MAJESTY THE LIFE▪ AND REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE sixth▪ Written by S ●. john Hayward 〈◊〉 Dr. of Law. London ●…inted for john Partridge▪ and are to 〈◊〉 sold at the sign of the Sun in Paul's Churchyard. POWER    

Courteous Reader,  
THis noble Prince, whose Story is here delivered, seems to have had the same adversity of fortune in his life and death, which he had at his birth. For as he was destituted of the helps of nature at his entrance, and was fain to have his way made into the world with a knife; so in his life was there continual employment of either Sword or Axe; of that, either at home against his Rebels, or against his enemies abroad; of this, upon his Nobles, and particularly upon his own uncles by the mother's side; of which the Duke of Somerset's case is very remarkable. As his birth was violent, and his reign troublesome, so was his death praemature, & not without suspicion of some practice; of which, (besides vulgar rumour,) Cardan in calculating his scheme, seems to have some jealous conjecture. For whether he divined it by his art in Astrology, or apprehended it by the course and carriage of business, he made a dangerous predication: when he foresaw, that the King should shortly dye a violent death, and (as he reporteth) fled out of the kingdom, for fear of further danger. Howsoever, he was as noble a branch as ever sprung out of the Royal stock, worthy (if so it had seemed good to God) of a more favourable birth, a quieter reign, and a longer life. But as the notable accidents in his tumultuous times do deserve to be recorded; so doth the King himself for his sweet condition, for his mind as innocent as his years, for his rare endowments well deserve to be commended to everlasting memory; that he may be permanent so much the longer in the life of an history, by how much the thread of his natural life was cut shorter by the Fates. And indeed as he had the birth of Caesar, so had he been worthy to have had the fortune and fame of Caesar; but a better conclusion▪ This history is left us from the pen of a worthy Author, of whom we have another essay in Henry the fourth▪ This comes out into the world after the death of the father; a Posthumus, and is not like to find any Patron, but the love and affection of thee, (favourable Reader) to which I commend it, and thee to God.   

THE LIFE AND REIGN OF K. EDWARD THE six.  
EDWARD K. of England the sixth of that name of the Norman Race, was borne at 
1537  Hampton court the 17 of October 1537. being the only surviving son of K. Henry the 8. by jane his third wife, daughter to Sr. john Seymer Knight. And because K. Henry did take her to wife, after the death of Katherine his first wife, from whom he had been divorced, no question nor conceit was cast, but that this Issue between them had right to succeed.  
All reports do constantly run, that he was not by natural passage delivered into the world, but that his mother's body was opened for his birth, and that she died of the incision the fourth day following. After which sort men brought forth, were by the ancient Romans esteemed fortunate; and commonly proved great enterpris●…rs with happy success. For so Pliny writeth: Auspicatius enecta matre nascuntur, sicut 
Plin. lib. 7. cap. 9 Plin. 16. Fest. lib. 3. Solin. ca 4. r●…r. mem. Prob. in epit. l. 10. Valerij. Liv. dec. 1. lib. 2. Sil. Ital. lib. 13. Hermo. in castig. Plin. loco cod.  Scipio Africanus prior natus. These were called Caesones and afterwards Caesares as Plime, Festus Pompeius, Solinus and Titius Probus affirm. Quia caeso matris utero in lucem 〈◊〉.  
In this manner was Caeso Fabius borne, whom Livy reporteth to have been thrice Consul; first with Lucius Aemilius, next with Sp. Furius, and thirdly with T. Uirginius. Thus also was Scipio borne, who by reason of his brave achievements in Africa, was surnamed, Scipio Africanus prior. But in that Pliny affirmeth, that he was the first who was called Caesar, à caeso matris utero, he seemeth to have made a slip. ●…or before him and somewhat before the wars with the Samnites, one Claudius was surnamed Caesar, because he was in that fashion brought into the world.  
In ancient times these births were esteemed sacred to Apollo, as Servius noteth out of these words in Virgil. 
Lib. 10▪   I●…de Lycham ferret exectum cum matre perempta, & tibi Phoebe sacrum. 
And therefore Aesculapius because he was ripped from his mother's womb, was feigned to be the son of Apollo; as Servius upon another place of Virgil hath observed. For this cause also in the ancient state of Rome, things consecrated to 
Lib. 7.  Apollo, were kept by the family of the Caesars. That julius Caesar was so borne it is an uncontrolled Report. But that he was the first of the family of Caesar's, who was so either named or borne. It is a thick misty error supported chiefly by some men of excellent judgement in their own professions, but childishly unskilful in anything beside. Pliny writeth 
Lib. 7. c. 53.  that his Father was surnamed Caesar; who having borne the office of Praetor, determined his life by sudden death.  
What would have been either the fortunes or endeavours of K. EDWARD he never attained to years of proof. Assuredly both for the time of his age and reign, he is rather to be admired then commended, whereby he raised an high expectation for times to ensue. In one point he was like the like borne julius Caesar. For as Caesar in the midst of his greatest actions, wrote an exact and curious Commentary of all his notable enterprises by Arms. So this Edward during all the time of his Reign, but most especially towards the end, kept a most judicious journal of all the most principal passages of the affairs of his estate. These memorials written with K. Edward's hand (which now shall be the ground of this history) were imparted unto me by the great Treaserer of English antiquities, S. Robert Cotton Knight Baronet, who as he hath been a most industrious, both collector and conserver of choice pieces in that kind, so is he most ingenuously free, to communicate the use of them to others.  
This young Prince was brought up among nurses, until he arrived to the age of six years, when he had passed this weak and sappi●… age, he was committed to Dr Cox●…, who after was his Almoner, & M. john Cheek men of mean birth, But so well esteemed for virtue and learning by reason of the place of their employment that they might well besaid to be borne of themselves. These having equal authority for instruction of the young Prince and well agreeing bare equal stroke in diverse faculties. Dr Cox for knowledge of Divinity, Philosophy and gravity of manners; M ● Cheek for eloquence in the Latin and Greek tongues. But for other sufficiencies (so far as it appears by the books which he wrote) Pedantic enough. Others also were appointed to acquaint him with the use of the most respected foreign languages, all jointly endeavouring to infuse into him knowledge and virtue by some mixture of honest delight.  
Under these teachers the Prince thrived so well that in short time he spoke the French tongue perfectly. In the 〈◊〉 tongue he could declaim upon the sudden no less both readily and purely then many who were reputed amongst the most learned of these times. He attained not only commendable knowledge but speech in the Greek, Spanish and Italian languages: having always great judgement in measuring his words by his matter: his speech being alike both fluent and weighty, such as best beseemed a Prince, as for natural Philosophy, for Logic, Music, Astronomy, and other liberal sciences his perfections were such that the great Italian Philosopher Cardane, having tasted him by many conferences and finding him most strongly to encounter his new devised paradoxes in Philosophy, seemed to be astonished between admiration and delight, and divulged his abilities to be miraculous. These his acquirements by industry were exceedingly both enriched and enlarged by many excellent endowments of nature. For in disposition he was mild, gracious and pleasant of an heavenly wit, in body beautiful, but especially in his eyes, which seemed to have a starry livelynes and lustre in them, generally he seemed to be as Cardane reported of him A MIRACL'E OF NATURE.  
When he was a few months above nine years of his age, great preparation was made either for creating or for declaring him to be Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Count Palatine of Chester. In the midst whereof K. Henry his Father ended his life of a dropsy accompanied with a spreading sca●…e of his thigh. Hereupon Edward Earl of Hartford and Sr Anthony Browne knight of the order and Master of the horse were forthwith dispatched, by the residue of the couns●…ile, to the young King then lying at Hartford. These came unto him and the next day brought him to Enfield, neither with preparation nor train any more than ordinary. Here they first declared unto him and to the Lady Elizabeth his sister, the death of K. Henry their father. Upon which tidings they both broke forth into such unforced and unfeigned passions, as it plainly appeared that good nature did work in them, beyond all other respects. Never was sorrow more sweetly set forth, their faces seeming rather to beautify their sorrow, than their sorrow to cloud the beauty of their faces. Their young years their excellent beauties, their lovely and lively interchange of complaints in such sort graced their grief: as the most iron eyes at that time present were drawn thereby into society of their Tears.  
The next day following being the last of januarie the young king advanced towards London. The Earl of Hartford riding next before him and Sr Anthony Browne behind. The same day he was proclaimed King and his lodging was prepared within the Tower. He there was received by the Constable and Lieutenant on horse back without the gates, and upon the bridge next the Ward-gate by all the chief Lords ●…o his counsailo. These attended him to his chamber of presence and there swore allegiance unto him.  
Here he remained about three weeks, and in the mean time the counsel appointed unto him by his Fathers will daily sat for ordering the affairs of the Kingdom. Among these the Earl of Hartford was elected and forthwith proclaimed protector of the Realm, and governor of the king's person until he should accomplish the age of eighteen years. To this office he was deemed most fit, for that he was the king's uncle by the Mother's side, very near unto him in blood, but yet of no capacity to succeed; by reason whereof his natural affection and duty was less easy to be over-carryed by Ambition. A few days after the Lord Protector knighted the king within the Tower, and immediately the king stood up under his cloth of estate, took the sword from the Lord Protector and dubbed the Lord Mayor of London knight. Herehence ensued divers other advancements in honour. For Sr Edward Seymer Lord Protector and Earl of Hartford, was created Duke of Somerset. The Lord William Parr Earl of Essex was proclaimed Marquis of Northampton. S●… Thomas▪ Seymer the king's uncle was made Lord of Sudley and high Admiral of England. St Richard Rich was made Lord Rich▪ S●… William Willoughby Lord Willoughby of Parreham, and Sir Edmund Sheffield, Lord Sheffield of Buterwike. And because high titles of honour were in that time of the King's minority sparingly granted because dignity then waited upon desert, which caused it again to be waited on by respect, every of these testified for others, that it was the pleasure of the King's Father before his death, that these titles should thus be conferred.  
During this time the body of King Henry was with honourable solemnities conveyed from London to Sheen and thence to Windsor and there buried within the College. All his officers broke their staffs and threw them into the grave, but at their return to the tower, new staffs were delivered unto them, this solemnity being finished the King upon the nineteenth of Febr. 1547. road in great state from the Tower to the Palace of Westminster, and the day following was crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury assisted with other Bishops and all the chief nobility of the Realm. About the twenty-ninth year of the Empire of Charles the fifth and the 33 of the Reign of Francis the first of France and in the fifth year both of the reign and age of Marie Queen of Scotland.  
The same day a general pardon was granted to all persons as it hath been usual at coronations. But by some envious oppositions or for some other causes unknown fix only were excepted. The Duke of Norfolk, Cardinal Poole, Edward ●…e Courtney eldest son to the marquis of Exeter. Doctor Pates, Master Fortescue and Master Throgmorton. But they overlived that envy and had their pardons afterwards in the first year of the Reign of Queen Marie. A few days after the Earl of Southampton Lord Chancellor of England▪ for being opinative (as it was reported, and obstinately opposite to the rest of the Lords in matters of counsel, was removed both from his office of being Chancellor, and from his place and authority in counsel, and the great seal was delivered to Sir William Pawlet Lord S ● john, who was Lord great Master of the King's household. But this wound of disgrace never left bleeding, until it was stopped by the Protectors fall.  
It is certain that from the first entrance of this King, to his reign never was King either more loving to others, or better beloved generally of all. The one whereof proceeded from the goodness of his disposition, the other from many graces and virtues illustrious in him, for besides his excellent beauty and modesty beseeming a Prince, besides his sweet humanity the very life of mortal condition, besides a natural disposition to all literature, whereto he seemed rather borne then instructed, many noble and high virtues sparkled in him, especially Clemency, Courage, Care, and knowledge in affairs of state.  
To Clemency he was much inclined, especially in matters of blood, and most especially if it were for Religion, a virtue so much the more esteemed, by how much it had been less used before, insomuch that albeit he was most earnestly affected to that religion wherein he had been brought up, yet none were executed in his time for other religion, but only two blasphemous Heretics, joan Butcher and George a Dutchman.  
And when joan Butcher was to be burned, all the counsel could not procure him to set his hand to the warrant. Wherefore they employed Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury to deal privately with him for his subscription. But the King remained firm both in reason and resolution, affirming that he would not drive her headlong to the Devil, but because Heretics for the most part have a strain of madness, he thought it best to apply her with some corporal chastisem●…nts which with respite of time might happily reduce her to good order. The Archbishop was violent both by persuasions and entreaties, and when with mere importunity he had prevailed. The King in subscribing his name said, that he would lay all the charge thereof upon the Archbishop before God. Not many years passed, but this Archbishop also felt the smart of the fire, and it may be that by his importunity for blood, he did offend, for a good thing is not good if it be immoderately desired or done.  
His courage did appear in the great delight he took in representations of Battles, Skirmishes, Assaults, and of all kind of military exercises, his judgement was great either for errors or fine contrivances in the field. And no actions of Arms were executed in his time, but he would perfectly understand, by what advantages on the one side or oversights on the other the event succeeded. He took great pleasure in exercises of activity whereto he much trained his servants. And to that end he often appointed challenges among them for wrestling, leaping, running, riding, shooting at roves, and at rounds and such like games, and at riding and shooting, would sometimes be of one of the sides. He had 100 archers of his ordinary guard, who once mustering before him shot two arrows every man together against an inch board of well seasoned timber. All stroke through the board, and their arrows stuck in another board behind, and diverse pierced both the boards; generally none might be of his guard, but beside of tall and comely stature, such as were either good archers or wrestlers or easters of the bar or lepers or runners or of some other manlike quality. He was exceeding skilful in fortifications, and bestowed great cost in strengthening Calleiss, Berwicke, and other parts thereabout, He knew all the principal ports in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, and other countries not far distant, how they ●…ay, when the tide served, what vessels of burden they could receive and what winds served for entrance.  
Touching his care and knowledge in affairs of state, nothing was more conspicuous in him. He was much conversant amongst his counsel, and would well understand what matters passed their judgements, and upon what grounds. In matters discoursed by them, he would often encounter their reasons, and add most lively reasons of his own. In so much that at last they made an order that no matters of weight, should be debated unless he were present. Admirable he was to collect the speeches and opinions of many, and to draw their differences to a true head, always bending himself rather judiciously to resolve, then by doubts and distinctions to perplex a business, he had a chest whereof he always carried the key about him, for keeping record of such matters as were concluded by his counsel. And embracing business for part of his solace, he appointed set times with Doctor Cox Master of his Requests for speeding poor men's causes without tedious attendance or delay. Of all the Magistrates justices and Gentlemen of sort within his realm, he 〈◊〉 their names, their housekeeping, their religion and manner of life. He was skilful in the exchange beyond the seas, and in all the circumstances and practices thereof. And so was he both skilful and provident in matters of the Mint at home. To Ambassadors he would give answer upon the sudden and touch both orderly and fully upon every part of their orations, to the delight and admiration of all the hearers. He much frequented sermons and penned notes with his own hand, his notes he ●…yphered with greek characters to the end that they who waited on him should not read them. His disports were ingenuous and manlike whereby he always learned somewhat. And yet as well from these as from his businesses of state, he daily reserved some hours for his private studies and exercises with his Teachers. These endeavours fell upon so excellent a capacity that in every short distance of time, he made incredible increase both in learning and experience of affairs and consequently in love of all men.  
Presently after that he was settled in his government, D ● Wotton the king's Ambassador resident with the Queen Dowager of Hungary, regent of the Low Countries under the Emperor was discharged of that attendance and addressed to the Emperor's court, there to reside Ambassador for the king instead of Doctor Bonner Bishop of London, and of Sir Francis Bryan who were called home. He was furnished with instructions that being first informed from the former Ambassadors as well of the general state of the Emperor's court as of such particular intelligences as might serve to advance the king's intentions he should deal with the Emperor to declare all Scots for his enemies, except such as should be friends to the King, which should appear by his safe conduct. That because it had been agreed between the Emperor and the late K. of England, that the year next ensuing they should withjoine forces, invade the Territories of the French King, he should move the Emperor to advise of some order and form for those proceedings. That whereas the Duke of Lorraine had been late before at the Emperor's court, and made 〈◊〉 overture for peace or truce, between the Emperor and the French King, he should be informed by Sir Francis Bryan of the whole estate of that business and await opportunity to put the Emperor in remembrance, that it had been covenanted between him and the King of England, that neither of them should treat of peace or truce with the French King, or any other common enemy without consent of the other, and that the King of England had well observed that article in refusing to give ear to the French ambassador making overture for such a treatise, That whereas it had been agreed between him and the King of England, that either of them should send certain ships to sea well manned and apparelled for fight, which all that year had been performed by the king, whereas the Emperor shifted the default upon his officers, in case he should not cause the said Navy to be forthwith furnished, he should await occasion to solicit the same. Lastly that he should carry a nimble ear as well touching any variation in all these ●…atters, as for other occurrences in France, Spain, Italy, Almain, and thereof advertise the king.  
But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace, or truce between the Emperor and the French, the king of England finding the Emperor slow in his performances and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treaty of peace with France, but secretly and a far off, and to be governed as occasions should v●…ry, and in reg●…rd h●…reof agreement was made, that all ships and goods which had been surprised at sea by the English upon the French, or by the French upon the English since the beginning of that treaty should be freely discharged. And albeit the English had great adu●…ntage in value of reprisals, as being always both more strong and active at sea, yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made.  
Hostility being thus suspended with France, preparation was made for wars against Scotland, the occasion whereof did thus arise.  
MARY steward sole daughter & heir to james the 5. King of Scots began her reign over the Realm of Scotland upon the 18 of December 1542, being than not above 7 days old, so as the Sun no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queen and no sooner was sh●…e a Queen, but she was desired of Henry then King of England, to be assured in marriage to Prince Edward his only son, being than not much above 6 years of age. Upon this overture the governor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realm at Edinburgh, where after much debatement of the commodities or discommodities like to ensue, they concluded in the end that in March than next ensuing a Parliament should be held to give perfection and form to that business.  
In the mean time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent ambassador from England to the Governor and other Lords of Scotland, who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamen●…, authority was given to William Earl of Glancorne, S. George ' Douglasse, S. William Hamilton, S. james Leirmouth, knights, and to one of the secretaries of state▪ to conclude this marriage. These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of julie, the same year all covenants were concluded, instruments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and sworn, and a peace established for ten years, which time expired both the Prince and the Queen should be of age to consent.  
The French King all this ti●…e was so enteartined with wars against the Emperor that he had no sense of these proceedings, but when he understood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he b●…nt his best endeavour to dissolve them both. First with intention to impeach both the greatness and strength of the English nation; after with desire to win this marriage for Francis who afterwards was King of France. To this purpose the French K. sent for Matthew Earl of Levenoxe, who then served under his pay in Italy and furnished him with money, forces, and friends, and above all with many encouragements to take upon him bravely the honour of his house, and Ancestors, to remove the Earl of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland, and to reverse such pactions as he had made. The Earl at his first arrival in Scotland was joyfully received, as a man most engaged in domestical factions, He always used courtesy and modesty disliked of none, sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many, generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers, in favour of him the Pope s●…nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legate into Scotland, who in the Pope's n●…me did faithfully assure, that both forces & money should be sent into Scotland to resist the English. He●… drew the greatest of the Clergy on his side who were most powerful to draw on others. On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies, where by great troubles ensued in Scotland, which fell not within the times that I hau●… in hand.  
In the end the Earl of Arraine abandoned the king of England, and applied himself only to the French by reason whereof, the Regency was confirmed to him which otherwise he had been upon adventure to lose. And as the Earl of 〈◊〉 did forsake the English and adjoin to the French, so the Earl of Levenoxe, being forsaken by the French applied his service wholly to the English, which did not only continue but much increase the calamities of Scotland, during the time of king Henry's reign.  
King Henry at the time of his death g●…ue a sp●…ciall charge to the Lords of his counsel, that they should omit no ●…ndevours whereby the said marri●…ge might be procured to take effect, Hereupon they pursued this quarrel in the same st●…te the king left it. But before they attempted any thing by Arms, the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter, Herein he rem●…mbred them of the promises, sea●…es, and oaths, which by public authority had passed for concluding this marriage, that these being religious bonds betwixt God and their souls, could not by any politic act of state be dissolved, until their Queen should attain unto years of dissent. He farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare itself, in that the male princes of Scotland failing the kingdom was left to a daughter, and in that King Henry left only one son to succeed. That these two princes were agreeable both for years and princely qualities, to be joined in marri●…ge, and th●…reby to knit both Realms into one. That this union as it was like to be both easily done, & of firm continuance, so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realms. That both the easiness and firmn●…s might be conjectured, for that both people are of the same language, of like habit and fashion, of like quality and condition of life, of one climate, not only annexed entirely together▪ but sev●…red from all the world 〈◊〉. For as these are sure arguments that both des●…ended from one original, and had been under one government, so (by reason that likeness is a great cause of liking and of love,) they would be most forceable means both to join and to hold them in one body again▪ that the profit would rise by extinguishing wars betwe●…ne the two nations, by reason whereof in former times victori sabroad have been impeach●…d invasions and seditions occasioned, th●… confines of both Realms laid w●…st or else made a nursery of rapines, robberies, and murders, the inner parts often deeply pierced, and made a wretched spectacls to all eyes of humanity and pity. That the honour of both Realms would enerease as well in regard of the country's sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the moderate pleasures of this life: as also of the people great in multitude, in bodies able, assured in mind not only for the safety, but the glory of their common state. That hereby would follow assurance of defence, strength to enterprise, ease in sustaining public burdens and charge. That herein the English desired no pre-eminence, but offered equality both in liberty and privilege, and in capacity of offices and employments, and to that end the name of Britons should be assumed indifferent to both nations. That this would be the accomplishment of their common felieitie, in ease by their evil either destiny or advice they suffered not the occasion to be lost.  
The authority and reasons of this letter weighed much with persons of most weighty judgements, but others more powerful in that state partly upon vain hope in regard of the young years of the king, partly upon fear of alteration in religion, and partly in favour of their ancient amity with the French, and doubting to be brought under by the English, were altogether carried another way, yet they dispatched an Ambassador into England, but neither was any thing done, neither do I find what was propounded to have been done.  
Hereupon divers hostilities began to be practised. And first a small ship of the kings called the Pensie hover at sea, was assailed by the Lion a principal ship of Scotland. The sight began far off and slow, but when they approached, it grew very furious, wherein the ' Pensie so applied her shot, that therewith the Lion's or●… loop was broken, her sails and tackle turn: and lastly, she was boarded and taken. But as she was brought for England, she was cast away by tempest and negligence near Harewich haven, and most of her men perished with her. I would not have stayed upon this small adventure, but that it seemed a presage to the succeeding war, wherein the English acquired a glorious victory, but lost the fruit thereof, by reason of their stormy disorders at home.  
Many such small actions were enterprised daily, which were but scattering drops in regard of the great tempest which did ensue. For in the mean season an army was prepared for invasion of Scotland, under the fortune and command of the Lord Protector. The soldiers first assembled at Newcastle and were there mustered by the Earl of Warwick. here they so●…ourned three days in which time the king's fleet arrived, consisting of 65. Bottoms, whereof one galley and 34. tall ships were well appointed for fight, the residue served for carriage of munition and victuals. Of this sleet Edward Lord Clinton was Admiral, and Sir William UUoodhouse his Uiceadmirall, in this time also a general muster was taken and order appointed for the March.  
In the whole army were between 12. and 1300 thousand foot, 1300 men at Arms, 2800 light horse, being such men for their goodly personages, their ready horses their brave apparel, their armour and weapons, as never before was an army set forth into those parts in all points better appointed. The Lord Protector being General, represented the person and Majesty of the king. The Earl of Warwick was Lieutenant general. The Lord Grace of UUilton was Marshal of the field, and captain general of the horsemen. Sir Ralph Uane Lieutenant of all the men at Arms and Dimilances, Sir Ralph Sadler was general Treasurer, other gentlemen had their particular charges. But upon the General and the Earl of Warwick both the hopes and hazards of the main adventure did wholly turn. And because much shallbe said of these two hereafter, because during the reign of king Edward, they were the principal actors in every scene, I will briefly declare both what persons, and of what demerits at that time they were.  
Edward Seymer Duke of Somerset, Lord General was a man little esteemed either for wisdom or personage, or courage in arms. But being in favour with king Henry and by him much employed, was always observed to be both faithful and fortunate as well in giving advice, as in managing a charge. About five years before he being Warden of the Marches against Scotland, the invasion of james the 5. was by his direction encountered, and broken at Solome Moss, whereof divers of the Scottish nobility were taken prisoners. The year next after, he and the Earl of Warwick with a handful of men to speak of, fired Lieth and Edinburgh, and returned by a leisurely march 44 miles through the body of Scotland. The year next ensuing he invaded the Scottish borders, was●…ed T●…uedale & the marches and deformed the country with ruin and spoil. The year than next following, being appointed to view the fortifications upon the marches of Cale●…s, he not only did that, but with the hardy approach of 7000 English men raised an army of 21000 French, encamped over the River before Bulloine, won their ordinance, carriage, treasure and tents, with the loss only of one man, and returned from thence by land to Guisnes, wan in his way within shot and rescue of Arde the castle of Outing, commonly called the redpile. The year next ensuing this, he invaded & spoiled Picardy, began the forces of Newhaven, Blackness and Bullingberge, and so well applied his endeavours, that in a few weeks and before his departure they were made tenible, upon these and other like successes, his succeeding fortunes were esteemed always rather new, then strange, and his only presence was reputed a susticient surety for an army, and yet did he never rise hereby, either into haughtiness in himself, or contempt of others, but remained courteous & affable, choosing a course least subject to envy, between stiff slubbornes and filthy slattery, never aspiring higher than to be the second person in state.  
Iohn' Dudley Earl of Warwick was a man of ancient nobility, comely in stature and countenance, but of little gravity or abstinence in pleasures, yea sometimes almost dissolute, which was not much regarded, if in a time when vices began to grow into fashion, a great man was not over severe. He was of a great spirit and highly aspiring, not forbearing to make any mischief the means for attaining his ambitious ends. Hereto his good wit and pleasant speeches were altogether serviceable, having the art also by empty promises and threats to draw others to his purpose, in matters of arms he was both skilful and industrious, and as well in foresight as resolution present and great. Being made L. Lieutenant of Bulloine, when it was first taken by the English, the walls sore beaten & shaken, and in very truth searce mainetaineable, he defended the place against the Dolphin whose army was accounted to consist of 52000 men. And when the Dolphin had entered the base town, not without slaughter of diverse of the English, by a brave sally he cast out the French again with the loss of above 800 of their men esteemed the best soldiers in France. The year next ensuing when the French had a great ●…leete at sea for invasion of England, he was appointed Admiral and presented battle to the French Navy, which they refused and returned home with all their threats and cost in vain. Hereupon he landed 5000 men in France, fired Treport, and divers villages there about & returned to his ships with the loss only of one man. To say truth for enterprises by arms, he was the Minion of that time, so as few things he attempted, but he achieved with honour, which made him more proud and ambitious when he had done. Generally he always increased both in estimation with the king, and authority among the Nobility, doubtful whether by fatal destiny to the state, or whether by his virtues, or at least by his appearances of virtues.  
Now the General in this voyage was diligent and careful, and to perfect all practices which might serve to advance the adventure, as to give good contentment to all the Soldiers. These also were of good confidence and cheer, as well out of their own courage, as for the skill, valour, and fortune of their commanders. And first every soldier was commanded to take with him provision for four days, and so were let out of Berwicke and encamped about two slight shoots off the town upon the sea side towards Scotland. The Lord Clinton also put to sea with his fleet, always holding his course With the army to relieve them if need should require. Here proclamation was made in three parts of the field, declaring the causes of this journey, and offering not only peace, but love and rewards to all such as would either advance or favour the marriage between the two princes. Hereof it was conceived that the Scots had good intelligence, having some factors doubtless at this mart, albeit, (as wisdom was) they did not openly trade.  
The next day they began to march, wherein the Lord Grace and Sir Francis Bryan led above 800 lighthorsemen as a scout a mile or two before the army, aswell to give advertisement of appearance or approach of enemies as to provide lodging both commodious and safe, St Francis Bryan was so regardful of his charge as he never disposed any matter of weight but first he acquainted the General therewith, neither did he at any time forsake his saddle, until the army were quartered, and seated in such order, as if any alarm should be given, the horsemen might issue forth without disturbance of the foot, and the Avauntguard without shuffling with the battle or Arriere, next to the light horsemen followed the avantguard, in number between 3 and 4000 foot, 100 men at arms and 600 light horsemen led by the Earl of Warwick. The Battle followed consisting of about 6000 foot, 600 men at arms, and about 1000 light horsemen conducted, by the Lord General himself. Lastly followed the Arrier wherein were between 3 and 4000 foot, 100 men at arms and 600 light horse under the conduct of the Lord Dacres alively aged gentleman no less settled in experience then in years▪ upon one wing the Artillery was drawn being 16 pieces, every piece having his guard of pioneers to plain the ways, the other wing was made by men at arms and demilances for the Avantguard and half the battle ridingabout two flight shoot from their side. The other half of the battle and the whole flank of the Arrier was closed by the carriages being 900 carts, besides wagons. The residue of the men at arms and Demilances marched behind.  
In this order both beautiful and firm they marched two days using no hostility, lest peace thereby might happily be hindered. The second day they arrived at a place called the Peathes, a valley stretching towards the sea 6 miles in length, about 20 score in breadth above, and 5 score in the bottom wherein runs a little river. The banks are so steep on either side, that the passage is not direct, but by paths leading sloopewise, which being many the Place is thereupon called the Peathes. It was given forth in the army that here the Scots prepared to resist them, howbeit no forces appeared. Only the Paths were cut in diverse places with traverse trenches, which much encumbered the carriages until the pioneers had levelled them again, Assuredly a small power joined to the advantage of the place might have troubled the English very much. For albeit no resistance was made yet the English had much to do in surmounting the natural difficulties of the place, the greatest part of one day.  
Passage being made the general summoned three castles that were near. One desperate of succour and not desirous to dispute the defence presently yielded, but two stood upon their adventure. So the Cannon was planted a breach made and the place entered, but, than the moderation of the General was both unusual and unexpected, in sparing the Defendants lives, for it hath been a long observed law of the field. That if a small company of better courage than judgement, will contrary to all military discipline maintain a feeble place against royal forces, if they will offer to impeach the purposes of an army, which they have no reason to think themselves able to resist, after battery presented they put themselves out of all ordinary expectation of mercy and so Cesar answered the Adviatici, Civitatem conservat●…rum, ●…i 
Caes. 2. Gallic. Conest. 6.  priusquam aries murum attigisset se dedissent. And so the Duke d●… Alva much blamed Prosper Columnus for receiving a castle upon conditions after he had beaten it with the Cannon. And in this case I conceive the law of God to be understood; which spareth not those cities that will not yield until they be besieged, meaning doubtless when the defendants have little reason to think themselves able to 
Deut. 20.  make defence, I will not involve in silence with what a sudden statagem of wit, the defendants of one of these pieces escaped extremities, when they understood both that they were not able to defend themselves, and that their obstinaey had excluded all hope of pardon. They made petition that they might not presently be slain; but have some time to recommend their souls to God, and afterwards be hanged, this respite being first obtained their pardon did more easily ensue.  
Upon the first news of the approaches of the English and all truths enlarged by report. The Governor of Scotland was somewhat appalled, as neither furnished at that time with foreign aid, nor much trusting his forces at home yet resuming his accustomed courage well acquainted with both fortunes, he sent his heralds through all parts of the realm, and commanded the firecrosse to be carried (an ancient custom in cases of importance) namely two firebrands set in fashion of a cross, and pitched upon the point of a spear, therewith proclamation to be made that all men above 16 years of age, and under 60 should resort forthwith to Muscleborough with convenient provision of victuals with them.  
Hereupon they flocked to the place in so great multitudes that it was thought sit not only to stay further resort, but making choice of the most serviceable, to discharge diverse of the rest.  
Now as the English directed their way towards the place where they understood the Scots assembled, they came to a river called Lynne crossed with a bridge of stone. The horsemen and carriages passed through the water, the foot men over the bridge, which because it was narrow the army was long in setting over, The Avantguard marched forth and the battle followed, but as the Arriere was passing over, a very thick mist did arise. The Earl of Warwick having before espied certain plumps of Scottish horsemen ranging the field rerurned towards the Arriere to prevent such danger as the thickness of the mist, the nearness of the enemy, and the disarray occasioned by the narrownes of the bridge might cast upon them. The Scots conjecturing (as it was) that some personage of honour stayed to have a view of the Arriere, called to the english to know if any noble man were near, for that one whom they named (well known to be of honourable condition) would present himself to the General in case he might safely be conducted. Certain young soldiers not used to such trains made rash and sudden answer that the Earl of Warwick was near, under whose protection he might be assured. Hereupon they passed the water placed 200 of their prickers behind a hillock, and with 40 more cast about to find the Earl. Now the Earl espying 6. or 7. of them seattered near the army and taking them to be of the English sent one to command them to their Arra●…e, and to that end himself road an easy pace towards them followed only with 10 or 12 on horseback. He that had been sent before was so heedless either to observe, or to advertise what they were, that the Earl did not discover them to be enemies until he was in the midst among them.  
Certainly a commander should not carelessly cast himself into danger, but when either upon necessity or misadventure he falleth into it, it much advanceth both his reputation and enterprise if bravely he behave himself. Now the Earl espying where he was gave so rude a charge upon a captain of the Scots named ' Dandy Care, that he forced him to turn, and chased him above 12 score at the lances point. Herewith the residue retired deceitfully towards the place of their Ambush, from whence issued about 60 more. Then the Earl gathered his small company about him, and with good countenance maintained the fight. But the enemy in the end whether perceiving some succours advancing from the army where the Alarm was then taken, or whether intending to draw the English further into their Ambush, turned away an easy pace. The Earl forbade his men from following, fearing a greater ambush behind the hill as in truth there was. At his return he was received with great applause by the English soldiers, for that he did so well acquit himself in the danger, whereinto by error and not by rashness he had been carried. One of his men was slain, another hurt in the buttock, a third named Uane so grievously hewed that many thousands have died of less than half his hurts, whereof notwithstanding, he was cured afterwards; of the Scots 3 were taken prisoners and presented to the general by the Earl, of whom one had received many great entertainments and courtesies in England.  
I may happily be thought tedious in setting down these occurrences which may seem small. But besides that in actions of arms small matters are many times of very great moment, especially when they serve to raise an opinion of commanders, I intent to describe this battle fully, not to derogate thereby any thing from the one nation, or to arrogate to the other. For what honour riseth upon event of a battle, when oftentimes the smallest accident overthroweth a side? And when victory doth more often fall, by error of the vanquished then by valour of the victorious. But my purpose is to make it appear what miseries both nations have avoided, and what quietness and security they have attained by their peaceable union, when as either of them being able to bring such forces into the field for then mutual ruin, they may now do the like for their common either glory or necessity. Again this battle being partially described heretofore by the writers of either nation and not without uncivil terms, I will now set it forth so indifferently and fairly as I can. Lastly this battle is not slightly to be slipped over, being the last (wherein I pray that I may prophesy truly) that was or ever shall be struck between the two nations. But I return to my purpose.  
Now the Scottish horsemen began to hover much upon the English army, and to come pricking about them sometimes within the length of their staffs, using some liberty of language to draw the English from their strength. But the General of the English knowing right well, that the Scots were expert in tumultuous fights, restrained his horse from falling forth, and maintained a close march until they came to Salt Preston by the Frith. Here they encamped within view of the Scottish army, little more than two miles distant from them. About a mile from the English another way, the Scottish horsemen were very busy, upon a hill, and emboldened much partly upon their former approaches, and partly by the nearness of their army, but chiefly upon an opinion which they conceived, that the English horsemen were young and unskilful, and easy to be dealt with, came upon the English with enereased troops, to the number of 1200 besides 500 foot which lay in ambush behind the hill. The Lord Grace and Sir Francis Bryan impatient of braveries obtained leave of the General a little to assay them, and so as they came seattered upon the spur within a stones cast of the English and were beginning to wheel about, the Lord Grace with some troops of lighthorsemen charged them home. These were forthwith seconded by certain numbers of dimilances and both backed with about 1000 men at arms. The Scots meant not to depart before they had done their errand, wherefore turning their faces boldly maintained the fight, three hours and more. In the end overlaied with numbers they were put to slight and chased almost to the edge of their camp, in this fight the chiefest force of the Scottish horsemen was defeated, to their great disadvantage afterwards. The Lord Hume by a fall from his horse lost his life. His son and heir with two Priests and 6 gentlemen were taken prisoners, and about 1300 slain. Of the English one Spanish hackbutters was hurt, and three captains of the light horse, by unadvised pursuit were taken prisoners.  
The day next following the Lord General and the Earl of Warwick road towards the place where the Scottish army lay to view the manner of their eneamping, as they were returned an herald and a trumpeter from the Scots overtook them, and having obtained audience the Herald began, That he was sent from the Lord Governor of Scotland partly to inquire of prisoners, but chiefly to make offer, that because he was desirous to avoid not only profusion but the least effusion of Christian blood, and for that the English had not done any unmanlike outrage or spoil, he was content they might return, and should have his safe conduct for their peaceable passage.  
Then the Trumpeter, that the Lord Huntly his master sent message by him, that aswell for brief expedition, as to spare expense of christian blood, he would fight upon the whole quarrel either with 20 against 20 or with 10 against 10 or more particularly by single combat between the Lord General and himself, which in regard the Scots had advantage both for number and freshness of men, in regard also that for supply, both for provision and succours they were at home, he esteemed an honourable and charitable offer.  
To the Herald the Lord General answered that as his coming was not with purpose or desire to endamage their Realm, as he was there, he would neither entreat nor accept of him leave to depart, but would measure his marches in advancing or retiring, as his own judgement, guided by advice of his counsel should deem expedient.  
To the Trumpeter he returned answer, that the L. Huntley his master was a young gentleman full of free courage, but more desirous of glory then judicious, as it seemed, how to win it. That for number of Combatants it was not in his power to conclude a bargain, but was to employ all the forces put under his charge to the best advantage that he could, that in case this were a particular quarrel between the Governor and him, he would not refuse a particular combat, but being a difference between the 2 kingdoms, it was neither fit, nor in his power either to undertake the adventure upon his own fortune, or bearing a public charge to hazard himself against a man of private condition.  
Then the Earl of Warwick said, I marvel Trumpeter that thy master would make his challenge so fond, as he might well know it could not be accepted. For tell me Trumpeter, can he think it fit, that he, to whose charge is committed the command of all this Army abroad, and at home the King's person and protection of all his Realms, should undertake a combat with a particular man. But he might have found others his equals amongst us, by whom he might have been assured that he should be answered? And (therewith turning his speech to the L. General) under your Grace's favour, I accept the challenge. And bring me word Trumpeter that thy master will perform with me as thou hast said, and thou shalt have 100 crowns for thy travail.  
Nay, answered the L. General, you have a great charge in the Army, which upon a private man's challenge you must not abandon. But Herald tell the L. Governor, and the L. Huntley, That we have entered your country with a sober company (for so the Scots term a thing that is mean) your army is both great and fresh, but let them appear upon indifferent ground, and assuredly they shall have fight enough. And bring me word Herald that they will so do, and I will reward thee with 1000 crowns.  
This Earl of Huntley was a man young, bold, adventurous, of very good resolution and skill in Arms. But this challenge was so far beyond the point both of discretion and honour, that the English that knew his noble spirit, did believe that his name was therein abused, which he manifested to be true by disavowing it openly afterwards. For it is not fit that a man should abandon his public charge to undertake both the office and danger of a private Soldier. And therefore the like challenge of Tullus was refused by the commander of the Albans. For that the contention was not between their persons, but between the Cities of Alba and Rome. So Sertorius was refused by Metellus, Antonius by Augustus, and john Emperor of Constantinople by a king of Scythia, So Antonius Caracalla by reason of his often challenges, was esteemed not to be so valiant as vain. And hereupon the histories of our times forbear not to blame Charles the fifth, Emperor, Henry the eight, king of England, and Francis the first, king of France, for that they often adventured rather as Soldiers then as Commanders.  
But doubtless the L. Governor made a most honourable offer, and the rather for that it was conceived by the English, that he held himself no less assured of victory than he was of his own resolution to fight, whereto it seemed that he wanted not good reason, chiefly upon confidence of his own forces, and partly upon expectation of 12 Galleys and 50 ships well appointed out of France to assail the English at their backs. All the chief Captains yielded to the same advice of giving battle, as out of their own judgements, because they saw it agreeable to that which the L: Governor had determined. To these the residue attributed so much, that albeit divers were of a different opinion, yet they chose rather to condemn their own understanding then to question theirs.  
During this enterparlance the Scots discharged 4 great shots against the English camp, without harm as it happened, but not without breach of the Laws of the field, whereby not only public messengers are privileged to pass without either danger or scorn, but until they have discharged their message all hostility should surcease. Howsoever this happened the General of the English army unwilling to be behind in any equal or honourable offer, sent letters to the L. Governor of Scotland. Wherein he desired him and theresidue of the Scottish nobility to consider, That both armies consisted of Christians, to whom nothing should be more dear than peace, nothing more detestable than effusion of humane blood. That the cause of this war did not proceed from ambition, avarice, or hate, but from desire of perpetual peace between their people and nations, which could no way so firmly be knit as by knitting their Princes together in marriage. That many other respects, set aside their King for his birth, his years, his royal estate, his princely personage, education, and qualities was such a marriage for their Queen, that a more convenient could not be found, that in case all the Nobility of Scotland were not of one mind. The English would be content that their Queen should be brought up amongst them, until she should be of age to make her own choice. Provided that in the mean time she should not be transported to any foreign country, or any agreement made for any other marriage. That upon this condition there should be an abstinence of hostility▪ for all that time, and they would in quiet manner withdraw their army, and repair all damages which indifferent Commissioners should adjudge.  
No answer was hereto returned, but rumours ran freshly among the Scottish soldiers, that the intention of the English was to take away their Queen by force, and under pretence of marriage to reduce the kingdom under their dominion, and verily it may seem almost incredible that all these fair overtures, made by men well esteemed for honest dealing, could take no place, that nothing could move the Scots to forsake their distant and heavy helps, and to embrace friends, both ready and at hand. But besides that, the long continued wars between the English and the Scots, had then raised invincible jealousies and hate, which long continued peace hath since abolished, I do herein admire the unsearchable working and will of God, by whose inflexible decree the union between the two Realms did not then take effect, when by the death of K. Edward it should have been of short continuance, (as by the death of Francis the second, the union between France and Scotland did suddenly dissolve) but was reserved unto a more peaceable and friendly time, so for a person in whose progeny it hath taken deep and durable root. And so for that time no conditions of peace being regarded, both sides addressed themselves to their adventure.  
The places where the two Armies lay encamped, were divided by the river Eske, the banks whereof were almost so deep as the banks of the Peathes mentioned before. The Scots lay somewhat near the one side▪ & the English about two miles from the other. The English first raised their Camp, and began to march towards the river Eske, intending to possess a hill called Vnder-Eske, which commanded the place where their enemies lay. The Scots conjecturing so much, cast their Tents flat upon the ground, passed the River and mounted the Hill before the English could come near. Hereupon the English turned aside to another hill called Pinkenclench, which afterwards fell much to their Advantage, aswell for that they were then in place to be aided by their ships which road near in Edinburgh Frith, as also for that they gained thereby the advantage both of wind and Sun, a great part of the strength of an Army, and lastly for that their enemies were thereby cast into a cruel error.  
For no sooner did they espy the Eenglish turning from them, but forthwith they were of opinion that they fled towards their shipping, This surmise was first occasioned for that the English ships removed the day before from Lieth to Muscleborough Frith, which was conceived to be for taking in their foot and carriages, that the horsemen might with less encumbrance and more hast return back upon the spur. Hereupon they had appointed the same night, (whose darkness would have increased the fear) to have given a camisado upon the English. But understanding that they were well entrenched having good es●…out abroad and sure watch within, they broke that purpose, but upon this declining of the English from them, the conceit did again revive, not only as a thing desired, but because the English were inferior unto them in number, and had travailed far, and were well known to grow short in their provisions. Yea whe●… they were discerned to make stand upon the first ascent of Pinkenclench hill, the conjecture ran that their flight, was only deferred until they might cover their disorders by the dead darkness of the night. Marvellous security and always dangerous, when men will not believe any bees to be in a hive until they have a sharp sense of their stings.  
And thus the Scots heaved up into high hope of victory, took the English fallen for foolish birds fallen into their net, and seeming to fe●…re nothing more than that they should escape, forlooke their hill and marched into the plain directly towards the English. Here the Lord Governor put them in remembrance, how they could never yet be brought under by the English, but were always able either to beat them back, or to weary them away. He bade them look upon themselves and upon their enemies, themselves dreadful, their enemies gorgeous and brave, on their side men, on the other spoil, in case either through slowness or cowardice they did not permit them to escape, who (lo now) already have began their sight.  
The whole army consisted of 35 or 36000 men of whom they made three battaillons. In the avantguard commanded by the Earl of Angus about 15000 were placed about 10000 in the battle, over whom was the Lord Governor and so many in the Arriere, led by the valiant Gordone Earl of Huntley. Hackbutters they had none, no men at arms but about 2000 horsemen, prickers as they are termed, fitter to make excursions and to chase then to sustain any strong charge. The residue were on foot well furnished With jack and skull, pike, dagger, bucklers made of board, and sliceing swords, broad, thin and of an excellent temper. Every man had a large kerchief folded twice or thrice about the neck, and many of them had chains of latten drawn three or four times along their hoses and doublet sleeves, they had also to affright the enemy's horses, big rattles covered with parchment or paper, and small stones within, put upó staffs about three else long. But doubtless the rattling of shot might have done better service.  
The Earl of Angus led the Avantguard with a well measured march, whereupon the Lord Governor commanded him by a messenger to double his pace, thereby to strike some terror unto the enemy. Himself followed with the battle a good distance behind, and after came the Arrier well nigh even with the battle on the left side, the avauntguard was slanked on the right side with 4 or 5 pieces of Artellery drawn by men, and with 400 horsemen prickers on the left. The battle and Arriere were likewise guarded with Artillery in like sort drawn, and about 4000 Irish Archers brought by the Earl of Argile, served as a wing to them both, rightly so termed as being the first who began the flight,  
The General of the English and the Earl of Warwick were together when the Scots thus abandoned the hill, which they espying gave thanks to God, holding themselves in good hope of the event, forthwith they ordered the artillery, and taking a loving leave departed to their several charge, the General to the battle, where the King's standard was borne, the Earl to the Avantguard, both on foot, protesting that they would live or die with the soldiers, whom also with bold countenance and speech (which serve soldiers for the best eloquence) they put in mind of the honour, their ancestors had acquired, of their own extreme disgrace and danger if they fought not well, that the justice of their quarrel should not so much encourage as enrage them, being to revenge the dishonour done to their King, and to chastise the deceitful dealings of their enemies, that the multitude of their enemies should nothing dismay them, because they Who come to maintain their own breach of faith, besides that the check of their consciences much breaketh their spirit, have the omnipotent arm of God most furious against them.  
Herewith arose a buzzing noise among them as if it had been the rustling sound of the sea a far of, every man addressing himself to his office, and encouraging those who were nearest unto them. The Earl ranged his Avauntguard in Array upon the side of the hill, expecting until the enemy should more nearly approach. The general after he had ordered his Battle, part upon the hill, and part upon the plain, somewhat distant from the Avantguard on the right side, mounted the hill to the great artillery, to take a view of both the Armies, and to give directions as occasions should change. The Arrier stood wide of the battle upon the same side, but altogether upon the plain. The L. Grey Captain of the men at Arms, was appointed to stand somewhat distant from the Avantguard on the left side, in such sort as he might take the flank of the enemy, but was forbidden to charge, until the foot of the Avantguard were buckled with them in front, and until the battle should be near enough for his relief.  
Now after that the Scots were well advanced in the field, marching more than an ordinary pace, the great shot from the English ships, and especially from the galley began furiously to scour among them, whereby the M●… of Grime and diverse others about were torn in pieces; especially the wing of the Irish was so grievously either galled or fearred there with, that (being strangers and in a manner neutrals) they had neither good heart to go forward, nor good liking to stand still, nor good assurance to run away. The Lord Grace perceived this amazement, and conceived thereby occasion to be ripe, whereupon when the enemy was not about two slight shot from the English avantguard, suddenly and against direction with his men at arms, he charged them on head.  
The Scots were then in a fallow field, whereinto the English could not enter, but over a cross ditch and a slough, in passing whereof many of the English horse were plunged and some mired, when with some difficulty and much disorder they had passed this ditch, the ridges of the fallow field lay traverse, so as the English must cross them in presenting the charge. Two other disadvantages they had, the enemy's pikes were longer than their staffs, and their horses were naked without any barbs. For albeit many brought barbes out of England, yet because they expected not in the morning to fight that day, few regarded to put them on.  
The Scots confident both in their number, order, and good appointment, did not only abide the English, but with some biteing terms provoked them to charge. They closed and in a manner locked themselves together, shoulder to shoulder, so near as possibly they could, their pikes they strained in both hands and therewith their buckler in the left, the one end of the pike against the right foot, the other breast high against the enemy. The fore rank stooped so low as they seemed to kneel, the second rank close at their backs, crossed their pikes over their shoulders, and so did the third and the rest in their order, so as they appeared like the thorny skin of a hedgehog, and it might be thought impossible to break them. Notwithstanding the charge was given with so well governed fury, that the left corner of the Scots battaillon was enforced to give in, But the Scots did so bravely recover and acquit themselves, that divers of the English horsemen were overthrown, and the residue so disordered as they could not conveniently fight or fly, and not only justled & bore down one another, but in their confused tumbling back broke a part of the Avantguard on foot. In this encounter 26 of the English were slain most part Gentlemen of the best esteem. Divers others lost their horses, and carried away marks that they had been there. The L. Grace was dangerously hurt with a pike in the mouth, which struck two inches into his neck. The L. Edward Seymer son to the L. General lost his horse, and the English Standard was almost. lost▪  
Assuredly albeit encounters between horsemen on the one side, and foot on the other are seildome with the extremity of danger, because as horsemen can hardly break a battle on foot, so men on foot cannot possibly chase horsemen. Yet heareupon so great was the tumult and fear a 'mong the English, that, had not the commanders been men both of approved courage and skill, or happily had the Scots been well fonrnished with men at Armas the army had that day been utterly undone. For an army is commonly like a flock of fowls when some begin to fly all will follow. But the Lord Grace to repair his error endeavoured with all industry to valley his horse: The Lord General also mounted on horseback and came amongst them both by his presence & advice to reduce them into order. Sr. Ralph Vane & Sr Ralph Sadler did memorable service. But espcially the Earl of Warwick who was in greatest danger declared his resolution and judgement to be most present in retaining his men both in order and in heart. And having cleared his foot from disturbance by the horsemen, he sent forth before the front of his Avantgard Sr Peter Mewcas Captain of all the Hackbutters on foot, and Sr Peter Gamboa, a Spaniard Captain of 200 Hackbutters Spanish and Italians on horse. These brought their men to the slough mentioned before, who discharging lively almost close to the face of the enemy did much amaze them, being also disordered by the late pursuit of the English horsemen, and by spoiling such as they had overthrown. At the backs of these the Archers were placed, who before had marched on the right wing of the Avantguard, and then sent such showers of shot over the Hackbutters heads, that many bodies of their enemies being but half armed, were beaten down and buried therewith. And besides the Master of the Artillery did visit them sharply with murdering hailshot from the pieces mounted towards the top of the hill, also the Artillery which slanked the Arriere executed hotly. Lastly the ships were not idle, but especially the galley did play upon them and plague them very sore.  
The Scots being thus applied with shot, and perceiving the Avantguard of the English to be in good order, nearly to approach, & the men at arms to have recovered their Array, turned their Avantguard somewhat towards the South, to win, as it was thought, some advantage of ground. By this means they fell directly on head on the English battle, whereupon the Earl of Warwick addressed his men to take the slanke. The Avantguard of the Scots being thus upon, and beset with enemies, began a little to retire towards their great battle, either to be in place to be relieved by them, or happily to draw the English more separate and apart. The Irish Archers espying this and surmising the danger to be greater than it was, suddenly broke up & committed the safety of their lives to their nimble footmanship. After whose example all the rest threw away their weapons, and in headlong hast abandoned the field, not one stroke having been given by the English on soot. But then the horsemen coming furiously forward had them very cheap.  
The slight was made three ways, some running to Edinburgh, some along the sands towards Lieth, but the most towards Dake●…th, which way by reason of the marish the English horse were least able to pursue. The chase was given from one of the clock in the afternoon till almost six. It reached five miles in length, and four in breadth, all which ways the Scots scattered▪ in their flight jacks, Swords, Bucklers, Daggers, or whatsoever was either cumbersome, or of weight to impeach their haste, yea some cast off their shoes and doublets and fled in their shirts. Divers other devises were practised to avoid or defer the present danger. Some entreated and offered large ransoms, some being pursued only by one, suddenly turned head and made resistance, by whom many horses were disabled, and some of their horses either slain or hurt. The Earl of Angus a man of assured both hardiness and understanding, couched in a furrow and was passed over for dead until a horse was brought for his escape. 2000 others lying all the day as dead departed in the night, Divers others plunged into the river Eske, and covered themselves under roots & branches of trees, many so strained themsesues in their race that they fell down breathless and dead, whereby they seemed in running from their deaths to run unto it.  
The English discerned in their retreat that the execution had been too cruel, and far exceeding the bounds of ordinary hostility, which happily was a cause in the secret judgement of God, that they had no better fruit of their victory. The dead bodies l●…y all the way scattered so thick as a man may see sheep grazing in a well stored pasture, most slain in the head or neck for that the horsemen could not well touch lower with their swords, and scarce credible it is how soon they were stripped and laid naked upon the ground. But then again the eyes of all men were fastened upon them with pity and admiration, to behold so many naked bodies, as for tallness of stature, whiteness of skin, largeness and due proportion of limbs, could hardly be equalled in any one country. The ground where their several battalions first brake, lay strewed with pikes so thick as a sloore is usually strewed with rushes, whereby the pl●…ces could hardly be passed over either by horse or by foot▪ the river Eske ran red with blood, so as they who perished therein might almost be said to be drowned in their fellow's blood.  
On the otherside when they came to the place where the English men at Arms had been defeated, many of their horses were found grievously gashed or gored to death. The English who there perished were so deeply wounded, especially on the head that not one could be discerned by his face. Brave Edward Shellie, who was the first man that charged, was known only by his beard, Little Preston for that both his hands were cut off being known to have worn bracelets of gold about his wrists, others were brought to knowledge by some such particular marks. Hereby appeareth (as I said before) what blessing is grown to both nations by their late happy union when before they were like two rude encountering Rams, whereof he that escapes best is sure of a blow.  
Divers of the Nobility of Scotland were here slain, and many Gentlemen both of worth and noble birth, of the inferior sort about 10000, & as some say 14000 lost their lives. Of the English were slain 51 horsemen & one footman, but a far greater number hurt. The Scottish prisoners accounted by the Marshal's book, were about 1500. The chief whereof were the Earl of Huntley, the Lords Yester Hoblie, and Hamilton, the Mr of Sampoole, and the L. of Wimmes. A Herald was also taken but discharged forthwith. The execution was much maintained by the Scots own swords, scattered in every place. For no sooner had an English horseman broke his sword, but forthwith he might take up another. Insomuch that many of them broke three or four before their return. So apparent is the hand of God against violation of faith, that it is often chastised by the means appointed to defend it.  
Of all other the English men were least favourable to the Priests and Monks▪ by the Scots called Kirkmen, who had been equally troublesome in peace and unprofitable in war. To whom many as well English as Scots imputed the calamity of that day these made a band of 3 or 4000, as it was said, but they w'ere not altogether so many, howbeit many Bishops and Abbots were amongst them, from these diverse Scots feared more harm by victory, than they found among their enemies by their overthrow. After the field a banner was found of white sarc●…net, whereon a woman was painted, her hair about her shoulders kneeling before a crucifix, on her right hand a church, and along the banner in fair letters written Afflictae ecclesiae ne obliviscaris. This was supposed to have been the Kirkemens' banner. But could this crucifix have spoken, as one is said to have spoken to St Francis and another to St Thomas, it might happily have told them, that neither religious persons are fit men for arms, nor arms fit means either to establish or advance Religion.  
I must not forget the fidelity of a Scottish soldier towards the Earl of Huntly. He finding the Earl assaulted by the English, and without his helmet, took of his own headpiece and put it on the Earl's head. The Earl was therewith taken prisoner but the soldier for want thereof was presently struck down. This Earl was of great courage & for this cause much loved of his soldiers, to whom he was no less loving again. This he manifested by his great care for such Scottish prisoners as were either wounded or poor, providing at his proper charge, cure for the one and relief for the other. This Earl being asked whilst he was prisoner, how he stood affected to the marriage, answered that he was well affected to favour the marriage but he nothing liked that kind of wooing.  
Certain of those who escaped by slight excused their dishonour, not without a sharp jest against some of their leaders, affirming that as they had followed them into the field, so it was good reason they should follow them out. Those bitter tests the more truth they carry, the more biting memory they leave behind.  
The day of this fight being the 10th of September seemeth to be a most disastious day to the Scot●…, not only in regard of this overthrow, but for that upon the same day 34 years before they were in like sort defeated by the English at Flodden field. The victory raised exceeding joy among the English partly because it came so cheap, & partly by reason of the great danger and greater terror that had been cast upon them by reason of the repulse and disarray of their men at Arms.  
Now as se●…ldome one accident either prosperous or adverse, cometh unaccompanied with the like, so this calamity happened not to the Scots alone. For whilst the English army had thus drawn both the preparations and intentions of the Scots wholly upon them. The Lord Wharton and the Earl of Levenoxe entered Scotland on the west marches with 5000 men, and having marched two miles they won the church of Anan, a strong place and always much annoying the English, there they took 62 prisoners, fired most part of the spoil, and overthrew the fort with powder, passing 16 miles further they took the castle of Milk, which they fortified strongly and planted a garrison therein, and after much spoil and waste of the country returned safely into England.  
These successes did strike such a terror into many of the Scots that the Earl Bothwell and divers chief gentlemen of 〈◊〉 and Meers supposing to find more easy conditions by yielding then by striving, submitted themselves to the King of England, and were received by the Lord General into protection. But it is most cerraine that the English made not their best improvements of these fortunate events, and that especially by two miserable errors, ●…unctation in prosecuting, and haste in departure. But doubtless the union of these two realms was a work most proper to God's omnipotent arm, which afterwards effected the same, as by milder means, so in a more durable manner than they could have been united by Arms. This high appointment of God we must reverence and admire, but not omit to observe the errors committed.  
First therefore after the retreat, the English lodged the same night in the place where the battle had been fought. Where and in the villages not far distant they sojourned five days, without doing any thing, in the mean time the English searched the rivers and havens whether the Scottish ships were retired, in such sort as they left few ships of war unspoiled or untaken, the army also gathered the spoil of the field, whereof 30000 jacks and swords, & 30 pieces of great artillery were shipped for England.  
The English having thus long breathed and thereby given breathing to their enemies fired Lieth taken St Colmes. Broughticragge, Rockesborough, Humes castle, Aymouth, Fial castle, Dunglasse, Kilnecombe, and diverse other small pieces, whereof part they ruined, part they enlarged and fortified and furnished them with able soldiers, accustomed with often and prosperous success. Herewith as if they had been weary of their fair fortunes, they suddenly broke off the enterprise and returned another way into England, having stayed not above 25 days in Scotland, and lost under 60 men. The pretence of their departure was worse than the departure itself, namely for that the year and their provisions were far spent, and the country afforded little forage. Assuredly as nature taketh least care for those things which she formeth in haste, so violent and storm-like fortunes how terrible so ever, are seldom durable.  
Now the Lord Governor of Scotland being of great courage and sober judgement, as a man might well read in his face, as he had amply performed his duty both before the battle and in the field, so especially after the fight he declared himself to be of a stout and unbroken spirir. For first he assembled the dispersed forces of the Scottish army, albeit not in sufficient manner to give a fresh battle, by reason that much of their armour was lost, yet able to keep the English from ranging at larg●…. Then he presented the English with diverse offers of ●…reaty touching matters in difference, until the country was discharg●…d of them, last●…y knowing right well that counsels are commonly censured by events, and that in matters of arms, albeit the praise of prosperous success is shared amongst many, yet the blame of misadventures is charged upon one. And fearing hereby mutinies amongst his own people, and contempt of others, having first assured the young Queen in place of good defence, he assembled the Scots nobility and used words to this effect.  
I assure myself that many of you my Lords and more of the vulgar are much displeased with me for that I have advised this war whereof so sad events have followed, for this cause I have assembled you together to reduce you to a better opinion▪ or to blame you deeply, either if you remain offended, or if you cast down your courage throw fear, the betrayer of all succours which reason can afford, for tell me if you are discontented with me for advising this war, do you not condemn yourselves for following the advice? It is certain that at the first you were all of my opinion, and that I did nothing without your approvement. If now upon one misadventure you change your judgements, and charge the fault only upon me, you do me wrong and discover your own weakness, in being unable to endure those things which you knew were casual, and which you were resolved to endure. But I make no doubt but the same reasons which induced you to entertain this war, will induce you also to prosecute the same, howsoever sudden and unexpected events dismay your judgements, for the present.  
Touching myself I was always of opinion, and shall never change, that it is better the kingdom should be in good estate, with particular loss to many of the people, then that all the people should be well and the state of the kingdom altogether lost or dishonourably impaired, even as it is better that a ship should be preserved with some discommodity to the sailors, then that the sailors being in health the ship should perish, or as it is less dangerous when divers parts of a tower are decayed and the foundation firm, then when the foundation is ruinous, albeit the parts remain entire. For the common estate is but weakened by calamities of particular persons, but the ruin of the state in●…olueth all in a general destruction. And therefore they are to be blamed alike, both who move and who decline war upon particular respects, the comeither honour or necessity must be the true measure of both.  
But the cause of this war is no other than that we will not incontinently submit ourselves to do what our neighbours require. That is because at the first word we are not forward to thrust our necks under the girdles of our enemies, yea our old enemies, yea our only enemies of any account for many years, who in their gluttonous hope have devoured our kingdom, who by the bloody execution of their late victories have shown what courtesy we may expect at their hands. In doing whereof we shall abandon our ancient and approved friends, who as they never failed us in our extremities, so are they now prepared with large aids to relieve us, who will not fear or pause at the least, before he leap upon this sudden change●…, who will forsake long tried friends to rely upon those, who always have been ready by Arms to infest us. Not at all times upon desire either of revenge or spoil, but to bring us under their ambitious dominion, which of us had not rather dye, this day then see our enemies in our strongest castles and yokes of garrisons cast upon our necks? Who will not prefer a death for liberty before a life without it?  
Their promises are fair and large indeed I must say but of what assurance? What assurance can we have but that when we have lif●…ed them into the chair of state, we shall not be compelled to be their footmen? If our prince were a man and should marry an inheretrix of England, we should happily have no cause to fear, but that he would maintain the liberty of his native country, but being a woman and desired in marriage of a King of England, under whose power and custody she must abide, how shall we be able against his mind either to benefit or preserve us, verily as men hate those that affect that honour by ambition which pertaineth not to them, so are they much more odious who either through negligence or through fear will betray the glory and liberty which they have.  
Now my Lords if any surmise either that this war will be long, or that we shall have the worst in the end, his error is great, for removing whereof, I must tell you, that which many of you seem either little to remember or never to have known; do you suppose the state of this realm, (of the val●…ur whereof the enemy hath often found woeful proof) to be now so feeble that it cannot bear off a greater blow than this? It hath often done it and is able of itself to do it again, if our endeavours be answerable to our means, Our Ancestors have sustained many greater dangers, and yet retaining their liberty have left both it and their honour entire to us, what are we of l●…sse heart than they? For of less ability we are not, shall we show ourselves unworthy of our succession from them? Assuredly it is more shame for a man to lose that which he holdeth, then to fail in getting that which he never had.  
But suppose our forces to be nearer driven than they are our ancient allies the French are upon the seas and near approaching for our relief, also our friends in Italy and other parts have sent us money to supply our wants, wherefore Lords it is meet that we resume our ancient courage, and address ourselves for new preparation not only upon those hopes both from ourselves and our friends, but in contempt of our enemies. For often it happeneth that a prosperity unexpected maketh men careless and remiss if they be not very wise, whereas they who have received that wound become more vigilant & collected, especially when they see not only the common honour and liberty but their particular both seignories and safeties to be at the stake.  
And albeit the enemy hath done that which it was to be believed they would endeavour to do, in case we would not yield unto them, yet as those things must be endured upon necessity, which happen by the hand of God. So those which come from enemies must be borne by virtue. And since it is a custom of our country so to do, sith our people are famous for being nothing abashed at cross events, take we heed this virtue fail not in us. If it doth? If we show ourselves heartless and faint, we shall utterly overthrew not only the glory but the memory, both of our ancestors and of our state.  
As for those who have yielded to our enemies let us esteem them as fugitives and traitors, who endeavour to cast themselves and their country into subjection but let us stand assured, that they who least shrink at the storms of fortune, whether in public or private affairs are always most virtuous and victorious in the end.  
On the other side K: Edward added to his glory, courtesy & liberality; showing himself most gracious in cou●…tenance to all, & giving rewards suitable to every man's performance or place. The L: Protector he rewarded with lands of the yearly value of 500l l, and certain it is that these first fortunes raised unto him a great respect both in other countries and among his own people, and the rather because he was discerned to be much searching both into the Counsels and after the events of all his affairs, and likewise into the condition and state both of his own strength and of the countries near unto him.  
But these prosperous proceedings were not only hindered, in their fairest course, but altogether stayed, and in some measure turned back by reason of the unadvised forwardness of diverse chief counsellors, in making both sudden and unseasonable alterations in matters of state, whose greedy desires of having their wills in all they liked, bred both trouble to the realm and to themselves danger, for great & sudden changes are never wi●…hout danger, unless the Prince be both well settled in government and able to bear out his actions by power, but whilst K. Edward was both unripe in years and new in government to attempt a change both sudden and great, could not be accompanied with many mischiefs. The great matters wherein alteration was wrought were especially two, religion and enclosures.  
Now for that Religion is of so high and noble a nature, of so absolute necessity in a common wealth; that it is esteemed the foundation of Laws, and the common band of humane society, no sudden alteration can almost be made therein, but many will be induced thereby to attempt some alteration in rule, whence (saith Dio) conspiracies & seditions are often occasioned. For Religion being seated in the high throne of conscience is a most powerful ruler of the soul and far preferred before estimation of life, or any other worldly respect, for this advanceth man to the highest happiness, It leadeth him to his last end, all other things are but instruments, this is the hand, all other things are but accessaries this is the principal. And therefore as all men are naturally moved by religion, so when they are violently thrusted forward by those who (as Livy speaketh) make it their purpose to possess souls by superstition, then do they break all bands of reason and of rule, no persuasion of the one, no command of the other can then restrame them. Multitudo ubi religione capta est melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret, Curt. lib. 4o. 0  
I will not deny but that some change in religion is often expedient and sometimes necessary because more in that then in any other thing, it is hard to contain men from running into one of these extremes either of vain superstition or of careless contempt, but this must be done with a lost and tender hand, & as Cicero speaketh, ut quum minimo sonitu orbis in republica convertatur. Some respect should also have been given to those green times, to the monstrous multitude muffled with 2 great plagues & corruptions of judgement, custom and ignorance, whereto may be added grief at their own wants, and envy at the prosperity of others, especially for that many bold spirits were busied, not only to incense but to lead them into much variety of mischief. And if it be said that K. Henry the 8th had quietly passed the like change before, I answer the example was not then to be followed, the kings were not equal either in spirit or in power. Even as it is in the ●…able that albeit an Eagle did bear away a lamb in her talents with full flight, yet a raven endeavouring to do the like was hold entangled and fettered in the flecce.  
Touching enclosures, I am not ignorant what a profitable purchase is made thereby, not only to particular persons, but generally to the whole Commonwealth, in case it be without depopulation, because a company of lands enclosed, are thereby improved in worth 2 or 3d d parts at the least, hereby two great commodities ensue, riches and multitude of people, because the more riches are raised out of lands, the more people are thereby maintained. This doth plainly appear by two shires almost, equal both in greatness and in goodness of soil. Northampton much champion, and Somerset altogether enclosed, for if estimation may be made by musters, and by subsidies, tenths and fif●…eens enclosure hath made the one county more than double to exceed the other both in people and in wealth.  
Notwithstanding the Lord Protector gaping after the fruitless breath of the multitude, & more desirous to please the most than the best causing a proclamation to be set forth against enclosures, commanding that they who had enclosed any lands accustomed to lie open should upon a certain pain before a day assigned lay them open again. This Proclamation whilst few were forward to obey gave occasion to the mutinous multitude instable in judgement and intempestuous when they are stirred all carried with a headlong rashness, and one following another as wiser than himself immoderately both in desire & hope to be easily drawn by others who had d●…per reaches than themselves to matters which at the first they least int●…nded.  
And again soon after the beginning of the young king's reign, certain iniunc●…ions were set forth for removing images out of Churches which had been highly, not only esteemed but honoured before, and for abolishing or altering some other ancient observations in the Church. Hereupon commissioners were dispatched into all parts of the realm to see those injunctions to be executed, with those diverse preachers were sent furnished with instructions to persuade the people from praying to Saints as for the dead, for adoring Images, from use of beads, ashes and processions, from mass, dirges, praying in unknown languages, & from some other like things whereunto long custom had wrought a religious observation and for defect of preachers, 〈◊〉 were appointed to be publicly read in Churches, aiming to the very same end.  
Some other offering to maintain these ceremonies were either punished or forced to 〈◊〉, Edmund Bonner Bishop of London was committed prisoner to the Fleet, for refusing to receive these injunctions. Stephan Gardiner was likewise committed first to the Fleet, afterwards to the Tower, for that he had openly preached that it were well these changes in religion should be stayed, until the King were of years to govern by himself. This the people apprehending worse than it was either spoken or meant, a question began to be raised among them, whether during the King's minority such alterations might lawfully be made or no for the like causes Tonstall Bp of Duresme, and Heath Bp of Rochester, were in like committed to prison, all these being then and still continuing famous for learning and judgement were dispossessed of their Bishoprics, but no man was touched in life.  
Hereupon a Parliament was held in the first year of the King: and by prorogation in the second, wherein divers Colleges▪ Cha●…tries, free Chappells, Fraternities, Guilds, etc. with all their lands and goods were put into the actual possession of the King: part of the goods and lands being sold at a low value, enriched many, and enabled some, and thereby made them firm in maintaining the change, also that no m●… should speak against receiving the Eucharist under both kinds▪ which had been restrained in times before, and that Bishops should be placed by collation of the King under his Letters Patents, without any precedent election or confirmation ensuing, and that all processes ecclesiastical should be made in the King's name, is in writs at the common Law, and that all persons exercising Ecclesiastical jurisdiction should have the King's arms in their seals of office, and further the Statute of the 6 Articles, and other statutes concerning punishment of Loll●…rds were repealed, and so was another statute restraining the use of Scriptures in the English tongue, and the King's supremacy over the Church of England was confirmed. Herewith a book was set forth for public prayers by proclamation, and for administration of the Sacraments, & other rights and offices of the Church, and divers punishments were appointed by proclamation, either for not using the forms prescribed in that book, or for depraving any thing therein contained.  
I forbear to rehearse other acts of this Parliament, albeit a noble writer in our time esteems it to be a maim in history that the acts of Parliament should not be recited, which I conceive so far to be true as they occasion tumults or division, or some remarkable alteration in state, otherwise as I find them not regarded by most imitable writers, so I account the relation of them both fruitless & improper for a true carried history.  
Now in this mean time the commissioners before mentioned were earnest in executing their authority. And either pulled down or defaced all images in Churches, and that in such unseasonable & unseasoned fashion as if it had been done in hostility against them, hereat many did express a sense of distaste, some for religious respects, others in regard of the excellent artifice of some of their pieces, affirming that albeit religious reverence might happily have been either taken away or moderated, yet the civil regard which all men do not only afford but affect, in maintaining the memory of those whom they honour or love, night be endured without offence.  
Certainly albeit the religion of the Romans endured 170 years according to a law of Numa Pompilius without any images, albeit the Persians had neither images nor temples nor altars, being of opinion that God could be represented by no device that he had no temple but the world, no Altar but the heart of man, albeit Eus●…bius writeth that the people of Asia called Seres by express law forbade adoration of images, albeit that images were forbidden of Ly●…urgus as drawing men from the true worship of that which cannot be seen. Albeit the ancient Germans & from the Britons, and the Gauls had neither Images nor Temples, albeit the jews, and in imitation of them, the Saracens and Turks abhor nothing more than Images, either in their temples, or in their houses, because the law of God forbiddeth not only to adore but to make any image. Albeit the Christians continued a long time without Images in their Churches, yet were they never entertained into any religion, but presently they took deep root in the hearts and consciences of the common people. When Leo Isauricus surnamed Iconomadius assembled a counsel at Constantinople, wherein it was decreed that Images should be cast out of Churches and burnt, the West part of his Empire did thereupon first rebel, & afterwards revolt.  
And yet while these proceedings were but in the bud, affairs of state without the Realm were maintained in good condition of honour, but seemed rather to stand at a stay, then either to advance or decline. In Scotland the wars were maintained by the L. Grace of Wilton, Lieutenant of the North, with variable success, he fortified Haddington, fired Dawkeith, and won the Castle where fourteen Scots were slain, and 300 taken prisoners, he spoilt much of the country about Edinburgh, Lowthum, and Meers, fired Muscleborough, and fortified Louder, & took Yester, at the yielding whereof he granted life to all except to one who had used vild speeches against K. Edward. Those speeches were commonly cast upon one Newton but he charged them upon one Hamilton, Hereupon Hamilton challenged Newton to the combat, which he did readily accept and the L. Grace consented to the trial, to this purpose Lists were erected in the market place at Haddington whereinto at the time appointed, both the combatants entered, apparelled only in their doublets and hoses, and weapned with sword, buckler, and dagger. At the first encounter Hamilton drove Newton almost to the end of the lists, which if he had fully done he had thereby remained victorious, but Newton on the sudden gave him such a gash on the leg that therewith he fell to the ground, & Newton forthwith dispatched him with his dagger, certain gentlemen than present offered to have fought with Newton upon the same point, but this was adjudged to be against the laws of combat, wherefore Newton was not only acquitted but rewarded with a chain of gold, & with the gown which the Lord Grace did then wear, howbeit many were persuaded that he was saulty and happily neither of them was free, but he enjoyed neither his escape nor his honour long, for soon after he was hewn in pieces by Hamiltons friends.  
On the other side the Scots became before Broughticragge, with 8000 men and 8 pieces of Artillery, but it was for that time well defended by the English who by often sallies enforced their enemies with loss of their Artillerio to abandon the attempt, after this divers other enterprises were made upon that fort; at the last it was taken where the Scots slew all except Sir john Latterel the captain who was taken prisoner.  
And now Henry the 2d of France having newly succeeded Francis the first, who died the last of March 1547. sent Mounsieur D●…ssie his Li●…utenant into Scotland with an army of about 10000 French & Almains who joining with the Scots besieged Haddington and that with so good earnest▪ as six pieces of artillery discharged 340. shot in one day and in another ●…00 within 60 p●…ees of the wall, they lodged so near within the very ditches that the English 〈◊〉 diverse of them with plumbers of lead tied to a trun●… or 〈◊〉 by a cord, the place was but weak and the 〈◊〉 fair but the defendants by resolution supplied all the defects, making diverse fallies with such lively spirit that the Assayl●…nts were thereby discouraged from making assault. The English from Berwick with about 1500 horse did often relieve the defendants by breaking through the the midst of their enemies, but at the last they were so strongly both encountered and enclosed between the French Almains and Scots, & that Sir Thomas Palmer the chief leader and about 400 were taken prisoners and diverse slain. Hereupon the Earl of Shrewsbury was sent with an army of about 15000 men whereof 3000 were Almains, but upon notice of his approach the French raised the field, retired so far as Mus●…leborough & there encamped, attributing much honour to the English for their vasour in regard of the small strength of the place which they defended, when the Earl 〈◊〉 vi●…uilled & reinforced the town, he marched 〈◊〉 ●…ard, the enemies and encamped near unto them, and first a few of the English horse aproached near the army of the French, who sent forth some troops of their horse to encounter them, but the English retired until they had drawn the French into an ambush laid for the purpose and then charging together they had them cheap, amongst which two captains of account were taken prisoners. The next day the Earl presented his army in plain field before the enemy's camp closed in three bodies and ranged ready to abide battle. The French had newly received supply of 14 or 15000 Scots but yet remained within their strength holding it no wisdom to venture on men resolved to fight, who being forthwith to depart the realm and could neither long endanger nor indamage them much. So the Earl after that he had remained about an hour and perceiving that the French intended not to forsake their strength, returned unto his camp and afterwards to England, destroying Donbarr and some other which stood near his passage, the Army being dissolved, and the Scots thought secure, the Lord Grace with his horsemen entered Scotland did great waist in T●…uedale and Liddesdale for the space of 20 miles, and returned without encounter, Also a navy was appointed to coast along with the army before mentioned, This fleet coming to Brent Island fired 4 ships then attempting upon S. Minees were repulsed by the Lord Dun, and so without either glory or gain returned into England.  
Not long after the departure of the English army Mr Dassie with his French and Almains attempted suddenly to surprise Haddington, the enterprise was governed in so secret manner that the French had slain the English escouts and entered the base court and aproached the main gates before any alarm was taken, but then the Townsmen came forth many in their shirts, who with the help of the watch sustained the assault, until the Soldiers in better appointment came to their aid. These issued into the base court, through a privy postern, and sharply visited the Assailants with Halbeards and swords. Here the fight grew hot, the darkness and danger terrifying some and animating others. Blows flew at all adventures, wounds and deaths given and taken unexpected, many scarce knowing their enemies from their friends: But shame wrought such life and courage in the English, as very few of the enemies who entered the court escaped alive, leaving their fellows bleeding in their deadly wounds, yet Mr Dassie not discouraged herewith gave 3 lively assaults more that morning, but was repelled with so great loss, that 16 Carts and Wagons were charged with carrying away their dead and dying bodies, besides 300 left in the base court.  
After diverse like adventures the English perceiving that the town could not be kept without danger, nor lost without dishonour, The Earl of Rutland was sent with 3000 Almains and as many borderers to demolish the town and to bring the artillery a way to Berwick, The Earl not only accomplished his Charge but made wide waist in his passage by ruin and spoil, Herewith the castle of Hame was suddenly surprised by the Scots and all the English therein either taken or ●…laine. This was effected by means of certain Scots who used to bring victuals to the English and were reputed their assured friends, these both observing the weakness of the place and orders of the garrison, discovered them to their fellows and gave entertainment for the surprise Giving also warning to others never to trust either the cur●…syes or services of those whom they have provoked to be their enemies.  
About these time's Sr Edward Bellingham Lo: Deputy of Ireland first with great diligence and care, than credit and ●…eputation especially gained by that service, took Ocanor and Omor and reduced the other seditious Lords to good subjection Ocanor and Omor guided by overlate counsel of necessity left their Lordships and had a yearly pension of 100l l assigned to either of them.  
And now the French supposing that by reason partly of suspense of hostility between England and France, and partly of the English affairs in other places, matters with them would be neglected, determined to attempt a sudden surprise of the fortress of Bullingberge, to this end 7000 men were appointed under the conduct of Mr Chastilion furnished with ladders and other preparations for the surprise. They marched secretly in the dead time of the night, and when they approached within a quarter of a league. On Carter who had been discharged of his pay by the English for takeing a French woman to wife, and then served under the French ran privily before, and gave the Alarm to those in the Fort. The English drew him up the walls between two pikes and understanding the danger addressed them selues to their defence by reason whereof the French at their approach had so warm a welcome, every of the English contending that his valour might be noted for some help in the fight, that at their departure they jaded 15 wagons with their dead. Carter himself adventured bravely in places of greatest danger, and received two great hurts in his body, Sr Nicholas Arnault the captain was likewise hurt with a pike in the face, diverse others were wounded & about 25 slain The assault continued with great obstinacy from midnight until somewhat after the break of day.  
Shortly after 300 English on foot and 25 horsemen were appointed to go to a wood, about 2 leagues from Bullingberge, having carriages with them, for bringing certain timber for mounting great Artillery, and some other uses when they approached nearer the edge of the wood, about 500 French horsemen issued forth and gave three sharp charges upon them, the English impaled themselves with their pikes, and therewith bore off their enemies, and being lined with shot (the cruel plague of horsemen) the French were in such sort galled with arrows that many were wounded Mr Ca●…ret and diverse others slain, 70 great horses lay dead in the field and one Cornet was taken. The English fearing greater forces began to retire, and therewith appeared about 2000 French and Almains on foot. But the English maintained an orderly retreat, until they came within favour of the shot of Bullingberge and then the enemy adventured no further, & in this manner the old wounds of war began freshly to open & bleed between England and France.  
But in this mean time such tempests of sedition tumbled in England more by default of governors than the people's impatience to live in subjection, that not only the honour but the safety of the state was thereby endangered. For as the commissioners before mentioned passed to diverse places for establishing of their new injunctions, many unsavoury scorns were cast upon them, & ●…he further they wenr from London as the people were more uncivil so did they more rise into insolency & contempt. At the last as one Mr Body a commissioner was pulling down images in Cornwall, he was suddenly stabbed into the body by a Priest with a knife.  
Hereupon the people more regarding commotioners than commissioners, slocked together in divers parts of the shire as clouds cluster against a storm, and albeit justice was afterwards done upon the offenders, the Principal being hanged and quartered in Smithfield, and diverse of his chief complices executed in diverse parts of the Realm, albeit so ample a pardon was proclaimed for all others within that shire touching any action or speech tending to treason, yet could not the boldness be beaten down either with that severity or with this lenity be abated. For the mischief forthwith spread into Wiltshire and Somersetsoire, where the people supposing that a common wealth could not stand without Commons, beat down enclosures, laid parks and fields champain. But Sr William Herbert afterwards Earl of Pembroke with a well armed & ordered company set sharply upon them, and oppressing some of the forwardest of them by death, suppressed all the residue by fear. But their duty depending upon fear the one was of no greater continuance than the other.  
The like motions followed in Sussex, Hampshire, Kent, Glocestershire, Warwickshire, Essex, Hartfordshire, Leicestershire, Worcestershire and Rutlandshire. But being neither in numbers nor in courage great, partly by authority of Gentlemen, and partly by entreaty and advice of honest persons they were reduced to some good appeasement, as with people more guided by ●…age then by right, yet not altogether mad, it was not uneasy. But herein happily some error was committed, that being only brought to a countenanc●… of quiet, regard was not had to distinguish the rebellion fully. For soon after they broke forth more dangerously than before for no part could content them who aimed at all. After this the people in Oxfordshire, ' Devonshire, Norfolk and Yorkshire fell into the same madness, incensed by such who being in themselves base and degenerate, and dangerous to the state had no hope but in troublesome times. To Oxfordshire the Lord Grace of Wilton, was sent with 1500 horse and soot, to whom the gentlemen of the country resorted, drawing many followers with them, the very name of the Lord Grace being known to be a man of great valour and fortune▪ so terrified the seditious, that upon the very report of his approach, more than half fell away and dispersed of the residue, who being either more desperate or more sottish did abide in the field, many were presently slain, many taken, and forthwith executed. To Devonshire was sent john Lord Russell, Lord of the privy seal, whose forces being indeed, or being by him disinherited to be inferior to the importance of the service, he sat down at Honington, whilst the seditious did almost what they would, upon this heaviness of the king's forces going forward interpr●…ted to be fear and want of mettle, diverse either of the most audacious or such as poverty or fear of punishment might easily plunge into any mischi●…fe, resorted to the seditious daily from Cornwall and other parts, as bad humours gather to a bile, or as diverse kenn●…ls slow to one sink, so in short time their numbers increased to 10000 tall & able bodies. They were chiefly guided by H●…mphery Arundel a man well esteemed for military services. About 6 others of inferior note were bold actors with him. Many priests unworthy to be named were also impetuous and importunate incensors of the rage, men of some academical learning in discourse, but their minds not seasoned with any virtuous or religious thoughts.  
Assuredly the vulgar multitude is not unfirly termed a beast, with many heads not guided▪ I will not say with any proportion but portion of reason, violence and obstinacy like two untamed horses, draw their desire in a blindefo●…de Career. They intent most foolishly what they never put in action, and often act most madly what they never intended, all that they know to do, is that they know not what to do, all that they mean to determine proves a determination and meaning to do nothing. They attribute more to others judgement then to their own, esteeming bold obstinacy for bravest courage and impudent prating for soundest wisdom, and now being assembled into one company rather without a Lord then at liberty, to accomplish their misery they fall to division of all calamities the worst, and so broken in their desires that many could not learn either wherefore they came, or what they would have done. Some were commonwealth mutineers, and some did mutiny for religion. They who were for the common wealth could agree upon no certain thing, but it was certain they could agree upon nothing, some would have no justices, so ne no gentlemen, some no laiers nor ordinary courts of justice, and above all enclosures must down, but whether all or which or how to be employed none could tell, every man regarding what he followed but not what might follow thereof. All would have the state transformed, but Whether reformed or deformed they neither cared nor knew. They concurred only in confused clamours, every man thinking it no less reasonable that his opinion should be heard, then that his body should be adventured.  
The religious mutineers were not altogether so uàrious in their voices, as having some few spirits among them by whom they were both stirred & guided, these in the name of the people hammered up the Articles following, & sent them to the King, upon granting of which they professed that both their bodies & their goods should be absolutely at the king's devotion.  

1 ●…hat carats should administer baptism at all times of necessity aswell on weekedays as on holidates.  
2 That their chilaren might be confirmed by the Bishop whensoever they should within the d●…oces resort unto him.  
3 Forasmuch as they believed that after the words of consecration no●… substance of bread remaining but the real body and blood of Christ, that th●… mass should be c●…lebrated without any man communicating with the priest, for that many put no differenc●… between the Lord's body and other m●…at, soms saying that it is bread before and after, some saying that it is profitable to none except he receives it.  
4 That they might have reservation of the Lords body in their Churches.  
5 That they might have holy bread and holy water in remembrance of Christ's precious body and blood.  
6 That God's service might be said or sang with an audible voice in the Choir and not forth like a Christmas play.  
7 That Priests live chaste (as St Paul did) without marriage, who said to all honest Priests, be ye followers of me.  
8 That the 6 Articles set forth by K. Henry the 8th, be so used as they were in his time, at least until the K. should accomplish his full age.   
Now albeit the King knew right well that no reasons would serve for denial, and that they yielding to them in any thing would profit him nothing, but rather make them rise to more insolent demands, yet he returned an answer in writing and therewith his general pardon, in ease they would desist and open their eyes to diseerne how their uncircumspect simplicity had been abused especially in matters of religion, for that as some virtues resemble some vices so near, as the one is often taken for the other, so religion and supe●…stition do so nearly resemble, that it was easy for men to disguise the one under the mask of the other, First therefore he reproved them fairly for their disorderly assemblies, against the peaceable people of the Realm and against the honour of his estate, fearing much that by reason of their disobedience, his lenity should appear to be less than he would have it, al●…o for that they used his name in all their writings, not only without his authority but even against himself, abusing thereby the weakness of many, and drawing them into society of their evil. Then he pitied their ignorance and the errors thence arising, whereby they were alured to new hopes by some, who could not th●…iue so well by their honest e●…deavours, as by rapine and spoil, who stopped all course of law and discourse of reason to open the full sloud-gate of their unmeasurable madness, who to overthrow th●…state pretend liberty, but if they should overthrow it all liberty were lost.  
For saith he who hath borne you in hand that children even in cas●… of necessity cannot be baptised but upon holidays, whereas there is no day no●… hour wherein the Minister is not only permitted but commanded to baptise. By like abuse you are persuaded that many hold that the blessed Sacrament of Christ's body doth nothing differ from common bread, whereas Laws, Statutes, Proclamations, common practice agree, that common bread is only to sustain the body but this blessed bread is food for the soul. Touching confirmation, doth any believe that a child baptised is damned unless it be confirmed? If it be baptised and also confirmed, is it saved only by confirmation, and not by baptism? Or is it the more saved by confirmation? children are confirmed at the age of discretion to teach them what they received in their infancy, they are taught by confirmation to continue in that whereto they were baptised, oh how much do they need who will never be content? What may satisfy those who have no limits to their desires.  
As for the order of service and use thereof in the English tongue, which you esteem new it is no other than the old, that same words in English which were in Latin, except a few things omitted so fond, that it had been a shame to have heard them in English, and how can any reasonable man be offended to understand what God by his word speaketh unto them, what they by their prayers speak unto God: If the service were good in latin, it remains so in English, for nothing is altered but to make you understand what is said, In like sort the mass with great judgement and care was reduced to the same manner as Christ left it, as the Apostles used it, as the ancient Fathers received, practised and left it.  
But you would in sober earnest have the six Articles again revived, Do you understand what you would have, or ate you masters of your own judgement. If you understand them and yet desire them, it is not long since they were enacted, and have since drawn much blood from the subjects, as would you have bloody laws again in life, or would they any long time be endured? Upon pity they were taken away, upon ignorance they are again demanded, Verily that in the Gospel may truly be said of you, ye ask ye know not what, for you neither know what good you shall have by receiving them, nor what evil you have lost by their abolishing, our intention is to have our laws written with milk, but you would have them written with blood. They were established by law and so observed, although with much expense of blood, they are abolished by law with sparing of blood, and that also must be observed, for unless laws be duly observed, neither the authority of the Prince, nor safety of the people can be preserved.  
And whereas you would have them remain in force until our full age, if you had known what you speak, you never would have given breath to such an unseasoned thought, for what is our authority the less for our age, or shall we be more King hereafter then now? or are you less subjects now then in future times you shall be? Verily as a natural man we have now youth, and by God's sufferance expect age; but as a King we have no difference in years, we are rightful king by God's ordinance, and by descent from our roi●…ll ancestors, and not by any set number of years, and much it is to be feared, that they who moved you to require this suspense of time, would absolutely deny our royal power, if they durst so plainly express themselves.  
The seditious as men always dangerous when they have once broken awe, interpreted this or any other mild dealing to proceed from some feigning or fainting disposition either doubting or daring most when they are most fairly entreated, and the more to enslame the popular rage, fresh rumours were devised and divulged, that the people should be constrained to pay a ratable tax for their sheep and other cattle, and an excise for every thing which they should eat or drink, by which and other like reports the simple were blinded, the malicious edged, all hardened from applying to any peaceable persuasion.  
And now unable to support themselves either with their own estate or by waist of villages, they aspired to the spoil and subjection of cities, and first they came to Ex●…ter and demanded entrance, but the citizens as they were both civil and rich, so were they better advised, and therefore closed their gates, and refused to have any intercourse with the seditious, but either by common obedience, or else by hostility and arms; the popular fury being thus stopped, swollen the more. Whereupon they resolved to apply their endeavours for taking the city, and either by destroying it to increase terror, or else by sparing it to win an opinion of moderation, they had no great artillery to open a breach, and yet without reason they gave an assault, and used diverse means to mount the walls, but the more madness they showed in their attempt, with the greater loss they were driven b●…cke, than they fired the gates at two several times, but the citizens at both times by casting in wood maintained the fire, until they had cast up a half moon within, upon which when the seditious attempted to enter they were slain from the corners like dogs. After this they mined the walls, laid the powder and rammed the mouth, but the citizens made a countermine, whereinto they poured such plenty of water, that the wet powder could not be fired.  
In the mean time the L. Privy Seal lay at Hunnington expecting more strength, and knowing right well that as the multitude are slow to danger, so are they most desperate when they are stirred, but whilst he expected more company, many of those he had slipped away from him. Hereupon he resolved for retaining the rest to entertain some present enterprise, and first he assailed by a by way to enter and relieve the city, but the seditious for prevention hereof had f●…led all the trees between S. Mary Outry and Exeter, & laid them cross the way in such sort as they impeached his passage, hereupon firing such places as he thought might serve either for use or ease to the seditious, he determined to return to Hunnington. But the seditious forelaied a bridge, over which he should pass, called Fennington bridge, and in a great fair meadow behind the bridge placed a great number under banners displayed. The Lord privy seal had but a small company in regard of the seditious. Yet with good order and courage he attempted the bridge but could not force it, at the last finding the river to be fordeable at the foot of the bridge, he there set over his horse, whereupon the guards appointed to defend the bridge forsook their charge, and retired to their strength in the meadow. Then the king's forces charged lively upon them, and they again as stoutly received the charge, but being an untrained multitude without either soldier or guide, they were soon broken and put to slight, yet they valued themselves and tumultuously charged upon the king's forces, but were presently routed and cast out of the field, the ch●…se was not far pursued for fear of fresh succours from before the city. Notwithstanding the seditious lost 600 of their men, and the Lord Privy seal returned without loss to Hunington.  
At this time the seditious lived by rapine and ruin of all the country, omitting nothing of that which savages enraged in the height of their unruly beh●…viour do commit, but the Citizens driven to great distress for want of victuales, bread they made of coursest bran moulded in clothes, for that otherwise it would not cleave together. Th●…ir finest fl●…sh was of their own horses, especially for 12 days they endured most extreme famine. During this time they were much encouraged by an aged citizen, who brought forth all his provisions and said, that as he did communicate unto them his store, so would he participate of their wants. And that for his part he would feed on the one arm and fight with the other before he would consent to put the city into the seditious hands. Herewith the Lord privy Seal for want of power to perform any services, was about to rise and return to London. But in good time the Lord Grace came to him with supply of forces most Almane horsemen, and with him came Spinola with his band of Italians consisting of 300 shot, purposed for Scotland, also 200 men were sent unto him from Reading, so being in all not much above 1000 strong, he made head against the seditious. So departing from Honington he came to a little village from whence lay 2 ways towards Exeter, both which were blocked up with 2 bulwarks of earth, made by the seditious, hither they had driven 2000 men from before Exeter whom they divided into 4 companies. In either of the Bulwarks they lodged one, at the bridge near the back of one of the forts▪ a third company was placed, the 4th was laid in ambush behind a hedge on the high way, at the back of the other fortress, the Arricre of the king's forces led by captain Wavers set upon one of the sorts, the vaward and battle upon the other, Spinola with his shot did bear upon those within, who offered to appear upon the walls. At length Captain Wavers won the sort which he assailed, and drove the defendands to the bridge where one of their companies made stand, Herewith the other two companies did forthwith resort unto them, one from the second sort, the other from the 〈◊〉. These casting a strong guard upon the bridge, marsha●…ed the residue upon a plain ground behind the bridge. The King's forces coming forward drove the guard from the bridge ●…nd making profit of the fresh terror set upon those who were upon the plain. The king's footmen were firmly 〈◊〉▪ the troops of horse in good array, whereas the 〈◊〉 had neither weapons, order nor counsel, but being in all things unprovided were slain like beasts. They took their slight towards St Mary cl●…sse but the soldiers upon disdain of their unworthy actions filled themselves with revenge and blood, and slew of them above 900 not sparing one.  
This sad blow abated much the courage and hope of the seditious, and yet the next day about 2000 of them affronted the King's forces at the entrance of a high way, whom when they found both ready and resolute to fight, they desired enterparlance, and in the mean time began to fortify. But understanding that their intention was understood▪ more like slaves than soldiers they furiously ran away. The same night the seditious before Exeter raised theirseige, and therewith discharged the city from many miseries and despairs. The King afterwards enlarged the constant obedience of the city with enlargement both of liberties and of revenues, he gave unto them the manor of Eu●…land for a perpetual remembrance both of their loialty and of his love.  
Now the seditious driven almost to a dead despair and supported only by the vehemency of desire, brought forth their forces to Cli●…on heath, to whom many of the most vile vulgars' resorted hourly, which much enlarged their numbers but nothing their strength, but what measure have men in the increase of madness, if they keep not themselves from falling into it, they brought with them a crucifix upon a cart covered with a canopy, and beset with crosses, tapers, banners, holy bread and holy water as a representation of those things for which they fought. The Lord Grace encouraged his men to set sharply upon the vague villains good neither to live peaceably nor to fight, and to win at once both quiet to the Realm and to themselves glory, so he brought the King's forces upon them rather as to a carnage then to a fight, insomuch as without any great either loss or danger to themselves, the greatest part of the seditious were slain, diverse also were taken, of whom the common sort were forthwith executed by martial law, the chiefest leaders were sent to receive justice at London, Some escaped and sailed to Bridgewater, who taking dangers to be the only remedy against dangers, endeavoured to set up the sedition again, but they were speedily repressed, and thereby the sedition suppressed wholly.  
The sedition thus broken and beaten down Sir Anthony Kingston provost marshal of the king's army was deemed by many not only cruel but uneivill, and inhuman in his executions. One Boyer maior of Bodmin in Cornwall was observed to have been among the seditious, but by absolute enforcement as many others were. The Marshal wrote to him a letter that he would dine at his house upon a day which he appointed, the mayor seemed glad, and made for him the best provision that he could, upon the day he came and a large company with him, and was received with many ceremonies of entertainment. A little before dinner he took the mayor aside and whispered him in the ●…are, that execution must that day be done in the town, and therefore required him that a pair of gallows should be framed and erected against the time that dinner should end; the mayor was diligent to accomplish his demand, and no sooner was dinner ended, but he demanded of the Mayor whether the work were finished, the Mayor answered that all was ready, I pray you said the provost bring me to the place, and therewith he took him friendly by the hand, here beholding the gallows he asked the Mayor whether he thought them to be strong enough, yes said the Mayor doubtless they are, well than said the provost get you up speedily for they are prepared for you, I hope answered the Mayor you mean not as you speak, in faith said the provost there is no remedy, for you have been a busy rebel, and so without respite or defence he strangled to death.  
near the said place dwelled a Miller who had been a busy actor in that rebellion, and fearing the approach of the provost martial, told a sturdy tall fellow his servant that he had occasion to go from home, and therefore gave directions that if any one should inquire after the miller, he should not speak of him but affirm that himself was the miller, and that so he had been for three years before, So the provost came and called for the miller, his servant came forth and said he was the man. The provost demanded how long he had kept the mill, these three years answered the servant, than the provost commanded his men to lay hold on him, and to hang him on the nearest tree, than the fellow cried out that he was not the miller but the miller's man, nay Sr answered the provost I will take thee at thy word, and if thou be'st the miller thou art a busy knave, if thou be'st not, thou art a false lying knave, whatsoever thou art thou shalt be hanged, when others also told him that the fellow was but the miller's man, and what then said he? could he ever have done his master a better service then to hang for him, and so without more to do he was dispatched. Assuredly this might have passed for a tolerable jest if it had not been in a case of life.  
Divers others were executed by martial law, & a great part of the country was abandoned to the spoil of the soldiers, who not troubling themselves to discern between a subject and a rebel, whilst their liberty lasted made indifferently profit of both.  
The seditious in Norfolk were somewhat dangerous, both because their strength was greater, as also because the city of Norwich was a friend unto them, or at least wished them no great harm, and being faithful to neither side, was always ready to entertain the stronger, their first attempt was made at Attleborough where they threw down the fences of one Green of Wilbie, who was supposed to have enclosed a part of Attleborough common adjoining to the common pasture of Harsham. Afterward they assembled at a play accustomed yearly to be kept at Wimondham, and from thence went to Morley a mile distant, and there cast down the ditches of one Hubbarde, next by incitement of john Flowerdew of Netheset, a gentleman of good estate, but never expressing desire of quiet, they did the like to certain enclosures of Robert Ket a tanner in Wimondham, and received of him 38s 4d for their labour, this Ket who hath made his obscure beginning well known by his mischievous attempts to require Flowerdew carried them to Netheset, where they cast down all the enclosed pasture of Flowerdew, and not staying there he led them indifferently to diverse other places, laying all enclosures where he came rather waste then open.  
And the rather to train them to his allure, he told them both often and with vehement voice, how they were over topped and trodden down by gentlemen, and other their good masters, and put out of possibility ever to recover foot, how whilst rivers of riches ran into their landlord's coffers, they were pared to the quick, and said upon pease and oats like beasts, how being sleeced by these for private benefit, they were slayed by public burdens of state, wherein whilst the richer sort favoured themselves, they were gnawn to the very bones, how the more to terrify and torture them to their minds, and wind their necks more surely under their arm, their tyrannous masters did often implead arrest, cast them into prison, and thereby consume them to worse than nothing, how they did palliate these pillaries with the fair pretence of authority and of law, fine workmen I warrant you, who can so closely carry their dealings, that then men only discover them, how harmless counsels were fit for tame fools, but for them who had already stirred there was no hope but in adventuring boldly.  
The likeness of affection and the masking of vices under pleasant terms, procured not only assent, but applause to all that he said, and so by often and earnest repeating of these and the like speeches, and by bearing a confident countenance in all his actions, the vulgars' took him to be both valiant and wise, and a fit man to be their commander, being glad they had found any captain to follow.  
Their numbers increased daily, and therewith their boldness and power to do harm, they were largely supplied at the first both with victuals and arms, albeit not with open consent of the places adjoining, yet with much private goodwill, for many did not only secretly favour but openly approve their designs. Generally every good man was much grieved, many upon some dislikes before rejoiced in their greater harms, and not regarding in what liberty they stood, were ready to run into any bondage. The Sheriff of Norfolk resorted unto them, and made proclamation in the King's name, that forthwith they should peaceably depart, and had he not been ready & his horse swift to depart in time, he should hardly have departed from them alive.  
After this they drew towards Norwich and seated themselves at Monshold near Mount Surrey and upon S. Leonhards which hangeth over Norwich, another company seated at Rising near Lynne, but they were dislodged by the gentlemen of the country, and forced to draw to their fellows at Monsholde. Here the main body encamped and sent diverse light companies forth to terrify and rove. To this place many resorted out of Suffolk, and from all places of Norfolk, many for want, but most upon a turbulent mind, and in all places thereabouts beacons were fired, and bells rung, as a roaring furtherance to his uproar, so as in short time the multitude increased to 16000, and yet rather to be esteemed a number then an army.  
Their actions were covered and disguised with mantles very usual in time of disorder of religion & justice, for they had one Coniers for their chaplain, a man brought up in idle and dead studies, who both morning and evening read solemn prayers, many sermons they also had either by entreaty or enforcement. But Dr Parker afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury in his sermon before them touched them for their living so near, that they went near to touch him for his life, as for justice they had a bench under a tree where Ket usually sat, and with him two of every hundred whence their companies had been raised, here complaints were exhibited and examined aswell against those of their own company, who received judgement for their offences as against any gentleman or other in the country, by commandment from hence many were very violently pulled from their houses, of whom some were enforced to follow them, others were cast into prison, & happily fettered with irons, and not a few rudely and dangerously entreated, from hence also warrants were sent forth in the king's name, whereby ordinance, powder and shot were commanded out of ships and any other furniture of war out of houses where it could be found. This tree was ever since termed the oak of reformation.  
And now the seditious being advanced unto the height both of their power and of their pride, presented certain complaints to the King, and desired that a herald or some other messenger of credit may be sent unto them to receive articles of all those matters wherewith they concerned themselves to the grieved. The King took it for a great indignity that base traitors & thieves should offer to capitulate with him as enemy's law: fully holding the field, and yet knowing right well, that as good counsels gather strength by time, so upon a little respite evil advices either vanish or grow weaker to win some advantage of time, returned an answer. That seeing he was ready always to receive and relieve the quiet complaints of any of his subjects, he marvailed much either upon what opinion of necessity in themselves or of injustice in him, they should first put themselves into arms, as a party against him, and then present him with their bold petitions, especially at such a time when having fully reform many other matters, he had lately set forth a proclamation against excessive prices of victuals, and had also appointed commissioners with ample authority for diverse other things, whereof many doubtless had been by that time redressed, had not these disordes given impediment to his designs, generally when they might well discern both his care and endeavours to set all matters in a right frame of reformation, as might best stand both with his honour and their sureties, and with justice and providence towards all. Touching their particular complaint for reducing lands & farms to their ancient r●…nts although it could not be done by his ordinary power without a parliament, yet he would so far extend his authority royal and absolute as to give charge to his commissioners to travail with all persons within their counties, to reduce lands to their former rents where at they were farmed 40 years before, and that rents should be paid at Michaelmas than next ensuing according to that rate, & that such as would not presently yield to his commissioners for that redress, should at the parliament which he would forthwith summon be overruled.  
Concerning their complaint for price of wols he would forthwith give order that his commissioners should cause clothiers take wols paying only two parts of the price, whereat they were commonly sold the year next before, and for the other third part, the owner and the buyer should stand to such order as the parliament should appoint. At which time also he would give order that landed men to a certain proportion should be neither clothiers nor farmers, and farther that one man should not use diverse occupations, nor have plurality of benefices, nor of farms & generally that he would then give order for all the residue of their requests, in such sort as they should have good cause not only to remain quiet, but to pray for him, and to adventure their lives in his service.  
This parliament he promised should begin in the beginning of October than next ensuing, against which time they should appoint 4 or 6 of their country, to present bills of their desires, and in the mean season apply themselves to their harvest and other peaceable business at home, and not to drive him to necessity (whereof he would be sorry) by sharper means to maintain both his own dignity and the common quiet.  
These letters carrying the King's name in the front, and the protectors with the king's signature at the foot, were sent by a herald to Monsholde, a place guarded with great, but confsed and disordered strength of the seditious, herewith also the King sent his general pardon, in case they would quietly desist and dissolve. But the seditious were so far from accepting these of any other offers of accord that hereupon they discharged the first shot against the city, and because their Artillery being planted on a hill could little or nothing endamage the walls, they removed their battery to a lower ground, but because their city was weak, and the citizens but weakly disposed against them, with no danger and little travail they made themselves masters thereof. Here they imprisoned the Mayor and many other of the chief citizens, and ordered all things at their pleasure, but maintained the chief seat at Mansholde, where it was before. The Mayor of Norwitch and some other gentlemen of credit they constrained to be present at all their counsels, with intention to countenance their actions with some authority, but in no sort to be guided by them, All this time the King's forces advanced but slowly, being employed in appeasing the like disorders more near the heart of the kingdom. So that it is most certain, that had these seditious been so mischievously bend as in number they were great, they might have proved more dangerous than they were, but they aimed not at ambitious ends, their rude earthly spirits were never seasoned with any manly adventurous thought, and therefore they were content with a licentious & idle life, wherein they might fill their bellies by spoil rather than by labour, to this side their companies ranged in all parts thereabouts, and took away for their use much householdstuff and goods, but especially they brought to their stations many droves of cattle, for besides dear out of parks, besides beefs, besides fowls of all kinds within a few days were brought out of the country 2000 muttons, such numbers of sheep were daily brought in, that a fat weather was sold for 4d. This was interpreted for a present plenty but it made such scarcity afterwards, as could not in many years be repaired, Sr Edmond Knevet Knight with such company as he could assemble, charged upon one of their watches by night, but he was so far inferior unto them, that it was esteemed a great fortune that he departed from them with his life.  
But soon after the Lord William Parr Marquis of Northampton was sent against them with 1500 horsemen, and a small band of Italians under a Captain named Malatesta, he was accompanied with the Lord sheffield, the L. Wentworth with diverse knights and gentlemen of principal estimation, when he approached within a mile of the city, the magistrates and chief citizens upon summons, resorted to his standard, yielded unto him the city sword, and professed their own loialty, and excused others of inferior force, who neither by ignorance favoured the seditious, or through fear durst not declare against them; with these the Lord Marquis entered the city at Saint Stephen's gate, the city sword being borne before him, and therewith caused the chief citizens to assemble in the market place, both to give advice and to take direction how the city might best be defended.  
In the mean time the strangers who came with him whether by appointment or by adventure, issued forth of the city, to view both the numbers and orders of the seditious. They again first put forth their Archers, than their horsemen, lastly a company ran furiously forth without either direction of others or judgement in themselves, intending to have enclosed the Italians, but here might have been a great difference between men practised to fight, and men accustomed only to spoil. For the Italians in so well advised order received the seditious coming rashly upon them without either fear or skill, that diverse of the tumultuous numbers were slain, at the last the Italians perceiving themselves almost environed, cast themselves into a ring and retired back into the city. But they left one gentleman of their company behind, who being overthrown from his horse fell into the hands of the seditious, who like savages spoiled him of his armour and of his apparel, and hanged him over the walls of Mount Surrey.  
This caused the seditious to remain the first part of the night within their station, which by reason of the nastiness of the beastly multitude, might more fitly be termed a kennel then a camp. Within the city diligent watch was kept, which was often visited and relieved. The soldiers remained in their armour all night, and kept so great a fire in the market place that all parts of the city were lighted therewith. The seditious about midnight began to shoot off their great artillery very lively and thick, hereupon the Lord Marquis directed part of his forces to rampart the gates and ruinous places of the walls, which the seditious espying, with a hideous roaring and rage they poured themselves upon the city, some endeavoured to fire the gates, some to mount over the walls, and some to pass the river, the fight continued three hours, and it is almost incredible with what rude rage the seditious maintained their assault, some being almost disable to hold up their weapons would strive what they could to strike their enemies, others being thrust through the body with a spear, would run themselves further to reach those who gave them that deadly wound, at the last their obstinacy was overcome, and they returned to their cabbines with loss of 300 of their company,  
The residue of the night which was not much, the soldiers within the city applied in refreshing themselves, but the next morning the seditious both with greater strength and better order entered the city by the hospital and began a most desperate surprise, the forces of the Marquis albeit inferior in numbers, yet by reason of the freshness of the place might have been sufficient, if they had charged in order, and together, but being scattered in the streets, they were not able to make resistance, herewith they were much endamaged by the citizens from their houses, so as 100 of them perished, many were hurt, and the residue driven to forsake the city, the Lord Shiffields horse fell with him into a ditch, whereby he fell into the power of the seditious, and as he pulled off his helmet to show them who he was, a butcher slew him with the stroke of a club. Divers gentlemen to the number of 30 were taken and committed to straight prison, where they were vexed alike with scarcity and scorn. The seditious lost a bout seven schoore of their company, and yet much sleshed with this success, they spoilt many parts of the city, and fired the houses of those whom they esteemed not to be their friends, but the rage of the fire was at first hindered and then appeased by fall of a sudden shower of rain, whereupon many presaged that the flames of this sedition should neither spread far nor long endure. The report of this repulse flying to London, the most made of that which was true, and many falsities added thereto. The Earl of Warwick was sent with such forces both English and strangers, wherewith he had appointed for service in Scotland▪ when he came to Cambridge the Lord Marquis resorted unto him, and also the Lord Willoughby, Powes and Bray, his two sons Ambrose and Robert and many knights and gentlemen of name, with these he marched somewhat leisurely because the importance of the danger might make the service the more esteemed, At length h●…e presented his forces consisting of 6000 foot and 1500 horse before the city upon the plain, and forthwith sent to summon the seditious and to offer pardon if it would be accepted, but neither summons nor pardon was any thing regarded. Insomuch as when the King's pardon was offered by a herald, a lewd boy turned towards him his naked britch, and used words suitable to that gesture, one standing by and moved with this barbarous behaviour discharged a harquebur upon the boy, and struck him with the shot a little above the reins. Hereat those seditious that seemed moderate before became desperate, and those who were desperate seemed stark mad, whence such tumults, such confused hollow and howl ensued, that the herald was glad to withdraw himself.  
Then the Earl planted his cannon against St Stephens gate, and se●… pioneers to work against the brazen gate. The cannon against S. Stephen's gate executed so well, that in short time the Port●…ullis and gate were broken, and entry opened into the city. Others entered at the brazen gate but in that entrance some were slain. Also the Mayor's deputy opened Westwicke gate where the Earl himself entered without resistance and possessed himself of the market place, at these entrances 130 of the seditious were slain 60 were taken and forthwith executed by martial law. As the Earl's carriages were brought into the city neither guarded norregarded as they should, diverse of them were surprised by the seditious and driven to Monsholde. At this booty they were more joyful than grieved at the loss, either of the city or of their companions, especially for that they were supplied thereby with good store of powder and shot, wherein their want did most consist.  
The Earl being in possession of the city rampared all the gates except those who opened towards Monsholde, wherein he planted good artillery. But the seditious the more terrible by reason of their more desperate fury fell upon those gates albeit without order, yet with such rude and careless courage and cries, that they beat back the guards, slew the principal gunner's, carried away their artillery and therewith certain carts laden with munition, here were boys observed to be so desperately resolved as to pull arrows out of their own flesh, and deliver them to be shot again by the archers on their side, hereupon the Earl was enforced to block up those gates as he had done the rest, but the city was so weak that it could hardly be defended.  
For the seditious being now furnished with artillery powder and shot battered Bishopsgate, and cast down agreat part of the walls upon that side of the city. They afterwards passed the river likewise and assailed the Earl's men upon advantage in the streets, of whom many they slew, & fired diverse places prostrating two parishes almost entirely, so they did mischief they little cared what they did or to what end, and in such sort the danger increased that many persuaded the Earl to submit courage to rage, and for a time to abandon the city. But he not easily vincible in spirit, and well assured that having stopped all passages for relief, shortness of provision would in very short time draw the obstinacy of the seditious to shorter limits, drew his sword and caused others to do the like, & (according to a soldiery custom in cases of extremity by interchange of a kiss by every of them upon the swords of others, sealed a resolution to maintain the place.  
Assuredly as it is advantageable to a physician to be called to the cure of a declining disease, so it is for a commander to suppress a sedition which hath passed the height, for in both alike the noxious humour doth first weaken and afterwards waste and wear to nothing, and besides it is scarce possible that a rude and ruinous multitude should continue long together, if any pr●…uention be applied, but they will fall into irreparable wants, and so it happened to these seditious, who after three days, finding their provision to fail, fired their cabbines built of timber and covered with bushes, and with a broken noise between certain questions and doubtful answers dislodged from their hill, and entrenched them at the foot thereof in a valley called Dussendale where they invited the Earl to a present encounter, and as there hath seldom happened any sedition within this realm, but the chief actors therein have been abused with some▪ prophecies of doubtful construction, so the seditious were moved to remove to this place upon a prophecy much credited among them, that they should fill it with slaughtered bodies, but whether of their enemies or of their own it was left uncertain, the words of the prophecy were these.  

The country Knuffes Hob, Dick and Hick,  
with clubs and clou●…ed shoes▪  
Shall fill up Dussendale,  
with slaughtered bodies soon.   
The Earl being newly supplied with 1400 horse was glad that the seditious had forsaked their hill, for that his horsemen in whom consisted his greatest strength, could there perform but little service, so the next morning he sent forth all his horsemen of whom 1000 were Almains, as accustomed so adventurous in arms, his foot he retained within the town. The seditious ranged themselves for the sight, placing all the gentlemen whom they had taken in front every two couple together to make them sure from starting away. The Earl before he would charge sent to them an offer of a general pardon, one or two of the principal excepted. But this more chafed the rage of those who were resolved either to live or dye together & what cared they for pardon, who have nothing but a vile and servile life to lose. For no more could be gotten from their estates, then from the shaving of an egg, wherefore in a proud scorn they answered this offer with a great shot, that struck the king's standard bearer on the thigh, and his horse on the shoulder, Hereupon the Earl commanded his artillery to be applied, the Almains also and captain Drury with his troops gave a resolute charge, & yet with such discretion that most of the captive gentlemen who were placed in the front escaped without harm, these were so well seconded by the light horse, that in short time they broke the seditious, chased them above three miles, and silled themselves with blood until night, there died of them 2000 as K. Edward took the number, but our histories report more than 3500.  
In the mean time they who guarded the artillery and baggage, enclosed themselves with carriage and a trench, and pitched stakes to bear of the approach of horses, determining to stand stiffly upon their defence. The Earl returning from the execution, did certify them by message, that because the King his master was desirous to establish peace rather by benignity then by blood, he did assure them their pardon if they would submit, otherwise they might expect nothing but death. Answer was made that they expected nothing but death, and that they respected nothing at all, but it was by the sword if they stood upon defence, and by the halter if they should yield, wherefore they made choice to dye rather as soldiers then as dogs. The Earl sent again to know if they would entertain their pardon in case he should come in person and assure it, they answered, they did conceive him to be so honourable, that from himself they would most thankfully embrace it; So he road and caused their▪ pardon to be read to them, and engaged his honour that it should be performed. Then seeming to respect life more than any other thing, threw away their weapons and disloialty together, and with voices so loud as before they were lewd wished all joy and prosperity to the King.  
The commander Ket. having a good horse fled away with the first, and the next day was taken with his brother William in a barn, and brought with a guard of 20 horsemen to Norwich both of them having made good proof that they were no less peaceable to guide an army in war, than they were to govern themselves in peace. Nine of the principal were hanged upon the tree of Refomation, of whom two were sedueing prophets, a third was a most excellent cannonier, whose good skill evilly employed did much endamage the forces of the King. Robert Ket and his brother were sent to London, and from thence returned to be executed in Norfolk. Robert Ket was hanged in chains upon Norwich castle, his brother William was in like sort executed upon Wimondham steeple, but not without some murmuring. For that church dedicated to the service of God, and which is polluted by violent death, should be made a place of public execution. The day of this defate of the seditious was a long time after yearly observed for a festival day by the inhabitants of Norwitch, as well by cessation from labour, as by resorting to Church to give public thanks for their deliverance,  
About the same time another sedition was raised at Semor in the Northriding of Yorkshire where of the chief movers were William Ombler a gentleman, Thomas▪ Dale a patish clerk, & Stevenson a post. They took encouragement from a clerk and deceivable prophecy, a. common law both of obedience and peace, which did foretell that the time should arrive when there should be n●… King, when the nobility and gentry should be destroyed, when the Realm should be ruled by four governors elected by the commons holding a parliament in commotion, which should begin at the South and North seas of England, and that present they understood to be the time, and that the rebellions in Devonshire Norfolk and Yorkshire should draw together to accomplish this prophecy. The pretences were to restore the church to her ancient Rights (for that was always one note in their music) to relieve the poor, to abate the rich, and generally to disburden the Realm of all grievances, a seemly task for such undertakers.  
And now for execution hereof, first by firing of beacons and ringing of bells (as if the coast had been assailed by enemies) they assembled about 3000 in arms, whom they drew to be appliable to their purpose. Then to begin their great work of refomation they slew one White a Gentleman, Savage a Merchant and two others of mea▪ ner quality, and left their bodies naked upon the wild near Semor. After this they passed to the Eastriding in Yorkshire, their company daily increasing like a snowball in rolling, and many they took with them much against their minds. But no sooner was the kings pardon presented, but most of them sell off and dispersed, leaving Ombler and Dale almost alone. These as they were riding like mad men from town to town charging people in the King's name to assemble at Hummanby were apprehended, and with four others of the most tumultuous▪ soone after executed at York whose speedy punishment stayed others who were thought to waver between obedience and revolt.  
Now the French king supposing to make his hand by these rude ravages in England broke of his treaty of peace proclaimed hostility & denounced the same by his Ambassador to the King. Hereupon all French men in England not Denizens were taken prisoners, & all their goods seized for the King. The French King understanding that certain English ships lay at jersey set forth a sleet of galleys & ships intending to surprise them as they lay at Anchor. But the English being both vigilant & well appointed in such sort did entertain them, that their ships departed terribly torn with loss of 1000 men at the least, The French King fearing least that the bad success of this first enterprise, might both discourage his peope and bring di●…reputation to himself, forbade any report to be made not only of the event, but of the journey.  
After this the French King levied an army by land wherewith marching towards Bulloine, he took Blackenesse and Newhaven two forts of the English near unto Bulloine. This he did effect chiefly by the treason of one Sturton a bastard son of Lord Sturtons', and by revolt of diverse Almains, who served in the garrisons, who being merely mercenary did easily incline to the strongest.  
From whence the French King marched towards Bulloyne upon whose approach St Nicholas Arnault captain of Bullingberge holding the place not of strength to be held withdrew all the ordinance & matters of worth into high Boullaine and with gunpowder blew up the Fort. So the French King brought his army before Boulline, but because the plague raged amongst his soldiers & the weather was unseasonable by reason of much fall of rain, he departed from his army and left Chastilion governor in his steed.  
Chastilion bend his siege against the Pierre, which was erected in Boulline haven and after battery of 20000 shot or more the breach was thought reasonable and thereupon the assault was given. But the same was so well encountered by the valour of the defendants, helped with advantage of place, that the obstinacy of the assailants did nothing but increase their loss, so as the first fury being broken and spent, The French resolved to attempt the piece no more by assault, notwithstanding they continued the siege, presented diverse skermishes & false attempts, but they spent both their labour & shot without putting the defendants in any fear. Then they planted their artillery against the mouth of the haven, to impeach supply of victuals to the town. Yet the English victuallers surceased not at the King's adventure to bring all things necessary, until the end the soldiers of the town set upon the French suddenly by night, slew many of them and dismounted their pieces.  
Then the French applied their battery again, wherein they sometimes spent 1500 shot in one day. But finding this to be a fruitless fury they afterwards used it more sparingly and rather upon a show of hostility then upon any hope thereby to prevail. In the mean season they charged a galley with gravel and stones, and prepared to sink it in the midst of the haven. But the English took the galley before it sunk and drew it to the shore, and used the stones to reinforce the Pierre. After this they made faggots of light matter, mixed with pitch, tar, tallow, rosin, powder, and wildfire, with intention to fire the ships in the haven, but that enterprise was defeated by the Bullenois, and their faggots taken from the French. During these enterfeits divers skirmishes passed between the English and the French about the frontiers of Calleis, which as they were but light, so most of them ended with disadvantage to the French.  
And now if all these troubles had not been sufficient to travail the realm of England, at once a great division fell among the nobility, so much the more dangerous, by how much the spirits were more active and high. And albeit the heat thereof was much appeased for a tim●… by the great judgement and moderation of the King, ye●… did it break forth in the end to tragical events, not upon particular persons only, but did much overslow and 〈◊〉 overwhelm the whole realm with disquiet, and here of the most apparent original was this.  
The King had two uncles brothers to Queen jave his deceased mother, Edward D. of Somerset Lord Protector, & Thomas Lord Seymer Baron of Sudley, high Admiral of England, as the Duke was elder in years, so was he more stayed in behaviour. The Lord Sudley was fierce in courage, courtly in fashion, in personage stately, in voice magnificent, but somewhat empty of matter, both were so faithfully affected to the King that the one might well be termed his sword, the other his target. The Duke was greatest in favour with the people, the Lord Sudley most respected by the nobility, both highly esteemed by the King, both fortunate alike in their advancements, both ruined alike by their own vanity and folly, whilst these two brothers held in amity, they were like two arms, the one defending the other, and both of them the King, but many things did move together to dissolve their love and bring them to ruin. First their contrary disposition, the one being tractable and mild, the other stiff and impatient of a superior, whereby they lived but in cunning concord as brothers glued together but not united in grain, than much secret envy was borne against them, for that their new lustre did dim the light of men honoured with ancient nobility. Lastly they where openly minded, as hasty and soon moved, so uncircumspect and easy to be minded. By these the knot not only of love but of nature between them was dissolved, so much the more pity for that the first cause proceeded from the pride, the haughty hate, the unquiet vanity of a mannish or rather of a devilish woman.  
For the Lord Sudley had taken to wife Katherine Parr Queen Dowager last wife to King Henry the 8th, A woman beautified with many excellent virtues, especially with humility the beauty of all other virtues. The Duke had taken to wife Anne Stanhope a woman for many imperfections intolerable, but for pride monstrous, she was exceeding both subtle and violent in accomplishing her ends, for which she spurned over all respects both of conscience and of shame. This woman did bear such invincible hate, first against the Q. Dowager for light causes and woman's quarrels, especially for that she had precedency of place before her, being wife to the greatest Peer in the land, then to the Lord Sudley for her sake. That albeit the Q. Dowager died by childbirth, yet would not her malice either dye or decrease. But continually she rubbed into the Duke's dull capacity, that the Lord Sudley dissenting from him in opinion of religion, sought nothing more than to take away his life, as well in regard of the common cause of Religion, as thereby happily to attain his place. Many other things she boldly feigned being assured of easy belief in her heedless hearer, always fearful and suspicious (as of feeble spirit) but then more than ever by reason of some late opposition against him. Her persuasions she cunningly intermixed with tears, affirming that she would depart from him, as willing rather to hear both of his disgraces and dangers, then either to see the one or participate of the other.  
The Duke embracing this woman's counsel (a woman's counsel indeed and nothing the better) yielded himself both to advise and devose for destruction of his brother. The Earl of Warwick had his finger in the business and drew others also to give either furtherance or way to her violent desires. Being well content she should have her mind, so as the Duke might thereby incur infamy and hate. Hereupon the Lord Sudley was arrested and sent to the tower, and in very short time after condemned by act of parliament. And within few days after his condemnation a warrant was sent under the hand of his brother the Duke, whereby his head was delivered to the Axe. His own fierce courage hastened his death, because equally balanced between doubt and disdain, he was desirous rather to dye at once, then to linger long upon courtesy and in fear.  
The accusations against him contained much frivolous matter, or term them pitiful if you please. The act of parliament expresseth these causes of his attaindor. For attempting to get into his custody the person of the King, and government of the realm. For making much provision of money and of victuals, for endeavouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the King's sister, for persuading the King in his tender age to take upon him the Rule & order of himself: The proofs might easily be made because he was never called to his answer. But aswell the protestations at the point of his death, as the open course & carriage of his life cleared him in opinion of many. So doubtful are all weighty matters whilst some take all they hear for certain, others making question of any truths, posterity enlarging both Dr Latymer pretending all the gravity and sincerity of a professed divine, yet content to be serviceable to great men's ends, declared in a sermon before the King that whilst the Lord Sudley was a prisoner in the Tower he wrote to the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth the King's sisters, that they should revenge his death, which indeed the Lady Mary afterwards more truly did by ●…ting the Earl of Warwick, then either she was or at that time could in particular be required. Many other imputations he cast forth, besides most doubted many known to be untrue, and so whereas Papinian a civil lawyer but a heathen chose rather to dye then to defend the murth●…r which the Emperor Caracalla had done upon his brother Geta, some theologians have been imploi●…d to defile places erected only for religion and truth by defending oppressions and factions, deste●…ning their professions, and the good arts which they had learned by publishing odious untruths upon report and credit of others.  
O wives! The most sweet poison▪ the most desired evil in the world. Certainly as it is true as Syracides saith, that 
Cap. 25.  there is no malice to the malice of a woman, so no mischief wanteth where a malicious woman beareth sway, a woman was first given to man for a comforter but not for a counsellor, much less a controller and director, and therefore in the first sentence against man this cause is expressed because thou obeyedst the voice of thy wife. And doubtless the protector 
Gen. 3. 17.  by being thus ruled to the death of his brother seemed with his left hand to have cut off his right. For hereupon many of the nobility cried out upon him that he was a bloodsucker, a murderer, a parricide, a villain, and that it was not sit the K. should be under the protection of such a ravenous wolf. Soon after it was given forth and believed by many that the King was dead, whereupon he passed in great estate through the city of London to manifest that he was both alive and in good health, whether this speech were spread either by adventure or by art, it is uncertain, certain it is it did something shake the strength of the King's affection towards the Protector.  
B●…sides many well d●…sposed minds conceived a hard opinion of him, for that a church by strand-bridge and two Bishop's houses were pulled down to make a seat for his new building in digging the foundation whereof, the ●…ones of many who had been there buried were cast up and carried into the fields, and because the stones of those houses & the church did nothing suffice for his work, the sle●…ple and most part of the church of Saint john of Ierusal●…m near Smithfield most beautifully erected and adorned not long before by Docray Prior of that church was mined and overthrown with powder, and the stones applied to this spacious building. And because the work could not be there with finished, the cloister of Paul's on the north side of the church in a place called Pardonne churchyard and the dance of death, very curiously wrought about the cloister, and a chapel that stood in the midst of the churchyard, also the charnel house that stood upon the south side of Paul's (now a carpenters yard) with the chapel tombs and monuments therein were beaten down, the bones of the dead carried into Finsbury fields and the stones converted to his building. It is constantly affirmed that for the same purpose he intended to pull down the church of S, Margaret in Westminster, and that the standing thereof was preserved only by his fall, assuredly as these actions were in an high degree impious, so did they draw with them both open dislike from men and much secret revenge from God.  
And now hath the Lord Protector played the first act of the tragedy of his life, namely his high and prosperous estate, he is now stopping into the second act, wherein he beginneth mainly to decline.  
For the Earl of Warwick espying opportunity showing himself and knowing that in troublesome times the obedience of great persons is most easily shaken, drew about 18 of the privy counsel to knit with him against the Lord Protector. These he did so wind up to his purpose that they withdrew from the court, fell to secret consultations, and walked in the city with many servants weaponed and in new liveries, the causes thereof many conjectured but few knew. They were all desirous that the Protectors greatness should be taken lower, but none conceived that the Earl's malice did extend unto death. But the Lord Protector as humble then as he had been haughty before sent secretary Peter to them in the King's name to understand the causes of their assembly, and to declare unto them that he would thank them for hating him in case they did it in love to the King, entreating them for the King's sake if not for his safety yet for his quiet, that they would forbear open show of hostility and resort unto him peaceably that they might commune together as friends. In the mean time he armed 500 men part of the kings & part his own, the court gates were rampard and people raised both by letters and proclamation to aid the King, and the more to increase the present terror he removed the king by mightfrom Hampton court to Windosor with a company more resembling an army then a train.  
On the other side the Lords at London first taking possession of the tower sent for the Mayor and Aldermen of the city to the Earl of Warwick's lodging at Ely house in Holborn, here they presented themselves secretly armed, and the Lord Rich then Lord Chancellor of England, a man of quick and lively delivery of speech, but as of mean birth so prone to thrust forwards the ruin of great persons, in this manner spoke unto them.  
I am not ignorant into what adventure I now plunge myself in speaking against a man both high in honour and great in favour both with the King and many of the people. But my duty prevailing against respect of danger, I will plainly declare the discontentments of the Lords of his Majesty's counsel, have already conceived against the actions passed of the Lord Protector, as also their fears touching matters to ensue, that with your aid they may in good time happily remedy the one and remove the other, assuring you all that as I will not utter any thing falsely, so will I forbear to tell many truths.  
And first to touch upon his open ambition, with what good reason or purpose think we did he being a man of many imperfections, as want of eloquence, personage, learning, or good wit aspire to the great offices of governing all affairs of state, sit for none but whom God hath favoured with fitting graces. And albeit these defects might have been well supplied by sufficiency of others of the counsel, yet was he so peevishly opiniative and proud, that he would neither ask nor hear the advice of any, but was absolutely ruled by the obstinate and imperous woman his wife, whose ambitious and mischievous will so guided him in the most weighty affairs of the realm, that albeit he was counselled by others what was best, yet would he do quite contrary, lest he should seem to need their advice, And yet this was not enough, as avarice and ambition have never enough, but to add dignity to authority, and to make sure that as no man should as in power so in title surmount him, he would be advanced to the Degree of Duke of Somerset, which hath always been a title for one of the king's sons inheritable to the crown.  
And albeit it may seem a light matter to speak of bribery and extortion against him, yet his robberies and oppressions have been such, that no man would willingly have adventured to commit them, unless he thought by treason so to assure himself as he could not be called to answer for them. For he hath laid his ravenous hands upon the King's treasure and jewels left by his Father, which were known to be of an inestimable value, that it might well be said even as he had given forth, that K. Henry died a very poor prince, and had been utterly shamed in case he had lived one quarter of a year longer.  
Then also what havoc hath he made of the King's lands and inheritance? What sales and exchanges upon pretence of necessity? And yet what a high deal hath he transported to himself? Without regard of others who have employed their travails & estates in service of the King & of his deceased Father? What arts hath he used to spend those & spare himself against the time of his mischievous purpose. How greedily, how insatiably hath he never ceased the whilst to rake & glean money together? What shameful sale of offices & preferments hath he made, nothing regarding the worthiness of the person, but the worth and weight of the gift. Betraying thereby the administration of the realm into the hands both of worthless and corrupt men. To speak nothing the whilst of his mint at Duresme place erected & used for his private profit. To speak nothing of the great Boutisale of colleges and chantries, to speak nothing of all his other particular pillages, all which were so far from satisfying his bottomless desires that he proceeded to fleece the whole Commonwealth, to cut and pair it to the very quick.  
For under colour of war, which either his negligence drew on or his false practices procured, he levied such a subsidy upon the whole realm as never was asked a greater at once, which should not have needed, albeit the wars had been just, in case he had not imbereled the King's treasure as he did, for beside he extorted money by way of loan from all men who were supposed to have it, and yet left the King's soldiers and servants unpaid. But in all these pretended necessities, how profuse was he in his private expenses? Carrying himself rather as fitting his own greatness then the common good▪ How did he riot surfeit upon vain hopes, as if new supply for waist would never want? What treasures did he bury in his sumptuous buildings? And how foolish and fanciful were they? A fit man forsooth to govern a realm, who had so goodly government in his own estate. All these things as there are but few but know, so we may be assured that he never durst have committed half of them with a mind to have remained a subject under the law, and to be answerable for his actions afterwards, but did manifestly intend to heap his mischiefs with so high a treason as he might climb above his sovereign and stand sure beyond reach of law.  
And for inducement to this his traitorous design he suborned his servants and certain preachers to spread abroad the praises of his government, with as much abasing the noble King Henry as without impudence they could devose. Following therein the practices of K. Richard the tyrant, by depraving the Father to honour the son, to extinguish the love of the people to the young King, by remembering some imperfections of his Father; which example both traitorous and unnatural who doubts but his heart was ready to follow, whose heart was ready to defame his father, and set nought by his mother (as it is well known) and to procure, yea labour the death of his brother, whom albeit the law and consent of many had condemned upon his own speeches yet his earnest endeavour therein did well declare what thoughts can sink into his unnatural breast, & what foul shifts he would have made, rather than that his brother should have escaped death, to that end that he might remove at once both an impeachment to his poisonous purposes & a surety to the King's life & estate. To this end he also practised to dispatch such of the nobility as were like to oppose against his mischievous drift, & in such sort either to encumber & weaken the rest, that they should be no impediments to him. In the mean time he endeavoured to win the common people both by strained courtesy & by looseness of life, whereto he gave not only licence, but encouragement and means.  
And the better to advance his intents he deviseth to entangle the realm not only with outward war that with rumour thereof his dangerous divices might be obscured, bu●… but with inward sedition by stirring and nourishing discontentments among the nobility gentry and commons of the realm. This he did under pretence of such matters as all men desired might be redressed more gladly than he, but in a more quiet and settled time. But the time seemed most convenient for him when under the sweet pretence of release and liberty to the people might have destroyed the Nobility and gentry, who are the defence and safety of the people, and so at pleasure have reduced all under his tyrannous subjection.  
Which how insupportable it would have been may well be conjectured by his actions already past, what pride and insolency of his men made up of naught? What instruments had he in every shire to work his purposes, to spread his rumours, to hearken and to carry tales? And those what flatterers? What liars? How greedily gaping for other men's livings? How vigilant to grope men's thoughts, and to pick out somewhat whereof they might complain? and such vile vermin how dear were they to him? and namely john Bonham his one hand in Wiltshire, Sir Gyles Partridge his other hand in Glocestershire, his customer in Wells, Piers country, his minister in Devonshire, besides many his bad conditioned minions in court, what monsters were they? How esteemed they his favour above all mortal respects.  
And further to accomplish his ambitious ends, he devised to make the French king his friend, by bewraying unto him the King's fortresses beyond the seas, which the late noble K. Henry with great charge courage and glory, had brought under his power, which practice was so carried, that no man but such as discerned nothing but did perceive it. And that aswell by his often private conference with the French Ambassadors and their secretaries, as by failing to furnish those pieces with necessary supplies, as also by the speeches which himself and his servants cast abroad, that Bulloine and the fortresses about it were an unprofitable burden to the realm. But for the charge no man will conceive that he wanted money to keep them, who undertook so great a charge as the conquest of Scotland, and wasted every day a 100●… upon his fantastical building.  
Besides it hath been often heard from his own communication, how he intended to procure a resignation of the rights of the King's Majesty's sisters, and others who are entitled to the possession of the Crown, and to have entailed the same upon his own issue, which when he had effected, and having the King's person in his power, the chain of sovereignty could not long have tied him short, he might have achieved all his ambitious intentions at will.  
Wherefore surely he hath thus put on the person not only of a robber, and of a murderer, but of a traitor to the state, since we have evidently discovered both his lofty and bloody mind. It behoveth you to join in aid with the Lords of his Majesty's privy counsel, as in extinguishing a raging fire, as in repelling a cruel enemy, for assuredly we must either weakly yield to his rule and command, or else the ambitious author must be taken away.  
In the afternoon of the same day the Lord Maior assembled a common counsel in Guildhall, where two letters arrived almost in one instant, one from the King and the Lord Protector for 1000 men to be armed for defence of the King's person, another from the Lords at London for 2000 men to aid them in defence of the King's person, both parties pretending alike, but both intending nothing less. The Recorder whose voice acordeth commonly with the Lord Chancellor did so well set forth the complaints of the Lords against the Protector, that many were inclinable to favour their side. But one named George Stadlowe somewhat better advised stepped up and spoke unto them as followeth.  
This business (right Honourable Lord Maior & the residue of this court) as it is a very high passage of state, so it is worthy of serious consideration, & that upon sudden advice nothing be done or determined them, least happily by being serviceable to the designs of other men whose purposes we know not, we cast ourselves into the throat of danger which hitherto we do not see, two things I much fear in case we afford present aid to the Lords, either of which should cast upon us a bridle rather for stopping a while, then for stepping or stirring too soon or too fast at their incitement. One is the certain dangers of the city, the other the uncertain adventure of all the realm.  
First then if we adjoin to the Lords, whether they prevail or not we engulph ourselves into assured danger, an example whereof I find in Fabian whose report I entreat you all to observe. In the time of King Henry the third, the Lords in a good cause for maintenance of diverse beneficial laws desired aid of the city ogainst the King. Aid was granted and the quarrel brought to the arbitrement of the sword. In this battle the King and his son ●…e were taken prisoners, & upon their enlargement free pardon was granted not only to the Lords but the citizens of London which was afterwards confirmed both by oath and by act of Parliament. But what followed? Was the displeasure forgotten? No verily, nor ever forgotten during that King's life, for afterwards the liberties of the City were taken away, strangers were appointed▪ governors, and the citizens perpetually vexed, both in their persons and in their estates. So heavy and durable is the wrath of Kings. That Solomon saith: The indignation of the King is death. For it is natural for princes to uphold their sovereignty, and to hold it in highest esteem, in no case to endure their supreme authority to be forceably either oppressed or dispressed by their subjects. Insomuch as they mortally hate such subjects as have once attempted either to overrule them by power, or to cast any terror upon them. And howsoever they may be either constrained or content to bear sail for a time, yet are they so sure paymasters in the end, that few have held out their lives, I will not say prosperously but safely, who have offered enforcements against their King.  
Now touching my sear for the commonwealth, I much suspect these considerations. I always expect from them some lurking mischief, which the more cunningly it be kept in, the more dangerously it will break forth. For albeit there be many hands in this action, yet one is the head who doubtless hath skille to play his own game, and albeit the pretences given forth are always fair, and for the public good, yet are the secret intentions commonly ambitions, & only aim at private ends, yea many times the end is worse than the first intent. Because when a subject hath obtained the hand against his prince, I will not say he will be loath, but doubtless it is not safe for him to give over his advantage, wherefore I am of opinion, that for the present if we will not be so uneurteous as to delay, and suspend our giving aid to the Lords for a time.  
Upon this advice the court resolved to arm 100 horsemen and 400 foot for defence of the City. To the King they returned answer that they would be ready upon any necessity to apply all their forces either for his defence or for his honour. But they entreated him to be pleased to hear such complaints as were objected against the Lord Protector before he assembled forces in the field, which in those tempestuous times as it could not be done without great danger, so without great cause it should not: To the Lords they answered that they were ready to join with them in any dutiful petition to the King, but to join with them in arms, they could not upon the sudden resolve.  
The next day the Lords at London dispatched a letter to the Lords at Windesore, wherein they charged the protector with many disorders both in his private actions, and in his manner of government, requiring that he would disperse the sources which he had raised, and withdraw himself from the King, and be content to be ordered by justice and reason. That this done they would gladly commune with the rest of the counsel for the surety of the King's person, and for ordering of his estate, otherwise they would make no other account of them then they might trust to find cause, and would assuredly charge them according to their demerits.  
The King all this time was so far from governing his Lords, that he was scarce at his own liberty, and considering that the late rebellions had but newly weared themselves into quiet, and fearing new rages among the unstabie people daily threatened, and upon such occasion not unlike to take flame, conceiving also that the confederacy trenched no deeper, or that the only remedy was to seem so to conceive, dissolved his companies except only his guard, but charged them upon warning to be ready, so it is most certain that the troublesome times were a great advantage to the Lords. Had the people been well settled in subjection, or the Protector a man of spirit or wit, they h●…d been in danger to have been undone, but the protector instead of using his authority sent secretary Peter (who under pretence of gravity covered much untrustiness of heart) to the Lords at London, with some secret instructions sent especially to persuade them that for a public benefit, all either private guards or unkindnesses might be laid aside. But neither did he return to Windesore, neither was any answer returned from the Lords. After this he wrote two letters, one in his own name to the Earl of Warwick, the other in the name of the Lords at Windesore to the Lords at London, in both which he so weakly complained, expostulated, entreated, yielded under their hand, as it was sufficient to have breathed courage into any enemy once declared against him.  
And indeed hereupon the Lords forthwith published a proclamation under the hands of 17 persons, either for nobility or authority of office well regarded, werein the causes of such calamities and losses as had lately before happened, not only by inward divisions which had cost the lives of many thousands of the King's subjects, and threatened more, but also by the loss of diverse pieces beyond the seas, which had been won by great adventure of the late King's person and consumption of his treasure▪ they perceived that the only root from whence those mischiefs s●…rung, was the evil government of the Lord Prot●…ctor, whose pride, covetousness and ambition covered only his private ends, and therefore he was deeply busied in his spacious and specious buildings in the hottest times of war against France and Scotland whilst the poor soldiers and servitors of the King were unpaide, and laboured to make himself strong in all countries, whilst within the realm laws, justice, and good order preverted, provisions for the forts beyond the seas neglected, and the King's subjects by most dangerous divisions (by his means either raised or occasioned) much disquiet. That hereupon the Lords of the counsel for preventing aswell present dangers to the King's person, as the utter subversion of the state of the realm, concluded to have talked to him quietly, without disturbance to the King, or to the people, for reducing him to live within reasonable limits, and for putting order for safety of the king's person, and preservation of the commonwealth of the realm, and so to have passed over his most unnatural and trait●…rous deservings without further extremities. But he knowing that he was unable to answer for any part of his demeanour, began forthwith to spread false rumours, that certain Lords had conspired against the King's person, under pretence whereof he levied forces in a disordered uproar, albeit the treason rested in him and some other his complices, wherefore seeing he troubled the whole realm for accomplishing his traitorous ends, and used the King in his tender age for an instrument against himself, causing him to put his hand to many of his own devices, and to speak things tending to the destruction of himself they desired and in the King's name charged all subjects not to obey any precepts, licenses or proclamations, whereunto the Protectors hand should be set, albeit he should abuse the King's hand and seal unto them, but to quit themselves upon such proclamation as should proceed from the body of the counsel, protesting therewith their faithful hearts to the King and their loialty towards the people.  
Instantly after the publishing of this proclamation the Lords directed their letters to Windesore, and addressed to the King, another to the Protector, the third to the household which was openly read. The letter to the Protector was guilded over with many smooth words intimating fair promises and full of hope, but the other two did fully and foully set forth his obstinacy, his avarice his ambition, his rash engagements into wars, in the King's unsettled, both age and estate, his negligences, his deceits, and all other insufficiences mentioned before. Herewith Sr Robert Wingfield captain of the guard was sent from the Lords to Windesore who so well persuaded the King both of the loyal affection of the Lords towards him and of their moderate desires against the protector (who then was in presence) that partly thereby but chiefly in regard of the turbulent times the Protector was removed from the King's person, & a guard set upon him until the next day, when the Lords at London were appointed to be there.  
So the next day diverse of the counsel road from London to Windsor, but the Earl of Warwick road not with them, for he was a perfect Master of his craft: he had well learned to put others before him in dangerous actions, and in matters of mischief to be seen to do least, when in very deed all moved from him. He had well learned of the ape to take nuts out of the fire with the paw of the cat. These Lords coming before the King did again run over their complaints against the Protector, and also under colour of love and duty adviseth the King to beware of such as were both powerful, ambitious, mischievous and rich. Affirming that it would be better surety unto him, if this great authority should be committed to many, who cannot so readily knit in will or in action, as when the whole manage resideth in one. In the end the Duke of Somerset (for hereafter he must be no otherwise called) was committed into their power and committed to custody in Be●…uchampe tower within the castle.  
The next day he was brought to London as if he had been a captain carried in triumph. He road through Holborn between the Earls of Southampton and of Huntingdon, and was followed with Lords and Gentlemen to the number of 300 mounted on horseback. At Holborn bridge certain Aldermen attended on horseback, and the cittis●…ns householders stood with halberds on all sides of the streets, through which he passed. At Sopherlane he was received by the Mayor, Sh●…riffes, Recorder and diverse Knights of especial note, who with a great train of officers and attendants bearing halbeards carried him forthwith to the Tower, all this was to bear in show, both that the Duke was a dangerous man▪ and that the common both aid and applause concurred in his restraint.  
Forthwith the King was brought to Hampton court, where all things being borne as done well, because nothing was ill taken, seven of the Lords of the counsel and 4 Knights were appointed by turns to attend the King's person. The Lords were the Marquis of Northhampton the Earls of Warwick and Arundel, the Lords Russell, St john, and Wentworth, the knights were these Sr Andrew Dudley, Sr Edward Rogers, Sr Thomas Darcy, and Sr Thomas Worth. As for affairs of state the government of them was referred to the whole body of the counsel, Soon after the King road to his house in Southwark, (then called Suffolk place) & there dined all-After dinner he road in great estate through the city to Westminster, as if the people should be given to understand, that nothing was d●…minished either from the safety or glory of the King by imprisonment of the Duke.  
And now when the Duke had breathed a small time in the tower, certain Lords of the counsel were sent unto him, who after a short preface in such terms as hate and dissimulation could temper together, remembering how great the amity had been between them, and of what continuance: Then acknowledging what offices & services he had done for the commonwealth, & yet interlacing some errors & defects, wherewith they seemed to reproach him. Lastly they presented him certain articles as from the residue of the privy counsel, desiring his present answer, whether he would acknowledge them to be true, or else stand upon his justification. The articles objected against him were these.  

1 That he took upon him the office of Protector upon express condition, that he should do nothing in the King's affairs, but by assent of the late King's executors, or the greatest part of them.  
2 That contrary to this condition he did hinder justice, & subvert Laws of his own Authority, aswell by letters, as by other command.  
3 That he caused diverse persons arrested and imprisoned for treason, murder, manslaughter, and fello●…y to be discharged against the laws and statutes of the realm.  
4 That he appointed L●…euetenants for Armies and other officers for the weighty affairs of the king under his own writing and seal.  
5 That he communed with Ambassadors of other realms alone of the weighty matters of the realm.  
6 That he would taunt and reprove diverse of the kings most honourable counsellors for declaring their advice in the King's weighty affairs against his opinion, sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in counsel, and sometimes that he needed not to open weighty matters to them, and that if they were not agreeable to his opinion, he would discharge them.  
7 That against law he held a court of request in his house and did enforce diverse to answer there for their freehold & goods, and did determine of the same.  
8 That being no officer without the advice of the counsel, or most part of them, he did dispose offices of the King's gift for money, grant leases, and wards, and presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King, gave Bishoprickes, and made sales of the King's lands.  
9 That he commanded Alchemy, and multiplication to be practised, thereby to abase the King's coin.  
10 That diverse times he openly said that the nobility and gentry were the only cause of dearth. Whereupon the people rose to reform matters of themselves.  
11 That against the mind of the whole counsel he caused proclamation to be made concerning enclosures, whereupon the people made diverse insurrections and destroyed many of the King's subjects.  
12 That he sent forth a commission with Articles annexed, concerning enclosures, commons, highwa●…es, cottages, and such like matters▪ giving the commishioners' authority to hear 〈◊〉 determine those causes whereby the laws and statutes of the realm were subverted and much rebellion raised.  
13 That he suffered rebels to assemble and lie armed in camp against the nobility and gentry of the realm without speedy repressing of them.  
14 That he did comfort and encourage diverse rebels by giving them money, and by promising them fees, rewards and services.  
15 That he caused a proclamation to be made against law, and in favour of the rebels, that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their offences in their rebellion.  
16 That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the actions of the rebels, and that the avarice of gentlemen gave occasion for the people to rise, and that it was better for them to dye then to porish for want.  
17 That he said, the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reform enclosures and other things, therefore the people had a good cause to reform them themselves.  
18 That after declaration of the defaults of Bouline and the pieces there by such as did surview them, he would never amend the same.  
19 That he would not suffer the King's pieces of Newhaven, and Blackness to be furnished with men and provision, albeit he was 〈◊〉 of the defaults and advised thereto by the King's 〈◊〉, whereby the French King was emboldened to attempt upon them.  
20 That he would neither give authority nor suffer noble men, and gentlemen to suppress rebels in time convenient, but wrote to them to speak the rebels ●…aire, and use them gently.  
21 That upon the fifth of October the present v●…ere 〈◊〉 Hampton court for defence of his own private causes, he procured seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands, and secretly to be dispersed into divers parts of the realm beginning thus, Good people, intending thereby to raise the King's subjects to rebellion and open war.  
22 That the Kings privy counsel did consult at London to come to him, and move him to reform his government, but he hearing of their assembly declared by his letters in diverse places, that they were high traitors to the King.  
23 That he declared untruly aswell to the King as to other young Lords attending his person, that the Lords at London intended to destroy the King, & desired the King never to forget, but to revenge it, and required the young Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof with intent to make sedition, and discord between the King and his Nobles.  
24 That at diverse times and places he said, the Lords of the counsel at London intent to kill me, but if I die the King shall dye, and if they famish me, they shall famish him.  
25 That of his own head he removed the King so suddenly from Hampton court to Windsor, without any provision there made, that he was thereby not only in great fear but cast into a dangerous disease.  
26 That by his letters he caused the King's people to assemble in great numbers in Armour after the manner of war to his aid and defence.  
27 That he caused his servants and friends at Hampton court & Windesore to be apparelled in the King's armour, when the King's servants and guard went unarmed.  
28 That he intended to fly to jernsey and Wales and laid posthorses, and men, and a boat to that purpose.   
Now albeit there is little doubt but that some of these articles were merely devised, others enlarged, or wr●…sted, or otherwise enforced by odious interpretation, yet the Duke being of base gold and fearing the touch, subscribed with his own hand, that he did acknowledge his offences contained in them, and humbly upon his knees submitted himself to the King's mercy. That in like manner he entreated the Lords to be a means to the King that he would conceive that his offences did proceed rather from negligence, rashness, or other indiscretion, then from any malicious thought tending to treason, and also that he would take some gracious way with him, his wife and children, not according to extremity of laws, but after his great clemency and mercy. Written with my own hand 23 December Anno 3o Edw. Regis.  
To this I make no other defence, but entreat the reader not to condemn him for perishing so weakly, and for that he who should have lost his life to preserve his honour, cast away both his life and honour together. Assuredly he was a man of a feeble stomach, unable to concoct any great fortune prosperous or adverse. But as the judgement of God, and malice of a man concur often in one act, although it be easy to discern between them; so is it little to be marvelled, that he who thirsted after his brother's blood, should find others to thirst after his; Notwithstanding for that present his blood was respited▪ but he was stripped of his great offices of being Prote●…tor, Treasurer and Martial, lost all his goods and near 2000 land, in which estate if he had continued, the longer he had lived the more punishment he should endure, herewith it was s●…ossingly said that he had eaten the king's goose and did then regorge the feathers.  
After this he sent letters to the Lords of the counsel wherein he acknowledged himself much f●…oured by them, in that they had brought his cause to be fineable which although it was to him impo●…able, yet as he did never intend to contend with them nor any action to justify himself, as well for that he was none of the wisest and might easily err; as for that it is scarce possible for any man in great place so to bear himself, that all his actions in the eye of justice shall be blameless; so he did then submit himself wholly to the King's mercy, and their discretions for some moderation; desiring them to conceive that what he did amiss was rather through rudeness, and for want of judgement, then from any malicious meaning, and that he was therefore ready both to do and suffer what they would appoint. Finally he did again most humbly upon his knees entreat pardon, and favour, and they should ever find him so lowly to their honours, and obedient to their orders, as he would thereby make amends for his former follies.  
These subjections, objections, deiections of the Duke made a heavenly harmony in his enemy's ears. But they wrought such compassion with the King, that forthwith he was released out of the Tower, his fines discharged, his goods and lands restored, except such as had been given away, either the malice of the Lords being somewhat appeased, or their credit not of sufficient strength to resist, within a short time after he was entertained and feasted by the King with great show of favour, and sworn again of the privy counsel, at which time between him and the Lords perfect amity was made, or else a dissembling hate And that all might appear to be knit up in a comical conclusion, the Duke's daughter was afterwards joined in marriage to the Lord L●…sle son and heir to the Earl of Warwick, and the Earl also was made Lord Admiral of England, yet many doubted whether the Earl retained not some secret offence against the Duke, which if he did, it was most cunningly suppressed, doubtless of all his virtues he made best vice of dissimulation. And as this friendship was drawn together by fear on both sides so it was not like to be more durable than was the fear.  
And thus the second act ended of the tragedy of the Duke, the third shall follow in the proper place.  
In the mean time the Earl of Warwick for what mischievous contrivance it was not certainly known, but conceived to be against the Duke joined to him the Earl of Arund●…ll late Lord Chamberlain, and the Earl of Southampton sometimes Lord Chancellor, men of their own nature circumspect and slow, but at the time discountenanced and discontent, whom therefore the Earl of Warwick singled as fittest for his purpose. Many secret conferences they had at their several houses, which often held the greatest part of the night. But they accustomed to afford at other times either silence, or short assent to what he did propose, did then fall off and forsake him, procuring thereby danger to themselves without doing good to any other. For when the Earl of Warwick could by no means draw them to his desires, he found means that both of them were discharged from the counsel, and commanded to their houses. Against the Earl of Arundel objections were framed that he took away bolts and locks at Westminster, and gave away the King's stuff. He was fined at 12000l l to be paid 1000l l yearly. But doubtless the Earl of Warwick had good reason to suspect, that they who had the honesty not to approve his purpose, would not want the heart to oppose against it.  
During these combats among the nobility many popular insurrections were assailed, One Bell was put to death at Tyburn for moving a new rebellion in Suffolk and in Essex, he was a man nittily needy and therefore adventurous, esteemed but an idle fellow, until he found opportunity to show his rashness. divers like attempts were made in other places, but the authors were not so readily followed by the people as others had done before. Partly because multitudes do not easily move, but chifly because misadventures of others in like attempts had taught them to be more warily advised. About this time a Parliament was held at Westminster wherein one Act was made against spreading of Prophecies the first motive of rebellions, and another against unlawful assemblies, the first apparent acting of them. But for fear of new tumults, the Parliament was untimely dissolved and gent. charged to retire to their country habitations, being furnished with such forces and commissions as were held sufficient to hold in bridle either the malice or rage of reasonless people, yea so great grew the doubt of new insurrections that Trinity term did not hold least gentlemen should by that occasion be drawn out of the country where they were esteemed to do good service by keeping the Commons from commotions. All these movements seemed to be pretended by moving of the earth in divers places of Sussex.  
The affairs of England beyond the seas all this time were carried with variable success, Sr Thomas Cheynie was sent to the Emperor to treat with him, that his forces might join with the forces of England against the common enemies of them both according to the Articles for merly concluded. These articles had been well observed for a time esp●…eially against the French. But afterwards the emperor being diverted about other preparations, and therewith much solicited by the Scots, not to be a help to ruin their kingdom fell by degrees from the K. of England, filling his Ambassadors with empty hopes at the first, wherein also he daily fainted and failed in the end.  
In France the King placed the Rhenegra●…e with diverse Regiments of Almain, Lancequenots, and certain ensigns of F●…ench to the number of 4 or 5000 at the town of Morguison midway between Bouline and Calais to impeach all intercourse between those two places, whereupon the King of England caused all the strangers that had served the year against the rebels to the number of 2000 to be transported to Calais, to them were adjoined 3000 English, under the command of Francis Earl of Hunting done, & Sr Edward Hastings his brother to dislodge the French, or otherwise to annoy them. But the French perceiving that the troubles in England were perfectly appeased, and that the King thereby was much strengthened in his estate, for that the vicious humours against him were either corrected or spent, finding also that he daily grew rather into admiration then love, aswell for that it was apparent, that he had so well improved that little stock which his father left, as he was like to prove a thriver in the end, also weary in maintaining wars with Scotland, as well in regard of the charge, as for that his people were nothing desirous of service in that distant country. Lastly having tried aswell the strength as courtesy of the English nation, and doubtful of the estates of the empire and of Spain, by whom not only the wings of his Kingdom had been clipped on every side, but the whole body thereof dangerously attempted, he resolved to fasten peace with England if he could.  
Hereupon he dispatched to the English court Guidolti an Italion borne in Florence who made many overtures to the Lords of the counsel, but all as from the Constable of France, and espying with a nimble eye that matters of counsel were chiesly swayed by the Earl of Warwick by great gifts and greater hopes he wrought him to be appliable to his desires. In the end it was concluded that four Ambassadors should be sent from the King of England into France, and four from the French King to treat with them that the English commissioners should come to Guisnes and the French to Arde, and that their meeting should be chiefly at Guisnes. The English yielding to all with sincerity of mind, the French accepting all but with intentions reserved to themselves. The Lords appointed by the English were john Earl of Bedforde, William Lord Paget, St William Peter, and Sr john Mason. Secretaries of State, on the French side were appointed monsieur Rochpott, monsieur Chastilion, Guillant de Mortier, and Rochetele de Dassi●…, in short time after the Earl of Warwick was made Lord great M ● another feather to his mounting mind.  
The day wherein the English Ambassadors arrived at Caluis, Guidolti resorted unto them with a letter from monsieur Rochpot whereby he signified that the French intended not to come to Arde, but desired that the English would go to Bouline, and that the meeting might be besides the Town. For this he alleged that he was so weakly disposed in health that he could not travail far, and that he being Governor of Picardy and Chastilion of Newhaven they might not depart such distance from their charge, and further that there must be much waist of time if the English should lie at Guisnes and the French at Ardes, and that the equality would be more, and the dishonour to one of the sides less, if the interview should be upon the Frontiers, then if one part should be drawn into the territory of the other.  
Upon this rub the English Ambassadors thought fit to demur, and so sent into England to receive directions from the Lords of the counsel. They again referred the matter wholly to the judgement of the Ambassadors, affirming that it was a circumstance not much to be stood upon in case it were not upon some sinenesse, but for ease and commodity of them and their train, which indeed they might better find near Bouline then at Ardes, in case also they could discern no deep inconvenience which might hinder the good issue of the good business in hand, which they esteemed sufficient if in substance it might be effected, albeit in all points they had not so much of their minds, as they then desired, and as at another time they would expect, and so the English Commissioners went to Bouline, and the French came to one of their forts nearest to Bouline.  
Not long before the Emperor had been assailed by the King of England to aid him in defence of Bouline against the French, which he expressly refused, alleging that he was not bound so to do by conditions of the league. For that Bouline was a piece of new conquest acquired by the English since the league was made, than the King offered to yield the Town absolutely into his hands in case he would maintain it against the French, which offer also he refused to accept. At the arrival of the English embassadors the soldiers were sharply assailed with wants. There was not one drop of beer in the Town. The bread and breadcorne sufficed not for six days. Hereupon the soldiers entered into proportion, and to give them example the Lord Clinton being Lord deputy limited himself to a loaf a day. The King was indebted in those parts above 14000l l beside for the Earl of Hunting dons numbers which were about 1300 foot, beside also the increases daily rising, for the monthly pay of English and strangers amounted to 6000l l besides allowance for officers. Hereof the band of horsemen out of Germany took little less than 800l l the month, and the Almains on foot 4000l l accounting the gulden at 3s 4d, but accounting it more, as without a higher valuation little service & happily some mischief might be expected, the monthly pay to strangers amounted higher. Hereby a great error was discovered, in that the strangers for defence of Boulaine were of greater strength than were the English.  
Now the English commissioners having first procured some relief both for victuals & pay, prepared a tent without the town for meeting with the French. But they▪ erected a house on the further side of the water within their own territory, in a manner half way between their fort and the town. The English persuaded the French to surcease their building, pretending but for their fantasies it was not necessary, because neither their treaty was like to continue long neither was it by solemn meeting that the business in hand must be effected. But in truth they feared lest if peace should not follow, the French might in short time either with filling or massing the house, or else by fortifying make such a piece as might annoy the haven or the town. Notwithstanding the French not only proceeded but refused any other place of interview.  
At their first meeting much time was spent in ceremony of salutation. Then the commissions were read, than Mr de Mortier in a sharp speech declared that the French King their Mt 't had upon just grounds entered the war for recovery of his right, and defence of his allies, yet was he well minded for an honourable peace, so as the things for which the war began, might be brought to some reasonable appointment; and hearing of the like disposition of the King of England he had sent them to treat of those affairs, nothing doubting but that the English would accord to the restitution of Bouline, and other pieces of their late conquest, which so long as they should keep, so long they may be assured the war would continue. He further added that Bouline was but a bare ruinous Town, without territory or any other commodity to balance the charge of defending it against the power of France. Lastly he said there should want no good will in them to bring matters to good appointment, hoping to find the like affection in the English.  
After that the English commissioners had conferred a while, the Lord Paget answered that the causes of the war both with them and their Allies (whom he took to be the Scots) being just and honourable. The town of Bouline & other pieces subdued aswell by their late great master against them, as by the K. their then Mr against their Allies were acquired by just title of victory, and therefore in keeping of them no injury was offered, either to the French King, or to the Scots. But the further declaration he left off until their next meeting, because both the time was spent and the tide summoned them to depart. Touching the good inclination of the King their Mr he had declared it well by sending them thither, in whom they should fin●…e such good conformity, that if good success ensued, not the fault should be which they expected not in the French. Nothing else was done saving a surcease of hostility concluded for 15 days, which was proclaimed in both the frontiers.  
At the next meeting the Lord Paget spent much speech in setting forth the King of England's title to Bulloine and to his debts and pension from the French king, with all arrearages; together with the justice of his war against the Scots. The French were as earnest in maintaining the contrary, wanting no words whatsoever their reasons were. For between great Princes, the greatest strength carrieth the greatest reason. At the last Mr de Mortier roundly said that to cut off all contentions of words, he would propose two means for peace. All that for old matters of pensions, debts and arrearages, the English should make white books and never mention them more, but for Bulloine to set the higher value, (or else said he) let old quarrels remain, so as your right may be reserved to climb, and ours to defend. And let us speak frankly of some recompense for Boulloine. As for the Scottish Queen. (For this had been also mentioned before) our King is resolved to keep her for his son and therefore we desire you to speak thereof no more, but of what other points you please, so as we may draw shortly to an end.  
The Lord Paget answered for the other commissioners that they had greatest reason to desire a speedy end, but the matters whereupon they stood were of greater importance then to be determined upon the sudden. For said he you may make doubts as you please. But if the debt to our King be not just, being confessed, judged, sworn, and by many treaties confirmed, we know not what may be deemed just, neither is it a sum to be slenderly regarded being 2000000 crowns clear debt, besides 12000 crowns resting in dispute. The justice of the wars against Scotland he maintained aswell in regard of breach of treatise with themselves as for that contrary to their comprehension in the last treaty of France they had invaded England in these intercourses, the whole afternoon being spent, it was agreed that both parties should advise upon such matters as had been propounded until the next meeting.  
But the French either having or supposing that they had advantage over the English partly by reason of their firm intelligence in the English court, and partly because they found the English commissioners much yielding to their desires, as first in coming into France, then to Bouline, lastly to a house of their own erecting began to be stiff and almost intractable, sharply pressing both for speedy resolution and short times for meetings But Guidolti continually travailed to draw both parties to conformity, the French being willing to be entreated by their friend to their most dissembled desires. Guidolty in steed of the Queen of Scots propounded that the French kings daughter should be joined in marriage to the King of England, affirming that if it were a dry peace, it would hardly be durable, but hereto the English gave no inclinable care. Then he delivered 17 reasons in writing, for which he said it was necessary for the English to conclude a peace. The English demanded how many reasons he had for the French; he answered that he had also his reasons for them, which he intended likewise to deliver in writing.  
At the next meeting the French showed themselves as before peremptory and precise, standing stiffly upon their own overtures, which they had they said no commission to exceed, and therefore they refused to treat either of the pension or debt demanded by the English, and declared themselves rather desirous then willing to break off the treaty. The English answered that before their coming Guidolti had declared from the French King that so as Bulloine might be rendered, all that was owing from him to the King of England should be paid, which Guidolti being present affirmed to be true; well said they what our King told Guidolti we know not, but to us he hath given no other commission than you have heard, which in no case we must exceed. As for the pension whereof you speak, think you that a King of France will be tributary to any? No, No, assure you he will not, and touching the debt because the K. of England gave occasion to the wars wasted the French Kings country, & thereby caused him to expend such sums of money as exceeded the debt, he took himself to be acquitted thereof.  
Hereto the English answered that the French King might take matters as he pleased, but in honour justice, and conscience no debt was more due, and the wars being made for denial thereof, he could not be for that cause acquitted. That the pension was also granted upon diverse causes both weighty and just, and amongst other by reason of the King of England's uncontrollable title to Normandy Gascoine and other parts of France. Here they were interrupted by Mr Rotchpot, who broke forth into warm words, and was again as warmly answered, but the French would nothing move from their own overtures which they stood upon by way of conclusions.  
At the last the English said that they might do well to report these differences to their Masters on both sides & that their pleasures might therein be known. Hereto the French answered that they knew their King's pleasures so well, that if they should send to him again, he would and might think them of small discretion▪ and herewith they offered to break. The English told them that if they would break they might, but they intended to conclude nothing until they had further instructions from England; which they would procure as soon as they could. To this the French did easily incline.  
These matters advertised into England much troubled the counsel, and the rather for that the Earl of Warwick was at that time retired, pretending much infirmity in his health. Hereupon many sinister surmises began to spring up among some of the counsel, partly probable & part happily devised, for as they knew not whether he were more dangerous present or away; so as the nature of all fear is they suspected that which happened to be the worst. From hence divers of the counsel began in this manner to murmur against him.  
What said they is he never sick, but when affairs of greatest weight are in debating? Or wherefore else doth he withdraw himself from the company of those who are not well assured of his love? Wherefore doth he not now come forth and openly overrule, as in other matters he is accustomed? Would he have us imagine by his absence that he acteth nothing? Or knowing that all moveth from him, shall we not think that he seeketh to enjoy his own ends, which bearing blame for any event? Go to then; let him come forth and declare himself, for it is better that should find fault with all things whilst they are doing, then condemn all things when they are done; with those and the like speeches he came to counsel more ordinary than before, and at last partly by his reasons and partly by his authority, peace with France was esteemed so necessary, that new instructions were sent to the English Ambassadors, according whereto peace was concluded upon these articles.  

1 That all titles and climes on the one side and defences on the other should remain to either party as they were before.  
2 That the fautle of one man (except he were unpunished) should not break the peace.  
3 That prisoners should be delivered on both sides.  
4 That Bouline and other pieces of the new conquest, with all the ordinance except such as had been brought in the English should be delivered to the French within 6 months after the peace proclaimed.  
5 That ships of merchandise might safely pass and ships of war be called in.  
6 That the French should pay for the same 200000 crowns of the sum, every crown valued at six shillings 8ds within three days after the delivery of the town, & 200000 like crowns more upon the fifth day of August than next ensuing.  
7 That the English should make no new wars upon Scotland, unless new occasions should be given.  
8 That if the Scots razed Lords and Dunglasse, the English should raze Roxborough and Aymouth, and no fortification to be afterwards made in any of those places.   
To these articles the French King was sworn at Amiens, the King of England at London; Commissioners being especially appointed to take their oaths, and for further assurance 6 Hostages were delivered for the French at Ards and 6 for the English at Guisnes, and it was agreed that at the delivery of Bulloine the English hostages should be discharged, & that upon the payment of the first 200000 crowns 3 of the French hostages should be discharged, and other 3 upon payment of the last 200000 crowns. In the peace the Emperor was comprised in case he would consent, and further to cut off future contentions, commissioners were appointed both by the English and French to make certain the limits between both territories. Other commissioners were appointed summarily to expedite and determine all matters of piracy and depredations between the subjects of both kingdoms, whereby many had not only lived but thrived many years before.  
So the Lord Clinton governor of Bulloine having received his warrant, discharged all his men except 1800 and with them issued out of the town, and delivered it to Mr Chastilion having first received of him the 6 English hostages, and an acquittance for delivery of the town, and safe conduct for his passage to Calais. These 18000 men were afterwards placed upon the frontiers between the Emperor and the English. Soon after the first payment of money was made by the French to certain English commissioners whereupon 3 of their hostages were discharged, the other three namely Count de Anguien next heir to the crown of France after the King's children, the Marquis de Meaux brother to the Scottish Queen, and Montmorencie the constables son who at that time chiefly guided the affairs of France, came into England. They were honourably accompanied and with great estate brought to London, where every of them kept house by himself.  
Of the moneys of the first payment 10000l l was appointed for Calais 8000l l for Ireland, 10000l l for the North, and 2000l l for the Navy, the residue was earefully laid up in the Tower. Likewise of the second payment (whereupon the hostages aforenamed returned into France) 8000l l was appointed for Calais 5000l l for the North▪ 10000 l was employed for enerease towards outward payments, certain persons undertaking that the money should be doubled every 
* Or happily year.  month, the residue was safely lodged in the tower.  
And now it remained that the chief actors in this peaee (whatsoever their aims were) must be both honoured & enriched with great rewards, & first Guidolti the first mover of the treaty was recompensed with knighthood, 1000 crowns rewards, 1000 crowns pension & 250 c pension to his son. The Earl of Warwick was made general warden of the North, had 1000 marks land granted to him and 100 horsemen of the King's charge. Mr Herbert his chief instrument was made precedent of Wales and had a grant of 500l l land, and thus whether immoderate favours breed first unthankfulness and afterwards hate, and therewith ambitious desires, or whether God so punisheth immoderate affections, it often happeneth that men are prone to raise those most who work their ruin in the end. Also the Lord Clinton who had been deputy of Bulloine was made Lord Admiral of England. The captains and officers were rewarded with lands, leases, offices and annuities, the ordinary soldiers having all their pay, and a months pay over were sent into their countries, and great charge given that they should be well observed, until they were quietly settled at home. The light horsemen & men at arms were put under the Marquis of Northhampton captain of the Pensioners. All the guard of Bulloine were committed to the Lord Admiral, The chief captains with 600 ordinaries were sent to strengthen the Frontiers of Scotland. Lastly strangers were dispatched out of the realm, who after some idle expense of their moneys & time were likest to be forward either in beginning or in maintaining disorders.  
Presently after this agreement of peace. The Duke of Brunswick sent to the King of England to offer his service in the King's wars with 10000 men of his band, and to entreat a marriage with the Lady Mary the King's eldest sister. Answer was made touching his offer of aid, that the King's wars were ended. And touching marriage with the Lady Mary that the King was in speech for her marriage with the Infanta of Portugal, which being determined without effect, he should favourably be heard. Upon this also the Emperor's Ambassadors did expostulate with the King that he had broken his league with the Emperor. To this the King answered that because the Emperor failed in his performances the King was enforced to provide for himself. The Ambassador desirous as it seemed to make a breach, demanded boldly that the Lady Mary should have the free exercise of the mass. This did the King not only constantly deny, but hereupon sermons were increased at court and order taken that no man should have any benefice from the King but first he should preach before him, and in short time after under pretence of preparing for sea matters 5000l l were sent to relieve Protestants beyond the seas, and further because the Emperor made diverse straight laws against those of the religion. Merchants were charged to forbear their trade into Flanders so much as they could. So as it appears, had some of the English nobility been either less powerful or more faithful than they were, the King had ears enough and hands enough aswell at home as among good friends abroad, either to have maintained wars against the French or to have reduced them to a more honourable peace.  
War's being thus at good appointment, peaceable business was more seriously regarded, and whereas an Ambassador arrived from Gostave King of Sweden to knit amity with the King for intercourse of merchants. At last these articles were concluded.  

1 That if the King of Sweden sent Bullion into England he might carry away English commodities without custom.  
2 That he should carry Bullion to no other Prince.  
3 That if he sent Ozimus, steel, copper, etc. he should pay custom for English commodities as an English man.  
4 That if he sent other merchandise he should have free intercourse paying custom as a stranger.   
The mint was set to work so as it gained 24000l l yearly to the King, which should bear his charges in Ireland and bring 10000l l to the treasure. 400 men were sent into Ireland and charge given that the laws of England should there be administered, & the mutinous be severely suppressed. Verily it may seen strange that among all the horrible hurries in England, Ireland was then almost quiet. But besides that the King drew much people from thence for service in his wars, who happily would not have remained quiet at home, the governors at that time were men of such choice, that neither the nobility disdained to endure their command, nor the inferior sort were suppressed to supply their wants.  
Further 20000l l weight was appointed to be made so much base as the King might gain thereby 160000l. Agreement was also made with York Mr of one of the mints, that he should receive the profit of all the Bullion which himself should bring, and pay the King's debts to the value of 120000l l and remain accountable for the rest, paying six shillings 8ds the ounce until the exchange were equal in Flanders and afterwards six shillings 8ds and further that he should declare his bargain to any that should be appointed to oversee him, and leave off when the King should please, that for this the King should give him 15000l l in pressed, and licence to transport 8000l l beyond the seas to abase the exchange. Herewith the base moneys formerly coined were cried down.  
Now it is certain that by reason of the long hostility which England held against Scotland and France, peace was not so hardly concluded as kept. But albeit occasions of breach were often offered, yet the judgement & moderation of both parts sufficed either to avoid or appease them. The Bishop of Glasco coming into England without safe conduct was taken prisoner. The French Ambassador made means to the King for his discharge, but answer was made that the Scots had no such peace with the English that they might pass without safe conduct. This was not denied by the Mr of Erskine, whereupon the Archbishop was retained prisoner, but after a short time remitted to his liberty. After this the Queen Dowag●…r of Scotland going from France to her country, passed through England but the French Ambassador first obtained her safe conduct, she arrived at Portsmouth and was there encountered by diverse of the▪ English nobility of highest quality and estimation as well for doing her honour as for that having such pledges she need not fear, at London she sojourned 4 days being lodged in the Bishop's palace, and defrayed at the charge of the City, in which time she was royally feasted by the King at Whitehall. At her departure she was attended out of the City with all ceremonies pretending to state, the Sheriffs of every shire through which she passed received her accompanied with the chief gentlemen of the country, as also they conveied her from one shire to another (making always provision for her entertainment until she came into the borders of Scotland.  
The Earl of Maxwell came with a strong hand to the borders of England, against certain families of Scots who had yielded to the King of England, and the Lord Dacre brought his forces to their aid, in which service his valour and discretion did equally appear. For albeit the gentlemen of those families did often skirmish with the Earls men, and slew many of them, yet were they never therein aided by the English, neither would they assail him upon any advantage. But when any of these gentlemen were distressed by the Earl the English did then encounter him by arms. Generally the English would not offer to offend the Scots, but only in defending their friends.  
About this time the French king sent monsieur Lansat to request of the King of England, that the fishing of Twe●…de, Edrington, the debatable ground, and the Scottish Hostages which had been sent into England in the time of King Henry the 8th might be restored to the Scots, and that the English prisoners who were bound to pay their ransoms, before the peace should not be comprised in the conditions thereof. The King sent Sr William Pickering to declare to the French King, that to the last demand he agreed without exception, and albeit he had to the places required, yet he was content as well for them as for other demands, to perform whatsoever should be agreed on by commissioners on both sides, so commissioners were appointed and the matters settled in quiet agreement.  
In the mean time the King sent new supply of forces and other provisions into the North parts of the Realm, whereupon the French King sent a navy of 160 sail into Scotland, laden with grain, powder, and ordinance, of these 16 of the greatest perished upon the coast of Ireland, two charged with Artillery and 14 with grain, the residue so shaken and torn, that it gave a main check to their further designs, but because many saved themselves in the harbours of Ireland. The King sent thither 4 ships, 4 barks, 4 pinnaces, and 12 victuallers. These possessed themselves of three havens, two on the south side towards France and one towards Scotland. The Lord Cobham was appointed General lieutenant, who fortified those havens and drew down the chiefest forces of the country towards the south parts thereof, and thus even in peace either of the Kings so vigilantly observed every motion of the other, as if they had lived upon the Alarm. The will of friends is best assured when they have no power to do hurt.  
In France a difference did rise about a place called Fines wood, whether it pertained to the English or to the French. On the French part 800 men assembled at arms upon this quarrel, on the English 1000 But the readiness of the English to fight moved the French to abstain from blows, and to permit the English to enjoy their ground. Hereupon the King fortified Calais and his other pieces in France, in such sort as they had never been in like condition of defence. And whereas one steward a Scot was apprehended in England and imprisoned in the Tower, for intending to poison the young Queen of Scots, the King as well to manifest his justice as his love and respect towards the young Queen, delivered him to the French King upon the frontiers of Calais to be iusticed by him at his pleasure.  
And yet this advice was not approved by many, for albeit it be both honourable and just, that they who offend against their proper prince, should be delivered to him to be punished, yet is it grown out of common use. And for this cause the condition is often expressed in leagues, that the subjects of one Prince should be delivered by the other in case they be required, the contrary custom may happily hold reasonable in ordinary offences, in which case the Scripture forbiddeth to deliver a slave to his angry Lord, but in grievous and inhuman crimes, in such as overthrow the foundation of state, in such as shake the surety of humane society, I conceive it more fit that offenders should be remitted to their Prince to be punished in the place where they have offended.  
But of all other the King's amity with the Emperor was least assured, being as fullest both of practice and distrust, so in danger every hour to dissolve. Certain ships were appointed in the Low Countries with men and furniture suitable to the attempts to transport the Lady Mary either by violence or by stealth out of England to Antwerp. Divers of her gentlemen departed thither before, and certain shipheres as they are termed, were discovered to view the English coast, Hereupon Sr john Gates was sent with forces into Essex where the Lady then lay, and besides the Duke of Somerset was sent with 200 men, the Lord Privy seal with other 200, and Mt Sentlegier with 400 men more to several coasts upon the sea; divers of the King's ships were addressed to be in readiness for the sea. Mr Chamberlain Ambassador for the Queen of Hungary in the Low Countries advertised by his letters, that it was intended by this means to raise an outward war to join with some sedition within doors, & that the Queen of Hungary had openly said, that the Shipheres were towards; who for fear of one gentleman durst not proceed in their attempt. Upon these either dangers or fears the Lord Chancellor & Secretary Peter were sent to the Lady Mary, who after some conference brought her to the Lord Chancellor's house at Lies in Essex and from thence to Hunsdon. and from thence to the King at Westminster. Here the counsel declared unto her how long he had permitted her the use of the Mass, and perceiving by her letters how unmoveable she was, he was resolved no longer to endure it, unless she would put in hope of some conformity within short time. To this she answered that her soul was Gods, and touching her faith as she could not change so she would not dissemble it. Reply was made that the King intended not to constrain her faith, but to restrain the outward profession thereof, in regard of the danger the example might draw. After some other like interchange of speeches the Lady was appointed to remain with the King, but Dr Mallet her chaplain was committed prisoner to the fleet, and almost herewith arrived an Ambassador from the Emperor, with a menacing message of war, in case his cousin the Lady Mary should not be admitted the free exercise of the mass. The King presently advised with the Archbishop of Canterbury, and with the Bishops of London and Rochester who gave their opinion that to give licence to sin was sin, but to connive at sin might be allowed in ease it were neither to long nor without hope of reformation. Then was answer given to the Ambassador that the King would send to the Emperor within a month or two to give him what satisfaction should be fit.  
In the mean time the counsel considering how prejudicial it would be to the realm if the subjects should lose their trade in Flanders, that the Flemings had cloth for a year in their hands, that the King had 500 quintals of powder and much armour in Flanders, and the merchants much goods at the will fleet, they advised the King to send an Ambassador legier for the Emperor, as well to satisfy him for other matters by him required, as to win time, thereby both to prepare a mart in England and to withdraw their goods out of Flanders. So Mr Wotton was dispatched with particular instructions to desire the Emperor to be less violent in his requests. And to advertise him that the Lady Mary as she was his cousin, so was she the King's sister, and which is more his subject, that seeing the K. was a sovereign Prince without dependency upon any but God, it was not reason that the Emperor should intermeddle either with ordering his subjects, or with directing the affairs of his realm. Thus much he offered that what favour the King's subjects had in the Emperor's dominions for their religion, the same should the Emperor's subjects receive in England. The Emperor pereeiving that his threats were little regarded, regarded little to threaten any more.  
About the time that the Lady Mary should have been transported unto Antwerp, a rebellion was attempted in Essex where she than lay. For furtherance whereof speeches were cast forth, that strangers were arrived in England, either to rule or to spoil the natural inhabitants, upon this surmise many appointed to assemble at Chelinsforde, and from thence to make pillage as their wants or wanton appetites should lead, but the Principal being put to death and the residue pardoned, all remained quiet. Many Londoners also hunting after riot and ease, contrived to tumult upon May day, pretending grievances and fears from strangers, but because where many are of counsel counsel is hardly kept, the enterprise was discovered and defeated before it was ripe, herewith Lion, Gorran & Ireland persons of mean condition but desperate and discontent, endeavoured to raise a rebellion in Kent. They often met and had conferences both private and long. They seemed highly busied in mind, and their heads travailing with troubled thoughts, which they often dissembled with impertinent speeches, this was first discovered by one of their servants, doubtful whether before knowing the mischief, and until then secret or ignorant before, and then first apprehending suspicions. So they were apprehended and after conviction the danger determined by their deaths. Herewith rumours were raised of great discord and practices among the nobility, for this cause the Lords assembled at London, and feasted diverse days together, giving order to apprehend the reporters of these surmises, albeit happily not altogether untrue. For this cause gentlemen were newly commanded to remain in the country, to govern the people easy to be dealt with whilst they stand in fear.  
The King being thus uncertain of the faith both of his subjects and of his confederates, intended by alliance to strengthen himself. To this purpose one Bortwicke was sent to the King of Denmark with private instructions to treat of a marriage between the Lady Elizabeth the King's sister and the King of Denmark's eldest son. But this Lady albeit she was furnished with many excellent endowments both of nature and education, yet could she never be induced to entertain Marriage with any.  
After this the Lord Marquis of Northampton was directed with a solemn embassage to the French King, aswell to present him with the order of the garter, as to treat with him of other secret affairs, with him were joined in commission the Bishop of Elie, Sr Philip Hobbie, St William Pickering, Sr john Mason knights, and Mr Smith secretary of state. The Earls of Worcester, Rutland, and Ormond were appointed to accompany them, and likewise the Lords Lisle, Fitswater, Bray, Abergavennie, and Yuers, with other knights and gentlemen of note to the number of 26 and for avoiding immoderate and burdensome train, order was given that every Earl should have four attendants, every Lord three, every Knight and Gentleman two, The commissioners were not limited to any number.  
They arrived at Nants and were there received by monsieur Chastilion and by him conducted to Chasteau Bryan where the French King then lodged, they were twice banqueted by the way, and the nearer they approached to the castle, the more increased the resort of the French nobility to do them honour, being come to the court they were forthwith brought to the King abiding then in his bedchamber. Here the Marquis presented unto him the order of the garter, wherewith he was presently invested, and thereupon gave for the garter a chain worth 200l l and his gown addressed with aglets esteemed worth 25 l  
Then the Bishop of Ely in a short speech declared how desirous the King of England was not only to continue but to increase amity with the French King. That to this purpose he had sent the order of the garter to be both a testimony and tie of love between them, to which purpose chiefly those societies of honour were first devised. He further declared that they had commission to make overture of some other matters, which was like to make the concord between the Kings & their realms not only more durable, but in all expectation perpetual desiring the King to appoint some persons enabled with authority to treat with them.  
To this speech the Cardinal of Lorraine answered that the French King was ready to apprehend and embrace all offers tending to increase of amity, and the rather for that long hostility had made their new friendship both more weak in itself, & more obnoxious to ielosies & distrusts, and therefore he promised on the King's behalf that commissioners should be appointed to treat with them about any matters which they had in charge, praying to God that it might be a means not only to assure but to enlarge their late settled love, so a commission went forth to the Cardinal of Lorraine and Chastilion the Constable, the Duke of Guise and certain others; at the first the English demanded that the young Queen of Scots might be sent into England for perfection of marriage between K. Edward and her, but hereto the French answered that they had taken too much adventure, and spent too many lives upon any conditions to let her go, and that conclusion had been made long before for her marriage with the Dolphin of France Then the English proposed a marriage between their King and the Lady Elizabeth the French Kings eldest daughter, to which the French did cheerfully incline.  
So after agreement that neither party should be bound either in conscience or in honour until the Lady should accomplish 12 years of age, they fell to treat of the portion which should be given with her in marriage. The English first demanded 150000 crowns, and offered that her dowry should be so great as K. Henry the 8th had given with any of his wives. The offer of dower was not disliked, but for the portion some of the French wondered, others smiled, that so great a sum should be demanded The English descended to 1400000 crowns & after by degrees fell so low as 800000, but the French as they held the first sum to be unreasonable, so all the other they esteemed excessive. Then the English demanded what the French would give, first they offered 100000 crowns, afterwards 200000, which they said was the most & more than ever had been given with a daughter of France, they followed a stiff contention both by reasons, & precedents, but the French in no case would rise any higher, only they agreed that the French K. at his proper charge should send her to the K. of England 3 months before she should accomplish her age for marriage, sufficiently appointed with jewels, apparel, & furniture for house, & that bands for the performances should then be delivered at London by the K. of England and at Paris by the French King, and that in case the Lady should not consent after she should be of the said age for marriage, the penalty should be 150000 crowns, the French set down these offers in writing, and sent them to the King of England.  
Soon after monsieur l●… Martial and other commissioners were sent by the French King into England, where they arrived at such time as the sweeting sickness was most furious, a new strange & violent disease; for if a man were attached therewith he died or escaped within 9 hours, or 10 at the most▪ if he took cold he died within 3 hours. if he slept within 6 hours (as he should be desirous to do) he died raving, albeit in other burning diseases that distemper is commonly appeased with sleep. It raged chiefly among men of strongest constitution and years, of whom 120 perished in some one day within the liberties of London few aged men or children or women died thereof. Two of Charles Brandon's sons, both Dukes of Suffolk, one of the King's Gentlemen and one of his grooms died of this disease. For which cause the King removed to Hampton court with very few followers.  
The same day the Marshal and other French commissioners were brought by the Lord Clinton Lord Admiral of England from Gravesend to London. They were saluted by the way with all the shot of more than 50 of the King's great ships, and with a fair peal of Artillery from the Tower, and lastly were lodged in Suffolk palace in Southwark, and albeit they had more than 400 gentlemen in their train, yet was not one of them nor any other stranger in England touched with the sweeting disease, and yet the English were chased therewith not only in England, but in other countries abroad, which made them like tyrants both feared and avoided wheresoever they came.  
The next day the French were removed to Richmond whence every day they resorted to Hampton court, where the King remained, the first day after they had performed the Ceremonies of court, and delivered to the King their letters of credence, they were led to a chamber richly furnished for their repose, the same day they dined with the King, and after dinner being brought into an inner chamber, the Marshal declared that they were come not only to deliver unto him the order of St Michael, but therewith to manifest the entire love which the King his Master bear him, which he desired him to conceive to be no less than a father can bear to his natural son. That albeit diverse persons either witless or malicious raise diverse vain rumours to draw the King as it is thought from his 〈◊〉 friendship, yet he trusted that the King would not listen unto them. That it much concerned the common quiet, that good officers be placed upon the Frontiers, for as good may do good in moderating things amiss, so evil will do evil albeit no bad occasion be offered. Lastly he desired in case any new controversy should arise it might be determined by commissioners on both sides and not by conflicts the parent of war.  
To this the King both suddenly and shortly answered, that he much thanked the French King for his order, as for the large expression of his love, which he would be ready in all points to requite. Touching rumours they are not always to be credited, nor always to be contemned, it being no less vain to fear all things, than dangerous to doubt of nothing, and in case at any time he listened to them, it was only to provide against the worst, and never to break into hostility: concerning officers, he appointed such as he esteemed good, and yet preferred the overdoubtfull before the over-credulous and secure, new controversies he would always be ready to determine by reason rather than by force, so far as his honour should not thereby be diminished.  
The French after this return to their lodging at Richmond, and the next day resorted again to the King, invested him with garments of the order, and accompanied him to the Chapel, the King going between the Marshal & de Guise, both which after the Communion kissing his cheek. The residue of that day and a few days following were passed over with pastimes and feasts. At the last the Lord Marquis of Northampton and the residue, who had been formerly sent with commission from the King into France, were appointed to treat with the French Commissioners touching the great matters of their Embassage. And because the French could be served no higher than their offer of 200000. crowns it was accepted. The one moiety to be paid upon the day of marriage, and the other six months after, the Dote was agreed to be 10000 marks of English money, and not to be paid in case the King should die before marriage. This agreement was reduced into writing, and delivered under Scale on both sides: at the same time an Ambassador arrived out of Scotland, to demand an exemplification of the articles of peace between England and France, under the great Seal of England, which without any difficulty they obtained.  
The Marshal, at his taking leave, declared to the 〈◊〉 how kindly his Master did conceive of the King's 〈◊〉 nesse to conclude this treaty, and also commended his 〈◊〉 sters great inclination to the agreements thereof. Then presented monsieur Bo●…s to be Ambassador Legier for 〈◊〉 French, and the Marquis presented Mr. Pickering to Ambassador for the King of England in France. The 〈◊〉 of the Marshal was three thousand pound in gold, 〈◊〉 a Diamond taken from the King's finger, esteemed 〈◊〉 an hundred and fifty pound: monsieur de Guy had 100●… monsieur Chenault 1000l. Mr. Mortuillier 500l. the 〈◊〉 cret●…ry 500.l l and the Bishop of P●…riguer 500l. The 〈◊〉 were exceeding sumptuous, and at their return they 〈◊〉 wafted over the seas by certain of the King's ships, reason of the wars between the Emporour and the 〈◊〉 King. The Lord Marquis reward was afterwards 〈◊〉 red at Paris, worth 500l. the Bishop of Ely 200l. Sir 〈◊〉 Hobbies 150l. and so were the rewards of the rest.  
Now the King supposing his estate to be most safe, 〈◊〉 indeed it was most unsure. In testimony both of his 〈◊〉 and of his love advanced many to new titles of 〈◊〉 The Lord Marquis Dors●…t, a man for his harmless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, neither misliked nor much regarded, was 〈◊〉 Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Warwick was created 〈◊〉 of Northumberland, the Earl of Wiltshire was 〈◊〉 Marquis of Winchester, Sir William Herbert, 〈◊〉 Cardiff, was created Earl of Pembroke, Sir 〈◊〉 Darcie, Vice-chamberlaine, and Captain of the 〈◊〉 was created Lord Darcie; William Ce●…il was made of the chief Secretaries; Master john Cheek, the 〈◊〉 Schoolmaster, and one of the guides of his 〈◊〉 hope, and with him Mr. Henry Dudley, and Mr. 〈◊〉 Nevil of the Privy Chamber, were made Knights which was the accomplishment of mischief, Sir 〈◊〉 Dudley one of the Duke of Northumberlands sons, 〈◊〉 heir both of his hate against persons of Nobility & 〈◊〉 cunning to dissemble the same, was sworn one of the six ordinary Gentlemen, he was afterwards for lust and cruelty a monster of the court, as apt to hate, so a most sure executioner of his hate, yet rather by practice then by open dealing, as wanting rather courage then wit. After his entertainment into a place of so near service the King enjoyed his health not long.  
The Duke of Northumberland being now inferior unto none of the nobility in title of honour, and superior to all in authority and power could not restrain his haughty hopes from aspiring to an absolute command. But before he would directly levill at his mark, the Duke of Somerset was thought fit to be taken away, whose ●…re did was so great with the common people, that although it sufficed not to bear out any bad attempt of his own, yet was it of force to cross the evil purposes of others.  
And now to begin the third act of his tragedy, speeches were cast that he caused himself to be proclaimed King in diverse countries, which albeit they were known to be false, insomuch as the miller's servant at Battlebridge in Southwark lost both his years upon a pillory for so reporting, yet the very naming of him to be King, either as desired by himself or by others esteemed worthy, brought with it a distasteful relish apt to apprehend suspicion to be true.  
After this he was charged to have persuaded diverse of the nobility to choose him Protector at the next parliament. The Duke being questioned, neither held silence as he might nor constantly deny it, but entangled himself in his doubtful tale. One Whaly a busy headed man, and desirous to be set on work gave first light to this appeachment, but the Earl of Rutland did stoutly avouch it.  
Herewith Sr Thomas Palmer a man neither loving the Duke of Somerset nor beloved of him, was brought by the Duke of Northumberland to the King, being in his garden. here he declared that upon St George day last before, the Duke of Somerset being upon a journey towards the North, in case Sr William Herbert Mr of the horse had not assured him that he should receive no harm, would have raised the people, and that he had sent the Lord Grace before to know who would be his friends, also that the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Pembroke, and other Lords should be invited to a banquet, and if they came with a bare company to be set upon by the way, if strongly, their heads should have been cut off at the place of their feasting, he declared further that Sr Ralph Uane had 2000 men in a readiness, that Sr Thomas Arundel had assured the tower, that Seymor and Hamond would wait upon him, and that all the horse of the Gendarmorie should be slain. To this Mr Secretary Cecil added, that the Duke had sent for him and said that he suspected some ill meaning against him, whereto Mr Secretary answered, that if he were not in fault, he might trust to his innocence, if he were, he had nothing to say but to lament him.  
The Duke being advertised of these informations against him by some who had some regard of honesty did forthwith defy the Secretary by his letters. Then he sent for Sir Thomas Palmer, to understand what he had reported of him, who denied all that he had said, but by this hot & humorous striving he did but draw the knots more fast.  
A few days being passed the Duke either ignorant of what was intended, or fearing if he seemed to perceive it, came to the court, but somewhat later than he accustomed, and as too minds possessed with fear, all things unusual seem to menace danger, so this late coming of the Duke was enforced as a suspicion against him, and so after dinner he was apprehended. Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir Thomas Arundel, Hamonde Nudigates: john Seymor and David Seymor were also made prisoners, the Lord Grace being newly come out of the country was attached. Sr Ralph Uane being twice sent for fled, upon the first message it was reported that he said that his Lord was not stout, and that if he could get home he cared not for any, but upon pursuit he was found in his servant's stable at Lambeth covered with straw, he was a man of a fierce spirit both sudden & bold, of no evil disposition saving that he thought scantness of estate too great an evil. All these were the same night sent to the tower except Palmer, Arundel, and Vant, who were kept in the court well guarded in chambers apart. The day following the Duchess of Somerset was sent to the Tower, no man grieving thereat because her pride and baseness of life overballanced all pity, and doubtless if any mischief were then contrived, whereof many were doubtful (every one giving forth as he believed) it was first hammered in the forge of her wicked working brain, for she had always wicked instruments about her, whom the more she found appliable to her purposes, the more favours she bestowed upon them, who being engaged by her into dangers held it dangerous to fall from her, also with her were committed one Crane and his wife, and her own chamberwoman. After these followed Sr Thomas Holdcroft, Sr Miles Partridge, Sir Michael Stanhope, Wingfield, Banister, Vaughan, and some others. In diverse of these was then neither any cause known or afterwards discovered, but the number raised the greater terror, and doubled the conceit of the danger.  
Sir Thomas Palmer being again examined added to his former detection, that the Gendarmorie upon the muster day should be assaulted by 2000 foot under Sir Ralph Vane, and by 100 horses of the Duke of Somersets', besides his friends which should stand by, and besides the idle people which were thought inclineable to take his part, that this done he would run throw the city and proclaim liberty, and in case his attempt did not succeed he would go to the I'll of Wight or to Poole.  
Crane confessed for the most part as Palmer had done and further added that the Lord Pagets' house was the place, where the nobility being invited to a banquet should have lost their heads, and that the Earl of Arundel was made acquainted with the practice by Sr Michael Stanhope, and that it had been done but that the greatness of the enterprise caused delays and sometimes diversity of advice, and further said that the Duke of Somerset once feigning himself to be sick, went to London to assay what friends he could procure. This Crane was a man who having consumed his own estate had armed himself to any mischief.  
Hamonde confessed that the Duke of Somersets' chamber had been strongly watched at Greenwich by night.  
All these were sworn before the counsel, and the greatest part of the nobility of the realm, that their confessions were true. and as favourably set down in behalf of the Duke, as with a safe conscience they could, and forthwith upon the information of Crane the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget were sent to the Tower, so were Stradley, and St Alban's servants to the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Strange voluntarily informed, how the Duke desired him to move the King to take to wise his third daughter the Lady ●…ane, and that he would be his especial about the King to advertise him, when any of the counsel spoke privately with him, and to acquaint him what they said.  
Hereupon to give some public satisfaction to the people, the Lord Chancellor who had words at will & wit enough to apply them, declared openly in the star chamber all these accusations against the Duke of Somerset, letters were also published to all Emperors, Kings, Ambassadors, & chief men in any state, wherein these matters were comprised. By other letters the muster of the Gendarmorie was deferred for certain months, other letters were directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take charge of the tower, and to discharge Sir Arthur Markham. For that without acquainting any of the Lords of the counsel, he suffered the Duke of Somerset to walk abroad and permit intercourses of letters between David Seymor and M rs Poynes.  
Whilst these matters were in traverse, messengers arrived from Duke Mauris●… of Saxony, the Duke of Mickleburge, and john Marquis of Brandenburge, Princes of the religion in Germany, to understand the King's mind whether he would agree to aid them with 400000 dollars in case any necessity should assail them, they consenting to do the like to him in case he should be overcharged with war, the King gave them an uncertain answer, but gentle and full of fair hopes, that because their message was only to know the King's inclination, and not to conclude he could give them no other answer then this, that he was well inclined to join in amity with them whom he knew to agree with him in religion, but first he was desirous to know whether they could procure such aid from other Princes as might enable them to maintain their wars, and to assist him if need should require, and therefore he willed them to break this matter to the Duke of Prussia and other Princes about them, and to procure the good will of Hamborough, Lubeck, and Breme, than he desired that the matter of religion should be plainly set down, least under pretence thereof wars should be made for other quarrels, lastly he willed that they should furnish themselves with more ample instructions from their Lords to commune and conclude of all circumstances pertaining to that business.  
The King's answer was framed with these uncertainties and delays, lest if the King had assured his consent at the first, it might have been taken as breach of league with the Emperor, afterwards they and other Princes of Germany made a league offensive and defensive with the French King against the Emperor, into the which the French King desired the King of England to come, but because the French K. was the chief of the league, the King did plainly perceive that the war was not for the cause of religion, wherefore he answered that he could not do it with breach of his league with the Emperor, against whom having no pretence of hostility, he was not so desirous of wars as without just cause of his own to pull them upon him.  
About the same time the Lord admiral was sent into France as the King's deputy to be Godfather at the baptism of the French Kings son, also a French man who had committed a murder at deep, and fled into England was remitted into France▪ and delivered upon the borders to receive justice by the same laws against which he had offended.  
And now the Duke of Northumberland being impatient of long working wickedness, the 4th act of the Duke of Somersets' tragedy must not be delayed, lest thereby fear abating, (as being false it could not be durable) either the Kings gentle disposition, or the love which he had formerly borne to his uncle might happily return to their natural working. So the Duke of Somerset after a short abode in the tower was brought to his trial at Westminster. The Lord William Paulet Marquis of Winchester and Lord treasurer sat as high Steward of England, under a cloth of estate on a bench mounted three degrees, the Peers to the number of 27 sat on a bench one step lower. These were the Duke of Suffolk and of Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earls of Derby, Bedforde, Huntingdon, Rutland, Bath, Sussex, Worcester, Pembroke, and Here●…orde. The Barons, Abergavenny, Aud●…ly, Wharton, Euers, Latimer, Borough, Louch, Stafford, Wentworth, Darcie, Sturton, Windesore, Cromwell, Cobham, and Bray.  
First the inditements were read in number 5 containing a charge of raising men in the north parts of the realm, & at his house of assembling men to kill the Duke of Northumberland, of resisting his attachment, of killing the Gendarmorie, of raising London, of assaulting the Lords, and devising their deaths, when the prisoner had pleaded not guilty and put himself upon trial of his Peers, the examinations before mentioned were read, and by the King's learned counsel pressed against him. Hereto albeit he was both unskilful and much appalled (causes sufficient to drive him out of matters) yet after a short entreaty, that words either idly or angrily spoken might not be enforced to any high crew, to the points objected he answered.  
That he never intended to raise the north parts of the realm, but upon some brutes he apprehended a scare, which moved him to send to Sr William Herbert to remain his friend. That he determined not to kill the Duke of Northumberland or any other Lord, but spoke of it only and determined the contrary. That it had been a mad enterprise with his 100 men to assail the Gendarmory consisting of 900, when in case he had prevailed, it would nothing have availed the pretended purpose, and therefore this being senseless and absurd, must needs dis●…redid other matters, which otherwise might have been believed. That at London he never projected any stir but ever held it a good place for his surety. That for having men in his chamber at Greenwich it was manifest he meant no harm, because when he might have done it he did not, and further against the persons of them, whose examinations had been read against him he objected many things, desiring they might be brought to his face, which in regard he was a person of dignity and estate he claimed to be reasonable, especially against Sr Thomas Palmer he spoke much evil, and yet in opinion of many far short of the truth. Hereto no answer was made but that the worse they were, the fitter they were to be his instruments, fit instruments indeed (said he) but rather for others then for me.  
The fast being made the King's learned counsel avouched the law to be to assemble men with intent to kill the Duke of Northumberland was treason, by a statute of the 3 & 4th, or K. Edward then reigning, made against unlawful assemblies, that to raise London or the North parts of the realm was treason, that to mind resisting his attachment was felony, that to assault the Lords, and to devise their deaths was felony. But under favour of their judgement the statute alleged bears no such sense, either for treason or for felony, indeed by a statute of K. Henry 7 it is felony for inferior persons to contrive the death of a Lord of the counsel, but Lords are therein expressly excepted.  
The Lords went together and first the Duke of Suffolk nobly said that he held it not reasonable, that this being but a contention between private subject, under pretention thereof, any mean action should to draw to intention of treason. The Duke of Northumberland (in countenance bearing show of sadness but in truth stiffly obstinate) denied that he would ever consent that any practice against him should be either imputed or reputed to be treason, yet this was not taken to proceed from modesty as he expected, but for that he could not with his honour or with reason so enforce it.  
The Marquis of Northampton was crossed and contentious with many, but never replied to any answer a manifest mark of no strong spirit. Some of the rest plainly broke forth that they held it unfit that the▪ Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Earl of Pembroke should be of the trial, because the prisoner was chiefly charged with practices intended against them. But hereto answer was made that a Peer of the Realm might not be challenged. After much variation of opinions the prisoner at the bar was acquit of treason, but by most voices (most favouring the Duke of Northumberland) he was sound guilty of felony. Hereupon judgement followed that he should be hanged, but this would never have gone so hard, had they not prosecuted all under pretence of treason.  
The Duke of Somerset might have craved his clerge, but he suffered judgement to pass, thanked the Lords for his gentle trial, craved pardon of the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Earl of Pembroke, for his ill meaning against them, and made suit for his life, in pity to his wife, children, and servants, and in regard of payment of his debts. As he departed because he was acquit of treason, the axe of the tower was not openly carried, whereupon the people supposing that he was altogether acquit, shooted half a dozed times so loud that they were heard beyond Charing Crosse. It is certain the people favoured him the more because they saw that there was much secret hate borne against him. But as this immoderate favour of the multitude did him no good, so will it undo so many as shall trust unto it. It was told the King that after the Duke's return to the tower, he acknowledged to certain Lords, that he had hired Bartuile to make them away, that Bartuile confessed so much, and that Hamond was not ignorant thereof, which whether it were true, or whether devised to make the King more estranged from him, of judgement could not hold themselves assured.  
About this time Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Durham a man famous in those times for learning, and integrity of life, was sent to the tower for concealment of (I know not what) treason, written to him I know not by whom, and not discovered until (what shall I call) the party did reveal it. But the Lord Chancellor Rich having built a fair estate, and perceiving what nimble ears were borne to listen after treason, also for that a parliament was towards wherein he was doubtful what questions might arise, made suit to the King that in regard of the infirmities of his body, he might be discharged of his office, giving good example to men sometimes by their own moderation to avoid disgrace. So he delivered the seal at his house in great S ᵗ Bartholomewes' to the Duke of Northumberland & the Earl of Pembroke sent by the King with commission to receive it. The same seal was forthwith delivered to Dr Godricke Bishop of Ely, a man if happily able to discharge the place, assuredly no more. It was first delivered unto him only during the sickness of the Lord Rich, but in short time after he was sworn Lord Chancellor, because as keeper of the seal he could not then execute such matters as were to be dispatched in parliament.  
And now after judgement against Somerset the Lords were not negligent to entertain the King with all delights they could devose, partly to win his favour, but especially to convert his thoughts from his condemned Uncle, to this end they often presented him with stately masks, brave challenges at title and at barriers, and whatsoever exercises or disports they could conjecture to be best pleasing to him, than also he first began to keep hall, and the Christmas time was passed over with banquet, masks, plays, and much other variety of mirth. Often they would call him to serious affairs wherein he took especial pleasure. Sometimes they would remember him how dangerous the Duke of Somerset was, who having made away his only brother, contrived the death of the chief of the nobility. And where (say they) would his mischief have rested? Would it have raged against all and left the King only untouched? Verily having been always both cruel and false, there would have been no end of his mischief, and all his submissions must now be taken for counterfeit and dissembled. But his avarice and ambition once removed, the way will be laid open to virtue and merit.  
So about two months after his judgement the 5th and last act of his tragedy was brought upon the stage. When being so often exposed to fortune's mercy before he was placed by a strong guard upon a seaffold at tower hill, about eight of the clock in the morning to suffer death, & albeit strait charge had been given the day before to every householder in the city, not to permit any to depart out of their houses before ten of the clock that day, yet the people the more unruly by this restraint, by such thick throngs swarmed to the place, that before seven of the clock the hill was covered and all the chambers which opened towards the seaffold were taken up▪  
Here the Duke first advowed to the people, that his intentions had been not only harmless in regard of particular persons, but driving to the common benefit both of the King and of the Realm. Then he exhorted them unto obedience, assuring them that no persons could justly avouch their faith to God, who were not faithful to their King.  
But herewith behold certain persons of a hamlet near who had been warned by the Lieutenant of the tower to attend that morning about seven of the clock, coming after their hour through the postern, and percesuing the prisoner to be mounted upon the seaffold, began to run and to call to their fellows to come away. The sudden of their coming, the haste that they made, the weapons they carried, but especially the word, come away, being often doubled, moved many of the nearest to surmise that a power was come to receive the Duke, whereupon many cried with a high voice. Away, Away, the cry of those and the coming on of the other cast amazement upon the rest, so much the more terrible because no man knew what he feared or wherefore, every man conceiving that which his astonished fancy did cast in his mind, some imagined that it thundered, others that it was an earthquake, others that the powder in the armoury had taken fire, others that troops of horsemen approached. In which medley of conceits they bore down one another, and iostled many into the tower ditch, and long it was before the vain tumult could be appeased.  
No sooner was the people settled in quiet, and the Duke beginning to finish his speech, but upon another idle apprehension they fell to be no less riotous in joy than they had been in fear. For Sr Anthony Browne coming on horseback upon the spur gave occasion, whereby many entertained hope that he brought a pardon, whereupon a great shout was raised, A pardon, A pardon, God save the King. But the Duke expressed great constancy at both these times, often desiring the people to remain quiet that he might quietly end his life. For said he I have often looked death in the face upon great adventures in the field, he is now no stranger to me, and among all the vain mockeries of this world I repent me of nothing more than in esteeming life more dear than I should I have endured the hate of great persons, so much the more dangerous because unjust. I have incurred displeasure from inferiors, not always for any great faults of mine own, (albeit I was never free) but for giving way to the faults of others, and now being constantly resolved, I neither fear to die nor desire to live, and having mastered all grief in myself▪ I desire no man to sorrow for me, so having testified his faith to God, and his faithfulness to the King, he yielded his body into the executioners hand, who with one stroke of the axe cut off all his confused cogitations and cares, the more pitied by the people for the known hate of Northumberland against him.  
Assuredly he was a man harmless and faithful, and one who never hatched any hopes prejudicial to the King, but always intended his safety and honour, but hard it is for greatness to stand when it is not sustained by the proper strength. The people whose property it is by excessive favour to bring great men to misery, and then to be excessive in pity departed away grieved and afraid, and yet feared to seem to be afraid, and for this cause chiefly did never bear good mind to Northumberland afterwards although in show they dissemble the contrary, for nothing is more easy then to discern when people observe great men from the heart, or when they do it for fashion or for fear, and as it often happeneth that men oppressed work revenge after their deaths. So the remembrance of Somerset much moved the people to fall from Northumberland in his greatest attempt▪ and to leave him to his fatal fall, whereat they openly rejoiced and presented to him handkerchiefs dipped in the blood of Somerset, for whom they thought he deserved rather late then undeserved punishment. So certain it is that the debts both of cruelty and mercy go never unpaied, I omit the mean scourges of conscience. For assuredly a body cannot be so torn with stripes, as a mind is with remembrance of wicked actions, but of him more hereafter shall be said, and how his greatness turned to be fortunes scorn.  
But outwardly and for the present he gained a great hand over the nobility, who soon observing that he was able to endanger the estate of the greatest, & that the more respect they did bear to him, the more safely they lived & the more easily advanced to honour, they all contended to creep into his humour, to watch his words, his gestures, his looks, & to do that as of themselves which they conceived he had a desire they should do.  
But the King albeit at the first he gave no token of any ill tempered passion as taking it not agreeable to majesty, openly to declare himself, and albeit the Lords did much help to dispel any dampy thoughts which the remembrance of his uncle might raise, by applying him with great variety of exercises and disports, yet upon speech of him afterwards he would often sigh and let fall tears, sometimes he was of opinion that he had done nothing that deserved death, or if he had, that it was very small, and proceeded rather from his wife then from himself. And where th●…n said he was the good nature of a nephew? where was the clemency of a Prince? Ah how unfortunate have I been to those of my blood? My mother I slew at my very birth, and since have made away two of her brothers, and happily to make away for the purposes of others against myself. Was it ever known before that a King's uncle, a Lord Protector, one whose fortunes had much advanced the honour of the realm, did lose his head for felony, for a felony neither clear in law and in fact weakly proved? A lass how falsely have I been abused? How weakly carried? How little was I master over my own judgement? That both his death and the envy thereof must be charged upon me?  
Not long after the death of Somerset, because it was not thought fit that such a person should be executed alone, who could hardly be thought to offend alone. Sr Ralph Uane and Sr Miles Partridge were hanged on tower hill, Sr Michael Stanhope, and S ● Thomas Arundel were there also beheaded. All these took it upon their last charge that they never offended against the King, nor against any of his counsel, God knows whether obstinately secret, or whether innocent, and in the opinion of all men Somerset was much cleared by the death of those who were executed to make him appear faulty.  
Sr Ralph Uane was charged with conspiring with Somerset, but his bold answers termed rude and russianlike, falling into years apt to take offence, either only caused or much furthered his condemnation. For besides his natural fierceness enslamed by his present disgrace, he was the more free by reason of his great services in the field. The time hath been, said he, when I was of some esteem, but now we are in peace which reputeth the coward and courageous alike, and so with an obstinate resolution he made choice rather not to regard death then by any submission to entreat for life, indeed it was wellknowne that he had been famous for service, but therewith it was well known by whose favour he had been famous.  
S Thomas Arundel was with some difficulty condemned, for his cause was brought to trial about seven of the clock in the morning, about noon the jurors went together and because they could not agree, they were shut in a house all the residue of that day, and all the night following, the next morning they found him guilty, unhappy man, who found the doing of any thing or of nothing dangerous alike.  
Sr Miles Partridge, and Sr Michael Stanhope were condemned as consociates in the conspiracy of Somerset. Both reputed indifferently disposed to bad or good, yet neither of them of that temper as to dare any dangerous fact: either because they were so indeed, or because their favour or alliance with the duchess of Somerset made them to be of less esteem.  
Garter K. at arms was sent to the Lord Paget prisoner in the tower to take from him the garter and the George, and to discharge him of that order. The pretence of this dishonour was because he was said to be no gentleman of blood, neither by Father nor by Mother. The Garter and the George were Forthwith bestowed upon the Earl of Warwick, eldest son to the Duke of Northumberland, about this time the order was almost wholly altered, as by the statutes thereof then made it appears.  
After these times few matters of high nature or observable note happened in England during King Edward's life. Of these I will select such as I esteem most fit for history, both as being public, and as contained matter of some regard, not always observing the just order of time, but sometime coherence or propinquity of matter.  
Sr Philip Hobby was sent to pay 62000 pounds at Antwerp, for payment of which sum the King stood to diverse persons engaged. This done he went to the Regent, then lying at Brussels to declare unto her certain grievances of the English merchants adventures, but he received nothing but fair promises which proved, deceivable. Afterwards monsieur de Couriers came from the Regent to the King to understand more particularly the complaints of the Merchants, and therewith to desire that her subjects ships might safely take harbour in any of the King's havens. For the first a note of the merchant's complaints was delivered in writing, but answer was deferred for want of instructions, an usual pretence in like affairs. Touching the second, answer was made, that the King had given order that Flemish ships should not be molested in any of his havens, which appeared in that they were there always rescued from the pursuit and chase of the French. But he thought it not fit that more should enter his havens at once then he had power to govern. Assuredly the Merchant adventurers have been often wronged and wringed to the quick, but were never quick and lively in thanks to those by whose endeavours they were freed.  
The same merchants exhibited a bill at the counsel table against the Merchants of the Stillyard. After answer by those of the Stillyard, and reply by the adventurers, it was conceived upon view of diverse Charters, that the Merchants of the Stillyard were no sufficient corporation, and that their number, names, and nation could not be known. Also that when they had forfeited their liberties, King Edward the fourth restored them upon condition, that they should cover no strangers goods which they had not observed. And again whereas at the beginning they shipped not above 80 clothes after that 100, afterwards 1000, after that 6000, at that time 44000 clothes were shipped every year in their names, and not above 1100 by all strangers beside, wherefore albeit certain Ambassadors from Hamborough & Lubeck spoke much in their behalf, yet a decree was made, that they had forfeited their liberties & were in the same condition with other strangers. And albeit they made great moans afterwards, yet could they not procure this sentence to be reversed.  
A commission was granted to viii Bishops, viii other Divines, viii Civilians, and viii common Lawyers, and in all xxxii to set forth ecclesiastical laws, agreeable to the nature both of the people and of the religion then established in the Church of England, but it took no effect. For neither the number of the commissioners being many, nor the quality of them being persons both in great offices and diverse far remote could afford meetings for so great a business. Also the difference both of porsessions & of ends, did of necessity raise much difference in judgement.  
The King had six Chaplains in Ordinary, touching whose attendance in court an order was made, that two should remain with the King by turns, and four should travail in preaching abroad. The first year two in Wales, and two in Lincolnshire, the next year two in the Marshes of Scotland and two in Yorkshire. The third year two in Devonshire, & two in Hampshire. The fourth year two in Norfolk, and Essex, and two in Kent & Sussex, & so throw all the shires in England, which happily did not only serve for a spiritual end, namely instruction in religion, but did also advance a temporal purpose of peaceable obedience. For as rude untrained minds are not only easily drawn but inclineable of themselves to sedition and tumult, so by learning and religion men are especially both reduced and retained in civil quiet.  
For better dispatch of business of diverse natures, the body of the counsel was divided into several commissions. Some were appointed for hearing those suits which were usually brought before the whole table, to send matters of justice to their proper courts, to give full denial to such as they should not esteem reasonable, to certify what they thought meet to be granted, and upon allowance thereof to dispatch the parties. Others were appointed to consider of penal laws and proclamations in force and to quicken the execution of the most principal. These were directed first to consider what principal laws 〈◊〉 proclamations were most needful to be executed. The●… to inquire into the countries how they were disobeyed and first to punish greatest offenders, and afterwards to proceed to the rest. Lastly that they should inquire what other disorders were either dangerous or offensive in every shire, and either to punish the offenders or else to report their judgement therein. Others were appointed to attend occurrences of state at large, with whom the King did sit once every week to hear matters of greatest moment debated, because in these high passages nothing was thought to be done truly with majesty, nothing agreeable to the dignity of the state, but in the presence of the King. Generally all the counsel agreed that none of them should make suit to the King for land or forfeitures above xxl l or for reversion of leases, or any other extraordinary matter until the state of his Revenues should be further known.  
Besides these commissions another went forth to oversee and order the King's revenues, and to cut off superfluous charges, to oversee all courts, especially those of new erection, as the court of augmentation, and of first fruits and tenths, and to provide that the revenues were answered every half year, another went forth for debts owing to the King, and to take account of payments since the 35 of K. Henry the 8th, and in what manner the King had been deceived, either by not accounting or accounting falsely. Another also for taking away needless B●…ulwarkes, by virtue whereof, divers were dimolished upon the sea coasts, in peace chargeable and little serviceable in war. And further for more orderly and speedy dispatch of causes, the King delivered to his counsel these Articles following.  

1 That all suits ' petitions and common warrants delivered to the privy counsel be considered by them on mundays in the afternoon and answered o●… saturdays in the afternoon, and that those days and no other be assigned to that purpose.  
2 That such suits and petitions as pertain to any courts of law, be referred to those courts where properly they are triable, others to be determined with expedition.  
3 That in making warrants for money it be foreseen, that they be not for such matters as may be dispatched by warrants dormant, least by such means accounts should be uncertain.  
4 That upon Sundays they intent public affairs of the Realm, dispatch answers to letters for good order of the state, and make full dispatches of all things concluded the w●…cke before. Provided that they be present at common prayer.  
5 That on Sunday night the Secretaries or one of them deliver to the King a memorial of such things as are to be debated by the privy counsel, and he to appoint certain of them to be debated upon several days, viz. Monday afternoon. Tuesday, wednesday, Thursday, and Friday beforenoone.  
6 That on friday afternoon they shall make a collection of such things as have been done the four days before, what they have concluded and what the time suffered not to peruse. Also the principal reasons which moved them to conclude of such matters as seemed doubtful.  
7 That on Saturday before noon they present this collection of the King and inquire his pleasure upon all things which they have concluded, and also upon all private suits.  
8 That none of the privy counsel depart the court for longer time than two days, unless eight of the counsel remain behind, and unless the King have notice thereof.  
9 That they make no assembly in counsel unless they be to the number of four at the least.  
10 That if they assemble to the number of four, and under the number of six, than they may reason or examine the commodities or inconveniences of matters proposed, and make things plain which seem diffused at the first opening, and if they agree then at the next full assembly of six, a perfect conclusion thereof shall be made.  
11 That if there be under four and a matter arriseth requiring expedition, they shall declare it to the King, but not give answer unless it requires extraordinary haste.  
12 That if such matters shall arise as it shall please the King to hear the same debated, warning shall be given that the more may be present.  
13 That if such matter arise as cannot be ended without long debating, the counsel shall not intermeddle with other causes until they have concluded the same.  
14 That no private suit be intermeddled with great affairs, but shall be heard on Mundays only.  
15 That when matters for scantness of time be only discussed and not brought to an end, than it shall be noted to what point the business is brought, and what have been the principal reasons, that when it shall be treated again it may the sooner come to conclusion.  
16 That in tedious or difficult matters two or three or more may be appointed to prepare and report the same, that being less cumbrous and defuse they may the more easily be dispatched.  
17 That no warrant for reward above 40l l, or business, or affairs above 100l l pass but under the King's signet.  
18 That if upon advertisements or other occasions matters of great importance appear which require haste, such matters shall be considered and determined, notwithstanding those Articles which appoint business for several days, so as this order be not generally or commonly broken.   
Assuredly albeit the King declared both his judgement and his diligence and care of affairs of the realm. Yet is there one rule more (and not by him neglected) for all great officers, which if it be not sufficient in itself to hold matters in order, yet are no rules sufficient without it.  
And this is to choose persons both for ability and integrity well reputed, albeit happily they be not always used. For besides that these will be a rule to themselves, it is a great satisfaction to the people, and keepeth them both from murmuring and curious enquiring into counsels of State, which is never good and often dangerous when they know or at least suppose matters to pass under such men's judgements,  
In these times it was conceived by many that by erecting of a Mart in England, the realm would be much enriched and made more famous, and less obnoxious to other countries. The time was then esteemed fit by reason of the wars between the Emperor and the French King. The places deemed most meet were Hull for the east countries, and Southampton for the South. London was thought no ill place, but Southampton was judged most convenient for the first beginning. This matter detained the Lords of the counsel in a deliberation both serious and long, with great strength and variety of reasons on both sides, which because they may give some light to the like question, which in times ensuing may happily again be set on foot. I will here declare them in the same manner as they were collected by the King.  
Against the Mart these octiections were made.  

1 That strangers could have no access into England by land, which they had at Antwerp where the Mart then was.  
2 That the ill working of English clothes made them less esteemed abroad.  
3 That the great quantity of English clothes in Flanders would make them less desired from hence.  
4 That the Merchants had then established their dwelling places at Antwerp.  
5 That other Nations would forbear their resort into England for a while upon commandment of the Emperor.  
6 That the denial of the requests of the Merchants of the Stillyard would be a hindrance to the Mart if prevention were not used.  
7 That the poverty and smallness of Southampton would be a great impediment.  
8 That the River Rhine was more commodious for Antwerp then any river was for England.   
1 Hereunto answer was made that at the time when the Mart should begin at Southampton, the French King and the Almans would stop intercourse to Antwerp by land, so as nothing should pass that way but in great danger. Again as South ampton wanteth the commodity of access of merchandise by land, so it hath the commodity that there can be no access of enemies by land, and if wars should be raised then the Navy of England is sufficient to defend them. And further that traffic that cometh to Antwerp by land is almost only from the Venetians, who may with greater ease, and less danger transport their merchandises into England by sea. That the ill making of clothes was fit to be redressed by the Parliament, then sitting, and the matter was then reduced to some ripeness, the upper house having one bill and the neither house another in good forwardness. Neither were they so ill made but that the Flemings did easily desire them, offering rather to Pay the imposition of the Emperor then to be without them.  
That it were necessary that the passage of ships should be stayed until the Mart should advance to some ripeness, and that clothes should be bought with the King's money and conveied to Southampton to be there uttered at the Mart, which should help the inconvenience very well. That merchants never bind themselves to any mansion, which either to achieve gain or to avoid danger they will not readily forsake, for so they removed from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English commodities. And therefore seeing they shall have a good commodity by coming to Southampton, and be rid of great fear of danger both in their lives and goods, in forsaking Antwerp, there is little fear that they will be curious in making the change.  
That the Emperor was then so nearly driven, that neither was he willing to attend the impeachment of the Mart, neither could he at that time do it, for the Flemings and the Spaniards under him could more hardly be without the English, than the English without them, and therefore would hardly be brought to forbear that traffic, and beside they lived then in fear of losing all.  
That it were good that for the present the Stillyard me●… were generally answered, and trial made whether by any gentle offer of some part of their liberties they might be brought to ship, and their wares unto the mart. The French also might easily be drawn over, having one traffic at that time but with England. That these two might suffice to begin a Mart.  
That the merchants would make good shift for their lodging, and it is not the ability of the place that maketh a mart, but the resort of Merchants, as Spaniards, Almans, Italians, Flemings, venetians, Danes, in exchanging their commodities one with another. With whom also would concur the Merchants of London, Bristol, and other places of England, and some of the clothes which should be carried thither at the first might be taken up with the King's money and there be uttered.  
That Bruges where the Mart was before standeth not upon the Rheene neither doth Antwerp where the Mart was then. Frankfurt doth and may well serve for a fair for high Almain, but Southampton serveth better for all countries upon the sea, for few of these resort to Frankfurt.  
Herewith divers reasons were alleged for the Mart, and namely that the vent of English clothes would hereby be open in all times of water, that the English merchants goods would be out of danger of strangers, and without fear of danger of arresting upon every light cause. That it would much enrich the Realm, because as a Market enricheth a town, so doth a Mart enrich a Kingdom. That upon occasion great sums of money might be borrowed of them who frequent the Mart. That the King might command a great number of stranger's ships to serve in his wars. That war being made all goods should be in the King's danger. that the English should buy all things at the first hand of strangers. Whereas then the strangers sold their wares to the Flemings, & the Flemings to the English. That the towns towards the sea would hereby be made more populous, rich, beautiful and strong. That the merchants instead of Tapestry, points, glasses and other laces, would then bring in bullion, and other substantial merchandizes to have the English cloth, and tin That by this means the English should abate the power of their enemies, and not be enforced to borrow of Merchants but when they list, and that in no great quantity or sum.  
The time was then esteemed most convenient, because the wars betwixt the French and the Emperor caused the Italians, Genoese, Portugals, and Spaniards to forbear their trade to Antwerp. The Prussians also and other East country's having 14 ships against the Emperor would not be very forward to adventure thither. Again the French invading Lorraine, and menacing Flanders, and the Almains lying on the river of Rheene, did stop the course of merchants out of Italy, as well to Frankfurt as to Antwerp. And further the putting of soldiers into Antwerp moved the Merchants to forbear their traffic, and to look to their safety. Also the breach which a late tempest had made, was like to make the channel uncertain, and the haven naught. Lastly the stop of the exchange to Lions would make many Fleming's bankrupts. And because these nations cannot live without a vent. These things decaying the Mart of Antwerp & Frankfurt they would most willingly upon erecting a 〈◊〉 Mart resort to England.  
And here the town of Southampton was esteemed most sit because the Spaniards, Britons, Gascons, Lombard's, Genoese, Normans, Italians, the Merchants of the Eastland, the Prussians, Danes, Swedens' & Norwegians might indifferently resort thither, & more easy than to Antwerp. And whereas the Flemings having few commodities have alured Merchants by their privileges to settle a Mart among them, much more easily should the English do it having both opportunity & means, as clothe, tin, seacoal lead, bellmettall and such other commodities, as few christian countries have the like.  
Lastly the means to establish this mart were contrived to be these. First that the English merchants should forbear their resort for a mart or two beyond the seas under pretence of the impositions there charged upon them. Then that proclamation should be made in divers parts of this Realm where Merchants chiefly resort, that there shallbe a free Mart kept at Southampton to begin presently after whitsuntide and to continue five weeks, so as it should be no hindrance to St james fair at Bristol nor to Bartholomew fair in London. The privileges of which Mart should be expressed to be these.  
That all men should have free liberty for resort and return without arresting, except in cases of treason, murder or selony. That for the time of the Mart all men should pay but half the custom due in other places of the Realm. That during the time no shipping should be made from any place between Southwales & Essex but only to Southampton. That in Hampshire, Wiltshire, Sussex, Surry, Kent, Dorse●…shire, and no bargain should be made for wares during that time but only at that Mart. That a court should be erected to punish offenders with liberties of good condition. That some one commodity as happily some one kind of cloth should be assigned as proper to the Mart. That some liberties must be given to the inhabitants of Southampton and some moneys lent to them if it might be spared to begin their Traffic. That ships should attend the safeguard of Merchants so well as they could, and that if this Mart took good effect, another might be erected at Hull for the North-east countries, to begin presently after Sturbridge fair, so as they might return before the great Ices stopped their seas.  
Thus it was concluded but the execution was for a time delayed because the wool fleet of 60 sail, was lately before departed for Antwerp, & could not possibly be called back. But to make the first preparation because a Mart could not subsist without exchange▪ liberty was granted to the English Merchants, to exchange and rechange money for money. As upon this occasion this profitable purpose was first delayed, so afterwards it was altogether dashed, first by the King's sickness, after by his death.  
Now albeit the King was both deeply in debt, and had many extraordinary occasions, yet in regard of the troublesome times he did forbear to charge his subjects with such loans and impositions as usually in peace breed discontent, and in turbulent times disquiet, but he chose rather to deal with the Foulker in the low Countries for moneys upon loan at a very high rate. And hereupon letters were directed from the Lords of the counsel to the Foulker at Antwerp that he had received from the King 63000 punds Flemish in February, and 24000 in April next before, which amounted to 87000 pounds' Flemish. A fair sum to be paid in one year, especially in that busy world when it was necessary for Princes not to be without money. Hereupon and for that they understood that at that time he was well able to forbear money, they advised the King to pay to him only 5000 pounds of the 45000l l which then remained unpaid, and to continue the rest at the usual yearly interest of 14l l for every hundred, wherewith they desired him to retain good patience. Hereto the Foulker answered that as he had found fair dealings before, so he would rest content to defer pa●…ment of 30000l l so as 20000l l thereof might be well assured to be paid within some convenient time. All this was presently agreed, and no less faithfully performed afterwards. And assuredly as God is the word and cannot but make good his word, so a Prince so much looseth of his dignity as he declineth from his word.  
About this time a garrison pay of 10000l l was sent to the Frontiers of Scotland, and the like to Calais, and in the same year 5000l l into Ireland, hereto if we add the King's great charges in fortification upon both the frontiers of Scotland and France the particulars whereof I omit as matters now altogether of no use, it may easily be be discerned that the hostility with Scotland and France and the incivility of Ireland were a great part of the cause which held this frugal King thus dived in debt.  
And for another means of raising of money commissions went forth for selling chantry lands, and houses for payment of the King's debt given forth to be 251000 pounds sterling at the least. Also to inquire of all Church goods either remaining in Cathedral or parish Churches or embes●…ed away, & namely of jewels of gold & silver or silver crosses, candi●…sticks, censors, challicies, ready money, copes and other vestments, and reserving to every Church one Chalice, and covering for the Communion ●…able, the residue to be applied to the benefit of the King. ●…y their sales and inquiries the King's wants were 〈◊〉 what relieved. And many persons, very mean both for birth and ability of mind, and of no l●…sse place of employment, found means to advance themselves to so great estate as they left their posterity ranged among the nobility of this realm.  
Of these church purchasers, I have seen many melt to nothing, and the residue shall be observed either by riot or by improvidence to consume.  
At the same time for more assured strength of the Borders upon Scotland order was settled that no man in those parts should bear two offices at once, which not well observed in later years hath much derogated both from the dignity and discharge of offices aswell in state as in some inferior places.  
Another means for raising money was practised no less pleasing to the people then profitable to the commonwealth, And that was by enquiring after offences of officers in great place, who as by unjust dealing they became most odious, so by justice in their punishments, the Prince acquireth both love and applause. And so one Beaumont M ● of the Rolls was convinced, that in his office of wards he had purchased lands with the King's money, also that he had lent above 700l l of the King's money, and forborn 11000 of the King's debts for his own profit. Also that being Mr of the Rolls he dealt corruptly in a case between the Duke of Suffolk, and the Lady Powes. For he bought the Lady's Tithe and caused an indenture to be forged from Charles Brandon the Duke a little before deceased, purposing a grant of the lands in question from Duke Charles to the Lady Powes. Also that he had concealed the felony of his servant, who having stolen from him 200l l he took the money to himself again. Hereupon he surrendered to the King all his offices, lands & goods in satisfaction as well for the moneys due by him to the King, as of the fines which his offences had merited, he was a man of a dull and heavy spirit, and therefore the more senslesly devoted in his sensual avarice.  
One Whalie receiver of Yorkshire acknowledged how he had lent the King's money for gain, how he ever paid one years' revenue with the arrearages of the year before, how he had bought the King's land with the King's money, how he had made divers false accounts, how upon fall of money he borrowed divers sums, whereby he gained 500l l at one crying down. For these misdemeanours he surrendered his office and submitted himself to pay such fines as the King or his counsel should charge upon him.  
The Lord Paget Chancellor of the ' Duchy was convinced that he had sold the King's lands and timber woods without commission, that he had taken great fines for the King's lands and applied them to his proper use, and that he had made leases in reversion for more than xxi years, for these offences he surrendered his office and submitted himself to be fined at the pleasure of the King. So his fine was guessed at 6000l l whereof 2000 were remitted upon condition that the other 4000 should be paid within the compass of that year.  
This he endured with a manly patience as knowing right well that he held all the residue of his estate upon courtesy of those who hated him at the heart. It was at the first suspected and afterwards expected by all that among other matters objected against the Lord Paget the chief or at least one should have been for contriving to Banquet the Lords at his house, and under pretence thereof to take off their heads, which was the only cause for which the Duke of Somerset lost his head. But because no mention was made thereof, because about the same time the Lord Grace of Wilton, Bannister and Crane, and a little after the Earl of Arundel were freely discharged having been imprisoned for this conspiracy, the conceit was taken that the Duke's head was the only aim, and that the residue were used but as a countenance of state to dazzle the people.  
Letters were sent to the governor of Gernesey, that divine service should there be used according to the form of the Church of England. A King of Arms named Ulster was newly instituted for Ireland, his province was all Ireland, and he was the first 4th King of Arms, the first herald appointed for Ireland.  
Whilst these matters were in action the Emperor's Ambassador in England delivered letters to the King from the Regent in the low Countries, importing that whereas the King was bound by a treaty between the Emperor and the King's Father at Lutrect in the year 1542, that if the low Countries should be invaded the King should aid him with 5000 foot, or 70 crowns a day during 4 months and that this aid should be performed within one month after request. For so much as the French King invaded Luxembourg, the Emperor required aid of the King of England according to the effect of that treaty.  
Hereupon order was given that if the Ambassador did move for answer to this letter, he should be told by two of the counsel, that during the King's progress his counsel was dispersed, whose advice he was desirous to hear. And further that the K. had committed the same treaty to be perused by men whose judgements as he did much respect, so would he expect a time until their opinions might be heard. And in case that after this the Ambassador should again require an answer, than they should say that the King having lately wrestled out of most dangerous wars, wherewith his young years were overburthened, he hoped well that the Emperor would not desire to thrust him into the like again. That he had sworn amity with the French King which he could not with his honour break, & therefore if the Emperor should deem it so meet he would mediate a peace as a friend to both, which he should best effect by forbearing to use hostility against either. And in case the Ambassador should still persevere to urge the treaty they were lastly directed to answer that the King did not hold himself bound by that treaty, as both made by his Father and evidently prejudicial to his real●…▪ for albeit agreements of peace are perpetual & bind the successor, yet it is not so in agreements of society & consederation. And this the Emperor did right well understand, for when the King in his last wars desired to enter a new treaty with the Emperor, he returned answer that it should not need, for albeit the King were discharged by his Father's death yet the Emperor was still bound. And again the Emperor had not for his part performed the treaty, as well in hindering the carriage of horses, armour, and munition, which the King had provided for his wars, as also in neglecting to send aid when the low Country of Calais was foraged, and therefore he did not justly demand performance thereof from the King.  
I know it hath been often in like sort answered, that treaties dissolve by death of those who made them, for so the Fidenates held themselves discharged of the league which they had made with Romulus after his death. And the Latins did the like after the death of Tullus, and likewise after the death of Ancus. The Etrurians affirmed the like after the death of Priscus. And the Sabines after the death of Servius. And again after that Tarqvinius was cast out of state. I know also that the difference is great between a league of peace and a league of society & confederation. But I will not touch every string of this question, which Hottoman calleth a noble question, and much tossed and debated, partly because it consisteth of many knotty and thorny distinctions, wherein approved authors do not well agree, but chiefly because at this time it fell not to be a difference between the Emperor and the King.  
For when the Ambassador first came for answer to this letter Mr Wotton and Mr Hobbie answered according to the first branch of their instructions, wherewith he departed well satisfied for the present, and before he called for answer again one Stukely arrived out of France and declared to the counsel how the French King being persuaded that Stukely would never return into England because he departed without leave upon apprehension of the Duke of Somerset, his master bewrayed to him that if he could procure peace with the Emperor, he intended to besiege Calais and was in hope to carry the town by way of the sand hills, and that from thence winning rice bank he might both famish the Town, and beat the market place, how he further said that he intended to land in some angle of Scotland about Falmouth because boulewarkes there might easily be won, and the people were for the most part Catholics. And further how at the same time monsieur de Guise should enter England by the way of Scotland, not only with good leave, but with aid and conduct from the Scots.  
Upon this discovery the King assembled his counsel at Windesor, & entered with them into deliberation, whether it were either safe from him or to no disadvantage to rely so securely either upon the strength or faith of France, as either to refuse or neglect to afford aid unto the Emperor, and thereby happily incur his hostility.  
Many were of opinion that the King should condescend to aid the Emperor. First for that if the King were desirous to hold the Emperor bound by the treaty made with the King's father he must also be obliged thereby. Otherwise it was a lame halting league and could not possibly go upright. Then for that if the Emperor should not be aided the house of Burgundy was like to be devoured by the French, whereby their greatness might grow dreadful especi●…lly to England. Then for that again the French King had drawn the Turk into Christendom, and therefore was to be resisted as a common enemy. And further in case the Emperor upon ext●…emity should compose agreement with the French, the danger to England would be double. First upon offence taken by the Emperor, then upon the French Kings old disposition edged by every new displeasure wherein the devotion of the Bishop of Rome would not be wanting. And again the English Merchants were so ill entreated in the Empire, the Realm was so much eng●…ged in honour and in wealth as some remedy was to be sought, & none better than by giving aid. Lastly the French Kings proceedings were no les●…e doubtful than fearful, not only in regard of Stukelies' report (not altog●…ther to be neglected) but by reason of his breaking and firing diverse English ships the ancient strength and fortresses of the realm.  
Others were of advice that the Emperor's demands of aid should be denied▪ First for that it would be too chargeable and almost ●…mpossible for the English to perform. Th●…n for that when the Emperor should die the whole weight of the war would r●…ule upon the English. And further the German Protestants would be offended herewith, & conceive some doubts of their own estates. Lastly there was hope that the amity with ●…rance would not long continue but a●…end▪ & that the ●…mbassadors then lately sent would repair all harms done by the French upon English ships.  
Between both these the King struck a mid●…ing judgement, so to ai●…e the Emperor against the French King as other Christian Princes should also adjoin, and that for no other cause but as a common enemy for drawing the Turks forces upon them.  
That her●…by as the cause was common so would there be more parties to it. And this also would moderate the charge of aiding the Emperor according to the treaty, and whensoever the Emperor should die or break off, it was likely that some of those Princes and parties should remain so as the King should not stand alone. Moreover this friendship would much advance the Kings other affairs in Germany, and finally it would be honourable to break with the French King upon this common quarrel.  
Against this advice of the King, two objections were made, one that the treaty must be entertained with so many that it could not be speedily or secretly concluded. The other that in case the purpose should be discovered and not concluded the French might be provoked thereby to practise the like confederation against the English.  
All these the King did knit up in this conclusion, first that the treaty should be made only with the Emperor, and by the Emperor's means with other Princes. Secondly that the Emperor's acceptance should be well understood before any treaty were either entered or entertained against the French.  
Hereupon letters were dispatched to Mr Morison the King's Ambassador with the Emperor whereby he was directed to declare to the Emperor how the King touched with pity at the invasion of Christian countries by the Turks, would willingly ioin●… with him and other States of the Empire (in case the Emperor could bring it to pass) in some league against the Turks and against their confederates. But caution was given that he should not once mention the French King nor answer any mention made of him, only to say that his commission extended no further. But if the Emperor would send a messenger into England he should happily know more.  
Herewith and because time beateth out truth letters were sent to Mr Pickering the King's Ambassador in ●…rance to know whether S●…ukely h●…d acqu●…inted hi●… with any of those matters which he had disclosed in England. And with what familiarity the French King used him or by what other circu●…stances he could conceive his report to be true Herewith also the Lord Grace was chosen deputy of Calais, & the Lord Wentworth removed as one whose youth & want of experience, was held unfit to govern that ch●…rge in turbulent times. On the other side Sr Nicholas Wentworth was removed from being Porter of the town by reason of his old age, but had an hundred pounds yea●…ly pension assigned him for his life. Also by abating needless expenses to be the better enabled against charge the several tables for young Lor●…s, for the masters of Requests, and for Sergeants at arms 〈◊〉 laid down, and divers extraordinary allowances we●…e taken away. And further because the King was to make payment of 48000l l beyond the seas, and had but 14000l l towards the sum 300 of the chief Merchant's adventurers granted to him alone of 40000l l for three months, to be levied from the clothes which they were then to transport after the rate of 20 shillings for every cloth. But these Adventurers went not upon any adventure because at that shipping 40000 broad clothes were by them transported.  
Whilst these matters were in action two Lawyers arrived in England with direction from the French King to declare what matters had been determined against the English by the French Kings counsel, and upon what reasons and also what matters were then depending, and what care and diligence was used in those dispatches. They were much commended by all for their modest behaviour, and their sweet eloquence much delighted the King who again in a short speech first thanked the French King for his desire to giu●… him satisfaction, than commended them for well performing their charge, but for the substance of their business he referred them to London, where some of his counsel should commune thereof fully with them. Here Mr Secretary Peter, and Mr Watton, and Sr Thomas Smith laid before them the grievances of the English merchants, whose losses by the French exceeded the sum of 50000l l, To this the Ambassadors gave little answer, but said they would make report thereof at their return into France, affirming that they had no commission but only to declare the manner and causes of judicial proceedings.  
Presently a●…ter their return monsieur Villandry was sent again in post to the King to declare unto him that albeit Mr Sydneys, and Mr Winters matters went justly against them, yet because th●…y were the King's servants, and one of them in place near his person, the French King was content freely to give to Mr Sidney his ship and all his goods in her, and to Mr Winter his ship and all his own goods. But this offer the King refused assuming that he required nothing freely, but expected justice and expedition. Villandry showed further that the King his master was desirous that the ordinances and customs of England and France touching Marine affairs might be reduced into one form, without any difference between them. Whereto answer was made that the English ordinances for marine affairs were no other than the civil laws and certain aunt●…ent additions of the Realm, wherein they could conceive no reason or conueni●…ncy of change, having long continued without r●…proofe. After this Uillandry brought forth two proclamations not long before published in France and very advantageable for the English, for the which he had a letter of thanks to the King his master. Lastly, which was indicted the main of his message, and whereto all other were but insinuations he desired that certain Frenchmen taken upon the co●…st of England might be released. Hereto he received answer that they were Pirates, and that some of them should by justice be punished, and some might happily by 〈◊〉 be spared, so with this dispatch he returned for France.  
But before it was conceiu●…d he could be fully at home he came again to the English court, and there declared to the King, how the King his master would deliver 4 ships against which judgement had been given. And that h●…e would appoint men of good sort and sufficiency to hear the English Merchants at Paris, and that he would alter his ordinances for marine affairs, of which emendations he then sent a copy to the King. The King appointed his Secretaries to consider thereof. And after some passages of time Uillandry had his answer. That the King intended not by receiving four ships freely to prejudice his right in the rest. That the appointing of an inferior counsel to hear Merchants at Paris after former tedious suits in a higher court, he thought would be but dil●…tory and so to▪ little purpose, because the inferior counsel would never undo that (albeit good cause should appear) which had been judged by a higher counsel. That the new ordinances he liked no better than he did the old, and therefore desired no other than the customs which oflate times had been used in France, and then continued in force between England and the low countries. Lastly he desired no more words but deeds.  
And now were letters returned from Mr Pickering out of France, whereby he advertised the King how Stukely never discovered any of those speeches to him, which since he had charged upon the French King. And further that he never was either in credit or conversant with the French King or with the Constable, nor ever resorted unto them except once when he was interpreter between the Constable & certain English pioneers, wherefore as it was very like so did he verily believe that as the French King was always close & reserved amongst his best known friends, so would he not be open and uncircumspect to impart a matter of such import to a mere stranger and in a most unseasonable time.  
Hereupon Stukely was examined again, and then sir ding it dangerous alike to confess a truth or stand to a lie, he became more unconstant and variable than he was before, wherefore he was committed to the Tower, and notice was given to the French Kings Ambassador of all those proceedings, to the intent that he might acquaint his master with them. Letters were also sent to the King's Ambassador in Frace, directing him to advertise the French King of all these matters, and that for two special ends. One to manifest the King's confidence in his amity with France, the other to bring the French King into suspicion against all English fugitives who resorted daily to his court. And so because no better person was the author, incredible fables were not believed. But hereupon some began to discourse that the accusations against the Duke of Somerset were no less improbable, and upon the credict of no better persons, and therefore might happily be no less untrue. But the difference is great between both the persons, and the facts of a sovereign Prince and of a subject.  
And now when the French K. understood aswell the imputation which Stukely had raised as his imprisonment. First he deeply protested his innocence in his particular and his general sincere meaning for preserving amity with England. Then he much blamed Stukelies' villainy, and noless thanked the King aswell for that he had not afforded a credulous care to such mischievous devises, wherein the tender touch of his estate might happily have excused his error as for his Princely manner in acquainting him therewith.  
On the other side wh●…n Mr Morrison the King's Ambassador with the Emperor, had opened the matt●…rs given him in charge, touching a league against the Turk, and against his confederates. The Emperor much thanked the King for his gentle offer, and promised to procure the Regent to send over some persons of cred●…te to understand the King's further meaning. Soon after Mr Thomas Grosham c●…me from Antwerp into England, and declared to the counsel how monsieur Lo●…gie the Emperor's Treasurer in Flanders was sent to him from the Regent with a packet of letters which the Burgundians had intercepted in Bullonois sent as it was said from the Dowager of Scotland, wherein she set forth how she had imprisoned George Paris an Irishman because she understood that upon grant of his pardon he had a meaning to come into England, and how she had sent Oconners' son into Ireland to give encouragement to the Irish Lords. Also he showed instructions given about 4 years before upon the fall of the Admiral of France, to a gentleman then coming from England, that if any were in England of the Admiral's faction he should do his best to excite a trouble.  
The deputy of Ireland was at that time ready to transport into England. But upon this advertisement Sr Henry Knowles was sent in post to stay him there, yet with caution that he should pretend to stay upon his own occasions, and thereupon deferred his departure from week to week, lest the true reason should be discerned. Letters of thanks were also sent to the Regent for this gentle overture. And the messenger was directed to use pleasing words in the delivery of the letter, and to wish a further amity between the two states. And further to acquaint her with the French Kings practise in waging 5000 Scottish footmen, and 500 horsemen, & how he took up 100000l l by exchange at Lubeck, whereby the conjecture was evident that he had some meaning against the Emperor in the spring than next following. Doubtless the advertisement of neighbour Princes are always much to be regarded, for that they receive intelligence from b●…tter Authors & surer grounds than persons of inferior note and sort.  
About this time one of the Earl of Tyrones' men was committed to the tower for making an untrue complaint against the deputy and counsel of Ireland. And for bruting abroad how the Duke of Northumberland and the Earl of Pembroke were fallen into quarrel, and one of them against the other in the field.  
In April in the 6th year of the reign of the King, he fell sick of the Measles, whereof in short time he well recovered, afterwards he sickened of the small pox, which breaking kindly from him, was thought would prove a means to cleanse his body from such unhealthful humours as commonly occasion long sickness or death. And hereof he also so perfectly recovered that in the so●…mer next following he road his progress with greater magnificence than ever before. For whether it were to maintain his majesty or to manifest the fear which had been formerly impressed, he carried with him a band of 320 men, which made up his whole train above the number of 4000 horse. But because this multitude was burdensome to the Country through which he passed, which did afford little meadow or pasture, because also it seemed to bewray distrust as if the King should think that he rather marched among dangerous rebels than took his pleasure among faithful and quiet disposed subjects, about the midst of his progress the greatest part was discharged. For furnishing the charge of this progress 500 pound weight of gold was coined with 1500 pounds sterling.  
Soon after the King did complain of a continual infirmity of body, yet rather as an indisposition in health then any set sickness.  
And about that time certain prodigies were seen either as messengers or signs of some imminent and eminent eui●…l. At Middleton eleven miles from Oxford a woman brought forth a female child which had two bodies from the navel upward, so united at the navel as when they were laid in length the one stretched directly opposite to the other, from the navel downward it was but one, it lived weakly 18 days, and then both bodies died together. Upon birth of such monsters the Grecians, and after them the Romans did use divers sorts of expiations, and to go about their principal cities, with many solemn ceremonies and sacrafices, supposing hereby that wrath from heaven was menaced against them. At Quinborough three great Dolphins were taken, and a few days following at Blackwall six, which were brought to London, the least in bigness exceeding any horse. After this, three great fishes were taken at Gravesend called Whirlpools and drawn upon the King's bridge at Westminster. These accidents the more rarely they happen, the more ominous are they commonly esteemed, either because they are so indeed or because they are never observed but when sad events do ensue.  
In january about the beginning of the 7th year of the Kings reign his sickness did more apparently show itself, especially by the symptom of a tough strong streining cough. All the medicines and diet which could be prescribed together with the helps both of his young age, and of the rising time of the year, were so far either from curing or abating his grief, that it daily increased by dangerous degrees, & it was not only a violence of the cough t'had did insect him, but therewith a weakness and faintness of spirit, which showed plainly that his vital parts were most strongly and strangely assaulted, and the talk hereof among the people was so much the more because through an opinion obscurely raised but running as most absurd, that his sickness grew by a slow working poison. Upon this cause it happened that a Parliament beginning upon the first day of March was upon the last of the same month d●…ssolued.  
And now the danger of the King's sickness was much la●…ented, not only by his own people but by strangers abroad because his courtesy and wisdom had begot to him such love, that he was no less honoured by those who heard of him, then of those who conversed with him. For he was famous in all places by reason of his foresight and judgement in affairs, and did so well temper the greatness of his estate both with modesty and with gravity, that he avoided envy by the one, and contempt by the other. Some compared him with the greatest persons that had been, both for war and peace, because in the like pitch of years, none of them attained to the like perfections. Haply he did not appear in soldiery so great, but that was because he was not so rash, being also drawn back from his pursu●…es abroad by domestical disorders and divisions, both amongst the people and Nobility of his Realm, by reason whereof he scarce seemed well se●…led in his Chair of Estate, and yet his fortunes were always Victorious.  
It happened during his sickness that Doctor Ridley Bishop of London, preached before him, and in his Sermon much commended works of charity, which as they were a duty for all men to perform, so most especially for men in m●…st especial dignity and place, as well in regard of their large abi●…ities, as for that they were much obliged to give examples of goodness to others: the same day after dinner the King sent for him privately into the Gallery at White-Hall, caused him to sit in a chair by him, would not permit him to remain uncovered, and then after courteous thanks, he reported all the principal points of his Sermon, and further added; I took myself to be especially touched by your speech, as well in regard of the abilities which God hath given me, as in regard of the example, which from me he will require, for as in the Kingdom I am next under God, so must I most nearly approach to him in goodness and in mercy, for as our miseries stand most in need from him, so are we the greatest debtors; debtors to all that are miserable and shall be the greatest accomptants of our dispensation therein. And therefore, my Lord, as you have given me (I thank you) this general exhortation, so direct me, I entreat you, by what particular actions I may this way best discharge my duty.  
The Bishop partly astonished, and partly overioyed with these speeches, was struck into a sad silence for a time, at last ●…eares and words breaking forth together, he declared to the King, so as he little expected such a question, so was he not furnished with a present answer, for this matter had a great mixture of a civil government, wherein he concelued that the Citizens of London had best experience, as overburthened with multitudes of poor, not only of their own, but from all parts of the Realm beside, and therefore as they best know both the quality of such people, and the inconveniences which they occasion, so could they best advise what remedies were fittest: wherefore, if the King were pleased to afford his Letters to that effect, he would confer with them, and in very short time return with answer. The King forth with caused his Letters to be written, and would not suffer the Bishop to depart until he had firmed them with his hand and Signet, and enjoined the Bishop to be the messenger, imposing great charge for expedition. The Bishop hasted with his Letters to the Lord Maior, who presently assembled certain Aldermen, and four and twenti●… Commissioners, by whose advice the poor were cast into three companies and ●…orts, some were poor by impotenci●… of nature, as young fathe●…lesse children, old decrepit persons, Idiots, Cripples and such like; others ar●… poor by faculty, as wounded soldiers, diseased and sick persons, and the like; the third sort ar●… the poor●… by 〈◊〉 or vnthri●…itinesse, as rioti●…us spenders, vagabonds, 〈◊〉, lew●… strumpe●…s and their companions▪ that the first of these were to be educated and maintained, the s●…cond to be cured and relecued, and the third to be chastised and reduced to good order.  
When this was 〈◊〉 to the King, he gau●… to the City for education and maintenance of the first sort of poor, the Grayfriars Church near Newgate-market▪ with all the revenues there to belonging; for cure and relief of the second ●…ort, he gave Saint Bartholomewes' near 〈◊〉; for correction of the third, he appoin●…ed his house at Bride●…ell, the ancient Mansion of many English King●…, and which not long before had been repaired and beautified by Henry the ●…ighth, for the entertainment of the great Emperor Charles the fifth, for increase of 〈◊〉 of their places, together with the new re-edified Hospital of Saint Thomas in Southwork, the King gave seven hundred and fifty marks yearly out of the rents of the Hospital of Saint john Baptist, or the Savoy, with all the bedding and furniture at that time belonging to that place, and when the charter of this gift was pr●…sented unto him with a blank space for lands to be afterwards received in Mortm●…ine, to a yearly value without further licence, the King presently with his own hand filled up the void space with these words (four thousand marks by year) this done with reueren●… gesture and speech, he thanked God for prolonging his life to finish that business; and so he was the first Founder of those three pious works, which by many additions are now grown to be the most absolute and famous of that kind in Europe.  
The King's sickness daily increased, and so did the Duke of Northumberlands diligence about him; for he was little absent from the King, and had always some well assured to espy how the state of his health changed every hour, and the more joyful he was at the heart, the more sorrowful appearance did he outwardly make, whether any tokens of poison did appear, reports are various, certainly his Physicians discerned an invincible malignity in his disease, and the suspicion did the more increase, for that the complaint being chiefly from the lights, a part as of no quick sense, so no seat for any sharp disease, yet his sickness towards the end grew highly extreme; but the Duke regarded not much the muttering multitude, knowing right well that rumours grow stale and vanish with time, and yet somewhat either to abate or delay them for the present, he caused speeches to be spread abroad, that the King was well recovered in health, which was readily believed, as most desired to be true.  
Hereupon all persons expressed joy in their countenance and speech, which they enlarged by telling the news to others whom they encountered, who haply had heard▪ it often before, and as the report increased, so there with increased also the joy: Thus whilst every men believed▪ and no man knew, it was made more credible by religious persons, who openly in Churches gave public thanks for the King's recovery.  
But when the speech of his danger was again revived, and as in new; it happeneth, the more stopped, the more increased to the worse, then as if the second time he had been lost, the people did immoderately break forth into passions, complaining, that for this cause his two Uncles had been taken away, for this cause the most faithful of his Nobility and of his Council were disgraced and removed from Court; this was the reason that such were placed next his person, who were most assuredly disposed either to commit or permit any mischief, that then it did appear, that it was not vainly conjectured some years before by men of judgement and foresight, that after Somersets' death the King should not long enjoy his life. To qualify these and some broader speeches, it was thought convenient that the King sometimes should show himself abroad, albeit, little either with his pleasure or for his health, yet a thing which in long consuming sicknesses, even to the last period of life, men are often able to do.  
Whilst the King remained thus grievously sick, diverse notable marriages were solemnised at once in Durham place; The Lord Guldford, fourth son to the Duke of Northumberland, married Lady jane, the Duke of Suffolk's eldest daughter, by Frances daughter to Mary second sister to King Henry the eighth: also the Earl of Pembroke's eldest son married the Lady Katherine, the Duke of Suffolk's eldest daughter by the said Lady Frances, who then was living: and Martin Keys, Gentleman Porter, married Marie the third daughter of the Duke of Suffolk, by the said Lady Frances: lastly, the Lord Hastings, son to the Earl of Huntingdon, took to wife Katherine youngest daughter to the Duke of Northumberland; hereupon the common people upon a disposition to interpret all Northumberlands actions to the worst, left nothing unspoken which might serve to st●…rre their hatred against the Duke, or pity towards the King: but the Duke was nothing moved herear, for being equally obstinate both in purpose and desire, and mounting his hopes above the pitch of reason, he resolved then to dissemble no longer, but began openly to play his game.  
For albeit the Lady jane married to his fourth son, had not right to the succession of the Crown, for that she was excluded, first, by the two Ladies Mary and Elizabeth, daughters of King Henry the eighth; next, by the issue of Lady Margaret married into Scotland, eldest sister to King Henry the eighth: lastly, by her own mother, the Lady Frances, who then was living, yet Northumberland, sottishly mad with over great fortune, procured the King by his Letters Patents under the great Seal of England, to appoint the Lady jane to succeed him in the inheritance of the Crown; in this contrivance he used the advice of two especially, Lord chief justice Montague, who drew the Letters Patents, and Secretary Cecil: these furnished the Patent with diverse reasons, whereof some were of Law and some of policy in State: The pretensions of Law were these, that albeit the Crown of the Realm, by an Act of the five and thirtieth of King Henry the eighth, was in default of his issue of his body, and of the body of Edward his son lawfully begotten, limited to remain to the Lady Mary▪ his eldest daughter, and to the heirs of her body lawfully begotten; and in default of such issue, the remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth, his second daughter, and to the heirs of her body lawfully begotten, under such conditions as should be limited by the said King under his Letters Patents, under the great Seal, or by his last Will in writing, signed with his hand; yet because the said limitations were made to persons illegitimate, both the marriages between King Henry the eighth and their several mothers, being undone by sentences of divorce, and the several divorcements ratified by authority of Parliament in the eight and thirtieth year of King Henry the eighth, which Act remained then in force, both the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth were thereby disabled to claim the Crown, or any honours or hereditaments as heirs to King Edward the sixth or any other person.  
And again, the said two Ladies, Mary and Elizabeth, being but of the half blood to King Edward, albeit they had been borne in lawful matrimony, yet by the ancient Laws of the Realm they were not inheritable to him by descent, and had no capacity in any degree to receive any inheritance from him.  
The reasons or pretexts of necessity to the State were these: In case the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth should enjoy the Crown, they would assuredly join in marriage with some stranger, who would reduce this noble and free Realm into the servitude of the Bishop of Rome, and thereby bring in foreign customs and Laws, abolishing those whereupon the rights of all native subjects depend, and haply the whole body of the Realm should hereby be annexed as a member to some other greater Kingdom, to the utter subversion of the ancient dignity and Estate thereof, the people were not unlike to elect a King of some private Stock, a popular and seditious man, peradventure one who to countenance his own unworthiness and obscurity, would little regard what contumely he cast upon the falling Family of the Kings before him; wherefore he held it the most provident advice, that the King by his authority should design, not only his next Successor, but others also in reversion, that the Crown might not be subject to risling, but remain to those whom he loved, and who humoured him best.  
These reasons did more easily sink into the King's judgement, partly by means of the great affection which he bore to the Religion that he had established, of the change whereof he was assuredly persuaded in case the Lady Mary his sister should succeed, and partly by reason of the entire love he bore to his Cousin the Lady jane, a woman of most rare ●…nd incomparable perfections: For besides her excellent beauty adorned with all variety of virtues, as a clear sky with stars, as a princely Diadem with jewels, she was most dear to the King in regard both of her religion and of her education in the knowledge of the liberal Sciences, and skill in Languages, for in Theology, in Philosophy, in all liberal Arts, in the Latin and Greek tongues, and in the Vulgar Languages of diverse near Nations; she far exceeded all of her sex▪ and any of her years, unless haply the King himself.  
Hereupon the King consented that Letters Patents should be drawn, importing that in case the King should die without issue of his body lawfully begotten, than the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland, with his title to the Crown of France, and all things to them belonging should remain and come to the eldest son of the Lady Frances, daughter to the Lady Mary, youngest sister to Henry the eighth, in case such issue should be borne into the world, during the life of King Edward; and after to the heirs male of the said issue, and in like sort from son to son of the said Lady Frances lawfully begotten, as they should be in priority of birth, and borne during the King's life; and in default of such sons and of heirs male of every such son lawfully begotten, that then the said Crown and all the pro●…, should remain and come to the Lady jane; eldest daughter to the said Lady Frances; and the heirs males of her lawfully begotten, and for default of such issue, the said Crown to remain to the Lady Katherine; second daughter to the said Lady Frances, with diverse other remainders, over which as they were vainly appointed▪ so are they needless to be repeated.  
These Letters were dated the one and twentieth of june, in the seventh year of King ●…dwards reign, and by him signed when he was in great debility of body, and afterwards passed under the g●…eat Seal of England. And albeit the course contrivance was almost visible, first, for that such provision was made for the Issue male of the said Lady Frances▪ who neither at that time had any, and was commonly rep●…ted to be passed years of childbearing▪ secondly, for that in case, that beyond the ordinary course of nature, she should conceive, the hope was desperate that the King should live until the birth.  
Lastly, for that her children borne, and to be borne, were so carefully and orderly remembered, and no mention made of herself, from whom their title must be derived, yet these Letters were subscribed by all the Privic Counselors, the greatest part both of number and power of the Nobility of the Realm, the Bishops, the King's learned Council, and all the judges at the Common Law, except only Sir james holes, one of the justices of the Common Pleas, a man well observed to be both religious and upright, who worthily refused to subscribe, and was unworthily requited by Queen Mary afterwards.  
It is very like that some of these were guided with respect of their particular interest, for that they were possessed of diverse lands which once pertained to Monasteries, Chantries, and other religions houses not long before dissolved, of these they held themselves in some danger to lose, in case religion should change to the ancient form, which by succession of Queen Mary they did evidently foresee.  
Others were drawn partly by fear, and partly by obligation to the Duke of Northumberland, who then was exceeding poten●…, and almost absolute in government of the State, and supposed able to make any title good, either by his authority, or by his sword.  
Now whether a King may lawfully dispose by his will, or otherwise, of a Kingdom that hath been long carried in one form of succession contrary to that ancient form I have largely discoursed in my History of the three Norman Kings, about the beginning of the reign of King William the second; but certain it is, that when kingdoms have customably been ●…ried by right of succession, according to 〈◊〉 of blood, the violation of which course hath always been either very vain, or with dangerous consequence, it hath always been like the breaking of a ban●… which holdeth a sheaf of arrows together, like a rupture in banks, which bindeth a river within its proper channel, or like a casting down of a pale, wherewith dear o●… other beasts are enclosed: It was never done, but either no effect ensued, or bloudle disorders, or haply both, and the Duke by piercing his ambitious purposes with his unjust policy, did no otherwise than often doth a foolish greedy gameste●…, who by stealing a card to win a stake, forfeits the whole rest.  
But having thus in his own opinion assured his own devices, nothing remained but that the King should not longer survive, le●…t haply his sickly judgement might be overruled by sounder advice; his disease was violent, but his Physicians conceived some hope of recovery, in case he might be removed to change of healthful air, which in infirmities of the vital parts, the seat of his sickness, is of greatest moment for the cure.  
But hereto the Council would not consent, so he continued without either any sensible in●…nding, or impairing for a time. At the last a Gentlewoman, unworthy to be named, but accounted to be a schoolmistress 〈◊〉 the purpose, offered her service assuredly to cure him, in case he were committed wholly to her hand; hereto the Physicians would in no case afford their advice, because as she could give no reason, either of the nature of the disease, or of the part afflicted, so she would not declare the means whereby she intended to work th●… cu●….  
After some ●…he 〈◊〉 of deliberation among the Council, it was resolved that the Physicians should be discharged, and the cure committed to her alone: the apparent defect both of her judgement and experience, joined to the weightiness of the adventure, caused many to marvel, and some deeply to suspect that she was but an instrument of mischief; this surmise was strongly confirmed within a very short time ensuing, when the King did fall into desperate extremities, his vital parts were mortally stuffed, which brought him to a difficulty of speech and of breath, his legs swelled, his pulse failed, his skin changed colour, and many other horrid symptoms appeared.  
Then were the Physicians called again, who espying him in that fearful estate, departed from him with a sad silence, leaving him to the miserable mercy of near approaching death, some of these whispered among their private friends, that they were called for fashion only, but neither their advice nor appliances were any deal regarded, but the King had been ill dealt with more than once, and that when by the benefit, both of his youth and of careful means, there was fair means of his recovery, he was again more strongly overlaid.  
Yet as cruelty and wrong never stand secure, so the Duke thought one thing more expedient for assuring his designs, and that was to draw the Lady Mary wholly into his power: to this purpose Letters were directed to her in the King's name from the Council, willing her forth with to resort to the King, as well to be a comfort to him in his sickness, as to see all matters well ordered about him; the Lady suspecting no lurking mischief, addressed herself with all speed to the journey, expressing great joy, that either her company or her service, should be esteemed needful to the King; but as she was upon the way, and within half a day's ●…ourney of London, her foot ready to slip into the s●…are, she received advice both of the King's desperate estate, and of the Duke's designments against her: whereupon she returned in haste to her house at Hoveden, where in a short time she heard how ●…o pro●…table her journey would have been to London.  
So the King having long wrestled with a lingering and tormenting sickness, at the last his spirits yielded to the malice of his disease, which as with great patience he did endure, so with no less piet●…e did he end it; many fervent prayers he made, both for himself and for the people of his Realms, and some when he was esteemed almost past sense, and so spent his last breath in committing his sweet soul into the Almighty's hands▪ which had created it.  
He died at Greenwich upon Thursday the sixth day of july, in the year 1553. and in the seventeenth year of his age, when he had reigned six years, five months and nine days; two days his death was concealed, to open a strait way for the Duke's crooked purposes; his body was buried upon the ninth of August in the same year, in the Chapel of Saint Peter's Church in Westminster, and laid near to the body of King Henry the seventh, his Grandfather.  
THIS HISTORY I HAVE BVILT FOR THE MONUMENT OF HIS VNPERISHABLE FAME.  
FINIS.   

 
LONDON, Printed for JOHN PARTRIDGE, and are to be sold at his Shop in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Sun, 1630.