End of it: secondly, the Warrant and Authority where-by it may be established. For the first, The Scope thereof is not only Politic and Virtuous, but of most Necessary and Profitable Use, for the Commonwealth: that is, To purge the Land from devowring Cormorants, and those who suck the Blood of the People: to wit, Corruption of judges, and Officers of State, if any be, Extorsion of Seale-Keepers, and Writers to Seals, exorbitant Usurers, Transporters of Coin, Detractors and Traducers of His Majesty's Counsels, and Actions: all which (being the Ground and Source of Public Poverty, and Pillage) are particularly ordained to under-ly this judicatory. And if therewith the Commission had been also granted, expressly against Transporters of Oxen, Cows, and Sheep, whereby our Country is incredibly damnified; and also against all Prodigal and Profligate Persons, who by Riot of Lascivious and Distemperate Life, do destroy their Patrimony, and therewith their Wyues and Children, that such might be punished, according to the Custom amongst the ancient Greeks and Romans: then, I say, these being committed to the Censures of entire and intelligent Men, there is no Policy that could more really yield many Popular Comforts. There is indeed a General Clause in this Commission, where-by His Majesty taketh Power to Himself, to refer thereunto whatsoever shall please Him: against the which we seem to take this Exception, to say, that this may import a Controlling & Reduction of the Decreets of our Session, (if His Majesty would so:) a Practice thought too too extravagant, and extraordinary: and yet this may be rather Mistaking, than True judgement of those who think so; which I do demonstrate in this manner.  
We say, there hath not been, neither aught there to be, any Appellation against the Supreme judicatory of our Session, unless it were ordained by a Parliament; this is our Exception: but leaving the Hypothesis touching our Session, I will take me in general against the Thesis itself, to say thus far, That it is not only against Christian Practice and Profession, but against Humanity, to hold, That there should be no Sovereign Power above all ordinary judges, to soften and mitigate the Rigour of Laws, Quia summum jus summa injuria: the Rigour of the Law, is a Rigorous Oppression: for Example, A poor Man is found Year and Day at the King's Horn, beside his knowledge, & perhaps for a naughty matter, of five or six Shillings Striveling, where-by his Lyfe-Rent of such things as he hath, falleth into the Hands of the Lord his Superior, who presently getteth before our Session, a Declarator there-upon in his Favours. These judges cannot help this disstressed Party, because there is a Law standing against him, and they are sworn to the King, who did place them, to administrate justice, according to the Law. So many such, yea, and more pitiful Cases, do daily occur before Ordinary judges, wherein Conscience and justice stand in contrary Terms, that I need no more to exemplify it. The judges must give way to justice, and have no power to mitigate: yet no Man will deny, that this kind of justice; is a grievous Oppression. Here we see a manifest Necessity of Appellation, to some Sovereign Power, who may dispense with Legal Rigour, in Favours of weak and distressed Parties. None can dispense with a Law, but a Lawgiver: No Subject is a Lawgiver; Ergo, No Subject may dispense with a jot of the Law, except he have Commission from Him who gave the Law.  
The power to moderate Legal Extremity, or to absolve from Laws, hath ever been properly annexed to that Sovereign Majesty that gave the Law, 
A latter appellat. due to sovereignty.  in any State, whether that sovereignty was Popular or Princely. Before the Ejection of King Tarquinus, by the Romans, it was annexed to the Royalty, as their Histories do clearly show. After the Expulsion of their Kings, that Sovereign Majesty of giving Laws, was transferred to the People, as we may perceive by the words used by the Senate, when they did present any Law to the People, Quod bonum faustum felixque sit vobis & Reipub. velitis, jubeatis: that is, Ye will be pleased, to authorise this Law, which the Gods may grant may be for the happiness of yourselves, and of the Commonwealth. And therefore unto the People also (as then the only Lawgivers) was transferred the Power, to dispense and absolve from Laws: and to that effect, a latter Appellation was ordained to be, from the Senate itself, unto the People, by the Law VALERIA; which is said by Livius, to be the Fundament, & Main Strength of the Popular sovereignty. The Practice here-of, we read in the Case of Sergius Galba, the Orator, who being convinced of Lese-Majestie, by Cato the Censor, did appeal unto the People, & had his Absolution from them. Again, when this Popular State of Rome was reduced in a Principa●tie, by Caesar the Dictator, the Mitigation of Laws, or Absolution therefrom, did return, and rest into the person of the Prince: as we read of Cicero, pleading for Pardon to Ligarius, at the Hands of Caesar: When I plead, saith he, before other judges, I speak not of Pardon to my Client, but stand to my Defences, That the Accusator is calumnious, the Crime forged by Envy, the Witnesses infamous: but beer, sayeth he, I erave Grace, Quia poena Legi Gratia Principi debetur. Again, we read in Contareno, upon the Venetian Governament, that the first Law that was made, for the establishment of that Republic, was, for a last Appellation, from all judge's Ordinaries unto their Great Counsel, into the which the Sovereign Majesty was placed, that State being Aristocraticke: so that this Power, to absolve, or dispense from Laws, by a last Appellation, hath ever been incorporate in the sovereignty geave Laws, as naturally belonging there-so, and inseparable from the same.  
Thus there being a Necessity, which no man can deny, of Appellation from Legal Rigour, to some Sovereign Power, who may mitigate the same; and that being proper to the Supreme Majesty of the State, (as I have showed) those have led me upon the second Circumstance, touching the Commission of Grievances; that is, to speak of the Authority, where-by it may be established, and whether or not His Majesty may do so much by His Prerogative Royal, without the Approbation of a Parliament added thereunto. And that I should not seem to corrupt the Verity of so Sovereign a Point, with Flattery of the Prince, or for fear of Subjects, for the first, I will confess, that I am not of the Opinion of Melancton, who held, that those hard and imperious Practices of Kings, objected by Samuel to the Israelites, when they did demand a King to rule over them, were the true and natural Privileges of the Sovereign Majesty: But I do think, that they were rather permitted Acts of GOD His judgement, against a wicked and rebellious People: for otherways Samuel being then their Supreme Prince, himself would not have justified the uprightness of his Governament, by saying, Whose Ox, or whose Ass have I taken? If it had been lawful for him to take them; as he doth there pronounce, that the following Kings should take them: Besides that, the Text of Samuel, in that place, doth not say, that a King shall have right. To take their Sons, Daughters, and Fields, and to employ them to his use and service: But only, that it shall be the manner and fashion of doing of their Kings. Neither doth the Hebrew word Mishpat, in that same place signify a Right to do, but a Custom and Fashion of doing: and therefore the greater part of the Learned hold it true, which some Hebrews have written of Samuel, that the Book composed by him, a part of the Privileges and Prerogatives of the sovereignty (mentioned in his Text of the Scripture) was suppressed, and destroyed by the succeeding Kings, for their greater Liberty, to exercise the Arts of Tyranny.  
But whilst it is so, yet we are to understand, that there is nothing more sacred, next unto GOD, in this World, than Sovereign Kings: they are the LORD His Anointed, they carry His Image, they hold the Charter of their Authority, immediately of Him, they are like unto the highest Spheres, receiving the first Influence and Emanation from GOD; they are His Lievetenents, to command over all Men, holding themselves only of Him: so respected of GOD, that we are commanded by the Spirit of GOD, to obey Kings generally, without restriction, whether they be Good, or Bad, because they are of GOD: if they be good, He hath ordained them, for the quietness, and Prosperity of good People: if they be Bad, He hath ordained them, for the punishment of Wicked, and rebellious People: so far, that in my judgement, we can find no lawful Warrant, for Subjects to dethrone the Bad, more than the Best: in which Respects, it is most necessary, that we should rightly know the Qualities of their Persons, and Dignity of their high Calling; to the end, that we may understand what kind of Obedience is due unto them. It is not idle, nor without great Reason said, that Sovereign Kings are like unto GOD. There are in GOD many things communicable to His Creatures, His justice, Mercy, Verity, Love, Wisdom, Providence, of all which His Creatures do in some degree participate. Again, there are in GOD things mierlie incommunicable to Creatures, and which can never be spoken of them, but privativelie, as His Omnipotency, infinity, Eternity, and these are the proper Marks of the DEITY that can never fall in any Creature whatsoever. Even so, there be in Kings (who represent GOD on Earth) divers and many things communicable to) Subjects, besides Honour and Richeses, which from Princes do reflect and shine upon Subjects. A Subject may resemble his Prince in some Proprieties, both of Body & Mind; but withal (in that also like unto GOD) they have some inseparable Marks of sovereignty, which cannot be communicated to Subjects, without the overthrow or Laesion at least of their Majesty. As for the first, to be Lawgivers, the Disputes and Decreets of their Counsels, Sonates, and Parliaments, are but a dead Letter, unto the time that the Royal Word, SCEPTRE, Sign, or Seal, do give Life and Authority thereunto: Senatus decrevi●, Rex jussit. If this Point, to give Laws, were communicable unto Subjects, than Subjects also might dispense with Laws, & so participate of the sovereignty. Another inseparable Mark of Sovereign Majesty, is to decreet of Peace and War: Counsels and Parliamentes may agitate, the Prince only may resolve. I grant indeed, that in Christian Kingdoms, which hold more of Aristocracy, than of Monarchy, the things of Peace and War do much depend upon the Voice of the Nobles, but the Seal of Authority is only from the King. A third Mark inseparable of sovereignty, is the Institution, or Deposition of chief Magistrates, which by the foresaid Law Valeria, was annexed to the Popular State, as due to the Sovereign Majesty then Popular. And certainly herein lieth not only a conspicuous Mark of sovereignty, but also a Main Point of the Fortitude and Strength of the same. A fourth Mark of Sovereign Majesty, and which is of itself most Sovereign, & incommunicable, is this latter Appellation of Subjects to their Sovereigns, in the Cases of Legal Rigour, from whatsoever judge: without the which, the light of Reason doth show to any Man, that there can be no true sovereignty: like as we see, that the Consent of the World, the Practice of all Ages, & these of our own Nation, do give to Kings the Royal Privilege of granting Grace and Remission, from Laws, even where the LAW of GOD doth ordain Punishment by Death. And the most temperate Christian Kings, do assume and exercise this Privilege, to pardon Persons Criminal for Slaughter, at their own pleasure. It being so, how much more ought the Royal sovereignty to have this latter Appellation annexed unto it, from all judges, and Causes Civil, where Legal Decreets are found to be hard and tyrannous? Or if a King cannot bestow this Grace upon a distressed Subject, to repledge him from the tyranny of Law, how can he be said to carry in His Person, a Soveraegne Power?  
This Privilege, of a last Appellation, in difficult Cases, is not only proper to sovereignty, but likewise a thing ever sought and challenged by Subjects, as due unto them to be granted by their Kings. Nero and Caligula, Princes given to private Laesciviousnesse, they did (for their own Ease, and Freedom from Affairs) ordain, that no Appellation should be from the Senate unto them: but yet the Romans would never quite that Benefit of a latter Refuge to their Emperors. And if we shall try things well, we should find, that the present Practice of almost all Christian Princes, hath put Commissioners, or Lievetennants in their Place, to exercise that Point of the Sovereign Majesty, for receiving of latter Appellations, in Causes Compassionable: as the four Courts of Spain, to which, as to the Royal sovereignty, there are Appeals from all judges. Their Syndicators in their Provinces abroad, are instituted to the same end, and that so profitably, that there is not in any Christian State, a surer Means for maintenance of Peace & justice amongst People. The Chamber Imperial in Germany, where-unto there are drylie Appellatious from all the Cities, Dutc●ies, Counties, Baronies, within the whole Empire. In England they have their Court of Conscience, for the same use and end. So that I do think, for this Commission for Grievances, here presenting the King His own person, to receive these latter Appellations due to the sovereignty, albeit it seem to be a new judicatory of late Invention, yet it is not so, because it was ever incorporate, and inseparably included in the Sovereign Majesty. I trust we will all think, that nothing is more agreeable with Piety, & Good Conscience, than the allowing of such Appellations from Legal Rigour and Extremity: neither any thing more becoming the sovereignty that GOD hath placed in Christian Kings, than to receive and hear them; since judge's Ordinary may not do it in the nature of their Office, being sworn to administrate justice in Legal terms, & wanting power to dispense with Laws: unless that His Majesty would grant to the Lords of our Session, the same Commission and Power; appointing some of them for Law, and others for Conscience, and so consolidate both the Offices in one. Always, if the King ought or may hear the Grievances of His Subjects, as due unto His sovereignty: and if he may do so much in His own person, than there is no doubt, but He may do it by Commissioners; and must do so, because of Remoteness of Pla●e for our Ease, and because of multitude of Affairs for His own Ease.  
I think it not amiss, here to declare, how our Historiographer, Buchanan, treating of the Original Election of our College of justice under King james the fifth, he did esteem it a mere Tyranny, if no Appellation should be therefrom; Quando Collegiam judicum (sayeth he, in his fourteenth Book) Edinburgi constitutum fuisset, tamen qui sperabatur eventus non est consecutus, nam cum in Scotianullae pene sint leges praeter conventuum decreta, eaque, pleraque non in perpetuum, sed in tempus facta, judices●que quod in se est lationem legum impediant, omnium civium bona quindecem hominum arbitrio sunt commissa quibus & perpetua est potestas, & imperium plane tyrannicum: that is to say, When the College of justice was planted and authorized at Edinburgh, there did not follow there-on the good Events which were expected; for there being no other Laws in Scotland, almost, but Acts of Parliament, and judges, given, so far as lieth in them, to hinder the promulgation of Laws; the Lands & Goods of all the Subjects were committed to the arbitrament of fifteen Men, to whom was granted a perpetual power and Authority, plainly tyrannous.  
Now to proceed touching Ordinary Magistrates: As Laws are not perpetual, so are not Magistrates everywhere, nor at all times; neither is it absolutely expedient, or necessary, to be so: albeit we must all confess, that it is not without great & public detriment, that old and faithful Magistrates should be often changed, yet the Current of States is so fluxable, & subject to so many casual Changes, that very good Princes have changed very good Magistrates, for very good Causes. Marc. Aurol, going abroad, through his Provinces, to view and consider the Administration and Order of justice, he did displace, & hang even of the best and special Magistrates, because that he would suffer no Man to bear Office in the Country where he dwelled, namely, a Great Man: as if His Majesty should not permit a Nobleman, inhabiting the North of Scotland, to be heritable Shyreffe, or Lieutenant there, and respected there by that Means, as a Prince. Which kind of doing, as I understand, is observed thorough all Spain, where every judge Ordinary, is a Stranger there where he judgeth. And ofttimes, 
Two of one Family, not to be of one Session, of judges, approved in France.  as we may read into their Histories, it hath been acted by the Parliaments of France, that two of one Family should not be of one Session; and most sufficient Magistrates, to have been removed for that Respect: and brief, there is no Question, but Princes not only may change their Magistrates, but do often find it very good Policy to do so, being always oblished to place into their Rooms, Men truly sufficient for Knowledge and Sincerity. Plutarch, a rare Man, both for Moral and Stately Wisdom, said against those who would establish perpetual Magistrates, Videmini aut non multi facere Magistratum, aut non multos Magistratu dignos habere.  
But I come to speak (which appearinglie is not yet in Head) of another Point of Reformation, into our Seat of justice, than the which there is nothing that would breed greater Solace to the whole Body of this Kingdom: 
●efo●mation of the Bar, & Advo●ats, Low necessary.  and would to GOD His Majesty should take it to Heart, and be truly informed of the Importance thereof. And this is of the great numbers of Advocates, who for their Commodity Particular, do breed the longsomeness of Processes, that spoileth so many good People, and which many good and great Kings have endeavoured to correct. By this Abuse, the Seat of justice is turned to be a Sink, that draweth into it the greatest part of the Richeses of the Land: and this, above all things, doth make so many unable to serve their Prince and Country. These are the Men (whom Cuiacius who knew them well) did call, Foecem & vomitorium juris, forensia pecora, vulturesque togates, the Dreg and Extrement of Laws, Confounders of Laws, Men who spew out their Brains, in subtle Inventions, to mask Laws, and make them of endless Dispute: which is the reason, why so many of them, do possess the Palaces and Castles of their Clients. This is an Abuse, that the greatest of States have been by times forced to resent, and go about to reform it. 
Imposts m●●ent●e laid upon Processes.  The Ancients, who were so contrarious to have any new sort of Imposts upon their People, they did (for repressing of the noisome multitude of Advocates, & the wrackful iniquity of linger Processes) invent an Impost upon every Process of Law, even to the tenth part of the whole that Parties did plead for, as we read in Festus Pompeius, and Varro, in his Books De Lingua Latina. Divers of the French Kings, namely, Lewis, called Le Saint, 
〈◊〉 Saint, Enemy to Mercenary Advotation.  who went into Africa, against the Saracens, he did almost utterly extinguish this Trade of Advocation, and did appoint as well Disputers as Hearers, and judges of Processes, who were not Mercenary: And he himself gave ordinary Audience to Causes, in Palaces, and Gardens, at certain affixed Hours to that use: so did he hate the Cavalli● (as he did contemptuously call them) of Advocates. It was for many Ages in France, acted and observed, (for stopping of this Stream of Iniquity, and Spoil that cometh under Pretext and Name of Law) that who did lose the Process, should pay the whole Charges and Expenses made by the Party Gainer, during the Pley. This indeed seemeth to be hard and rigorous, and yet (say these who stand for it) that being compared with the other Extreme, (that is to say, with this Insolence and Liberty of Advocates, to make Laws and Processes to be endless) it is the most easy and tolerable of the two, and ten times more tolerable: for why? it should but restrain this foolish Frequency of the Laws, and constrain Parties to more Friendly Appointments of their Controversies at Home. For Example, if His Majesty should make a Law by advice of His Parliament, that all Processes under the avail of 10000 Marks, should be referred to so many Noblemen, or Barons, with so many Churchmen, dwelling nearest unto the Parties, and that none should be heard to speak, but the Party himself, or his best informed Friends, it were a great Reformation of this evil of Laws. And who doubteth, but the Body of the People would gladly embrace it; for is there any thing more ordinary now, than to see Men in the suit of a thousand Pounds, spend as much perhaps, before he can have it? Again, we read of another Practice assayed in France, for avoiding of this Inconvenient: they had a kind of Impost on their Subjects, called Capitation (Census) where-by every Man paid so much, as for having liberty of a natural Subject: this they did abrogate, as an Ignominious Exaction, and in place thereof, did erect an Impost upon Lawyers, Writers, and Superfluous Prodigality's, as Parthian Furs, Perfumes, Fairding, Cloth of Gold, Indigo, and such as these, thinking that the most honourable and innocent Impost, that could be laid upon a People.  
We read again, 
Emanuel●, King of Portugal, Enemy to Mercenary Advocation.  into the life of that famous Emanuel of Portugal, of whom I spoke before, that he was wonderfully given to this kind of Reformation, of the Evils and Abuses of Advocation. He sent yearly Visiters to all the Seats of justice, with power, to punish, some with remove all from their Places, some with Mults of their Goods, yea, and with Death, if the weightiness of the matter of their Transgressions did merit so much. He went about himself, to give Personal Audiences. We read again, that in Rome, under Pope Gregory the tenth, and john the twenty one, and Nicolaus the third, it was intended, and urged by those Popes, to eradicate and cast out, that multitude of Advocates and Notars, who as a noisome Vermin, did gnaw the Bowels of their People: but by reason of the brevity of their lyues, (which as every one knoweth doth intercept many good intended Policies, 
In what Christi●n Countries, no Advocation.  there) it took no Effect. Again, in Switzerland, Almanie, and other Northern Regions, all Processes are discerned by deduction of Causes, only by the Parties themselves, without any Advocate at all. 
In Venice Advocates have two Audiences, and no more.  In Venice their Supreme Seat of Civil justice, called Quarantia, consisting of 40, of the Nobility of Venice, they do send out, at ordinary times of the Year, a sort of Syndicators, who go to all the justice Seats throughout their Territories, to censure their Proceedings: and where they find them to have exceeded the short Diet of Time appointed for deciding of Causes, they do remove them: and where they find matter worthy of Appellation, they bring it before the Quarartia, where the Advocates get two several Audiences, every of them to an Hourglass, and there is all. Whereas here, our Advocates must have, not Hours, nor Days, nor Months, nor Years, but whole Ages, if they please: neither is there any possibility of correcting this, but by a Sovereign and Absolute Misericord of His Majesty: absolute, I say, even to take upon himselfe● by his Regal Authority, to break down that devowring Monster, which they call the Order of their House; consisting of so many Steps, and Degrees of Process, that it were better for a Mean Man, to go through the Fire of Purgatory, than through these. If His Majesty would weed forth the most subtle Advocates, and make them judges, banish the most ignorant, and employ to the Office of Advocation, those of mid-ranke; assigning unto them so many Days of Pleading, without more. As for Multiplication of judges, it is rather profitable than perilous, Quia multum aquae difficilius, quam tantillum corrumpitur: Et melius omnibus, quam singulis creditur: Et nemo omnes neminem unquam omnes fefellerunt. certainly, 
Multitude of judges, profitable.  without some Reformation of the Bar, the Reformation of our Session, for the use of the Subjects, will be without much perceivable good. If Reformation of things should be by reducing of them to their first Institution, doubtless the Foundation of our Session hath been free from these multitudes of Advocates; and as yet many People do live virtuously, and happily, where there be none permitted at all. It were a notable Reformation, if what Subjects in Scotland do employ this way, to the mutual overthrow one of another, it were saved, and exacted for the service of the Commonwealth.  
Always, 
Heritable Magistrates.  to proceed for Reformation: We read in the French Histories, that Lewis the eleventh finding many Bayliries & Shyreffships heritable, annexed to the Houses and Successions of Great Men, he did revoke, 
Bod. in Repub.  and annul them; making them not only changeable, but Syndicable. Of such we have great numbers in Scotland, with very great necessity also of Reformation at least, as is well known, there being nothing more alien, and averse from justice, than the very Name & Nature of an Heritable Magistrate: nor any thing more absurd in Policy, than the Administration of justice to be perpetuate, and tied to one House, or Clan, wherein Women, Children, or Fools, may come, by time, to succeed; all which three are uncapable of that kind of Charge. And if the best of them, who have the Right Heritable of a Magistrate, do put in the Place some of their ignorant Kinsmen, to exercise the same, who can do nought, but practise Tricks of lewd & base Oppression, these must be comported by the Body of the common People, and often times by the better sort: & why? because my Lord is Heritable Shyreffe, & the King cannot remove him. Is not this to suffer some Subjects, to play the Prince over their Neighbours? Or can any thing be more derogative to the Royal sovereignty? For why? it taketh away one of the proper Marks-there-of, which is inseparably annexed unto it: that is, of placing chief Magistrates; a thing only due to the Prince. Statesmen and Counsellors, may nominate, but the free Election belongeth to the King. And in times, when Factions are pregnant, Princes are even to be jealous of the trustiness of Primè Statesmen in that Point: For Ambition is often times more curious to fortify itself, than the Commonwealth. Always, if Heritable Offices have been anciently granted, for great and special Services done to the King, or Commonwealth, by particular Men, from whom such Rights have descended to their Posterity; then Conscience, Aequ●tie, and Royal Magnanimity, do require that such Persons be condignly satisfied for their Dimissions, according as His Majesty hath already condescended. As on the other part, if such a Subject should be difficile, or intractable with his Prince, in a Point of that Quality, it should be thought contrary to the modesty of Mind and Carriage, which in duty he ought to his King, and should argue in him, too much Love of sovereignty.  
The like may certainly be said of the la●e Lords of Church-Lands: 
Erected Church Lands.  no, we rather call them Petite Princes, so much Power do they arrogate to themselves, over those who be within their Lordship, pressing to exercise the same Bastard Domination over their Tennantes', by the tyranny of their Heritable Courts, which anciently the Pope, and his Abbots, did practise, who did mierlie appropriate to themselves, the Vassalage & Homage of so many of the King's Subjects, as were within the Purpryze of their Lands: They did so before, and now the New-Erected-Lord doth the same, and much worse: Nec Dominium vitavimus, sed Dominum: We have changed the Dominator, but are not fred from that Bastard Dominion. The old Abbot, and his Convent, anciently following the Monastic Life, exempted from public Offices, or travelling to Court or Session, or any elsewhere abroad they were content with the Payment of their rental in easiest manner, and often times with less, & did bestow great part thereof in Hospitality to the Payers: and albeit their poor Tenants were oblished to them, for Service of Harriage and Carriage, yet they did impeach them no more, but once a Year to lead in to their Clost●r, upon the Cl●strall Charges, some Flesh's, Fishes, & Fuel: this was all. But now, with the change of the Lord, the Tenant hath changed the Happiness of his poor Condition. For why? to speak sincerely, the tyranny of the Papal Abbots was exercised most in that Case, against their King, by spoiling from Him the Vassalage of His natural Subjects: otherwise, they were most bountiful, and indulgent to their poor Tennantes', who now by this Change, are brought to as pitiful Slavery, as the Israelites were under Pharaoh. Their Lord, he is not a Churchman, nor of the Clostrall Profession: he hath continual ado with Court and Session: he hath daily occasion of sending Carriages, & bringing from abroad: the basest of his Servants must not go a foot, he must be carried, if it were upon the Neck of his poor Tenant: he must labour his Lord's Vine-yards, and make his Brick, with much Hunger in his Belly the mean while. The King cannot help him, because his Lord hath the Authority of an Heritable Court, & is absolute over him: he will not lead his Tithes, but still he must have more than the worth in Bolles: & when it is so, greater Pryces than be ordinary: if he have to send thorough the Country his Cooks, the poor Man must bring his Horse from the Harrows, albeit the Season were never so fair: and a number of like things, which if they be not presently done, he taketh Decreets to himself, in his own Courts, (which no Christian King doth) and sendeth his Officers, to poinded the poor Creature; with such Rigour, that if there were no more in his House, but the Pot, wherein his silly Portion of Meat is preparing, it must be taken from him: that very sure it is, that Christian People be not so oppressed under the Turk. I wish that His Majesty would deliver His Subjects, from the Yoke of their grievous Servitude, and Oppression, and extinguish the Tyranny of Heritable Courts: to the end, that Gentlemen, and others, have but one Master to look unto, and one Sun, to draw their light from: and this is most necessary to be, although His Majesty should suffer them to brook the Lands.  
For whether the Domain of the Crown (wherefrom those Lands were given) be alienable, 
If the Patrimony of the Crown be alienable.  or whether being devoted to the Church, they may return to the Regal Patrimony, albeit I will not take on me to define, yet according to my knowledge, I shall deliver mine Opinion, with Reverence, and Correction. That the Domain of Republics is not alienable, it is certain, and hath been so maintained, by the chiefest of them, to wit, Athens and Rome, where two Pryme-men, Themistocles, and Cato the Censor, did take back, as we read in Plutarch, brevi manu, whatsoever had been alienate of the Public Domain, 
Domaine of republics not alienable.  although many years before, holding that the Prescription of an hundreth years: which doth qualify and assure all Possessions, cannot take away the Public Patrimony, (because there is no Prescription, said they, of Men against GOD, nor of Particulars against the Commonwealth) but whether the Royal sovereignty going above them in many absolute Points, doth also go above their in that kind of Privilege, one would think it somewhat incertain, because of th● divers Practices of Princes in that behalf, according to their Humours, to the Condition of the Time, and to the weightiness of Services done by those, to whom they have been bountiful. Some Princes have esteemed the Domain Public so sacred, and inviolable, that we read of that Roman Emperor, Pertinax, how he caused to be defaced, and put away his Name and Image, that was engraven upon the public Palaces, saying, that the Houses belonging to the Commonwealth, ought not to bear any Marks of Impropriation to him. And of Antonini, called the Pious, that he did not for the same respect, dwell but upon his peculiar Heritage's, and spend the Rents belonging to him, 
How Christian Princes do accept their Crowns.  otherwise, than by the public. But the case is so far altered, that at this Time, and in these latter Days, Princes more by an Inspiration of private Favour, or for to exercise the Liberty and use of their Royal Prerogatives, than for any known worth, or Merit of Men, have even made them great, as it were, in imitation of the goodness of GOD, who made Man of nothing: Omne bonum sui diffusivum: It is the nature of Goodness, to diffuse and communicate itself, even as GOD doth, otherwise it cannot be called Goodness. The glory of the Ocean, is more for the bountiful spreading of his Branches upon the Face of the Earth, than for his Greatness. The stateliest Tree, maketh the most stately umbrage: Noblemen are the Shadows of Kings: as it is glorious for the Son, to be accompanied and followed with so many bright Stars, and Planets, whose Bodies do receive the Beams of his Light, and therewith do beautify the Heaven about him; so are waiting Noblemen to Kings, as Diamonds and Rubies planted about their Throne, to receive and reflect the Splendour of the Royal Majesty.  
And yet whiles it is so, we see that Christian Kings, at the Acceptation of their Crowns, 
Prince's like unto GOD, do create Men of nothing.  do give their Oaths, for Defence of Religion, of justice, and the Commonwealth, and Preservation of that Public Dowayne, which the Commonwealth doth present unto Her Prince, as a Dote, or Tocher-Good, to be saved for Her maintenance; and where-of he hath the only Vsu-Fruit, and cannot alienate it, but with her own Consent, and for some Extraordinary service done to her, or to the Prince, who is her Head: Extraordinary, I say, because Services Ordinary in the State, have annexed unto them, their Ordinary Fees, and Pensions. Extraordinary I call some Act of singular Valour for the Country, against a Common Enemy; or some Hazard under-gone, for safety of the Prince his Life. Although the Patrimony of the Crown be sacred, yet such Services are to be esteemed more sacred: and Donations, or Rewards for these, are to stand inviolable: for here are the Odds betwixt a Republic, and State Royal, That the 〈◊〉 hath no Head Particular, who should challenge the Privilege of such Bountifulness, or for whose sake it should be granted: for seldom●● doth the Death of any one Man whatsoever breed any Commotion, Cross, or Alteration to a Republic, Quia non moritur Respublica: whereas by the contrary, the Death of a good Prince, and often times of an evil, doth shake the very Foundations of a Kingdom: which made Caesar to say, Non tam 〈◊〉 interest quam Reipub. quam diutissime vivam. This maketh their lives to be so precious and Sacro-sanct, they being the very Heart, and Head of the Body of the Commonwealth. So that to hold absolutely, that no kind of Services are remunerable, with any thing belonging to the Crown, it is not only to cast loose the Estates of the Nobility, and Gentry, (whose Houses every where through Christendom, have been made up, and erected by the Bounty of Kings for nominate and famous Services done to them, or to their Countries) but it were also to peril the Personal Security of Prince's them-selues; when Men should see that a King could give naught to one, who should hazard or lose his Life for his Safety, but that which his Successor may recall, it is to ●urbe the Royal sovereignty too far. And albeit the Extens of majesty late Rev●cation, did seem so fearful to us at the first, as if it had comprehended so much; yet we are still to remember, under what a gracious and just Prince we do live, and to take it rather for a Warning & Awaking of our Gratitude in his first Entry: and therefore I must here crave Pardon of all, to call to mind, how often since I have heard from Wyse and Sincere Men, that a little more of Readiness to do him Service in the last Convention of our Estates, had been sufficient to disperse the chiefest Clouds of that Tempest.  
I do acknowledge, that it is not licentiate to me, nor tolerable in any Private Subject, to censure the Reverend and long approved Magistrates of this Kingdom, neither will I presume to do so, 
The last Convention of the 〈◊〉 of Scotland.  but only to expostulate, and regrate, with many Good Men, the infortunate Proceedour of that Counsel, whereby neither Prince nor People did receive Contentment. Whether we should lay it upon Mistake possible to have been amongst the Lords of those Commissions; or, upon the jealousies and Competences ordinary to be betwixt New and Old Statesmen, at the Entry of a King; Or, upon the Baseness of some Countrey-Commissioners, whose Avaryce would not suffer them to resent the Common Danger of this Isle, as appertained; Or, upon a Popular Disgust, & General Fear, conceived for Religion, by reason of some Noblemen of contrary Mind, employed from the Court about that Business; Or, lastlie, whether upon the Backwardness of this Time, so disposed as it is, to breed Distraction, and Disturbance of the State. Whatsoever was the Cause moving, certainly the Debacts of that Convention were, as appeareth, Principia malorum, speaking of Effects: For was it then a right Time, to answer majesty's Demands thus, That a Convention could not go higher in taxing the Country, than a Parliament had done before? At the last Parliament, King JAMES had a Necessity to send Ambassadors abroad, to negotiate Peace: which I confess, was a Grave and Great Cause for Subsidies: but at this Convention, Peace was given up, Wars begun, and it stood upon the Loss of Germany, and Invasion of Great Britain: whereupon might have ensued hastily greater Damnage, than of many Taxations. Or, was it then Time, to refuse the maintenance, during Wars, of 2000 Men, to keep the Seas free, and open for our Traffic? When we shall reckon our Losses sustained since by Sea-Traders, & by so many Mariners wanting Employment at Home, and by losing so fair a Commodity, as was this last Year, for transporting our Corne● to profitable Markets, in Neighbour Countries, than we shall decern the Error of that Convention. We will say, we have not been accustomed to bear so great Charges: a weak Argument. Since it hath pleased GOD, to change the Custom of our Fortune, will we contemn His Visitations, and as senseless Men, be careless of our Country? We will say, that our Country hath suffered many Distresset, by these late bad Years, and by Sea-Misfortunes; and I know it to be so: but must we not for all that defend our Country? And what if we must not only maintain two thousand Men, but also fight ourselves? a thing which we have great reason daily to expect. And I will come to the most pricking Poi●t of all: His majesty's Revocation hath discowraged us. whereunto I answer, by ask, what more hath His Majesty done, than any Earl or Lord in Scotland doth, who after the death of his Father, chargeth his Vassals and Tenants, and presseth them by Laws, that he may know their Holdinges? yea, and sometimes by Manages and Threats, force them to quite their lawful Richeses, although they were their near Kinsmen. Always, what wise Vassal, or Tenant, will not strive to overcome his Lord, with reverend and humble Carriage, and there-by to move him to accept the tenth part perhaps of that which he did demand for Entry? and shall it not be borne with in a great King, that which is ordinarily done by his Subjects? Bis duo dena pet as, his duo sena feres. What if a young Prince have gotten too large Information touching these? or if his Infor●ators be mistaken in their judgement there-anent? shall there not be Patience granted, and time to digest and condescend? And shall not our Behaviours be in the meane-whyle, correspondent to that Loyalty, Love, and Obedience, that Subjects ought unto their natural Prince, and that should procure His Compassion & kindness towards all the Members of this Kingdom? With GOD'S Blessing let us be doing so, and let us expect nothing, but Christian and Upright Dealing, from a King, in whom there is so great Appearance of Good and Just Meaning: and let us have still in our Mouths, that Word, which now (praise to GOD for it) our Noblemen begin liberally to profess, That let him be holden accursed, who will not contribute to his very Shirt, for the safety of His Majesty, and of the Country.  
Always, for the Point of Revocation, who doubteth, but three things may justly fall under the Consideration of young Princes? First, whether this kind of Gracious and Divin● Bounty, exercised by their Predecessors, giving Extraordinary Things, for Ordinary Services, or for Private Affection, have been too Exorbitant. secondly, what may be the Merit, or Worth, so such as have pocked them. Lastlie, what is the Exigence of the Time, and how these things may be wanting unto Princes. But otherwise, we find in all Christian Histories, that Crowne-Lands have been alienated, & given away by Kings, for one of three Causes, which to this Day have remained unquarrelled by their Successors: One is for Reward of those, who have exposed their lives, to manifest Danger, for the Safety of Their Persons: As for Example, The Lands given by His Majesty, our late Sovereign, for Services done against the Traitors of Gourie, or for Practices of Discovery, and Prevention of the Powder Treason at London: another for Valiant and Personal Services, done for Preservation of the Country, against Invasion of Foreign Enemies, or of the State, from Intestine: as we read of our brave King Malcolm the second, who seeing the Magnanimity of the Scottish Gentry, against the fierce and enraged Danes, by five or six Bloody and Desperate Battles, in divers parts of the Country, where he himself did assist in Person: therefore in a Public Parliament, he did divide almost the whole Crown-Lands in Baronies, & dispone them to the Gentry, In publico ordinum convent● (says my Text) cunctas ●pes, agrosque regios, pene omnes meritorum habita rations distribuit, regno in parts quas Baronias vocant divisio. In regard whereof, those Barons, as by Compaction, did at that same time, annex to the Crown, the Wards and Reliefs of their Lands: which together with the other Casualties, and Deuce belonging to the Crown, was esteemed and accepted as a sufficient maintenance then of the Royal Dignity. If either of those two should be revocable, Kings, Countries, and Commonwealths, should not be counted so Sacred, as they ought to be. thirdly, Princes have mortified their Crown Patrimony, to Piety and Devotion; as King David the first of Scotland, for Plantation of fifteen abbeys, & four Bishoprickes, richly Rent: Such are recalled in this latter Age, because of the Nefa●tious & Damnable Abuses, wherewith the Possessors of them were commonly polluted.  
And, O how greatly it were to be wished! That neither King David, 
To be wished, that the Church-lands had ever remained with the Crown.  nor other Christian Kings, had been so prodigal of their Crown Patrimonies, in Favours of Churchmen: for the World knoweth it now, that by so doing, they did turn Religious Priests, into Temporal Princes, and did put into their Hand, that Sword, wherewith to this Day, they not only do cut the Throats of Kings, and their Authority, but have spoilt the Purity and Piety of the Church of GOD: and in Place thereof, have introduced this Pollution, Pride, Avarice, & Superstition, which shall never have an end, so long as they remain so rich as they are: Devotio peperit divitias, & filia devoravit matrem: 
Richeses have spoilt the Piety of the Church.  Devotion (saith Gerson) bred Richeses, and the Daughter devoured the Mother. Next, it were to be wished, that when those Lands of the Church, anciently belonging to the Crown, were again dissolved from the Church, and annexed to the Crown, by our late Sovereign, of blessed Memory, that they had been suffered to remain therewith, for the avoiding of so great Discontentment and Confusion, as is like to grow thereof, if they should now be taken in to the Crown, without Restitution to so many Gentlemen, and others, as have employed the best part of their Means, for buying of those things from the Newlie-Erected-Lords, without any Warrandize at all for their Money. Which, albeit it do greatly perplex the Minds of many good Subjects, yet we are undoubtedly to hope for Reparation, some way of these, since we live under a Christian Prince, who is already honoured of the World, for the Equity of his Mind; and who hath already declared his Just Intentions there-anent.  
There is, beside another Cause, that maketh our Noblemen and Gentry, to think themselves the sibber to the Church-rents: and this is it; Because their Predecessors did also enjoy them in effect, albeit not Titularlie, as well then, as they do now. Their Sons were presented by the Kings, 
The Laici● did spend the Church-rents in, even in time of Pope●●ie.  to the Benefices of the Church. Themselves did often times feed at their Tables, and gather up the Super-plus of the Rent. The Sons of Mean Gentlemen, went to the Monastic Life every where: If they had many Daughters, they did send some of them to the Religious Convents of Women: which was a singular Disburden and Relief, both of Greater and Smaller Houses, (speaking civilly, & in Civil Respects:) And this is yet the chiefest Cause, why the Richeses of the Papal Church, are so tolerable by Princes, and People of that Profession: so that whiles numbers of Men and Women, of all sorts, were nowrished anciently by the Church Revenues in Scotland, it would be thought strange, to bestow them upon so few Churchmen as now be, who, I confess, are worthy of Augmentation. But that they should be made so Rich, or Great, we see what a pestilent Gangrene that hath been already.: And it is sure enough, that the same Causes, will ever produce the same Effects. The World is aye like to itself, and Men are still Men: Et omnia vertuntur in Circulum.  
There is not, of Humane Things, a more Extravagant, and Rare Contemplation, than to consider, how Princes, States, and People of Christendom, 
The stupidity of Princes and People, not observing the Evils following upon the Richeses of the Church.  have been so Blinde-folded, or Hood-winked, that they could not perceive the Fearful Increase of the Church Rents, and Richeses, with the Pernicious Evils, bred, and brought in with them; unto the time, that things were past remedy almost, and that the Church had nearly devoured the State in every part. We read in the Histories, that before the Separation of the Church of Rome, made by LUTHER, trial being taken, and Explorations by Kings, and States, who began to be jealous of the Church Richeses, it was found, that through all the Christian Countries of Europe, the hundreth part of the People, did possess the tenth part of the Revenues of all, at least, above the Fisque of Testaments, of Lands, and Movables, largely legaced to them. We find again, in the French Writers, that the Year 1513, the like Search being curiously made in France, it was proved, that the whole Rents, and Emoluments of that Country, being set to twelve parts, the Ecclesiastical Persons did possess seven thereof: there being found, by this Disquisition, within the Provinces of France, 12 Archbishoprickes, 
The number of the Ecclesiastical Estates in 〈◊〉  104 Bishoprics, ●40 abbeys, 27400 Curies● and danger to have been huge many more Curies, if Pope john the twenty two, had not abolished the Decreet of Pope Nicolaus, who permitted, that all Mendicant Religious, should enjoy the Fruits of Lands left to them by Laicke Persons, the property of the Land being said to belong to the Popes themselves. An impudent Subtlety, to cover the Violation of the Mendicant his oath of Poverty: seeing as the Law sayeth, 
How Princes do remember these Evils.  The Propriety is unprofitable to one, where the Vsu-fruit is perpetual to another. So that Kings and States perceiving, that if this kind of Claudestine Purchase of the Church, and the daily growing of her Richeses, were not interrupted, their People & Territories would by time be stolen away. They begun everywhere almost to intercept it. King Edward the first of England, prohibited by a Law, that any Churchman should conquish Lands, or succeed to Legacies. King Henry the eight, took from the Church. King Charles, the fifth of Spain, made the like Prohibition to the former, in the Low-countrieses, against Church-Conquishes, and Legacies. And at this day, the Venetians (besides the Exterminion of the Jesuits) have done the same; and so have Florence, and other Princes of Itali● done the like: Otherwise, it had come to pass, within few Years, that whole Italy had been as one Closter. But we are not to be jealous of this point here: our Church is plagued with the contrary Extreme.  
Coming now (according to the Order proposed in the beginning of this Treatise) to speak of our Conceived Fears, 
The nature of Tithes.  for the Reformation intended of Tithes: first, it is a Question of Theology, and I am no Doctor there: next, it belongeth but per accidens to this Purpose: lastlie, it is a Subject unplausable to treat of in this Time, by any, who would speak uprightly. But as Saint john sayeth, The Truth shall make thee Free, I shall need no other Apology, but to follow the Verity, in that I mean to write, whereof I shall make no long Discourse, (which were both impertinent, and unnecessary, in a thing so current, & well understood already, and so largely & learnedly written of, by many, both Scottish & English) but restraining myself, to two or three Circumstances, whereof some have not been remarked by any that I have yet read upon this Argument.  
The Original Mention of Tithes in the Scripture, 
Of tenths.  by the Practice of Abraham in Genesis● The devoting of them by GOD'S own Mouth to Moses, in Leviticus: the End & Use of them in Deuternomie: And the Execration & Cursing of things once devoted & made sacred, by GOD Himself, in Numbers, & in joshua, are Texts so clear & indisputable, that at least, for the time of the Law, no Man doth question. All that we go about, who be Opponents to Evangelicall Decimation, 
The Arguments used against Evangelicall tenths.  is, to enforce, that tenths were ceremonial in the Mosaicke, ending with Consummatum est, and have no warrant in the Gospel, where CHRIST in two places only doth speak of Tithes of the Mint and anise: These aught ye to have done, and not omit the other. And again, in Luke, comparing betwixt the Publican and Pharisee, who vaunted of the just Payment of his tenths, CHRIST did blame only his Ostentation, & not his Payment of the tenths, To both which Places, we make this Answer, That at that time the Ceremonial Law was in full strength, and aye until Consummatu●●est. And for that respect, CHRIST did suffer the Payment of Te●●es: And we say, Seeing CHRIST hath changed both the Priesthood, and the Law, and supplied their Rooms, and hath given no Order for the Church Revenues of tenths, therefore he hath abolished the same. Again, CHRIST about the sending forth of His Apostles, and speaking of their maintenance, Matth. 10. Provide neither Silver nor Gold in your Purses, for the Workman is worthy of his Meat. Here he maketh no Mention at all of tenths, as the Place did require, in Case the tenths had been due to the Church.  
Thus we cast it over to the Apostles, and there we do also pretend the same Argument. That where Saint Paul, 1. Cor. 9 doth plead at large for maintenance, he keepeth himself upon General Terms, without any Mention of tenths: who feedeth a Flock, & doth not eat of the Milk thereof? If we have sown Spiritual things to you, is it a great thing, if we reap your carnal things? Thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the Ox, that treadeth out the Corne. And so we say, albeit CHRIST and His Apostles, have allowed livings for Preachers, yea, let them be never so ample, yet they have not tied us to a number, whereunto the Answers are made, that Saint Paul in the same Chapter, hath included the tenths, by the General, in these words, He that ministereth about holy things, must live of the Temple; and the Waiters on the Altar, on the things thereof. That by the things of the Temple, and the Altar, are signified the tenths, albeit he did not express it, in regard they were then in the Hands of the Pharisees, and could not be challenged, nor gotten by Law, by Private and Poor Men, as the Apostles were; but contrary should have increased the Malice of the jews against them, in Case they had been sought.  
Farther, we study to prove, that Tithes were Ceremonial: First, by reason of an Absolute & Only Place, whereunto they were brought, to Jerusalem. 
Why they ar● thought Ceremonial.  Secondly, because of the Number, whereby specially we contend, to exclude the Morality of Tenths, & astrict them to a Ceremony, seeing Natural Reason would as well allow the Eleventh, as the Tenth Portion, or the Twelft rather, because the Levites were one of the xii Tribes. And lastly, for their Employment at Jerusalem▪ as we have it, Deut. 14. If the way be long, that thou art not able to carry thy tenths, where the Lord hath chosen to set His Name, than thou shalt turn them into Money, & go to the place, & thou shalt bestow the Money for whatsoever thy soul lusteth after, Ox, Sheep, wine, or strong Drink●● & thou shalt eat, & rejoice before the Lord, thou, & thy Family: thou shalt not forsake the Levite within thy gates, nor the Stranger, nor the Widow, nor the Fatherless. All which things do smell a Ceremonial Institution, as we allege, & whereupon there be great & learned Disputes agitate by divers of our Countrymen: amongst all which, & all that can be said for Tenths, it seemeth to me, that the truest Light is to be drawn from the Practice of Abraham; by which it appeareth, they were Evangelicall, before they were Mosaical. If long before the Ceremonial or Written Law, Abraham paid Tithes to Melchisedec, 
The Priests of Melchisedek.  how can we hold Tenths to be Ceremonial? albeit we had not that clear Explication thereof, by S. Paul, Heb. 7, where in the person of Melchisedec, he proveth the Excellency of Christ's Priesthood, above that of Aaron: He proveth Melchis. to be a Priest from two things: from the Discharge of his Office, He blessed Abraham: and from that which was annexed to his Office, He tythed Abrahum. If any would object, that Abraham did offer to him those tenths, not of bound duty, but out of his private Charity, or from a Custom that was used before him, or from the Light of Nature only, (whereof I shall speak somewhat hereafter) that were to annul the Proof of Melchis▪ his Priesthood, set down by th' Apostle, yea, it were to change the Text, because the Active word, is in the person of Melchis. and not of Abrah. For it is not said, that Abr. tythed himself, but that Melchis. ty●hed Abrah. Melchis. decimavit Abrah. And the Greek word, Vers. 6. of that Chap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth import no less, how-so-ever the English Translation is received.  
Next again, that by Melchis. th' Apostle understandeth Christ, it is evident, when he saith of Him, Vers. 8. Here men die, that do receive Tithes, (meaning the Levi●s) but there He receiveth them, of whom it is written, that He liveth: which is undoubtedly spoken of Christ; for so are the words, Verse▪ 13. & 14. He of whom these things are written, pertaineth to another Tribe, whereof no man serveth at the Altar, for it is evident, that our Lord sprang out of judah. Farther, it is plain, that the Priesthood there spoken of, is an eternal Priesthood, Thou art a Priest for ever, according to the Order of Melchis. Whereupon it must follow, that Tithes being the Due of an Eternal Priesthood, must also themselves be eternal▪ Abraham saw my day, and did rejoice, saith CHRIST.  
And I put the Case, this Point were not so clear as it is, we might find another Ground, whereby we should see ourselves tied to this Burden of Tithes Evangelicallie: and that is by the Devoting of them, done by Christian Princes, People, and States, who we may think, before the Church (I suppose) could challenge them by any Warrant, have been moved to give unto her a Warrant, by that same Spirit, 
Tithes devoted by positive Laws.  that moved Abraham, many Years before the Law was given out for tenths. Constantine the Great, and Charlemagne, did begin this Plantation of the Church Rents, Authority, and Privileges, and others everywhere did follow them. Then we know, what is the Nature of things once devoted to GOD, Levit. 27. Vers. 28. No devoted thing, that a Man shall devote to the LORD, both of Man and Beast, and of the Possession of his Field, shall be redeemed: Every devoted thing, is holy unto the LORD. And Levit. 5. Vers. 15. If a Soul do sin, through Ignorance, in the holy things of the LORD, he shall make a mends in the holy thing, and shall add a fifth part thereunto.  
The Popes themselves, have acknowledged their Possession of Tithes, to be alien from the Practice or Pleading of the Primitive Church, and that their Titles thereunto have flowed from the only Devotion and Donation of Christian Kings, as may be seen in Can. futuram Ecclesiam, & cap. videntes, 12. Q. 1. which Bellarmine doth stand to, Tom. 1. contra 5. lib. 1. cap. 25. And we may try it to be so, by the Entry of the Christian Faith in Scotland, Anno 203. King Donald the first did procure, by his Ambassador sent to Pope Victor, the coming of some Priests into this Kingdom, for receiving of him, his Family, & Nobility, to the Church, by Baptism: where there is no Mention of any Title pretended, or any Suit made by the said Pope for Tithes. 
When Dedication in Scotland.  But whole four Ages thereafter, to wit, Anno 578, our King Convallus, without Challenge or Requisition from the Pope, he of himself did authorise the Terror and Force of Excommunication, & established to the Church, the tenths of Scotland, Edixit ut decimas omnium terrae nascentium cuncti in Sacerdotum horrea deferrent: by which it appeareth, that every Man than had his own Tithes. Farther, he gave to the Priests, Mansions and Dwelling places, near to the Churches: Praedium in Templi vicinia ubi secretus à unlgo habitaret. Withal two things are to be understood: First, that a great part of those Rents were employed to the rich decoying of Church Fabrics, Christi Templa valde ornari voluit. secondly, that before then, there were multitudes of Religious people in Scotland, (that Age of the Occidental World being, as it were, an Influence, or Inundation of Piety, and Zeal to GOD'S Glory) for the History telleth, that he sent to Yreland, for that renowned Abbot, Sanctus Columba; by whose Advyce, Contraxit Monachos spars●s ad id tempus, & soliv●g●s; inunum, indeque per Caeno●ia quae Convalli pietas struxer at, distribut●s 〈◊〉 & vitanon vulgatae observationis instituit. Where the Author (to let us see, how the Devoting of Tithes, 
The Benedi●●ne order frequent, and ●amous in Scotland.  and Foundation of Monastic places, went always together) he maketh Mention of the Benedictine Order their Frequency in Scotland before then, & many abbeys erected for them: where it is most worthy Observation, his judgement of the Revenues and Richeses of the Church, Plurima inter nostrates celeberrima su●t hujus ordinis Caenobla, hactenus viris pietate clarissimis habitata, virtute fortassis insigniori, majorique veneratione apud posteros perseveratura, si ad otium & luxum Regum munificentia, tanta sagina ea non oner asset: that is to say, There were then in Scotland, many famous abbeys, of the Benedictine Order, hitherto inhabited by Men of singular Piety, and wherein the Sincerity of Religious Virtue might have 〈◊〉 flourishing, & recommendable to all Posterity, if the too great Bounty of Princes did not over-barden them with the Fatness of Ydle-seat and Richeses.  
By this doing of Conva●●, I say, it seemeth, that the Church hath gotten a sufficient Warrant to our Tithes, by Positive Christian Laws, albeit we should repine at the Warrand●s brought out of the Gospel. And even the most Learned of the Protestant side, do hold it the surest Title of the two. The greatest part of the Reformed Churches of France, do hold it after the Mind of the learned Calvine, who hath left behind him the same Opinion to the World, in his Treatise upon job, & upon the 18 of Nu●s Vers. 20, 
Calvin●, and Perkins, deny Tithes Evangelicall.  Sed eas à Lai●is occupari quo passus fuisset Papa, si jure divino (ut in●●lse garriunt) sacra fuisseut Cleri hereditas. Which Opinion is thought to have begun from the old Valdenses, who did inhabit there about: who seeing the great Abuse of Tithes under the Church of Rome, did hold, that Tithes weremeere Almes● and no way belonging to the Church. This also was the Mind of john Hu●. And that great Divine Perkins, on Gal. 3. and 25. The Allowance of Tithes, saith he, standeth not in Force, in this and other Commonwealths, by the judicial Law of GOD to the jews, but by Positive Laws of Country's. These Men think it no fault to give Tithes to the Church, but hold it not necessary from any Warrant of the Gospell● they do allow of a sufficient Church maintenance, but not the same Quetum. And when it is objected to them, Why should these Beggarly jewish Rudiments, and that perishing Priesthood of the Law, have so rich a Patrimony, and the Glorious Revelation of the Gospel, a poor and necessitous Ministry? They do answer, Because their Richeses and Forms are divers, and perhaps contrary; that consisting in Show, and this in Substance; that being altogether Earthly, and this altogether Spiritual: and being in this Point too much possessed by Puritan Humours, 
Puritans opposed to the Pops Church, even in good things.  they do not admit that Splendour and Decorement of Churches, nor that external Pomp and Majesty, of Public Worship, which in my Mind is not discommendable in the Pope's Church. whereunto they are in all things opposed, as well in the best Points of Government, and Indifferent Ceremonies, as in the Main Grounds of Faith. And farther, it is not to be doubted of, but that so Profound a Divyne as Cal●●ne, understanding so well as he did, the Arts of the Papal Pride, he thought it a good Way, for destroying of Superstition, and Tyranny in the Church, to deny her any Right of Tithes, other than by Donation, and Charity of Christian Princes, so long as she should remain free from Heresy, and wicked Abuses, and otherwise might be taken from her.  
Now I come to the Circumstance of the Quotum, to consider if there might have been any matter of Sanctity, Ceremony, or Type in the number of 10, why GOD choosed the Tenth Portion, to be sacred unto Himself, rather than the ninth, eleventh, or twelft; and whether Abraham did light upon that number, by any instinct of Nature common to other People. And first, I will tell you, that there was never hitherto any Nation heard of, so Barbarous, in whose Hearts Nature did not engrave this Law, to adore the DEITY by external Ceremonies of Worship, consisting in stately Temples, costly Altars, and Images, daily Oblations of sumptuous Sacrifices, and maintenance of multitudes of Sacrificators; 
Tithes understood by natural Light of the Gentiles.  that it is admirable to behold, how Gentiles in external Zeal, have gone beyond even true Worshippers, so far, that many of them, did allot and dedicate to Religious Service, much more than Tithes. We read in Dionys. Halicarn. that Romulus, the first Found●●r of Rome, divided the whole Territories there of in three parts; one for the Priests, and Public Worship; another for the Domain of the Commonwealth; the third for the People; there being of People for that time 3000, and 18000 jugera of Land, whereof were reserved 6000, for the Sacrifices, and Sacrificators. And that this Division of Romulus, according to Diadorus, was an Imitation of the Egyptians, who in like manner, did originally make a Tripartion of the Revenues of the Land, whereof the first was for the Priests, and Sacrifices, the second for the King, and Public Charges of the State, the third for the Calasyres, who were Soldiers, and Men of Arms. And from the most esteemed Histories of Antiquity, we have numbers of Testimonies, that the Gentiles knew by the Light of Nature, that Tithes were Sacred unto GOD, namely, of their Spoils, and Victories; and therefore did offer and sacrifice them under the Name of Victimae, quasi vi ictae. Herpocration, Dydymus, and Pausamas, do witness, that the Greeks gave the Tenth of their Spoils in War, unto their Gods. Cyrus the Less, gave the Tenth of his Money taken from Captives, to Apollo, and Diana, at Ephesus. Agis gave his at Delphos: Agesilaus in two years, above 100 Talents of Tithes, to the same place. Pliny relateth, that the Sabeans might not sell their Frankincense, under the pain of Death, until the Priests had their Tithes: The Aethiopians divided with a Staff, the Bundles of Caunell and Casia, and first gave GOD His part. Plutarch is Author, that Hercules did sacrifice every Tenth Bullock, that he took from Geiron by force. The tenths of the Spoils of the Platean Wars, were dedicated to the Gods▪ Socrates hath in his Ecclesiastical Kalendars, that Alcibiades gave commandment for tenths to the Gods, from all those that sailed from Pontuu: When the Veii were taken Prisoners, and the Romans made Peace with the V●lfians, Camillus made the Romans to pay to Apollo, the Tithes of their Spoils, and it was allowed of the Senate. Plutarch writeth of Lucullus, that he became incomparably Rich, because he observed the paying of Tonthes to Hercules. Xenophon witnesseth, that others paid in the Countries about, their Tithes to Apollo. Festus sayeth, Decima quaeque veteres Diis suis offerebant. Which so universal a Practice doth show some Evidence to have proceeded from the True Light of Nature, before the Written Law, and from the days of Noa, to have been de●yved to all Nations; otherwise, how was it possible, that such a Religious Due, so a-nearing unto the Truth of GOD'S Worship, could have been so generally followed of the Gentiles?  
It being so, we are not to doubt, but that Abraham, with this D●ke Light of Nature, common to the Gentiles, where through he did see, as with the Left Eye, his Religious Duty, concerning Tithes: he had also the Divyne Light; which as a Right Eye, did demonstrate unto him the Secret of that Mystery; wherefore the LORD GOD did choose His own Portion under the Number of 10, as most Holy, and most Perfect in itself.  
And here I will borrow (for more clearing of the Nature of tenths a little of your Patience, 
Mystorie of the number ●0.  for a pleasant Intercourse, to set down, as I have found it in the Remote and Mystic Theology, the Reason of the Number 10, and of the Holy Respect, and Perfection that is into it, and which hath been naturally engraven into the Hearts of Men, even amidst the greatest Darkness of Gentilism. 
Created, or Instrumental Wisdom.  We read in the Scripture, that God in the Creation of the World, did employ an instrumental Wisdom, Omnia fecisti Domine, in numero, pondero, & mensura, which is called, The created Wisdom of GOD, 
Wisd. Salome. 7.  whereof it is said, The LORD created her thorough the holy Ghost, he hath seen her, numbered her, measured her, and poured her out upon his Creatures, 
Eccles. 1.  remembered by Esa●, Who measured the Waters▪ in the hollow of his Hand, 
Esai 40. Ch.  who met the Heavens with the Span, & weighed the Mountains in a Balance. The LORD JESUS CHRIST being the increated, and eternal Wisdom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Se● Sermo Patris, that Word, whereby all things were created, and whereof saith the Gospel, In Him, for Him, and by Him. 
The nature of Number in general.  Of these three Instruments, whereby GOD framed Nature, Number hath the Priority & Precedence, as having nearest Alliance unto GOD, by reason of infinity: GOD is infinite, and so is Number, Non datur numerus quo non possit dari major. No Number is so great, whereunto Addition may not he made. 
Nature of Angels.  Again, the Angels, who be nearest & likest unto GOD, they are only capable of Number: they do not receive either Dimention or Weight, because they are pure Spirits, occupying no Place circumscript●uelie, but definitivelie, Habent suum●●bi, as I may say, definitivelie, my Mind is at London, Paris, or Rome, although it occupy there no Place. The Celestial Orbs under the Angels, are capable both of Numbers & Dimension: the Extent & Limits of their Place we do see, but they admit no Weight: and being Mediant Creatures, betwixt the Angels, and Element arie Corporal things, that do receive all three, Numerum, Mensuram, & Pondus. The Orbs have into them, no Ponderous Matter, Quia omnis materia est capax & appetens novarum formarum: All ponderous matter, is subject to daily mutation of form, whereas the form of the Celestial Spheres is perpetually one, and the same.  
To return to the first of these three, 
GOD is Unity, Verity, and bonity.  (Number) the ancient Theologues, did use three Words, for expressing of the Nature and Essence of GOD, so nearly as they could, Deus est Vnitas, Veritas, Bonitas, & haec tria unum sunt: noting by bonity, His Goodness; by Verity, His Wisdom; there is Wisdom, but in Verity; and by Unity, His Power: In Vnione Potestas, as we say, The greater Strength, doth consist in the greater Union: Vis unita fortior. Therefore sayeth Plato, Anima est multitudo mobilis, Angelus multitudo immobilis, 
Definition of Unity.  Deus immobilis Vnitas. Now (say the Arithmeticians) of Unity, that it is Mater Numerorum. The Mother of Number: & of Number, Numerus est multipli●atio unitatis: that is, the Multiplication of Unity, even as the goodness of GOD, is the Mother and Fountain wherefrom did flow, all those good Creatures; and they again are the Number of the Species and Particulars of GOD'S goodness, diffused through the World: so that GOD being Unity Himself, He did by diffusion of His Goodness, in divers ways multiply this Unity, both in Number, and things to be numbered. Unity in Number, is like the Centre of the Circle: 
GOD is the Centre of all Things.  if ye take a Circle (for Example, a Compass of two Arms that Artisanes use) and do close the Arms thereof in one, it is no more a Circle, but a Centre: do extend and spread it forth again, and it is a Circle. The Sea of the glorious Godhead, did rest before the Creation, into the Centre of itself's Contemplation, and thereinto was whole Nature latent, as the Tree into the Seed: thereafter by virtue of that Eternal Word, was blown up, and expanded this Circamference of the Universe, as so many Lynes from the Centre, and so many Numbers from the Unity. The jewish Caballe, doth celebrate a kind of Omnipotency of this Unity, because it maketh all Numbers, being without Beginning or End itself. Before there were variety of things created, Unity was: neither can we suppo●e so great a Number of things, whereunto we may not add one more. So that, like unto GOD, it hath neither Beginning nor ●nde.  
Now, if we will hold, that GOD doth comprise several things, 
GOD hath particular respects, for particular Numbers.  under several Numbers, by guess, or casually, as that He placed six Planets in the Heavens, and the seventh to fill them with Light, and but two Eyes in a Man's Head, to receive that Light. He did reveal His Will towards His CHURCH, by His Word in the apocalypses, under Seven times seven, and planted but two Ears in our Head, to hear that Word. He made six Laborious Days in the Week, and the seventh of Rest, and the World as a Week of 6000. Toilsome and Travelling Years, and the Seaventh Thousand as a Sabbath of Quietitude and Rest: noting that way once the Creation and Enduration of the World, and then the visible Light of the World, 
Great use of the Number. 7.  and the Spiritual Light, under this Number of 7: yea, in divers places shadowing under the same Number, the Work of our Redemption. The Candlesticks of the Church, were Seven. GOD told to the Prophet, that He had yet 7000, who had not bowed their Knee to Baal. Naman was commanded, to be washed Seven times in jordan. The Fever left the Son of the Centurion the Seaventh hour. David praised GOD Seven times a day. Eliseus, by Seven times breathing, did restore the Son of the Sunamitish; which interpreted Captive, and by the Mystical Theology, is said to figure the Sons of Adam, then lying dead under the Law, which was no more able to restore them, than that Rod in the Hand of Giesi, Eliseus' Servant, did restore that Child, but Eliseus did it himself, by Seven Breathe, Oscitavit septies. To hold, I say, that GOD doth not see in every Number, & every numbered thing, a Reason of Convenience Natural in His Insearchable Wisdom, it were both Ignorance and Impiety: We cannot deny it, when-so-ever we remember, how we would think that Architector unworthy his Wages, who could not contrive our House with a competent Number of Lights, according to the Proportion of R●wmes, & commodity of the Sun Beams.  
As I have said of Unity, that it is so much esteemed, not only resembling GOD, by the Possibility of Infinite Multiplication, but implying good things in its own Nature, Simplicity, Verity, Strength, which made Aristotle, in one of his Metaphysics, to say, that the Ancients did so honour this Unity in Number, Quod ex ejus materia generarent ipsum ens, that they said, Attour the Universe, the Eternal Being itself, did consist thereof.  
So to come to duality, we shall find a Natural Reason, why a Weakness and Evil do frequently follow upon that Number, 
Nature of the duality.  as if it were cursed; because it is the first Number that breaketh the Blessed Unity, and maketh Division, which in itself is evil, Omne regnum in se divisum, desolabitur. Exemples hereof, The first Mention that we find of this duality, in the first of Genesis, GOD created Heaven and Earth: and the Earth was barren and empty. Two Lights in the Heaven, and one of them is monethlie defective. Lucifer parted the Court of Heaven in two. CHRIST is One, Satan Two; HEAVEN. One, Hell Two; MERCY One, justice Two. GOD did separate the Light from the Darkness: that was One, and this Two. So did GOD in the Creation in a sort execrate this Number, as the Enemy of Unity, and a proper Number of Evil, or of things defective: for so it is frequently found in the Scripture, Two Testimonies against Christ, Two Debtors unable, Two blind Beggars, Two traitorous eunuchs, Two Larrouns hanged with CHRIST, Two insatiable Leeches, Two doubting Disciples, going to Emmaus: And, as saith Eccles. Look through all the Works of the MOST HIGH, and ye shall ever find, Vnum contra duo, One against two. A Man hath two Feet, two Hands, two Eyes, but one of them is backward. Man and Woman are a joined duality, but one of them is impotent: there be two Testaments in the Book of GOD, but one of them is full of Terror and Damnation. The Scripture sayeth, Cor duas vias ingrediens non inveniet requiem: An heart that useth double ways, shall find no rest. And by a common word, we do call a Man, Double, who is known to be false, and deceitful.  
Of the other several Proprieties given by GOD to several Numbers, I could indeed dilate a long Discourse, but impertinent here, and tedious: I make haste to that I have to do with at this time, the Number Ten. As the Unity is like unto GOD, So is the Novemarie, or Nine, 
Nature of the Novenarie, or Number 9  like unto his Works in this Fabric of the Universe: as the World comprehendeth all things in it, and cannot be comprehended itself, but of GOD, without whom it should remain imperfect, wanting Head and Life; so doth the Number 9 contain into it all the Numbers, and parts of Number, whiles itself cannot be closed, nor made Perfect, but by One, which is not a Number, but the Mother of Number: without the Addition whereof, to make up Ten, which is the Fullness & Perfection of Number, this 9 seemeth Unhappy, Weak, Necessitous, and Indigent, albeit it contain all the Species of Number: For of Parity, it hath Two, & Four; and of Imparity, Three & Fyve. The Perfection of 10 is seen by Sensible Truth; for when we once arrive at 10, there is no more Numbering, but by Iteration of 10, or the parts thereof; as every Man knoweth, it is the Fullness of Number: For the Cabalists, to show the Want and Indigence of 9, for lack of this Unity, they put up on a Board, 999, saying the nakedness thereof is publicly seen by any Eye that looketh upon it. See Plato, 234.  
Next again, it is to be understood of 10, as it is a full and perfect Number, so it is the Quotient and Continent of Nature, comprehending the whole several Species of GOD'S Creatures: first, will we consider those that are Intellectual, 
Ten, is the Quotient, or fullness of Nature.  and Invisible, all the Divynes agree, that there be nine Hierarchies of Angels, that CHRIST Himself is the tenth: He is that great Angel, of the Testament promised to come to the Church, Statim veniet ad Templum Angelus Testamenti quem vos expectatis. He is that Angel, sent before Moses, of whom GOD said unto him, Be aware of Him, and offend Him not, because My Name is into Him. The full Name of GOD can be into none, but in CHRIST, of whom sayeth the GOSPEL, In quo habitat omnis plenitudo Deitatis. Will we again consider the visible Works, we shall find them for Species, comprysed within the Quotient of Ten. The Spheres, the Intelligences, or Spirits that move them, the Lights into them, the three Elements, the Mineral Creatures, the Vegetable, the Sensible, and Man, who was made to the perfect Image of GOD, superadded for the Tenth, without the which Tenth, the other Nine (as any Man may see) were so naked and indigent, that in a sort they did serve to no use: but the whole World, before the Creation of Man, did look as a Glorious Palace, of Magnific Artifice and Furniture, in all things, inhabited with mice and Rats, who could make no use thereof, nor yet honour or admire the Builder. Only this accomplished Tenth Creature, Man, 
Man, was the first Tithe.  did serve to rule those others; to explore and contemplate their Nature, to make use of them, and there-upon to found and sound the Praises and Worship of their Maker: yea, (as the Platonics say, and which I think cannot be disproved) after the Change of Nature, and Consummation of Time, the Specific kinds of all those 9, are conserved eternally, by the Eternity of Man, whose Constitution doth participate, and is contryved of all their kinds, as we know: for with the Minerals, He hath Being; with the Plants, He is vegetable; with Beasts, Sensible; with the Heavens, movable; and with the Angels, Intellectual.  
And when Adam by his Fall having tossed this Tenth Perfection and Dignity, was casten from Paradise, & whole Nature accursed, and made defective for his Cause; 
CHRIST was the second Tithe.  Then the LORD GOD did send His Eternal Son, in the fullness of Time, to undertake the Person of Man, for Restitution of that Pitiful Decadence of Nature, and to be that Sacred Tenth, which should again renew and accomplish her Fullness and Glory in that Perfect Number, figured in this Mystical Theology, by that New Song of David. DEUS cantabo Tibi Canticum novum, in Psalterio decacordo Psallam Tibi: My GOD, 
Psal. 144.  I shall sing unto Thee a new Song, & shall play before Thee upon a psaltery of ten Cords. The Works of Nature are said to be a Music & Harmony, and thereof Theologues anciently have written whole Books. Next again, we know, that in Scripture Sin is signified by the Old Man, or the Old Garment, and we are bidden put on the New Man, JESUS, the New Adam, the New Tithe, typically expressed by this Prophetical New Song of David, upon these Ten Cords of Nature foresaid, by His Incarnation then refreshed, and made new. Again, they hold this Mystery of Ten, to be figured by that Sign which was given by GOD, of the Restitution of Ezechias, when the Sun came back Ten Degrees, or Lynes, upon the Horologe of Achaz, Reverti faciam umbram linearum, per quas descenderat in horologio Achaz in Sole, retrorsum decem lineis. CHRIST is the Sun of the World, called by the Prophet Es. Sol Oriens ex alto, and by the Gospel, Lux illuminans omnem hominem. There is no true Restitution of Life, nor Salvation, but in Him: He descended by these Ten Orders or Species of GOD'S Creatures, rehearsed by me, even to the Helles, and returned by the same, Reversus est Sol per gmdus per quos descenderat. Farther, that the same is figured by that Tenth piece of Silver in the Gospel, for the which when it was lost, by that Woman in Luke, she neglected the Nine, to go and seek it: and by the 99 Sheep, which also were neglected, until that One was found, that made even Ten times ten.  
With this kind of Theology, they conjoin a natural Reason, thus, The Figure of the World is Rotund and Circular: more, it is Limited, and not Infinite, both which are manifest. Next, 
CHRIST began, and clozed th● Circle of Nature.  say they, a Circle is never perfectly ended, unto the time that the Line of the Circumference go about to close at the Point where-at it did begin: this also is sensible true. The beginning of Things, was the Incarnate Word, as sayeth Saint john, In principi● erat verbum: not the beginning Mosaicke (which was but Principium principiatum, the beginning of Time) but Principium principiaus, the beginnining that did begin all things, Ex quo, in quo, & per quam omnia. So CHRIST being the Beginning, and as we know, Man the last created of all things, and hindmost made of GOD, the Circular Line of Nature could never be concluded, until the First Point was joined with the Last, that the Beginning should be the End, and the End the Beginning, one Point, both Alpha and Omega: the Son of GOD, who was the First, conjoined with Man, who was the Last: GOD becoming Man, and Man becoming GOD, did in the fullness of Time close this Circle, in being the Holy and Perfect second Tenth, of all th● Creatures now renewed, and by descending and returning through these Ten Degrees, which made Rabb. Mos. Hardasan, in mysterious Words to say of CHRIST, 
A Speech of Robo● Mes. Hardas'. worthy observation.  whilst he writeth upon Genesis, and citeth this Text of David, Psal. 50, Ostendam tibi salutare DEI. This is a Scripture (sayeth he) of great weight and importance, that the Salvation of Israel, is the Salvation of GOD: that is to say, The preservation and perfection of His Works, for GOD Himself shall be the price and payment of His own Redemption. Vt qui non nihil frumenti ex se●onda decima reliquum habet, & id redemit: as he who had resting some Corn of his second Tithe, he did redeem it. This First and Second Tithe, are even as that beginning Mosaicke, and that of Saint john, Principians & principiatum. CHRIST being the First Tithe predestinate in the Eternal Counsel of GOD, and Man the second, began with the beginning of Time, whereof (CHRIST issuing of Man, according to His Humanity) is said by him, to be that Rest of that Second Tithe, reserved by GOD, for the Perfection and Glorification of whole Nature, by the Price of his Precious Blood. By those it seemeth that GOD, who as the Scripture sayeth, Omnia suaviter disponit: He disposeth all things sweethe. And as another sayeth, Et mirabilite● disponit adeo ut aliquid semper nisit humano captu majus: He also disposeth them miraculously, that still there is somewhat beyond the Horizon of humane sight. It seemeth, I say, that GOD hath chosen that Portion of ou● Goods endue to His Worship and Service, to be of that Perfect Number, of the Perfect and Consummated Sacrifice of CHRIST, into the full Quotient and Continent of Nature; and that withal He hath respected the Number of People, who were to live upon the tenths, as Bellarmine doth reason, to prove Tithes not Ceremonial, but judicial, De Clericis, Lib. 1. Cap. 25. Nam non ordinantur immediate ad colendum DEUM, sed ad aequitatem inter homines: He sayeth, That Tithes were commanded to be paid to Levy, because he was about the tenth part of the People, that there might be a Proportion between his Estate and the rest.  
Thus have I brought in a diversity of Opinions, concerning Tithes; some holding them only judicial, to the jews; others, that they belong to GOD, by way of Alms, but not to the Church; Others, that they appertain to the Church, but by Positive Laws of Princes; others, that they are so by the Law of Nature; & finally, (some inclined to follow this Remote & Natural Theology) affirm, that by all these Titles, they are to the Church, as Franciscus junius, 
The Opinion of junius, concerning Tithes.  〈◊〉 omni jure post omnem hominum memoriam DEO fuerunt sacrae. For what less can omni jure, import, than a Law, as well stamped naturally in the Consciences of Men, as approved by Positive Laws of Princes, and warranded by the Written Word of GOD: But hitherto can I find none to say, that Tithes are Temporal, or Civil Goods; scarcely we who do possess them: for why? we hold, that whatsoever we bestow to Mendicant poor People, to necessitous Friends, or Neighbours, for Mayutaynance of the Ministry, or Schools of Learning, all that hath allowance for Tithes in the sight of GOD: neither are we oblished, nor can be, to sustain the Poor, by any Law, other than by that of tenths: this I do hold, albeit Ambitious Men, to abuse the World with fair Colours, will perhaps hold the contrary. But I do not doubt, but this New Reason, which I do put in from the Mystery of the Number, will be thought of many a ●aprit●h, or Raveri● of a Fantastic Brain. In the mean time, if we would possess them still, we have need of some New Doctrine unheard of, for to qualify our Possession, and purge it from the Sacrilege; seeing our own Teachers, whose other Opinions in every thing, numbers of us do superstitiously follow and adore, they do affirm us to be Sacrilegious in this Point: I mean, Puritan Preachers, and their Sectators.  
It is of notable Observation, to consider, how throughout this whole Isle, 
Two sorts of Puritan opponents, to Episcopal Governament, and Rents, discordant amongst themselves.  there have ever been Opponents to Episcopal Governament and Rents: two sorts, I may say, of Factious Men; The Clergy factious, and the Laicie factious: The Clergy Factious have striven for it, That all the Church Patrimony appertaineth unto them, their Presbyteries, and Disposition. And this Ground they have so hardly maintained, that in a Supplication given in, to a Parliament in England, in Name of the Commonnalitie, Anno 1585., they set it down, for an Article of Doctrine, That all abbey Lands, once dedicated for sacred uses, should by the Word of GOD remain in that Condition for ever, and may not be taken back. Their Disciples again, the Laycie Factious, say, That their Preachers ought to conform themselves to the maintenance of the Apostles, who had no Silver, nor Gold●, nor Possessions, nor Tithes, nor Rents. Whereunto their Teachers do answer, That that is as much, as who would say to the base popular, That Noblemen have more than their part in the World, which they spend upon Horses, Halks, Dogs, Riot of Life, whiles their T●nnands do starve for Famine. That in the Apostles times, Men had all things in common, Monies and Means were laid at their Feet, and equally distributed by them; and that such Insolence, and Wealth of Noblemen, will but spoil Piety and Zeal, if they be not reform according to the Apostolic times, no Man can deny: But this Proposition is as reasonable as the other, albeit both should be but an anabaptistical Practice. Always, out of a Treatise written by English Arch-Puritanes, of Discipline Ecclesiastic, these have I extracted, ad verbum, Whiles they (meaning their own Disciples) bear us speak against Bishops, and Cathedral Churches, it tickleth their Ears; looking for the like Prey, as they had before of Monasteries: yea, they have already devoured the Church Inheritance: they care not for Religion: they would crucify CHRIST, to have His Garments: they are Cormorants, and wicked Dionysians: they do yearn after the Prey, and would there-by, to their utter confusion, purchase a Field of Blood: they consume their Goods, with Sacrilegious Impudence, & Boldness, in Courtly Bravery. Herein any Man may see, how the one sort of them do urge us with the Church Policy, which (say they) was under the Apostles, Presbyterian; but they would have the Livings of our latter times. The other sort concur with them in Policy, but upon Condition, That for maintenance, they will embrace the Apostolic Poverty, to the end, that they may enjoy the Church Patrimony themselves. Therefore, may it not be justly said, to the Laycie Factious, That they ought either to denude themselves of Ecclesiastic Goods, or provide themselves of other Teachers, than such as daily condemn them to their Fact? & that they should not be so shameless, as to utter one word, against the present Governament of the Church, or the Repetition of Tithes to the Church, until they have done either the one, or the other; lest otherwise they be despised, as Men who make some little show of Religion, but have none at all.  
Now, if any Man do hold sincerely, that Tithes are not due to GOD, I am sure, that he will yet grant, that a Competent Portion under some other Number, must be for the Worship of GOD, and Works of Piety. And if the Retention of Tithes be Sacrilege, there is a fearful Curse pronounced against it, Malach. 3. A Curse of the Devourer; Because (saith the LORD) ye have robbed my Tithes; and left no Meat in my Storehouse. And is this the only Meat of Priests, that is robbed here? No, but this is also the Storehouse of the People, Non ex solo pane vivit homo, sayeth the Spirit of GOD, Man doth not only live upon Bread, but on every Word that doth proceed from the Mouth of GOD. There must be into the House of GOD, store of the Bread of Life, of that Heavenly Manna, which feedeth our Souls: and this cannot be, without sufficient Provision of Temporal Bread, to the Preachers of the Word, Labia Sacerdotis custod●●n● legam DEI, & in pectore ejus conduntur or acula divina. certainly, the Poverty of the Church, doth make a scarce & unlearned Ministry. Amongst the Persecutions of the Christian Religion; recorded in Histories, there are two most remarkable; one under Dio●lesian, 
Persecution of julian, worse than of Dioclesian.  another under julian, called the Apostate. The first of them did slay the Priests: not the less whereof, the Christian Faith did so greatly flourish, as it was thence forth said; Sanguis Marty●●, 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae: The Blood of the Martyrs, was the Semmarie of the Church. But the second did supplant Religion, in a more pitthie and pernicious sort, albeit it was not bloody: he rob the Church Revenues, wherethorow both Preaching, and Christian Schools, did decay, Occidere Presbyteros parum erat: To slay the Priests, it was a small thing, (which Dioclesian did) compared with the insidious Opposition of julian, Ipse enim occidit Presbyterium, He cutted the Throat of the Presbyterial Possession. Wherethorow great Ignorance did shortly after ensue: for, as Theodore● writeth, Who would go to spend their Youth, in the Study of Theology, to have no maintenance in their Age?  
And here upon this fair Occasion, I must remember the Neglect of that most Royal and Necessary Policy, of Plantation of a Sufficient Ministry, Schools of Learning, and Burgall Societies, in our Northern Yles, 
Plantation of the North Ills of Scotland, of what Importance.  and Hie-Landes of Scotland, for Exterminion of Berbaritie, and Incorporation of that People, to the Body of this Kingdom, who for the present have no Marks to be Native Members thereof, neither by their Manners, their Habit, nor their Language, the three special Evidences of Natural Union: For, as for RELIGION, that doth most unite of any thing, I think they know none. The Necessity, and maine Importance of this Policy, is very soon seen: For in the Assuredness and Strength of Borders, doth chiefly consist the Surety of a great State. Again, every one knoweth, how there is not a better Means, to reduce a People, naturally fierce and rebellions, to Obedience, than by infusing into the Hearts of them, the Love of Knowledge, and of Civil Carriage: where-of we have a most proper Example, and most pertinent here, of the Romans, who by that kind of Arts, did go about to break and addouce the Bellicose courage of our own Predecessors in BRITAIN, as we read of AGRICOLA, who was General here of the Roman Legions, under the Emperor DOMITIAN, sayeth Taci●us, I am vero Principum filios liberalibus artibus erudire, & ingenia BRITANNORUM studiis GALLORUM anteferre, ut qui modo lingaam Roman. abnuebaent eloquentiam concupiscerent, ●ude etiam h●bitus nostri honour & frequens tog●, pa●latimque discessum, ad delinimenta ● vitiorum, porticus, balnea, & conviviorum elegantiam, idqu● apud imperit●s huma●itas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset. The luchantment, in some, of the Roman Schools, than made the Britan's 〈◊〉 despise, piece and piece, their own Manners, and roughness of their own Language, and brought them to Admiration of the Roman Tongue, and love of their Apparel, and, at length, to Softness and Delicacy of Life; by which things, they did for the time, greatly effeminate their Minds.  
That our Yles, and Hie-Landes, have now great need to be tamed, by the like Arts, being a Dangerous, Rebellious, and Uncivil People, it is very easily proved; for our Scottish History is full of it, That those Yles, and Northern parts, have not only been Ports, and Receptacles of Foreign Armies, invading our Country, and a Sanctuary for Domestic Rebels: but the Lords of the Yles, have many times threatened the Crown of SCOTLAND, and have fought Bloody and Desperate Battles for it. We read in our History, that our King, Findocus, after he had been afflicted with the mighty Rebellions of Donaldus, who styled himself, King of the Yles, he was in end murdered by his Insidiation: and the King succeeding to him, (called also Donaldus,) was slain by the same Man, in open Battle: after the which, he did usurp the Crown of SCOTLAND, and exercised most bloody Tyrannies, for the Extinction of the greatest part of the Nobility. Again, under King Eth●inus, another Donaldus of the Yles, did so boldly revolt, that he came with displayed. Banners to the Country of GALLOWAY, and altogether spoiled it. The thirde Donaldus of the Yles, in the time of KING JAMES the first his being in ENGLAND, he did oppress and subdue our whole Northern parts, yea, even to the Honourable City of ABERDENE, which he intended to destroy, if he had not been diverted, and drawn to that famous Battle of HAR●-LAW, 
Battle of Hare-Law.  where so many Barones, Knights, Honourable Gentlemen, and Burgesses of best sort did lose their lives.  
These serve for sufficient Documents, to after-coming Princes: for there is nought that hath been, which may not come to pass again, Time itself being but a Circulation of the same things. These Examples did move the valiant & wise King, Robert Bruce, in his testamental Counsels, to his private Friends, it being the Minority of his Son, to leave this Direction, Tanquam arranum imperii, vel domus Augusti: That there should never be a Lord, nor great Man in the Yles, but they should remain perpetually impropriate to the Crown: Ea-enim oportunitate (saith the Writer) sitae sunt, eaque incolarum mobilitas ut levissimam 〈◊〉 causam ad rebellionem impelluntur, nec deficientes facile reducantur.  
As much I say of our Hie-Landes, That in all Ages bygone have been the Strong Refuge of Bloody Traitors, and those who have violated the Sacred Ly●es of our Kings; for the which Cause we read very near to the beginnings of this Kingdom, that Evenus the second, who was but the fourteenth King from the first, having with much Business, repressed the Tyranny of Gillus, who pretended to be King: and trusted himself to the Rebellious Hie-lands and Yles. Thereafter, for the better assuring of that Barbarous People, and reducing of them to Civil Knowledge and Carriage, he builded two Cities, in two several Countries, Ennernesse, which is to this day a flourishing Town, in the Northern parts, and Ennerlochtie, upon Loch-Tay. And in our own times we have seen amongst them, such Proud and Incorrigible Oppressions of Neighbour People, such Cruelties, and Nefarious Perpetrations, as if they did not fear either GOD, or the Devil. Whiles the Romans were so politic in Britain, is it not much more easy for His Majesty, who now governeth here, to reform that 〈◊〉, by frequent Plantation of GOD'S Word, which of all things is the greatest Dau●ter of the Mind? certainly, it is more easy, & by twenty to one more necessary for His Majesty to perform, than it was for the Romans then. The Perfect Plantation chiefly of these Yles, with Burgall Cities, Civil People, and Christian Clergy, were a most Glorious and Imperial Work: For besides the clozing of that Backdoor, to the Surety of the Crown, and Quietitude of the Kingdom, it should be the Means, to erect the Fishing of our Scottish Seas, a Rich Trade, esteemed sufficient for the Employment of 50000 Persons, a thing of great Consequence for our Country, wherein there be even Swarms of Indigent & Necessitous People, and a thing of greater Importance to the yearly Finances of the Crown, than any that hath been excogitate in times bygone.  
The Discourse of the Nature of Tithes, hath carried me too far, 
Abuses, and Oppressions, by way of Tithes.  from the Point thereof which is most proper for this Treatise: that is, Of what Discontentment may justly arise to us, by reason of the Reformation intended by His Majesty, of Tythe-Abuses, or Oppressions done by Tythe-Masters, wherein I need not to insist much to debate it: for if Oppression be a Crying Sin, it will speak for itself. I have only two Words, If the Nobleman can put a Bridle in a Gentleman's Month, by any Right to his tenths, although he were his Nearest Kinsman, he can (as every Man seeth) command him, as his Horse. He causeth the Poor Labourers of the Ground, to lead his Tithes to a Milne, perhaps to his Barne-Yard too: and whereas they were illuded, in the beginning of Reformation of Religion in Scotland, and made to believe, that they should pay but the Fifteenth Sheaffe, now it is so rigorously exacted, that if there be a Stuck ruffled with the Wether, or with the Beasts, that the Tenth-master will not have: he must have the best. And in place to shave the Poor Man's Hair gently, by a Violent Pull, he bringeth with him a Portion of his Hyde. If Reformation of these be intended, it is no Matter of Discontentment, but of Common joy: yea, even to Noblemen, it should be so, that the Ways of Oppression be stopped, for stopping the Current of GOD'S Wrath against them, or their Posterity. I do reverence the judgements of GOD, and will not take on me definitivelie to pronounce, wherefore He doth inflict them: a Case oftentimes hidden from the Eyes of Men: But surely, it is great Pity to see the Desolation of so many Honourable Houses, as have been overthrown in this Land, since the first casting down of Churches, and Religious Houses, and turning of Tithes into Temporal Goods.  
And if Noblemen were to brook them still, they shall do well to agree to the Reformation of Abuses, or (which were better, in my Opinion, for them, and all others) to submit ourselves to GOD, and to the goodness of our Prince, who hath already by public Declaration, manifested the Benignity of his Meaning towards these things: that all Rights of his Subjects lawfully purchased, shall be confirmed, every Man shall have his Tithes upon easy Conditions, (which seemeth agreeable to their first Institution by GOD, where the Payer and his Family, were admitted to the Participation of Tithes) and that all Men shall be fred from Servitude, and forced Dependences. And since Tithes are Bona Eceles. Bona Pauperum, Bona Reip. there is no doubt, but a Christian King, who is Father of the Church, of the Poor, & of the Commonwealth, may dispense and dispose of them, and of Ecclesiastic Effayrs, as David did, and Solomon, and the Christian Emperors, in the Primitive Church; which is the Reason, why in their Coronation they were anointed with the Oil of the Priesthood, & why the Kings of England were at their Inauguration clothed Stola sacerdo tall, to testify their Ecclesiastic Power. The CHURCH is sacred, and so is the Commonwealth; the CHURCH being served, and the Poor, who be Members of the CHURCH, and Schools provided for, the Prince may employ the Superplus, as they shall please, for the Commonwealth.  
But now, because the special Scope of this Treatise, is to show as well the Necessity of making War, as the Means to do the same, 
Discourse of the Nature, and Courie, of Monies.  therefore I must speak of one thing, which appeareth to bring a notable Inconvenient and Distress to this Time, if it be not prevented: and that is the great Scarcity that shall be of ready Money in this Country, before it be long; by reason, that the greatest part of our best Coin is either exported by merchand's, or looked up in their Hands; and by reason of the exorbitant Sums that His Majesty must of necessity daily send beyond Seas, for maintenance of the Wars: where-anent, before I set down my Opinion touching the Stability, or justabilitie, of Money-Pryces in Scotland, I will say somewhat of the Nature thereof in general; for Disquisition whereof, I will go no farther back in Antiquity, than to the Romans, who before their first Punic War's, to wit, Anno 490, of their State, had no other Coin, but of the Ass in Brass, because the Septentrion Regions wherein there be Mines of Silver, but not of Gold; & the Indees, where there be both of Silver and Gold, were unknown to them at that time: some years before they had Gold, but neither in Coin, nor in Quantity. Camillus, being Dictator, when Rome was taken by the Gauls, Anno 364, could not find amongst them all, above 1000 pound weight of Gold, to make Redemption of the Town, there being in the mean time (as their Subsidy Books did verify) 152580 free Citizens in Rome: an Argument, that Gold was then very rare. But as their Empire did extend itself to Africa, and Asia, not only Gold and Silver were brought to them, in great Plenty, but therewith also the perfect Science of those Metals.  
Plinius, and all the Naturalists, hold, that no Gold is found without a Mixture of Silver; 
Gold cannot be employed, without a mixtion of ●ilver.  nor Silver, without commixtion of worse than itself: and certain it is, that Gold cannot be employed to any Work, nor reduced in Coin, without a Mixture of Silver, to the 35 part at least, which we do now call of 35 Carrot fine: and this is the best and most upright Gold, Obrizum, of fiery reddish Colour. Again, the most base is of pale and whyish Colour, having a fifth part of Silver in it, called Electrum. Upon he Degrees betwixt these two of fifth part, and 35, doth run the fynnesse of Gold through the World; & of Silver, betwixt 13 Penny, and 9 Penuie fine, as we call it: that is to say, having into it so much of Copper, every Nation following their own Pleasure there-anent, and many striving to have more base Coin than their Neighbours, and heighting Foreign Money, which is better than their own, that they may brook it within their Country; and if they please, mix it with their own, suffering Merchands, by Subtleties of their Traffic, to wait the Commodities of Exportation, or Importation: that sometimes doth benefit the State in common, some other times only the Merchand himself: 
Fraud of Goldsmiths, and of Coiners.  the ground of all which Abuses, is the fraudulent Commixtion of Gold, Silver, and Copper, by Coiners, and Goldsmiths, under and below that Fynnesse which is authorized by Princes & States. We read, that in the days of Francis the first, the said's Artisans being ordained by Law, to work the Gold of 24 Carrot; Trial being taken, all was found to be but of 19: so that in every 24 Marks of Gold, there were 5 Marks of Silver, which did wonderfully damnify the Subjects, and was punished by Death and Confiscation. And albeit amongst the Romans, when they began to have store of Coin, it had Course of 32 Carrot Fynnesse, whereof there are divers Pieces extant to this day, under the Stamp of Vespasian, yet the best Fynnesse, now current in Europe, is about 23, and of Silver, betwixt 11, and 12 Penny: the most base again, in divers places; is little better Gold, than the Electrum of 7, or 8 Carrots, and Silver of 8, or 9 Penny. So that it is the great Negligence, and Oversight of State-Masters, in many Nations, who do not duly collation the Worth of Country Coin, with that, which is Foreign, thereby to know with whom the advantage doth rest.  
And as it were a good Mean, for maintenance of Humane Society, that all People should profess one Faith, 
What the heighting of Money doth impo●t.  for our Union in Religion, which is the surest Band of Love, and that all should acknowledge the same Civil Laws, for Concordance of our Actions, in the Rules of justice; so it were the only Way, to conserve Uprightness, and Equity in commerce of Merchandise amongst divers Nations, that there should be a stable Price, and stable Fynnesse of Coin common over all. But that as the other two are rather wished, than expected, amidst the great Diversity of the Minds and Manners of Men; whereupon the often Alteration 〈◊〉 of Money, specially by heighting of Price, and basin of fineness, have been frequently practised. And, albeit it seem to be unjust in itself, and to import manifest Wrong, to particular Members of the Commonwealth; as when he who advanceth Money in pressed to his Neighbour, must by those Means receive in Payment less than the same Weight & Fynnesse which he gave unto him: Or, when he who hath no State, but of Silver Rents, & the poor Artisans, who get naught for their Work, but Money, are constrained, by the heighting thereof, to buy every thing at a double Rate perhaps than of before, because it is true, that the Pryces of all things do follow the Price of Money: Yet not the less of these, I will reason thus, with such as do stand for the Stability of Money at this time amongst us: First, I say, there are no things of Men, which are not subject to Vicissitude: we see no Stability of Governaments, either in Church or State. Is there any thing more ordinary, yea, more necessary, than the Change of Positive Laws, according to the Occurrent Behooffulnesse of the Time? Second●ie, I say, the Alterations of Money-pryces, are naturally & reasonably as incident as of other things. If abundance of Lands, put to open selling, great store of Bestial, huge increase of Corns do make the Price of those more low and easy: If Scarcity again, of the same do raise their Price, why not in like manner, the greater Plenty of Money, the lower Price, and the greater Penurity thereof, the higher Price? So that I say, when Corns are scant, ye cannot choose, but there must be Dearth: Likewise, when Money is much scarce, ye are not able to keep it at the old Price, unless ye will mar all, or else that we had nought to do with Money. thirdly, I say, it is not a good Argument, Because a thing doth prejudge this or that particular Man: Ergo, it is no Common Good: Omnis magna lex habet aliquid iniquit at is: what Law hath ever been made, which is not of that kind, and hurtful to some in particular? Nature itself is contented to be violated in a Member, for the Preservation and Prosperity of a Whole. We Will snead and cut the Branches, that the Body of the Tree●ay ●ay shoot up more strongly. Albeit the Spirit of our Life be ●nto our Blood, yet we will take some Ounces thereof, to prevent 〈◊〉 remove Mortal Diseases. fourthly, I say, that ●he Body of our people, yea, all of them (except some Idle Men, who live only on Silver Rents) are in best Condition, when our Corns are at reasonable gross Pryces: providing there be no Scarcity, every Mank noweth it to be so. But this cannot be, except the Pryces of Money be haughted, or that ye find other Means to put abundance thereof in the Country. Ye will say to me, Ye shall provide how the merchants with time may import store of Silver and Gold, as they did the year bygone. And I answer to you, That is not at all times in the Option of the Merchand, but then when he doth foresee his own Advantage, and all was Foreign Money that he brought, but none of our own Coin which goeth abroad at an higher Rate than here: so that I know not a better Way, than by haughting the Price thereof, to let them see a second gain, by Importation of the same.  
Will ye ask me, what shall be the benefit of the Commonwealth? or what Well-governed State hath practised such things? I answer to you, That it is never done, but upon Necessity, and in that Case, hath been done by the Strongest and most Politic. 
A great heighting of Monies amongst the Romans, in their Punic Wars.  The Romans, ten years before their first Wars against Carthage, were begun to have Silver Coin, called Denarius, and the parts thereof Quinarius, and Sestertius; the Denier being worth ten Asses, and the Ass being a Pound of Brass, in Coin, at 12 Ounces the Pound. But the City being exhausted, and indebted by that War, unable to defray the Charges, they raised the worth of the Brazen Money, by diminishing the Weight; ordaining the Ass, to be only two Ounces: where-by the Exchequer of the State, did gain five parts of six, and so was soon made free from Debt. Here was indeed an Exorbitant Heighting: the Necessity was great, the Commonwealth in danger, & the Practice upon Brass. Ye will say to me, that Heighting of our Money, will more prejudge, than profit the King, for maintenance of Wars. For Example, If every twenty Marks of Money, were by Authority called in, to the Coyning-house and put forth under the same Weight and Fynnesse, for twenty one Marks; by this Means His Majesty should presently get the 21 part of all the Coin in Scotland: but thereafter, in yearly Payment made of His Rents, Impostes, and Casualties pertaining to His Treasury, and Taxation of every 21 Marks, he should want one, that now is made, according to the present Price: and it cannot be denied. But for Help of that, and Safety of the Subjects, from Inconvenientes, and Wrongs of that kind, our Money may be heighted, upon that Reasonable Condition, as we find it to have been done under King james the third: to wit, That all Bands, Contracts, Obligations, Infeftments for Annual Rents, Few-Mails, Sums of Money, Tacks of Lands, or of Impostes for Money, made of before that Heighting, should be paid of the same Price and Eynnesse, which was current, when the Sureties were made, and that the Newlie-Heighted-Pryce should only strike upon Future Traffic and Commerce: which seemeth to have been a very reasonable Middle, for Multiplication of Money, and Raising of Victual, unto Discreet and Competent Pryces, for the Common Good of the greatest part of People.  
I confess, that such things are to be done seldom, and then fore-sightf●llie. Philip Le Bell of France, did once base his Coin, so far, by Mixtion of Copper, and Brass, that the Italian Poet, Dantes, did call him, Falsificatore di moneta: which he did excuse, from the Necessity of the Time, and did thereafter repent it much, because it was followed with great Harm, & Mutiny of his Subjects. alwise, I trust none will deny, that it is more profitably done, to height Money, than to base i●: and it is well known, what notable Loss did ensue to this Country, by the last crying down of our Coin.  
But seeing that Land (which is Bonum immobile) is subject to daily change of Prices, to hold that Gold (being in the Account of Bona mobilia) is not in the same Condition, 
Sovereign Virtues of the Gold.  as a thing more Sacred in itself, it is a Scorn, unless we would draw our Arguments from the great Virtues and Excellencies, which no doubt are latent there●nto, albeit mystious, and unknown to us, and whereof we make no Use of that Aurum potabile, so sovereign for removing of Diseases, and Corroboration of Man's Health; whereof the Aleamistes make Moses to be the first Inventor, by reducing of the Golden Calf, into Powder potable. And that the Specific Spirit of the Gold, doth (as they say) transform other Metals into Gold, and is sufficient to maintain Perpetuity of Youthhead: Affirming their Elixir to be that same, whereunto Saint john, Apocal. 21, did compare the Holy City, It was of pure Gold, like Glass: saying, that the Spirit of GOD doth not use to comparison, but things which are indeed In rerum natura: and citing for this their chief Patron, Paracels. in the 9 of his Metaph. Nostra tinctura rubea est in se astra auri continens, translucida instar Crystalli, fragilis ut vitrum. And in divers Places of his Mineral Treatises, giving the Cause, in most admirable Terms, why GOD▪ shall conceal from the World, 
Elias Artista.  that Secret unto the coming of Elias Artista, within the seaventh thousand years, which is presumed by the remote Theology, to be the Final jubilee of the World, and the Triumph, both of Natural, and Metaphysical Operations. And albeit that Suidas doth allege, that this Science of the Multiplication of the Gold, did rest amongst the Egyptians, even to the Reign of Dioclesian; who (as Augurellus writeth) did much fear them, by reason of their Chemical Skill; Not the less, I say, we know how these Disquisitions have hitherto, but exhausted the Brains, and Treasures of many great Princes, who have gone about them, so that we are not to make Estimation of Gold, for such subtle Theorems, but even as of other temporary things.  
Next, I know ye will pretend, 
Of Monies kept up by merchand's.  that there is no Penurity of Money in Scotland, but that, that is kept up in the Hands of Ritch merchand's, and that ye will find in some Burgh, more Silver and Gold, with two or three, than is in the whole Town beside, and the whole Shyreffdome about; but that they refuse to vent it, and if that Case were cured, we should have great Plenty of Coin: so, for the more clear Discussion of this Business, I will here suppose myself, having Commission to dispute this Question with the Merchand who doth thus.  
Commissioner. I come to show you Merchand, that His Majesty and Counsel, are highly commoved against you, because in this time of so great Scarcity of Silver, and of so main a Necessity, to have it current through the Country, ye do lock it up in your Coffers, not only to the Common Prejudice and Peril of the who●e State, but also to your own hurt in particular: for your Father was accustomed to say, That a laying Hen, was better, than a lying Crown. Merchand. I do praise GOD, for that I have already gained sufficiently by the Merchand Trade: the World is evil, both at Home, and Abroad, and my Money is sure in mine own Possession, Commissionar. Do ye not consider the great Wrongs in the mean time, by the Detention thereof? Merchand. What are those Wrongs? for why? I do retain no Man's Goods, but mine own. 
Decay of Ships, and the 〈◊〉 why.  Commissionar. First, ye are unthankful to GOD, and to your Country, who having acquired so great Abundance, do deny the Profitable and Necessary use of your things, without your own Hurt, to your Prince, and Commonwealth, who both are in Pain, for want of Money: farther, ye do what ye can, to overthrow the City, wherein ye dwell, and where-of ye, are a Member incorporate: In the which City, a great number, and of the ablest Men, have no other Means of their Life, but by Maritine Trade, whilst ye, and such as ye, have weakened and debauched the Shipping of that Town, so far, that there is not amongst them all, so many Ordinance, or Sea-Munition of Guns, as I have seen in my time, to be in one of your Ships: by the which doing, the poor Mariner's are now in this Dangerous Time, brought to this Desperate Case, that they dare not adventure to Sea; partly for want of Employment, and partly for want of Munition and Equipage. Merch. I did follow the Traffic so long as I could gain any thing for my Pains; now there is nought to be had: for why? His Majesty's Imposts are so great, that by three Voyages to Bourdeaux, I have found, that in name of Impost, His Majesty hath gotten all my whole Stock. Commiss. That is an Ambiguous Speech; for I think ye would say, that His Majesty hath gotten as much as your Stock, so that your Gain is not so great as it was wont to be, when at one Voyage, ye did double, or triple your Stock. And I ask you, If that be not a most Laudable Virtue, when sitting in your House at Home, ye can by employing of 3 Voyages, Avance to His Majesty's Coffers, the Equivalent of your Stock, when ye can maintain the Means of their Living to numbers, who serve in your Ships, & keep your Stock with reasonable gain, although it were but small, rather than to roost your Moneys in your Cabinet? How would ye live in Holland, where there is not a Loaf of Bread, nor a Pot of Bier, which doth not pay more of Impost, than it is worth, before it come to any Man's Table? and yet none doth complain, or find Harm by it: But contrary, that Common Intercourse of Money, with the Dexterity where-by they rule it, hath been the only thing to sustain their Longsome Wars: And is not Money apppointed for such Uses? Merch. Our Condition is not alike to theirs: their Traffic is great, and questuous: they do command the Seas, we have no such doing here.  
Commiss. What if His Majesty, and His Counsel, 
Means to restore Shipping, in Maritine Town●.  should make a Law, (not so much respecting the Importance of His Impostes, as for the Commonwealth, & Standing of Maritine Towns) that every rich Burgess inhabiting the same, should employ at least the two part of his State to the Sea Trade; do ye not think, it were a Princely Policy, for the Conservation of them, & Good of the whole Country? Merch. But who then should buy the Gentle-man's Land, when he is not able to brook his Estate? Commiss. His Creditors behoved to accept them, in Payment; and it should teach us to live more frugallie, in times coming, when we should see such Difficulty, to turn Lands into Money. Always, because we must have your Silver to come forth, to serve this Time, I will insist farther with you, to ask, why ye do not bestow it upon Lands, and Annual Rents, since ye have withdrawn it from the Sea Trade, that the Country may have the Necessary Use thereof. Merch. Lands are not so ready at hand, as they have been some years bygone: almost all who needed, have sold: that Market is nearly passed: besides that, the Time is dangerous, & great appearance of Wars, and of a Broken State. Commiss. Then it were rather to vent your Money for eight or seven of the hundreth, to trusty Debtors, who could assure you against all your Fears. Merc. Before we do that, we will keep it in our Coffers: a Man may use his own proper Goods, after his own Mind, if it were to consume them, by Riot and Drunkenness. Commiss. That is a bad and Intolerable Speech: as if we Country Gentlemen should say, It is lawful for us, to use our Lands as we please, 
Prodigal Perso●s interdy●●d by ●aw.  and to cast barren and unlaboured the best part, that we may plague you Burgall People, with Scarcity and Famine. Howsoever it is neglected here, yet in the most Politic States, which have been, that Liberty was not permitted to Men to do as they would, even with their own Goods or Lands. We read in the Laws of the 12 Tables, amongst the Romans this Caveat, That he who was a Prodigal Debosher, should be intradicted as a Fool, Situ ●ona patria, avita●que vel tua, nimia nequitia disperdere liberos●que tuos ad egestatem perducere volueris, tunc hoc commercio tibi interdicendum est. And by the Laws of Solon, and of the Areopagits, such People, (called Patrimoniorum de Coctores) Devourers of their Patrimonies, were with Infamy, debarred from Honourable Assemblies, accused as Criminal Persons, cast into Prison, and derobbed of farther Commerce amongst Men. And here I must tell you, it had been happy, that such Laws had been amongst us in this Country these thirty years bygone, wherein many virtuous Men undergoing Cautionriens, for their Profused and Prodigal Friends, have been naufraged by you Merchands, who will not pursue the Principal Debtor, nor comprise his Lands, but do still attake you to the Cautioner. Now to the Purpose: if the Commonwealth should be dearer to us, than our Children, because she doth nowrish us both; then if Laws may interdict us, for the sake of our Children, much more it must be so for the sake of our Mother, the Commonwealth: from the Safety whereof, doth depend the Universal Good of all her Members. So that when Question is of the Weal of the State, neither must ye be so absolute Master of your Monies, nor I of my Lands, as ye do imagine. Always, I suppose, that I know certain Means, 
No private Man is absolute Lord of his Lands, or Goods.  where-by your Silver may be exposed to Public Traffic, without your Loss, or Discontent: but because it toucheth a secret of Policy, I will forbear any Mention of it here, and take me to propone another thing, for Increase of Money, whereof (it being common to others, as well as to you) I will speak in Common, and make an end of my Conference with you Merchands in particular.  
Amongst other things that have made so great Scarcity of Coin amongst us, 
Against the Prodigality of 〈◊〉 Plate, and guilding with Gold.  there is one, which with great Reason ought, and with great Advantage may be reform: and this is the Abundance of Silver Plate, Chains, Girdles, Bracelets, and such as have crept into Scotland, since our Union with England. It is acknowledged in Histories, that the pride of Emperors, in guilding with Gold, spacious Palaces, Temples, and Towne-Houses, was the first thing that did scarce the Gold, and haught the Price thereof; as that large Fabric builded in Rome, by Nero, all beguilded, wherein there were divers Galleries of 1000 spaces: and as the Capitol, to the beguiling whereof Vespasian did employ seven Millions, and two hundreth thousand Crowns, of finest Gold: And the Temple Pant●eon, (which we see yet extant) beguilded by Agrippa, for saving the Copper and Brass from Roost. Thereafter they became so Prodigal, to beguiled also the Iron and Silver, that it should not be subject to Roost. We read in the French Histories, that so great hath been the Prodigality of that Nation, for the use of Clinkarts, Lace, and Cloth of Gold and Silver, that Laws have been set down, to bring those things from merchand's, to the Coyning-house, with strict Penal Statutes, against any more of that kind for Apparel. Which things when I consider, they give me Boldness to say, That His Majesty, our Sovereign, should do well, to ordain all the uncoyned Gold and Silver in Scotland, to be brought in, and stamped in Current Money. It is in the Hands of Noblemen, Barons, and Burgesses, who can lose nothing by it, but by the Contrary, gain: for even they themselves in the mean time, do more delight to be served in Glass, which of itself is as Civil, and more Pure, for that Use.  
And lest our Noblemen should think it Dishonourable to be emptied of Rich Cup-boards, 
Richeses of Scip. Asri●.  I will show how this sort of Thirst hath been followed by great Personages, without Indignity. Scipio Afric. when he died, did leave no more Silver Plate, and Coin both, to his Heir, than amounted to 32 pound weight: and yet when he road in Triumph, for the Subjugation of Carthage, he did ostent publicly, and placed in the Exchequer of the State, an incredible Sum, that he obtained of the Conquered, Quater millies, quadringena, septuagena millia pondo, sayeth Plinius, four thousand, four hundreth, and seaventie pound weight, a thousand times counted. About the same time (as the same Author writeth) their best and most ancient Captains were degraded, for having fine pound weight of Silver Plate to serve them at Table. King Ferdinandus of Spain, 
Ferdinandus Magn. did sell his Silver Plate, and jewels.  called Magno, having wholly exhausted both his Treasures, & his Credit, in making longsome Wars against the Infidels in Valenza & Toledo, & for want of ready Means, in danger to be oppressed by those Barbarians, his Wife (a Lady of an excellent Spirit) did put to Port Sale, not only all her Gold & Silver Plate, and precious jewels, but also all her best Furniture of her Palaces, yea, and the richest Pieces of her bodily Apparel: whereby she did furnish her Husband in such sort, that he prevailed mightily over his Enemies, and conquered their Cities, with large Treasures and Commodities therein. 
Charles the ninth of France, did coin his Silver Plate.  The French Story showeth, that King Charles the ninth, did reduce, upon urgent Necessity, his whole Gold and Silver Plate into Coin. I need not here object against ourselves, the Simplicity of Manners of our Antecessours, and their Ignorance of such Prodigality's: but lest we should think it base and ignominious to follow them, I will tell you how Plinius in his time did write thus; Before our Grandfathers, no Senator did wear Gold Rings; 
Lib. 33.  and in the remembrance of our Grandfathers, those who had the Office of the Praetorship, in their old age did wear Rings of Iron. Of his own time again, (said he) all things that the World by, Land or Sea could produce, were become so familiar, & sought for at Rome, that every year it did cost the State, to furnish a Voyage into India, fifty Millions of Sesterses: for which the Indians did send back their Merchandise, which were sold at Rome, for an hundreth times as much as they were bought for. So bent are People, to precipitate swiftly, and in short time, to Corruption and Insolence, where they once find themselves in the Way that leadeth into it.  
Now, supposing there were abundance of Money in the Country, 
Prescription for Diet, and Apparel.  there can be nothing more pertinent to a Treatise of this kind, than (for saving thereof to Public, Necessary, and Virtuous Uses) to propound a thing, whereof we have great need, and which hath been frequently practised by the best & greatest Commonwealths, in the time of Exige●ice and Distress for want of Coin, to preserybe Moderation, both of Diet and Apparel, often times done by the Romans, and frequently since by the French and Venetians, and by times everywhere. It is well known, how far we have deboarded in this sort, since our Conjunction with England: and I find in our History, that the like Abuses did creep in amongst our Predecessors, from the same Country, to the manifest Danger of the Commonwealth then, and that it was at two several times grievously and pithily resented by the Counsel of Scotland, to their Princes, and Reformation urged, first under K. Malcolm the third, 
Hector Bo●●●, Lib. 12.  whose Queen, Margaret, being English, was attended with numbers of their Gentry, and much Introduction of Foreign Manners: secondly, at the coming home of King james the first, after many years being in England, by a notable Oration publicly delivered to that end, by the Archbishop of Saint Andrew's for the time: to which two Places, I do refer them, who are curious to know, how many Ways, and how soon, Prodigality and Riot do lead a State unto Ruin. And if we would esteem such Reformations to be disagreeable with Noble and Generose Minds, it were to show the Poverty and Ignorance of our own Mind; because in the Simplicity of Manners, and Moderation of Life, doth consist all the Active Virtue of the Mightiest States; there-upon were Republics founded, Cities builded, Laws established, Empire's extended, the World conquered: sayeth the same Author, Plinius, there was not a Baker known at Rome, 580 years after her Plantation, nor no Bread, other than that which was driven out by women's Hands, like unot the Cakes which are usual amongst our Commoners: whereas in the end, that most puissant and invincible Empire, whom all the Nations of the Earth could not daunt, was overthrown by excessive Prodigality of Life, as the Poet sayeth, 
Nunc patimur longae pacis mala, sevior armis  
Luxuria incubuit victum●que ulc●scitur orbem.   
Finally, I will turn my Speech to You, 
Speech to the King's Majesty.  O Mighty King! Orient Monarch of the Northern World! Successor of that Wise Solomon of Great Britain, whose Heart so empty of Ambition and Avarice, The LORD His GOD did fill with the True Wisdom of Governament, and did exalt Him as a new Polestar, or Lantern of Light, to be beheld afar, and sought to, by those who sail into the Naufragious Seas of Southern Darkness. The LORD indeed did employ Him as a Solomon, to the like Function of Building His Temple: for under Him was Popery, & the Altars of Idolatry casten down, The Gospel planted in this Kingdom, and the Church restored to the ancient Primitive Governament; That like unto that solid Conjunction of the Tribes of Israel, under Solomon, the Body of this whole Isle standeth firm and united: and therefore would not GOD suffer Him to be a Man of War, nor those Hands to touch the Sword of Blood, which he had concluded to use to the Sacred work of His Temple. But, Sir, Your Majesty, He hath chosen, to be that David, who should overcome and break the mighty Enemies of his People: I should be sorry to trouble Your Royal Ears, with tedious Discourse, (yea, if my shallow Wits could choose) with one idle Word: I will but briefly bring before Your Majesty, some few of the Practices of Augustus Caesar, whom all the Politic Writers, and Histories, since his Days, have set up for a Perfect Examplar of Imitation, to all the Active Princes of following Ages.  
The first whereof, and first in the Actions of his Life, was his incredible Diligence, 
Diligence of Augastus, against his Enemies.  in the Oppressing & Extinction of Intestine Enemies: For finding that the Clemency of his Predecessor, jul. Caes. in pardoning his Capital Foes, in Dismission of his Personal Guards, his Careless Carriage, and Contempt of divers Advertisements, given him from his Friends, of Treasons complotted against his Life, having nothing more frequent in Mouth, than this, Non tam mea interest, quam Rep. ut quam diuttssime vivam: I say, that Augustus finding that by these Errors, his Predecessor had prepared an easy Way of his own Destruction, he did with all Expedition, make away the whole Enemies of Caesar, without Mercy: not so much out of Spleen & Vindication, as for Establishment of th● State, & Safety of his own Life. He kept 40 Legions, upon his B●●de●ing Provinces, under the Commandment of his most trusty Friends, & strong Guards about himself.  
I know the Odds are great betwixt Your Majesty & him, because that was a New Conquest, & a Change of a Repub. into a Monarchy, where the Doer could not be secure without Violence, and Severity of Governament. But withal, every one doth remember of the dangerous Stratagems, and pernicious Attempts, against the Sacred Person of Your majesty's Father, often times intercepted. We know, that there be within the Bowels of Your majesty's Dominions, Enemies to Your Governament: even of Men, who I think do tender Your Life as their own: I mean, of Papists and Puritans, whereof the first is avowedlie opposed to Your majesty's Laws: and that the seconde is a perilous Enemy to Monarchal Governament; yea, most perilous it is known to all the World, by the Records of the Geneva Discipline, vented over all, 
Who be Enemies to the present Governament of this Kingdom.  many years ago; and by our own Histories of the Church of SCOTLAND, written by our Proto-Reformtors, and by our jure Regni apud Scotos, of Master George Buchanan: and most clearly of all, by a certain Treatise, printed in LONDON, Anno 1593., entitled, Dangerous Positions, published and practised within the Isle of BRITAIN, under Pretence of Reformation, and for Presbyterial Discipline: Which I am persuaded, if Your Majesty should take leisure to cast over, ye would think it expedient, to have it current and public, to the View of all Your Good Subjects, for the better Information of many, who be ignorantly affected thereunto. Neither do I here suggest any thing, that may irritate your Majesty to Rigour against such. And if it were asked me, What then do I mean? This is it, Sir; We understand, that your Majesty hath many and mortal Enemies, even of your Life and Crown: and those of the greatest Potentates abroad, and their insidious Instruments, who lie in wait, to slide into your majesty's Kingdoms unperceiveablie, when they shall find the Waters troubled. In which Case, the unanimity of Subjects, especially in Matters of Religion, and Ecclesiastic Governament, is the only Band of our Security: For even where Subjects are naturally loyal to their Princes, distracted Minds in such Points are most perilous. And as wh●n a great Disease, or Evil, doth enter upon the Body, it invadeth first that part or Member, which had any Weakness, or Contusion of before: Even so, when Foreign Treacheries, or Intestine Seditions, come to be practised in a State, they do first assault those of vnstayed and divyded Minds: and namely, from the Pride of Puritanisme, have sprung the Seeds of the most bad and bold things that have been committed against our Princes in these last Ages. And I must say it, out of the Sincerity and Simplicity of a most humble Affection, to the Stability of your majesty's Reign, there is not a more malignant Gangrena latent within your Bowels, than that, nor more able to quarrel the Credit of Royal Authority, if things were never so little turned loose.  
Your Majesty hath need again, to set over the Ports of your Kingdom, the Eyes of Argos, to see that no Enemy do enter. The jesuit is a Proteus, who can transform himself in any Shape. He can pass by your Majesty, under Covert and Silence. He is like to the Skeilling Goose, who when she flieth alongst the Mount Taurus, carrieth a Stone in her Bill, to stop her Cry, that she should not be heard of the Eagles, which continually do keep the Top thereof. Chiefly, your Majesty hath need to be ●urious of your own Court: For as never Heresy did come into the Church, which began not amongst the Clergy; Even so, seldom are Treasons contryved against Princes, whereunto some of their Court are not conscious. When Augustus had caused great numbers to die, and thought himself free from Domestic Fears, he found Cinna, a lurking Serpent in his Bosom: therefore we say, that Kings should be vigilant, like to the Lion, who is King of Beasts, and said to be of such Solicitude, that he sleepeth with open Eyes. And if Your Majesty should at any time discover Disloyal Practices, than indeed the Example of Augustus were well to be followed, to punish such Persons, without any Mercy at all. As for Puritans, this I hold, that Your Majesties do admit none to Episcopal Governament, who hunteth after it, for love of Richeses or Preferment, and then doth nothing differ from the Puritan in all his Carriage thereafter: 
Vigilance over the Admission of Bishops, and Ministers.  and that no Bishop be bold, to ordain a Preacher, who doth not in his own person obey, and make his Flock obey the present Discipline, and authorized Ordinances of the Church. Your Majesty of Clemency may suffer to expire in peace, such old Puritans, as had Tolerance and Connivance under Your Father, provided they be modest and reserved: but that either Popery should be endured, or in any Corner of the Country an Arch-Puritane to bring forth Seminaries of his Sect, for the Ministry; certainly, that were to keep a Backdoor open, for Anarchy and Confusion, sometime to re-enter both into Church and State. For the present, Your Majesty hath Watchmen over our Church approved enough, by Your Blessed Father, who did prefer them.  
The second, SIR, notably remarked in the Gubernative Wisdom of Augustus, 
Honour done by Augustus, to the Senators.  was the great Honour done by him to the Senators of his Counsel, and his Confidence in them. The principal thing that did comfort those Conspirators against the Life of his Predecessor, being his Misregards to the Senate, that he would not deign himself to rise from his Chair, when they came in, and that by the Persuasion and Flattery of Cornelius Balbus, puissing him too much, to undertake Imperial Dignity: Augustus by the contrary, did dispatch no matter of Importance, but by the Advyce of the Senators, whom he did so greattie respect, that after a perfect Settling of all his Difficulties, he did bear in his own person, the Office of a Consul, another time of the Censor, which both he did discharge faithfully, and paynfullie, beyond any that had exercised those Functions before him. Your Majesty knoweth how there have not been better Princes, than Titus, & Trajan, whom the Histories do call the S●aviters and Delights of Men, and none so much as they did honour the Senate: none again more bad than Nero and Domisian, who most of any did vilipend the same. We read how greatly it was to the praise of the French King, Charles' the fifth, called Le Sage, who having received some Appellations and Complaints from those of Guienne, 
The Modellie of ●●aries the fifth of France.  being for the time Subjects to the King of England: which when he remembered to be done against the Articles of Peace betwixt him and the said King, he conveaned his Parliament, to be judged of them, for that which had escaped him. And again, for the Danger that is in the mere Absoluteness of Princes, Your Majesty hath that Famous Testimony, given by Lewis the eleventh of Fran●e, a most subtle King, most jealous of Sovereign Points, and in his Counsels most absolute of any: who acknowledging, that by such kind of doing, he had almost ruinated himself: therefore he would not suffer, that his Son, Charles the eight, should be taught more than three words of Latin: 
Lewis the eleventh of France, would not suffer his Son to learn the Latin Tongue.  to the end, that want of Learning (which is commonly accompanied with Presumption of Wi●, a perilous Point in Princes) should constrained him the more to govern his things, by Advyce of his Counsel. Some join hereunto, that he thought, (as all Politickes do) too much, Curiosity of Learning, not fitting for Kings: the Opinion being generally held, that Delight of Letters doth (as I have said before) in a sort emasculate the courage to Action, in all Men, and draweth them away to Contemplation, Kings being apppointed for the active Life, 
Tu regere Imperio populos Roman memento  
Hae tibi erunt artes pacique imponere morem  
Parcere Subjectis & debellare superbes.   
Always, SIR, to return to Augustius: he did not only honour the Senate, but did also foresee, that none were of that Order, but Men most worthy of Honour: When a Place did vake, he would have the Entrant, old in years, and old in Experience, of known Virtue, & unspotted Fame, 
The Condi●●on of Senators chosen by Augustus.  able to under-lye the Sentence of a Censor; and then, of honourable Means, valiant at least of 40000 Crowns, whereof what was wanting, he did himself supply: neither durst any Man bring in Question the Name and Credit of a Senator, other than the Censor, who was indeed a fearful & penetrant Explorator of their Manners: whereof our judges for Grievances, newly erected, seem to be an Image. That Liberty for any to accuse Counsellors, did creep in under the Insidious Reign of Tiberius; and those were called, Delatores & Instrumenta Imperij: and such doings have ever since been said to be Artes Tyberianae.  
O, SIR! how much it were to be wished, that Youthhead could know the Wisdom of Age! or that young Princes might understand the Precious Worth of Aged Counsellors, who be faithful! Darius, who was the Father of Xerxes, and an excellent King, having by many Experiences proved the Loyalty, Love, and Active Services done to him by Zopyrus, and having at length also taken in the Town of Babylon, 
Great Affection of King Darius, to Zopyrus.  by the Wit & Industry of the same Zopyrus, who whilst he went about that Business, did sustain deadly Wounds, and Mutilation of his Person. And when his Master did possess the Town peaccablie, he said, that he rather did wish to have Zopyrus restored to the integrity of his Body, than to have an hundreth Babylon's. SIR, I do most humbly crave Your Majesty's Pardon, to say thus much; That if Your Majesty should be pleased to cast over the Stories of Scotland and England, & to consider there, what bad Carriage hath been in both, betwixt Princes and their People, what Tyranny, what Revolts, what Intestine Blood, and Cruelty unnatural, what fearful Perpetrations, Your Majesty should find Reason to think, that it were good at all times, to multiply your Senators, with the most Choice and Privy Men, for Goodness and Sufficiency, that be in either Kingdom. As for Examples of the Perilous Evils which do infallibly ensue, when young Princes do attake themselves to young Counsellors, that one of Rheboboam may serve for a thousand: from the like to which, I doubt not, but GOD (who hath chosen your Majesty to great Actions) will deliver you. I do confess withal, that the best Counsellors, are no wo●se to be super-intended, and looked to, seeing Men are but Men, and there is none who cannot err, Unless it be the Pope: in the which Case, your Majesty may use, in your own Person, the Office of the Censor, as Augustus did, and at your own pleasure, examine their Carriage.  
The third thing, SIR, which is greatly commended to Princes, in the Policy of Augustus, 
Diligence Mechanic of Augustus, to know the Revenues, and Debursments ordinary of the Empire.  was his particular Painfulness in all the Affairs of that great State, whose Example hath been well followed by the Bravest of Emperors, and Kings that have been since, Tiberius, Vespasian, Trajan, Adrian, and the antonine, who lived all to great Age, and were Masters of Civil Governament. After Augustus had attained 74 years, whereof he reigned above 50 (counting from the Death of julius Caesar) he left behind him three Books, written with his own Hand, one contained The several Actions of his public Governament: The second, The order of his Testament: The third, (which is the Point I do recommend to your Majesty) did bear A Register, of the whole Estate of that vast Empire, the Finances and Rents over all, the number of the Provinces, the Legions maintained there-into, the Arms, the Munitions, the Fortresses, the Shipping, the Colonies, the Allies and Confederates, with special Records of the Debursments, Deuce, and Charges, necessary for every of them, Donatives ordinary to Friends, Expenses of Public and Theatriall Shows for the People, Pensions to Captains, Nobles, and other Serviceable Men, and that monethlie he knew what Proportion was betwixt those Debursments and their present Monies. Such indefatigable Pains of this kind did he undergo; that being moved, at the Request of the Senate, after his Victory over Antoni●us to accept in his Person, the Office of the Censor, and made Prefe●us morum, he did three several times make Numeration of the whole Romans, as well resident at Rome, as dispersed abroad, and of the Subjects of the whole Provinces, with several Estimation and Reckonings of every Man's Goods in particular. The Persian Empire, 
Vigilance of the Persian Kings, over their Finances.  was yet greater than that of Augustus, having under it 27 Provinces: and the Stories do tell us, that their Kings have ordinarily lying on a Table before them, a Register like unto this of Augustus. Your Majesty may read in the Sacred History of Hester, that when Artaxerxes had escaped the Treason of the eunuchs, by the Means of Mordechay, thereafter he did himself enrol Mordechay to the Condition of his Reward. And though Histories make Mention, that this same was the Practice of the late Kings of Spain; whether it be so for the present, your Majesty doth better know. This, SIR, is a Diligence worthy the greatest monarchs, this doth let them see, the right Addresses of their Affairs, this doth import a necessary Overwatching of their Treasures, and Receivers, which maketh them Frugallie and Thriftilie to confer their Necessary Debursements, with their Present Means, and to make Tymous Provision for what is wanting: it teacheth them, wherefore Pensions and Donatives are bestowed, and to measure them according to the Proportion of men's Services; that some have not too much, whilst others get nothing. Your Majesty may read of Philip of Valois, that he did revoke all Pensions, which did not bear Special Mention of the Service done for them, to him, or his Predecessors. And of Charles the eight, who did annul all Pensions, exceeding a very small sum, whereof I do not in particular remember. This kind of Diligence will teach your Majesty to avoid Great and Greedy Numbers of the Receivers of your Rents, who do devour so much of them, before they can come to your Majesty's Coffers, even as burnt and sandy Grounds drink in the Waters that pass through them. To Charles the fifth of France, were presented Complaints in Public Parliament, by the whole Estates, because he had five Treasurers, whereas before there were but two; and a World of Receivers, whereas before there was but one resident in Paris. And by Francis the first, it was ordained, that there should be four Keys of the Treasure House; whereof the King should have one himself, without the which, no other should enter, nor no Sums given forth, but in his Personal Presence.  
The fourth and last thing, Sir, which I find most specially observed in the Politic Wisdom of Augustus, was his Indulgence towards that People, 
Diligence of Augustus, to ease the People, immatters of Law Processes.  and his fatherly Care of them, in procuring Dispatch of their Actions, without Longsome Processes of Law; the Censurall Inquisition over the Magistrates, his Personal Audidnce of their Causes, and Frequent Going Abroad for that Effects; the Exemplar Practice of his Personal Equity, wherinto he did so much delight, that having once, by sound of Trumpet, made Offer of 25000 Crowns, to any who would bring to him Crocatas, a Captain of certain Voleurs in Spain, who did greatly molest that Country: whereof Crocatas being advertized, he came willingly, & presented himself before the Emperor, demanding Payment of the Crowns, which he caused to be given him, in Argeht Content, together with his Pardon, lest he should be thought to take his Life, for the sake of the Money. These, Sir, made him to be loved as a Father, and feared as a Prince, whilst he lived, and adored as a God, after he died.  
In end of all, Sir, I will conclude with a most Humble Supplication to your Majesty, in Favours of us, 
Supplication, in Favours of the S. 〈◊〉 of Scotland.  who be your Subjects of Scotland; whereunto I am the more encowraged, because this Paraneticall Discourse, hath been intended by me, for no other use, but to comfort them, to your M. Service and Obedience in every thing: which I have pressed to do, by the pitthiest Persuasions, that I could bring from the best Wits of the best Writers. We read, Sir, of Alexander the Great, that when he was ready to lift his Army from Macedon, to go into the Levant, his Master, Aristotle, did counsel him, 
Plutare. de Fortuna aut virtute, Alexandri.  to rule over the greeks, as a Father, but over the Nations whom he should happen to conquer, as a Lord, and Emperoar. whereunto he answered, That not so, but that he would be over all People, who should be his, in common as a Father, because it was his Purpose, to reduce the whole World, unto the Unity of one City, as Plutarch doth report his Speech, Vnaut sit vita, perinde ut mundus unus, veluti unius Armenti, compascuo in agro, compascentis. Sir, we are not only no new Conquest of your Ms, but we are your First & most Native Subjects. There is no thing which is Unnatural or Extravagant in Nature, that doth long endure; & therefore, amongst States & Kingdoms, that which is most Ancient, must be most Natural: that is the Reason, why we are your Ms most Natural People. Here are to be seen upon the Ports of your Ms Towns, & upon the Frontespieces of your Palaces, that Sceptre & Crown, whereof your Blessed Father said, Nobis haec invicta miserunt centum sex Proavi. The like to which, no King that we know under Heaven, may brag of. Here standeth that Noble Order of the Thistle, whose Honour hath hitherto remained Vnviolable, and Unstained with Disgrace, witnessed by that Cowragious Superscription, Nemo me impune lacess●i. Here standeth that Generous red Lion, whom the Mighty & Bellicose Romans were never sufficient to daunt. Here were founded the Sober Beginnings of that Crown, which hath by Progress of so many Ages, risen into this Height of a Monarchical Diadem. Here is the Ground, wherein was sown that small Seed, that hath shot up to this Strong & Staselie Tree, whose Boughs do over-shadowthis whole Isle; whose Branches extend themselves beyond Seas, & whereunto Foreign Nations have Recourse, in time of Tempests, to be refreshed under the umbrage thereof. Here, Sir, is the Ground, which your Majesty should have in a Sacred Account, that doth conserve the Royall-Bodies of so many of your Predecessors, and keepeth about them, the Ashes of so many thousands of Noble Gentlemen, as have from the beginning of your M. Race, so valorously laid down their lives, in fierce Battles, & presence of their Kings, for Propagation of the same. And here, Sir, is your Mother Ground, which gave to your M. the first Light, and did nowrish your tender Infancy. The Fowls of the Air, & Fishes of the Seas, by a Natural Instinct, do affect the Places wherein they were hatched; so far, that some of them will come from the most Longinque Regions, to make yearly Visits of their Native Soil.  
Therefore, Sir, although we be most remote from the Seat of your M. Court, yet let it please your M. that we enjoy our Privileges, to be your M. most natural Subjects, and to have your M. our King, not by Conquest, but by Nature, Remember, Sir, how well it was said, by him who spoke so, that The Kingdom was happy, where the Subjects did obey the Law of the Prince, and the Prince obey the Law of Nature. If your M. will look upon the History of your Predecessors, ye will find, that it is Natural to us, most of any Nation, to sacrifice our lives & Goods, for the Preservation of our Prince and Country, when there is Necessity to do so. Consider, Sir, a little, our Decays, since the Transportation of the Royal Court, to London: partly by Introduction of Prodigality, and Foreign Manners, which commonly doth accompany the Dilation of Empire: partly by too much repairing of our Countrymen, of best sort, there, and spending of Monies in England, which were wont to entertain our Merchand Traffic at Home, (now, by that Means, so far decayed) & partly by the great Malheure of these last bad and unfruitful Years. And when your M. hath pondered these, then do lay upon us, Sir, such Burdens as your M. findeth us able to bear: And that your M. be pleased, not to discover our Nakedness too much, nor make us to answer, as the Adrian's did to Themistocles, when he came to charge them with an Impost, far above that which they were able to perform, he told them, that he had brought two Puissant Gods, to assist him in that Business, to wit, Love and Force. They answered, that they were to oppose him, by two more puissant, Poverty, and Impossibility. I confess indeed, that your M. hath to do with great sums of Money, and must have it: but yet, Sir, do not suffer that to derogate a jot to your M. Royal Bounty & Magnanimity. And here I cannot forbear, to bring before your M. that Glorious, and Superlative Praise, given by Plutarch, to Alexander the Great; who although in his Youthhead, immediately after his Father's death, he did perceive the Towns of Greece, conquered by him, inclining to Rebellion, Vniversa Grecia-post Philippica demum bella veluti ab animi deliquio palpit abunda subsaltabat, 
The notable Magnanimity of Alexander, whilst he wanted Money.  ad haec exhaustis Philippi Thesauris foenusetiam accesserat ducentorum talentorum, in tanta ille rerum inopia, tam turbulentis temporibus Adolescens, vixdum adeo puerili aetate exacta, Babylonem ausus est Susaque illa sperare, Babylonem Susaque dico, immo vero gentium omnium imperium spondere ipse sibitriginta peditum millium quatuor equitum numero fretus.  
Although, SIR, that Your Majesty do not at once, and together, compass all Your Desires, that is to teach Your Majesty, that great things are not performed, 
GOD maketh allthings in Nature, with Time and Patience.  but with great Patience, and great length of Time: wherein, Sir, ye are to imitate the Working of that GREAT GOD into Nature: whereof, albeit He bringeth forth no Creature, but slowly, and insensibly, yet He dryveth them on, unto their Perfection. The ●ll, and robust Oak of the Forest, springeth from a very small Grain, and yet it groweth unperceivablie with time, to that strongness, that greatest Tempests cannot overthrow it: Even so, If Your Majesty can conjoin this Patience with Time, there is no doubt, but ye may make of us what your Majesty will.  
Do consider, SIR, that it is the fair Aurora, which giveth us hope of the whole Day's Serenity; and that the Orient of the Pleasant Morning, is far more sweet and delectable in our Eyes, than even the very Meridian of the brightest Days. And, as the persons of Men are more amiable to be looked upon, in their Youthhead, 
The Youth-head of every thing in Nature, most observed and looked to.  than any time thereafter, though they were never so comely: Even so, when the first Actions of Youth, are Douce and Temperate, they do purchase more tender Love & Admiration, than their Greatest Things can do thereafter: and on them we do found the Prognostickes of Happy and Virtuous Progresses: So if your M. do gently lead us, to our first Yokes of your Obedience, it will make us to remove our Fears & Doubts, and to fill our Hearts with joyfulness, & Expectation of your M. Goodness. Your M. is already most Famous over all, for the Opinion that the World hath conceived of the Equity and justice of your Mind.  
And therefore, Sir, let your majesty's Royal Cares be extended, to repair the Decadence of our Country: deliver us from longsome Laws, and from Prodigality of Manners: stop the Resort to your majesty's Court, of such as do nought, but molest your Majesty, and spoil their private Estates: Erect amongst us such Public Industries, and Liberty of Sea Traffic, as do enrich our Neighbour Countries. Philip de Valois of France, 
The Monopole 〈◊〉 the Salt, in France.  was not ashamed, to settle in his own Person, a Monopoly of the Salt, which doth import to his Coffers the Annuity of great Monies. If your Majesty would erect the Trade of Fishing in your Northern Seas, so questuous to Strangers, and so greatly to our Ignominy and Loss; And if your Majesty would bring us under Military Discipline, provided for store of Arms, Munition, and Shipping, employ numbers of People, to fortify your Coasts: These, Sir, are the true Means, to make of us a Mighty Nation, and formidable to our Enemies. The Strength of a Country doth maintain Virtue within it, and maketh it Traffickable without. Virtue and Traffic do breed Richeses: and these two the sure Grounds of Yearlie Increase to you● Maiestie's Finances: and all three together shall make your Majesty able for the Prosecution of the great Actions, which GOD hath appointed you for. THAT GOD, who said unto joshua. Be thou strong, and cowragious; neither do fear thine Enemies, who shall not stand before thee, because I will be with thee, and shall not fail thee, as I was with Moses: THAT GOD, Who was with your Blessed Father, in the building of the Temple, be still with your Majesty, to grant you Victory over all your Enemies: that having established the Peace and Tranquillity of your Kingdoms, your Majesty may have Leisure and Delight, to attend those Cares which are necessary for this COMMONWEALTH: A MEN.  
FINIS.   

AN HEROIC SONG, In Praises of the Light, most fitting for the Night's Meditation. BY THE SAME AUTHOR.  

NOw down is gone the stately Globe of Light,  
Which Thou, great GOD, create●st for the Day:  
And we are wrapped into the Glowds of Night,  
When Spirits of Darkness come abroad, to pray.   

Our body's from its Functions released,  
Our Senses are surprised unto Sleep:  
To guard our Souls, Lord jesus Christ, make haste,  
Desarted thus, into a fearful Deep.   

Keep Light into the Lantern of our Mind,  
For to direct our Watching Spirit aright:  
That though our Foes were all in one combined,  
They may not yet attrap us by their Slight.   

Light was the Firstborn Daughter of the LORD,  
Who with her Beams did busk and beautify  
That vast Chaos, before of GOD abhorred,  
And made her Members lonelie, as we see.   

Yet is this Light nought but a Shallow Stream,  
Of that Above, in Glory Infinite:  
And so hut of HIS Shadow hath the Name,  
Who did into that Narrow Globe confyne it.   

The Body of the Sun if we compare,  
Unto the Sphere, that rolleth Him about;  
That shall His smallness unto us declare,  
Beside that Light which Rounds the Heaven without.   

The Ambient Circle of the Divine Fire,  
Th'eternal Dwelling of the DEITY;  
Which to describe, is none that dare aspire,  
Who hath not tasted Immortality:   

For if the Spheres were of Transparent Kind,  
Then suddenly that Glory should Confound  
Those Caducke Things within the Poles confined,  
And all this Frame, that Nature hath Compound.   

The proudest Spirits durst never yet presume,  
To think whereof these Orbs contryved be:  
It is above the Low Flight of our Plume,  
Always they close that Glory from our Eye.   

That Infinite Circumference of Light,  
For Centre, hath this Universe of Things:  
There GOD is seen by single Angelic Sight,  
And here this Ball, but as a Mirror hangs:   

Wherein but Shows of Real Things we see,  
And umbers, which are from that Light let fall:  
Where they do live, unto Eternity;  
here are no True Things, nor True Light at all.   

As Princely Portracts close in Cabines placed,  
Where Phoebus finds no Hole to enter at:  
By Torch or Candles are set out and graced,  
This clozed House of Nature's like to that.   

Within her Walls are many Pictures bright,  
Yet may no Eyes of Mortal Man sustain,  
To view them through the Beams of Divine Light  
As by a Torch, they by the Sun are seen.   

Not as a Torch, but as a silly- Spark,  
Conferred with Light of Infinite Extension;  
To shadow which, whole Nature is too dark,  
To think of which, doth spoil th'Apprehension.   

Things unto hourly Changes made subject,  
And daily Death do not truly subsist:  
So that our Bodies fatal to defect  
But for a space, as umbers do exist.   

Light, Life, and Truth, these three things are but one,  
Whose Time and Place, and Power do exceed,  
The Search of Thought, and Number, two alone,  
Esteemed to match infinity indeed.   

O Sacred Light! whose subtle Rays do pier●e  
The Centre, as the Sunny Beams do show:  
Which Grace the Gold, and Gems, that are so scarce,  
Of the (pure Light) unclean Spirits stand in awe.   

Light that appeared to Moses in the Field,  
And on his Front, the Horns of Splendour planted:  
Unto that Light, let all things Honour yield,  
The Power of Darkness by the same is daunted.   

The Orient Sun of our Salvation,  
Who from the Fountain of this Light came out,  
Approach unto this Habitation,  
With saving Light to compass me about.   

Who of that Light, so pompous Pavelons made,  
For those Prophets, into Mount Tabors Glore:  
Now whilst my Sense lies in my Body dead,  
Grant that my Spirit may to that Mountain so are.   

That Light that shined into Saint Peter's Prison,  
O Sacred Flame! vouchsafe t'illuminate,  
This dark House, with some Sparks of Divine Reason,  
Wherein my Soul so long is carcerate.   

The Light that did th' Apostle Paul convert,  
And Persecuter in a Preacher turn,  
If it but once do glance upon nine Heart,  
No Darkness then shall make me for to mourn.   

That Light it did itself to Steven reveal,  
Amidst the Tortures of his martyrdom;  
Transporting him, that he no Pains did feel,  
And from the Earth, show CHRIST in His Kingdom.   

That to the Prophet's Servant did point out,  
The fiery Charrets, and Forces of the LORD,  
When he was sore confused, and in doubt,  
And fear of Death almost had him devoured.   

That Light where-by the Divyne Angel, john,  
Was wrapped, and to the Holy City brought:  
So far above the Flight of Phaethon,  
Of all those sacred Lights what shall be thought?   

And of that Majesty of Light displayed,  
Betwixt the Cherubs, there to be adored:  
Have they not of the Godhead this bewrayed,  
That with the Light it's clothed and decored?   

That Light is GOD, and GOD alone is Light;  
His Creatures, a Reflex of His Beams:  
This World, a Mirror, or a Table tied,  
Where Light's but shadowed under divers Names.   

Upon that Light, great Moses durst not look:  
The Sight of GOD no sinful Eye may bide;  
Th'eternal Flames, no Mortal thing may brook,  
Therefore the Hand of GOD his Face did hide.   

Into the Bosom of that Light was hatched,  
The Truth and Substance of all things that be:  
Till perfectly, th' Ideas were dispatched,  
Of Creatures, whose Shadows we but see.   

There, in that Light th' Exemplars still exist,  
But here the Image quickly doth decay:  
Of silly Points of Time we do consist,  
But what is There, it doth endure for aye.   

The Verity is firm, and permanent,  
And Falsehoods are subject to Nullity:  
Whilst Shadows be but Cases remeante,  
Therefore they perish daily, as we see.   

As umbers are, and then they disappear,  
So Persons are, and then they turn in Dust:  
That if we will this Mystery Disquire,  
Our Parallel shall be with Shadows just.   

Yet when a Man is dead, w●e do retain,  
His Shape and Feature, sealed in our Mind:  
And every thing that in him we have seen,  
As if those were not unto Death confined.   

If our weak Sight, thus paint our Memory,  
The Light of that Eternal Intellect,  
Can it not keep unto Eternity,  
Those Ideas which HE did HIMSELF perfect?   

Or if we hold Ideas to be vain,  
We must deny Things Intellectual;  
And unto Shadows take ourselves again,  
Scorning that Light, which is Angelical.   

Light, as it is a thing Incorporal,  
Our Sight also, that doth the same behold,  
And als, the Objectes are Spiritual,  
As we may prove, by Reasons manifold.   

Else, could the Shape of all this Hemisphere,  
Enter the narrow Port of Humane Eyes?  
And leave his Portrait full imprinted there?  
Hence follows then, that Men but Spirits sees;   

Or things abstract, and Mathematical,  
As Numbers, Figures, and Dimensions;  
And Colours, which under the Light do fall,  
Although they have most ample their Extensions.   

For surely Man is nothing but a Spirit,  
His fluid Body, a Vapour of the Grass;  
Or Picture, that's presented in the Street,  
With Spirits, we find, his Senses do converse.   

The Spirit of Light, is object to the Eye,  
The Truth of Light, doth enter by the Ear,  
T'inform the Soul, these two ordained be,  
We have, we hear, we see Light, and no more.   

The Eye, it is the Globe of all our Glore,  
The Port whereat the Soul goeth in and out;  
By it we see HIS Works, Whom we adore,  
And get knowledge of Things dispersed about.   

The Ear, the Subtle Nerve, that doth admit  
His Word, to be the Lantern of our Life:  
Our Hopes of Heaven, and Faith come in by it,  
To serve the Body, other Senses strive.   

Our Gust, we know, and Smelling, are but gross;  
They smell no Light, nor taste of Verity:  
Compared with those, their Function's in Dross,  
And most part do suggest to Luxury.   

As for the Things subjected to our Touch,  
They're pieces of the Old Deformed Mass:  
Their Light once spent, returning to be such,  
Into that Chaos daily they do pass.   

And finally, when Time shall take an End,  
And when the World Her Glasses have run out:  
When Air no longer shall itself extend,  
Nor shall the Seas embrace the Earth about:   

Nor yet the Spheres distinguish Day from Night,  
When Fire shall fill the Universal Globe:  
The Efficacy, Almighty of this Light,  
Shall force Great Nature for to change Her Robe.   

Her Mortal parts, those Flames shall purify,  
No Bodies, but Transparent, shall subsist:  
Renewed Heavens, like Glassy Gold shall be,  
And all Gross Earth from Being shall desist.   

That Mighty Flame, shall ear the Ocean;  
The Earth to her Virginity shall bring:  
The Air from Vapours shall be cleansed then:  
In sum, It shall make Light of every thing.   

The Saints of GOD shall wasted be with Light,  
And Ponderous Bodies they shall feel no more:  
Their Walks shall swifter be than any Flight,  
For with their LORD they shall be changed in Glore.   

Looke-what is then Incompatible with Light,  
(As Excrements into a Sink let fall)  
It will the way unto the Centre right,  
A Den of Darkness, without Light at all.   

Before that Change, no true Light can be here,  
And then no more of Changes shall we see:  
The Light in every Corner shall appear,  
No place for Shadows thencefoorth shall there be.   

GOD shall triumph, at that Great jubilee  
Of Nature, in her full Perfection:  
Where He His Works shall wholly Glorify,  
And Darkness throw into Confusion.   

Since true Light, and true Things are so remote,  
And clozed inaccessiblie with GOD,  
Take heed (my Soul) no Paintrie thee besot,  
Which thou beholdest, on this Worldly Brod.   

But contrary, delight thee in the Night,  
There are no Pictures, to distract thee then:  
Fly to the City of the Divyne Light,  
That is above the Sight of Mortal Men.   

Expatiate into the Sacred Fields,  
Of the expanded fair infinity:  
Which Millions more, than Earthly Beauty yields,  
The Palace of the Blessed Trinity.   

Though narrow be our Minds to comprehend  
One Point of GOD, where each is Infinite;  
Yet to that Search, our Spirits may ascend,  
By Visions, which are to our Weakness fit.   

There thou shalt see, how GOD He is a Light,  
Within the which all Things subsisting be:  
Whole Nature's Birth, thou shalt see at one Sight,  
The Pleasant Object of the DEITY.   

He much delighteth in that Architype,  
The Glass, wherein He on His Goodness 〈◊〉:  
The Box that death the Seeds of Nature keep,  
And all His Works recorded, as in Books.   

As Cunning Painters gaze upon that Face,  
Which they pretend by Portrait to present;  
And Iakob's Sheep looked in that Watery Glass,  
That He did for their Fruitfulness invent:   

So doth the Spirit of Nature things beget,  
By looking in that Architype of All:  
And therefrom doth these Images canceit,  
That we see set and spread through Natures Hall.   

And there thou shalt comparativelie think,  
Our Clearest Days, to be no thing but Night:  
And that of Heaven, this World is the Sink,  
replete with Sorrow, Sinful Care, and Plight.   

Or like a Cave, polluted with the Smoke,  
Of Chemic Forges, and Deadly Mercury:  
Where Workmen as Anatomies do look,  
Who have consumed Themselves in Sophistry.   

O that thou mightst not here again return,  
But still shouldst live into that Lights Fruition!  
For on this Earth thou canst do nought but Mourn,  
Where Toils, Tears, and Fears, must be thy Portion.   

There thou shalt see CHRIST settled in HIS Throne,  
As Golden Phoebus, in His Silver Sphaero,  
Amongst nine Chores of Angels, LORD alone;  
Like Planets placed about HIS Royal Chair.   

Where Troops of Saints, like Stars do move astray,  
As Skalie Squadrons sport into the Deep:  
So in that Lightsome Ocean they play,  
And still an Heavenly Harmony do keep,   

Of Music, that can never be expressed:  
Yet by a Sensible Similitude,  
We may imagine, that it is addressed,  
By four Chief Parts of Men, so understood.   

And th●● by several Alternatives,  
A Mutual and Mighty Melody,  
One Theatre t'another aye deryves,  
Sounding the Glore of that GREAT MAJESTY.   

The Alto Angels sing, as I suppose,  
Of established Rank, the Foremost Stage They fill:  
To Celebrate HIS Providence, They choose,  
And Divine Names, belonging there-untill.   

The Tenor by the Voice of Saints, resounds  
The Praises, of HIS Sanctity they sing:  
And this Echo from Stage to Stage rebounds,  
HOLY, HOLY, Is Our Almighty KING.   

The Basse is tuned by Harmon of the Spheres,  
The Sweet Consent, that we see them among,  
The True Characters of HIS Wisdom bears,  
And Learned hold them vocal in their Song.   

The Hallelu of the Church Militant,  
Mounts up, to make the Counter-basse perfect:  
With Lofty Strains of Music resonant,  
HIS Goodness, and HIS Mercy, they endite.   

The Subtle Alchemist can separate  
The Quintessence, and make it to ascend:  
Soar the Church Prayers Alembicate,  
By that Great SPIRIT, who doth Her still defend.   

My Soul, be ravished with these Visions,  
And They shall make thy Nights more Splendescent,  
By True Light, and not by Illusions,  
Than are Estivall Days most Relucent.   

High ESSENCE of the Inaccessible Light,  
Whose Sacred WORD the Darkness did command:  
To clothe Herself into this Beauty bright,  
So dayntilie portrayed by Natures Band.   

Say, LORD, unto the Dungeon of mine Heart,  
Let there be Light, and straight it shall be so:  
Blind Ignorance and Pride shall then depart,  
And in the Light securely shall I go.   

Possess (Sweet Light) the Temple of my Breast,  
Thy Lamps may feed of Multiplied Oil,  
Which (since, my GOD, Thou hast made me a Priest)  
Still on the Altar of mine Heart may boil.   

Those Starry Vaults, that Round our Night about,  
As Curtayns full of Flaming Eyes, where-by  
Thine Holy Angels constantly look out,  
And all our Dangers surely do espy.   

Grant me, O LORD, to trust to Thy Relief,  
That whilst the Organs of my Soul do sleep,  
It may be fred from the Nocturnal Thief,  
That no Uncleanness in my Bosom creep.   

Enjoy, my Soul, the Beauty of True Light,  
Count not of Painted Shadows that are here:  
Those are the Clouds that keep thee from that Sight,  
Which vanish then, when we hold Them most Dear.   

So when thy Stage is finally concluded,  
As Floods return unto their Ocean,  
Thou of this Body fullilie denuded,  
Shalt be reduced to thy Light again.   

Though for a Wish, possess a World thou might,  
Yet to the End do wish nothing but LIGHT.   
FINIS.   

Index of the chief Things contained in this Treatise.  

THE Preamble, meerelit Metaphysical pag. 1. 2.  
The death of the late King of blessed memory 3.  
The occasion and order of the Treatise. 4.  
The Pope and King of Spain, troublers of Christian States 5.  
The Ambition of the ancient Kings of Spain and Portugal, virtuous, and heroic: with particular narration of the most nominate and famous amongst them 6.  
Charles the fifth, Emperor, the first projecter and founder of the Spanish Ambition ov●● Europe 10.  
Contrapoyse & jealousy of Christian Princes, war●anded by Nature 12.  
The Spanish Inquisition, and practices of Philip● the second, against neighbour States 14.  
He did negotiate intelligence with the Protestants of France, being of head of their enemies, the holy league 16.  
The Voyage of the English Navy under Queen Elizabeth to Portugal, in favours of Dan Antonio 17.  
Antonio Peres doth wrong the English, in his narration of that Voyage ibid.  
Strict limitation of Generals in War 19  
The greatness and swift progress of the Spanish Empire ibid.  
The large extent of the Spanish Ambition 21.  
The insidiation of Spain, by claudestine, and fearful arts of murdering 22.  
Patricidie practisedin Spain, as amongst the Turks; by a religious tradition 25.  
The stability of the Spanish Counsel never intercepted, by the death of a King, doth assure the stability of their Empire 26.  
What weakness in the Spanish Empire, by reason of disjoined Provinces 27  
Disunited conquests unprofitable, and examples thereof. ibid.  
Traffickable Countries, and Virtuous people, the only true treasure of Princes. The evils resulting of the being of great Treasures, in the hands of Princes 28.  
King's have many necessary occasions of profitable debursments, nor known, nor to be enquired, of Subjects 31.  
It is a Weakness of the Spanish Empire, to be feared of all, and hated of the greatest part 32.  
The Pope and Catholic States of Germany, against Charles the fifth 33.  
Cardinal Baronio, against Philip the second ibidem.  
Why the Nobility of Spain do hate their King 34.  
A Weakness supposed in Spain, for want of Arms, and why it is so. 36.  
Their natural Pride, a Weakness ibid.  
Description of the Spanish nature 37.  
Spain to be opposed by making War within their own Dominions 38.  
Plantation of Nova Scotia 39  
When a Kingdom is perfect, and naturally compacted in itself, then to be slow to Wars 41.  
The definition of a just War, and our Wars against Spain, proved to be just 42.  
Emulation of the Romans, and Carthagenians, for universal Empire. 43.  
Agesilaus being but a poor King, did invade the Persian Empire ibidem.  
First confederacy of the Scots with the French sought by Charles maine. 44.  
How the Spaniard is proved to be our enemy ibid.  
How Scotland is furnished of Men for War 46.  
Nature of leagues, with examples ancient and modern 47.  
Confederates against Spain 48.  
Whether small or gross Armies to be sent to Enemie-countreyes', showed by contemplation of the Turkish Wars 49.  
The Palatinate the most honourable seat for Wars against Spain. 51.  
King Alexander, Hannibell, and julius Caesar, did lead their Armies to more remote Countries ibid.  
Going of His Majesty in person to Spain 52.  
The English anciently victorious in Spai●e 53.  
The West Indees in the possession of a great Monarch, proved to be an infallible means of universal Empire, by length of time 55.  
Money the Nerve of War, and greatest monarchs, and States, much distressed for want thereof 56.  
The huge Monies gotten by Charles the fifth, in Peru 57  
The natural humours of the French Nation ibid.  
Speculation of Neighbour Calamities, during our Peace, in this Age going, and of our Predecessors troubles many Ages bygone 58.  
More of Money, and of Men, in Scotland now, than in the days of our Antecessours, and the proof thereof. 61.  
A wicked People, do make a wicked King 63.  
A Bridge of Gold to be made, for Enemies to pass out upon ibid.  
Great Ransom paid by our Predecessors, for King David Bruce 64.  
The Palatinate, detained to make a Way, for the conquest of Germany, and England 65.  
A remarkable Conference of Colonel Semple with the Author of this Treatise ibid.  
john Knox against the Regiment of Women 67,  
The going of His Majesty's Navy, to Portugal, and what a great point is Secrecy in great Enterpryses, and the Examples thereof ibid.  
The Reformation, or Innovation of Magistrates, and the Commodities, or Inconvenients following thereon. 68  
Plato holdeth, That after the current of that great Year, GOD shall reform the whole work of Nature, and reduce it to the first purity ibid.  
Utility of the Censor amongst the Romans 70.  
Commission for Grievances ibid.  
Great Men not to bear Offices where they dwell 76.  
Two of one Family, not to be of one Session of judges 77.  
Reformation of Advocates, most necessary of any thing, with the Examples of Kings, and States, Enemies to the Trade of Advocation. 78.  
Lewis the eleventh of France, did revo●ke and annul Heritable Shyre●●ships 81.  
Abuses of late erected Lordships of Church Land●s, necessary to be reform 82.  
If the Domain of Regal Crowns, or of republics be allienable 83.  
Noble Men, are the Shadows, and Reflects of Kings 84.  
Why the lives of Kings are so precious 85.  
The last Convention of the Estates of Scotland, and His Majesty's Revocation 86.  
The first Donation of the Crown Lands, and division of them in Baronies ibid.  
Richeses did spoil the Piety of the Church 89.  
Before the separation of the Church of Rome, made by Luther, the hundreth part of Christian People, did possess more than the tenth part of the Revenues 90.  
The number of Ecclesiastical Prelasies, Benefices, Churches, Curies of France ibid.  
The nature of. tenths 91.  
The first Dedication of tenths in Scotland 94.  
Puritans, foolishly opposed to the Pope's Church, in good things 96.  
Mystery of Number. 98.  
The Unity doth represent GOD 99  
The Number. 7, is proper to the Creation, Induration, and final Glorification of the World 100  
The Novenarie doth comprehend the whole Species of Nature, Man excepted 101.  
Ten, is the Quotient, or fullness of Nature 102.  
Man was the first Tenth. ibid.  
CHRIST was the second, and perfect Tenth 103  
Two sort of Puritans, opponents to Episcopal Rents, and Governament, discordant amongst themselves 106.  
Persecution of julian, worse than of Dio●l●sian 107.  
Plantation of our Northern Yles, and Hielards, a most Royal, and most necessary Policy. 108.  
Battle of Hare-law. 109.  
Abuses, and Oppressions by way of tenths to be reform 110.  
Discourse, of the Nature and Course of Monies 112.  
What Benefit, or Inconvenient, upon the heighting of Money 113.  
What Order to be taken with Moneys, kept up in the Hands of merchand's 117.  
Decay of our Shipping, how to be restored 118.  
Prodigal Persons, anciently interdicted, and punished by Laws 119.  
Against the use of Silver Plate, and guilding 120.  
Ferdinandus Magn●s of Spain, Charles the ninth of France, and many great Princes, did sell their Silver Plate, or reduce it in Coin 121.  
Prescription, for Diet, and Apparel, practised by great States, in time of public Distresses 122.  
Speech to the King's Majesty 123.  
Wisdom of Augustus, in making away of his Enemies 124.  
Who are Enemies to His Majesty's Person, or to his Governament ibid.  
Vigilance, necessary over the admission of Bishops, and Ministers, in the Church 126.  
Honour done by Augustus, to the Roman Senate ibid.  
Condition of Senaters, chosen by Augustus 127.  
Great Affection of King Darius, to an old faithful Counsellor 128.  
Mechanic Virtues, and Diligence of Augustus 129.  
Watchfulness of the Parsian monarchs, over their Finances ibid.  
Supplication, in Favours of the Subjects of Scotland 132.  
The admirable Magnanimity of Alexander the Great, whilst he wanted Moneys 133.   
Finis Tabulae.