A politic Discourse most excellent for this time present: Composed by a French Gentleman, against those of the League, which went about to persuade the King to break the alliance with England, and to confirm it with spain.  
LONDON, Printed by John wolf, 1589.   

To the discrete and virtuous Reader.  
THe Author of this work is a stranger, whose love of truth; hath overcome in him the natural love of his country, in composing it. The translator is a stranger likewise, whose love of true religion and this blessed realm hath moved him to translate it. The Authors intention was, to manifest the great difference between the English and the Spanish Nations, to the intent his country might thereupon make a just choice for hir benefit and utility. The translator his meaning is, to publish it, to the intent the whole world may know& understand, that great difference. For although the Spaniard be greater in land, and thereupon maketh great boastings and brags, yet is he to be compared to the cypress three, the which though it be high, great and faire in sight, is nevertheless, weak, tender, slender, and unfruitful. The Englishman contrariwise, though he be lesser in Land, keepeth himself humbly thereupon, safe, still, quiet, and wise: and is therefore to be compared to the olive three, low, faire, strong, fruitful, and most abundant. The third and last consideration of the Author, is grounded vpon a far better cause than any worldly commodities,& that is the contemplation of spiritual qualities which are to be reaped in England, and not in spain, as every man will confess that is indifferent in matters of religion. I say not this to flatter in praising and exalting England in or before his own face: but because I beleeue it, and know it to be so. For how can the Spanishmen say, as the Englishmen may say with saint Paul, God is with us, and again, If God be with us, who can be against vs. We haue seen the last summer by experience the true effects of this which I speak now.  
Therefore I as translator join willingly with the Author, and do conclude with this preface, as he doth with his discourse: and say that the Spanish nation, is at hir highest degree, and shalt therefore no more ascend but descend: Because she goeth about not only to take and invade hir neighbours countries, but she dare say, she will haue the fist monarchy, that only appertaineth to Iesus Christ, who will give it to whom it pleaseth him, and will not give it unto them: but I dare say he will give it unto Englishmen, which haue received him, and he will be with them still so long as they live according to his holy will.  
I do not speak of things done this day, yesterday, or the day before, but by experience and observation of yeares more than one score. Therefore if England doth consider the multitude, the strength, the good, or evil will of his enemies, he will begin to perceive what I mean, and say as I say. again if he entred into consideration of the great number& strong benefits which the almighty God hath done unto him through his mercy and good will, under the blessed protection( of his most precious maid seruant, his most tender and dear nurse of his Church) our most gracious sovereign queen Elizabeth, he will say as I say. I can go no further unless. I would make of my preface a discourse, which should be out of my purpose: I will therfore conclude with my prayers, and beseech the almighty God to defend from all enemies his holy universal Church, the queens majesty, hir most honourable council, this blessed realm and people, and keep us all in peace in Christ our Lord, so be it.  
Francis Mar.   

A proof, that the friendship and league with England, is more behoveful to France, then the League of spain.  
SYlla( a roman captain) intending to persuade Bocchus to the betraying, 
sallust, in the warres of jugurth.  which he practised, of jugurth, grounded chiefly his persuasion vpon this point, that a man had never friends enough. A thing which common and ordinary experience maketh so sensible, both to our feeling,& to our sight, that whosoever would call in question, or impugn that case, should but show himself void of iudgement, and common sense. Therefore it is, that in our French language, there is this common proverb: that he which hath a good neighbour, hath a good morning: aduersing us thereby, that he which maintaineth himself well with his neighbors, hath taken the best way that he could devise, for the estate of his particular business.  
For as there is nothing more grievous for a man, than to see himself pinched by those, at whose hand he looketh for favour and comfort in his adversity. So is there no greater contentment, than to see himself so well tendered and cherished of his neighbours, as it may bee a witness of his good behaviour among them. The which thing considered, those learned men, 
Hesiodus in his book of works and dayes.  that by their writings haue traced us out the way of virtue, haue made so great account of the regard that is due to good neighbors, that in some respect, they haue preferred it before the same which is due unto kinsfolk and allies. That great and wise captain Themistocles, 
Cicero in his first book of dueties.  shewed sometimes to haue right well understood this point: for causing one of his inheritances to bee sold by the crier, he commanded him to say, and proclaim it aloud( to the intent, he might put it to greater prise,) that it was well neighboured. now, if in particular things, the respect of neighbourhood ought to bee in such recommendation to us: how much more I pray you, ought it so to do, in the disposing of matters of state? Who is so ignorant a man, of the affairs of this world, that he knoweth not howe the neighbourhoode of the Bulgarians, caused the entering, and descending of the turk into Greece, and opened them the way to serse upon that which they hold at this day in Europe?  
The like may bee said, in the same regard of italy: for the astaires of the Venctians, Florentines, Geneuoies, and Neapolitans, were not troubled, but by the malice of one of their neighbours: to wit, Lewis Sforce, usurper of the state of milan: who for the satisfying of his own private affections, made no conscience to trouble the quiet state, which italy had so long enjoyed by the wisdom of Laurence of Medicis: and to make his country a pray to the wars and violences of the French-men.  
On the contrary part, if we regard nearly the state of things past, we shall find, that many of the greatest houses of germany, haue been by the good foresight, and hearty affection of their neighbours, preserved from the overturning, wherewith the common rage menaced them. In the time of our fathers: to wit, in the year of our Lord, 1504. Philip connte Palatine, fell at variance with the Emperor Maximilian; and having the end of his case, as little prosperity, as the enterprise thereof had right: he was outlawed by the states of the Empire, and brought to a great perplexity.  
But fredrick, Duke of saxony, his next neighbour, a Prince of great wit and skill, handled this matter so mildelie, that all the storm turned into a calm, and pleasant tranquilitie. Wherein, notwithstanding, I think not, that Princes can pretend any advantage vpon the states of aristocraty and popularity. All men know, how that about forty yeares past, Charles Duke of Sanoy invaded Geneua: the possession and dominion whereof, he had left to his successors, if they of Frybourge, being neighbors and allyated with the Geneuians, had not made him to leave off, and to let go his pray, which he had as it were between his teeth.  
I allege these familiar examples, and of fresh date, least I should rest too much upon those of old time: and specially of the common weal of Athens, who always professed to relieve their neighbors, that were cast down by any hard overthrow. Whereof the setting up again of Thebes, will serve for a sufficient record and witness, so long as mans life shall haue the good hap to bee enlightened with the light of good learning. Thus may you see then, very pertinent reasons, to make us to understand howe carefully the states and governments ought to be underpropped with the friendship and faithfulness of their neighbours. But forasmuch as this is a point of great importance, so it required a deep and ripe consideration: for men which are less experimented and practised in worldly affairs, do suffer themselves so much the more easily to be deceived: specially when vain outward show can apparel and deck herself, with the glittering gloze of substantial profit.  
And to manifest the matter by example, and by the setting down of one particular deed, to open the way to the deciding of a generality, I will speak of that which more nearly concerned the disposement of our own affairs. There is no man so blind, of any understanding, which doth not see and perceive the poor and miserable state wherein the realm of France, having lost his ancient beauty, is now brought at this day, by the long continuance and sharpness of civil warres. All men confess that shee hath need of a restorative to recover her again from so dangerous a disease: nevertheless all do not agree vpon the confection, and the ingredients that are now fit and sortable to such a restorative. But yet so it falleth out, that those which by reason of their dealings in worldly affairs, haue attained to a greater experience than other, do come unto this point: that according unto the order of good physicians, the disease is to bee cured by his contraries. And therefore, in as much as the disease of France proceedeth but of unquietness: that there is no better way to establish her again in her former state of health, than a good and sure rest: an advice in my iudgement, much better grounded in reason, than plainly discoursed. And that it is so, when question is concerning the quieting of our country: that man were too far overseen, which would enclose it within the circuit of France: having no farther regard or care, howe far shee were at odds, or howe shee fared with her neighbours, so the inhabitants of the realm may live in peace among themselves, and that the fire of civil wars be quenched.  
And although, I must roundly confess, that they being brought upon the falling into the one of the two inconveniences: there is no foreign war, howe hard and daungerous soever it bee, which ought not to bee undertaken, if by the same country it may bee saved from civil war: yet notwithstanding, the full and perfit prosperity of a state consisted in being exempted from both those inconveniences: unless wee do esteem our age to bee privileged with such a favour, that wee may haue war without the appurtenances thereof: that is to wit, without misery and poverty. They then which procure the quietness and welfare of our France, must aim at this mark, that not onely all civil broils bee quenched, but also that shee maintain herself in good order with her neighbours. And specially with those, whose alliance is most commodious, and most assured unto her: which is a point in my iudgement, as needful to obtain, as hard to be decided, by reason of the diversity of mens affections: and of those which profess to prefer their own peculiar profit, before the welfare and commodity of the common weal.  
But yet, if in the handling of this matter, we do bring none other passion with us, than the earnest love of truth, and of our own native country, there would be no great a do in discussing of this difficulty. And do not think( all account made and rebated, whether it bee considered whole together, or whether there bee had any particular respect to the present time) that there be any of our neighbours, whereof the alliance be so commodious and behoveful to us, as the same of the Englishmen. And on the other side, I am of opinion, that he which in matters of state, would treat of the common errors, could not choose a fairer argument, than to show that those which ordinarily do call the Englishmen, the ancient enemies of the state and crown of France, meaning to purchase to themselves estimation of learning among the ignorant, do discover themselves utterly ignorant among the learned. And because many Courtiers whom I haue heard discourse of this matter proceed so far, that they prefer the alliance with spain before all others, having( as they say) a special regard to the benefit and welfare of France, I will debate that question, which in my iudgement hath no better ground than partial affection, or on too much superficial knowledge of the affairs of this world. I hope therefore to show by apparent reason, that the alliance with England is to us much more behoveful, than the alliance with spain: and by the self same means to avoid the general proposition, and to prove that there is no people in the world, whose allyaunce is so commodious and necessary for us, as those or England. And to lay a foundation to mine opinion, I say that whensoever question is to be had of allyaunce with any people, regard is to be had chiefly of two things: the one, that those whose allyaunce wee prefer, may haue the most occasions and means to succour us: the other, that they haue likewise most means to annoy us, being become our enemies. And which is( I pray you) the people in the world, which hath juster cause to love us than the Englishmen? who is so allied to us in blood, conformable in conditions, and brotherlike in virtuous inclinations? the which I understand not only to say of the Englishmen, whom we so call at this day, but also of the ancient Britaines, of whom there is yet to be seen a remnant in the country of walls: who notwithstanding they resemble in manners, customs, and usages the other people of england, yet do they differ from them in language. 
Caesar in his first book of his warres in Gallia.  Iulius Caesar, who was the first amongst the roman Captaines that discovered, and had knowledge of the state of this Ile: teaching us, that that one part of the Britains, which bordered vpon the sea, took their original from the low Countries of germany: 
Caesar in his second book of his warres in Gallia.  the same Author hath left unto us in writing, that in his time the king of Soyssons name Diuitiacus, had also commanded to the state of great britain: and therefore it is no marvell, though the Britaines,( especially those which inhabit about Kent) did agree in humanity, and in manners of life, with the Gauls.  
And indeed, if we will take the right thereof by that we find in writing, none can be said to be more brotherlike, than these two nations. And without proceeding so far, as to search out every point by himself, I will speak only of the druids, who had in old time the handling of all matters in both these Nations.  
These druids were poets and Priestes, as there was in old time one Hesiodus in Greece. It is a certain thing that the first among the Grecians which ennobled their country with the knowledge of learning, comprehended all their doctrinè in verses: as Homerus, Hesiodus, Orpheus, Musaeus, Linus, 
Plutarch in the life of Thaeseus.  Empedocles, Parmenides: yea and even Pitheus, of whom Plutarch maketh mention. In respect whereof Plato attributed so much unto Poets, that he called them the fathers, and chiefest of wisdom. For the druids, were also Mathematicians and Philosophers: 
Plato in his Lycidas. Cicero in his second book of the nature of the Goddes  which is the cause that I cannot well conceive what Cicero meant, in comparing the Britaines and Scythians together, in respect of ignorance of the mathematical arts.  
If he referred him to the record of his familiar friend Trebatius, every one knoweth to haue been such a witness( as may be gathered out of Cicero his own writings) that liked better to behold a storehouse of victuals, than the comtemplation of the stars. But it seemeth that Cicero, which otherwise was a man of exquisite iudgement, would verify the saying of Thales the Milesian, who being demanded of, howe much the truth is different from the untruth: even as much( quoth he) as the eyes from the ears: likewise may we say in respect of the matter that we haue in hand, that we find eyes in Caesar, and ears in Cicero. Now whether the Britaines took the knowledge of learning from the galls, or the galls from the Britaines: so much it is, that the young men of Gauland,( for the more furtherance of their studies transported them into britain unto the druids of that country, at whose hands they learned the most hidden secrets of philosophy, and of mathematical sciences. If we will stand to the report of Caesars writings thereof, the philosophy and doctrine of the druids had his beginning in great britain: which opinion I willingly embrace, notwithstanding, that the excellent and rare learned man Petrus Ramus, seemeth to hold the contrary in some writings of his. Therefore it is no marvell, 
Ramus in his book of the manners of ancient Gauls.  though so learned a Nation, and so well trained in good sciences, hath been endued with an humanity answerable to their skill, and whereof our Gaulles haue reaped the chief fruit thereof. In so much that Caesar being about to pass over into britain, 
Caesar in his fourth book of his waters in Gallia.  brought forth no other pretence of his voyage thether, but only that the Gaulles had been succoured of the Britains in all the quarrels which they had to deal against the romans. And if any man think that the people which since Caesaers time, haue seized the countries of Gallia& Britania, that is to say, the Englishmen& Frenchmen, haue been knit in loser friendship, or haue less cause of mutual entertaining one an other, he deceived himself as much as he that is ignorant, how great force is in friendship grounded vpon natural alliance, whereof the remembrance can not be butted, neither by process of time, nor distance of places. The Citizens of says in egypt, said that their city was founded by the Goddesse Minerua, as so likewise did the Athenians. In consideration of which alliance, as Plato witnessed, the Greekes generally, and the Athenians specially, 
Plato in his Timaeus.  were welcome, and very much made of at says. Therefore it remaineth to be considered, howe straightly the Frenchmen are united with the Englishmen, and what show of friendship they haue made at all times, the one unto the other: neither is it to be said, that they haue had great and long warres betwixt them, yea even within the remembrance of our great grandfathers.  
For by that reason, we must banish friendship from among all nations of the earth: and by the selfsame reason we must conclude, that there can be no friendship even among the Frenchmen themselves, the which of late daies haue set up in their own country, a scafolde of the bloodiest tragedy that ever was heard of. And as touching the warres between the Englishmen and the Frenchmen, I hope to show hereafter in dew place, that so far it is that that consideration ought to bring any alteration to the friendship between them& us, that in contrary, it ought rather to he a very strong inducement unto us, to engender some increase of goodwill on our parts towards them. For God having given them so great advantages over us, as every one knows, it is hard to be said, whether that noble nation hath shewed herself more valiant in battle, than mild and gentle after the victory. Much less are to the purpose the rude speeches which may be heard in the streets, as well in France as in england, as among others are these english words, Cullion, Frenchdogge: which is the rhetoric of peddlers, cobblers, beggars, and other people of the like stamp, and not the speeches of the honest, and civil sort, whereof wee intend to speak in this discourse: leaving aside all these toys, let us speak of the kindly amity that is between these two Nations. In the time of the Emperour Martian and Valentinian, about the year of Christ, 449. Witigerne King of great britain, being in will to beate back the Picts and Scots, called to his aid the Angles or Englishmen, who at that time dwelled among the Vites and Saxons: and indeed the welshmen do still at this day call the Englishmen, Sasses, as if one would say, Saxons, the which hath been  told me for a certainty by some learned men of that country. It followeth then vpon this discourse, that the Englishmen are come of the almains, as also are the Frenchmen, according as our Historians do report. And although, that as touching the french Nation, I dare not uphold that they are descended of the Saxons: yet notwithstanding, the house of the kings, which at this day commandeth in France, fetched his original from thence, as they can tell which haue the most perfect knowledge of the history. For Windekinde a Saxon, of the line of the great Windekind subdued by charlemagne, came into France to the succour of Charles the bald, which was greatly disquieted of the Normans: This younger Windekind, had a son name Robert, who so fortunately followed the foot steps of his father, that Charles the bald made him general of the army which he sent against the Normans: who at that time spoiled France. This Robert was flaine in battle leaving a son name Otho, who by consent of the Emperor Arnold, had the government of France, during the minoritle of Charles the simplo. By the which government nevertheless, he purchased not so great reputation, as he did in being the father of Hugh the great earl of Paris. But Hugh Capot the son of this Hugh the great, surmounted the glory, and renown of all the aforesaid, as well for making himself the chiefest of the absolute state and government of France, as for leaving a kingly posterity behind him, the which stil at this day is yet upright, divided into two houses, that is to wit, of valois and of Bourbon.  
And so wee may conclude, that although the Frenchmen, and the Englishmen, 
Aristotle in his first book of his matters of state. Cap. 1.  can not be said( according to the term of Charondas) {αβγδ}, that is to say, living together: or according to Epimenides, {αβγδ}, as if one would say, nourished at one selfe same fire or household, or as we say in French, men being together at pot, and at board: yet notwithstanding, they may well bee called {αβγδ}, that is to say, coming of one stock. And albeit, that this allyaunce bee of itself enough clarified in the histories: yet is it yet better by conformity or agreeablenesse of the conditions of these two peoples, and by good behaviour of the one towards the other. The Englishmen even as the Frenchmen are generous, and consequently( as Aristotle teacheth) far from dissimulation, 
Aristotle in his fourth book of moral philosophy. Cap. 3.  hating, or loving openly, governing themselves more by truth, than by opinion, loving a great deal more the dead than the show, free in his speech, desirous of liberty, easily forgetting the wrong to them done: and moreover he is liberal, civil, courteous and gentle: of all virtuous qualities, I belecue there are to be found as many clear& evident testimonies, as there be sentences spoken of their exploits in historiographers that are not partial. For as concerning their civility, what better witness therof can we haue then Philip of Commines, who had the experience therof himself in the behalf of the lord of Vancler. 
Philip of comes.  I should speak of a thing too much renowned over all the world, if I should spend too many words in discoursing of their magnificence& liberality. certainly if it be true that Herodian hath written concerning barbarous men, namely that they are naturally desirous of money, 
Herodian in the life of the Emperour Commodus.  the Englishmen are sufficiently discharged of the blame of barbarousness: notwithstanding that some writers being either ignorant, or overmuch partial, do disgrace them in that respect. And what need I to stand long vpon this point, considering that the experience, and record of most noble, and excellent personages, do openly ratisie my sayings. The late Vidame of Charires( who being one of the most liberal noble men of our time, could best speak of liberality) said openly, that if there were any Nation in christendom, more liberal and courteous toward strangers, than Englishmen are, he was contented to be registered among such as speak unadvisedly of things they know not. The Vidame that succeeded him as well in his virtues, as in his heritage, protested oftentimes, that he durst not speak of the humanity, courtesy,& liberality of Englishmen, for fear least he should break open a discourse, whereinto he might more easily enter, than find the way out again. Odet the cardinal of Chastilion, had ordinarily this saying in his mouth, that courtesy had in old time enclosed herself within France, but now it was passed over the sea.  
This matter would require a longer discourse: but I am a Frenchman, and jealous of the honour of my country. Plutarch did writ, 
Plutarch in the life of Cicero.  that the great Rethoritian Molon, having one day heard Cicero declaiming in greek, said with lamentation, that he bewailed the state of Greece, for that Cicero should carry away the greatest ornament thereof, namely the cloquence. For mine own part, although I be as greatly affectioned towards Englishmen, as the deserts of their virtue requireth, yet doth it grieveth me to see them so enriched with our spoils. Insomuch that England may at this day, even of good right, be termed a very sanctuary of all civility, kindness, and courtesy: whereof may be seen the presidents, not only towards their friends, in the time of peace, but also towards their enemies in time of war. Of many examples, I will choose one so notable, as I can not tell whether the like can any where be found in the histories either of Greekes or Latins. Among all the battels, that ever were fought in France, the battle of poitiers is most memorable, not onely for the inestimable loss of them that were vanquished, but also much more for the courtesy and gentleness of the conquerors. For the nobility of france were there hewn in pieces, many Princes and great lords were taken prisoners, and namely the King John himself fell into the hands of the Prince of Wales, who anon after conveyed him into england, where he received so favourable and friendly entertainment of King Edwarde father to the Prince of Wales, that he being suffered, vpon his faith, and vpon hostages, to return into France, to set order in his affairs, afterward having advisedly considered the entertainment that had been done unto him, he found so sweet taste and savour, in the English courtesy, that he esteemed it more for his honour, to die by so gracious a Prince, than to live as king of the greatest and mightiest kingdom of christendom. Porus a king of India, being taken prisoner by great Alexander, and being asked of him what entertainment he looked to receive, I am a king( quoth he) deal with me like a king. Alexander making a stay thereat, and asking him, if he desired nothing else: this word king-like( saith he) comprehendeth all. whereupon Alexander had him in great estimation afterward, and used him as he had required. But this courtesy of king Edwarde ought to be esteemed so much more greater than Alexanders, for so much as Porus had not taken the arms, but being constrained for his own lawful defence, whereas contratiwise, king John would not accept the honourable condition of peace, which the prince of Wales offered unto him, whatsoever the cardinal of Perigort, being sent from the Pope Innocent declared unto him, to move him to any composition: but suffering himself to be ouermastred by his own choler, he was vanquished by a handful of men,& lost such a battle on the 19. day of September 1356, as cannot be matched by any other, than by that so much renowned battle of Cannas, which was like to haue overturned the whole state of the roman commonweal. And although the civil wars be ordinarily handled with so much more a poisoned mind, as the alliance is straighter betwixt thē that are of one country: yet notwithstanding, if credite may be given to the histories, there shal not be found any nation in the world, which in that behalf be in such& so long a possession of moderation, 
Comines in his 112. chap. & mercifulness, as the English Nation. Comines who had as much, or more experience of the doings of England, as any Frenchman of his time, saith that in civil wars the custom of that country is, to come out of hand to the battle,& that the chief of the part to which the victory inclineth, causeth to be proclaimed a loud, save the people. And would to God, that we had used the like moderation& mildness in our civil wars, for then should we haue yet at this day fifty thousand witnesses of our dissension, whose bloodshed doth now provoke Gods wrath against our country of France. Howbeit, for as much as the occasion of love towards a Nation, whether it be by natural affinity, or by conformity of manners, is not a thing that of itself deserveth great commendation, unless it be manifested by endeavour to bring it to pass: the process of our discourse requireth to haue this point more narrowly preached, to the end, that such as call the Englishmen the ancient enemies to the crown of France, may learn, either to speak better, or else to hold their peace all together, and say nothing, when such matters come in question. I say therefore that the effects of friendship haue been at all times mutualy used between both these Nations. For leaving a side that which I haue alleged of caesar, where he writeth that the Britaines had succoured the Gaulles in all their warres against him.  
I will take presidents of later remembrance: that is to say, since one hundred or six score yeares past. In the time of king Lewis the eleventh, Charles Duke of Burgoine being desirous to clip the wings of the same Lewis his deadly foe, called to his aid Edward king of England, his brother in Law, who needed not to be drawn by the ears, to make an entry into France: whereunto he wanted no pretence. By reason whereof; there was then great likelihood, that if the Duke of Burgoyne could haue skilled to wield his prosperity, he had either overthrown, or at the least, greatly shaken the whole state of France. The said king Lewis, being a prince of more wisdom than hardiness, considering to what an inconvenience his affairs were brought, wrought so by policy, that a treaty of peace with king Edward was had, which was done at Piquignie. And it may well be said, that then the gentleness of king Edward stood France in steede of a great and strong bulwark, against the violence and heady force of the Burgonians.  
Charles the eight, the son and successor of the said Lewis, was so far favoured from heaven, as to haue occasion offered him to requited the said courtesy towards the English nation: and he was as ready to embrace such an occasion, as it was happily offered unto him. Edward, whom we speak off, being deceased, his brother Richard Duke of gloucester, by wicked practices, and unlawful means, usurped the crown of England, defrauding his nephews of their inheritance. And as the mean of his usurping of such a state was strange and cruel, so was the manner of his behaviour in it much more.  
The state of poor England was so miserable, that he scaped well, that went clear with the loss of his goods, offices, and fees.  
Many great personages of noble houses, to defend themselves against such a tempest, fled unto France. The noblest, amongst them, was the earl of Richmond: who having sojourned a while in brittany, finally determined to recover with his goods and possessions the liberty of his country. This new Thrasybulus, wanted neither partakers nor friends: for king Charles the eight gave him aid, wherewith he entered into England, and there giuing battle with happy success: he obtained in recompense of his prowess, the the state and crown, which hath remained ever since vpon the heads of his posterity unto this day. I would not stand so long upon the commendation of the courtesy of Englishmen, if in our time, that is say, within three-score yeares it had not brought forth so good and evident effects to our behoof, as it might argue a blockishness in us to be ignorant of it, and a lewdness not to aclowledge it. The realm of France never received so great a blow since the battle of poitiers; as it did at the overthrow of Pauie: where king Francis was taken prisoner.  
The Emperor Charles being yet a young Prince, and broiling with ambition after so faire victory, entred into wonderful hopes, and in manner assured himself, that within few yeares the monarchy of all Europe should bee the interpretation of his Plus oultre, that is yet further. And in deed there was great likelihood, that( the forces of France being so ouermastered) he might haue seen, if not in all, 
See the history of du Bellay.  yet at least in part, the accomplishment of his desires: if God looking vpon our country with his pitiful eye, had not touched the heart of henry the eight king of England, to slay the course of the Emperor, pursuing with full sails the steps of his victory( An act so much the more to be wondered at, as that king henry had not any other cause to do it, than onely his own princely disposition, wherewith his mind was so kindled, that he thought more for his honour, to relieve his neighbour that was distressed, than to be a partner with the conqueror of the booty and spoil of him) so as, that it may well be said, that king henry the eight, next after God, was our deliverer, and that the lion hath plucked us out of the Eagles claws. And we must not think, that in this behalf he sought his own profit, or peculiar safety. For as touching the profit, besides that the event shewed to bee otherwise, the protestation that he made by his king at arms in defying the Emperor, doth sufficiently show, that the only mark which he aimed at, 
Theocritus in the praise of Ptolomie.  was honour and royal behaviour: whereby as Theocritus affirmed, the great personages of old time haue purchased to themselves the title of Heroes. And as touching safety, the Emperor being then greatly affectioned to his uncle king henry, was in treaty, for the greater confirmation and assurance of friendship, of a marriage between himself, and the lady mary, king Henries eldest daughter. moreover, the Emperor could not haue seized upon the kingdom of France, without to bee a partaker of it with the Englishmen, for the old pretence or title that they make of the countries of guian, and normandy: So that all things being well accounted, the Englishmen had no cause to be afraid of the Emperor.  
This matter deserved a longer discourse: but I labour to be brief, that I may speak of Edward the sixth, the son of king henry. This prince was so abundantly endued with virtue,& the fear of God, that he may justly be called the josias of the new Testament, and the Phoenix of Christian princes. But leaving aside his rare virtues, whereof the most eloquent, cannot speak but too over briefly: I will touch alonely that which concerned our nyest matter.  
This Prince by the council of the late duke of Northumberland, did bear so sound and sincere good will unto our king, henry the second, that if God had prolonged his life, there had gone a link of alliance between these two kings, and Moris duke of Saxon. So that there is great likelihood, that an alliance made between three so mighty princes, would even then haue brought the Emperour Charles to the same point, which he took afterward: that is to wit, to withdraw himself in Castile, into the abbey of saint just. I speak not of the kindness that he shewed towards the poor Frenchmen that were driven to seek succour, on a time when the profession of christianity was no other thing in France, then to give themselves over to present death: and not only we, but almost al nations in Europe were beholding to England, in that behalf, forasmuch as their exile was relieved by the help and comfort of that most holy and happy Edward. happy( say I) as much in his respect, as that in his sister queen Elizabeth, he hath so persite a pontraiture of his most Christian,& heroical virtues. Which is the cause, that all they, that in our Europe are endued with a sound iudgement, are desirous above all worldly things, either to be subject unto such a Prince, or to live under the subiection of a Prince that resembleth her. But I haue not taken in hand to sound forth the praises of queen Elizabeth, because I am not able to express her rare virtues according as they deserve: and if I would go about to lay them forth particularly, I should never haue done. Therefore taking a shortenway, I will say onely, that she hath made show and proof of her good will towards France, as often as the state of our affairs haue offered occasion unto her most gracious majesty. and specially, she hath shewed herself affectioned to continue peace with us,( being brought thereunto) as well by her own clear insight, as by the well advised and sage counsel of the most virtuous and excellent Lords, Sir William cecil, yet at this day, Lord Treasurer of England, and Sir Nicholas Bacon, of good memory, sometime Lord Keeper of her majesties great seal: Men endued with so high and eminent wisdom, and happily qualified with all kind of virtue, that they may well be numbered among the most eloquent, which can duly sound out their praises to the posterity. For my part, I thank our most merciful God, which hath so well matched good fortune with so great virtue, in those two English Nestors, as that may be seen in them, 
Callimachus in Hymno Ionis.  the accomplishment of the prayer so much solemnized by Callimachus.  
{αβγδ}  
{αβγδ},  
{αβγδ}.  
Well be to thee father, again well be to thee, give virtue and riches then,  
For prosperity without virtue cannot advance men,  
Neither virtue without riches: give both virtue, and prosperity then.  
Now remaineth to speak of a like utterance of friendship toward us: howbeit in a very unlike case. France hath not in it a greater ornament than the city of Paris, nor the city of Paris a greater ornament then the exercise of learning, which hath continued there, since the time of charlemagne: that is to say, since the year of our Lord. 792. unto this day: with such estimation, that in the time of our fathers, to haue studied at Paris, or to be greatly advanced in the knowledge of learning, were diuers speeches signifying the self same thing. Now if this bee a great benefit( as indeed it cannot bee denied, unless it bee of a man of small iudgement) we cannot confess to haue the same of any other than of English men, except we will( in depriving them of the praise that is due unto them) deprive and rob ourselves wilfully, of the reputation of men that love truth and upright dealing. For charlemagne was induced to that happy enterprise, by the counsel of Flaccus Albinus an English man( proceeding from an Italian stirpe) the which was assisted by two Scots: the one name John Malrosius, the other called Claudius Clemens.  
Now like as evil counsel, by Gods just iudgement doth redound ordinarily to the hurt of him that giveth it: so contrariwise, the author of good and holy counsel is commonly, he that first tasted of the fruits thereof. even so the Englishmen haue reaped the fruits of the good, and wholesome counsel of Albine and his fellowes: in so much as that the university of Oxford is an imp of the same of Paris. But because we see, that men are so much more inclined to things whereunto they are drawn by the consideration of that which touched them most nearly: I will say, that the welfare of England toucheth us so nigh, and ours them, that if the one of both these nations bee beaten down by the stranger, the other may well make her reckoning, that shee shall not enjoy any great rest. It is well known, that assoon as Iulius Caesar had taken footing with the roman power in France, he thought not to haue well played his part, until he had passed into britain, to make a broil there. The history writers haue so clarified this point, that it were superfluity of speech to proceed any farther in the discourse thereof. I would fain now, that some one of these jolly fellowes, our courtiers, which are so affectioned,& make so great a matter of the alliance with spain, would show me the like reasons and ground of their opinion. I am very well assured that they will not trouble themselves to prove any natural affinity between France and spain, unless they ransack up from the ark of Noe: or else that they will make any account of that which the Poets report, concerning the faire, and beautiful Bebrice. The which notwithstanding, would bee an argument so weak, as evil to purpose, as they know that are skilful in the knowledge of antiquities,& specially of poetical fables.  
Now being entred into this matter, it shal not be impertinent to speak of the original of the Spaniards that are at this day. For we see that the waters which come from a spring where Brimstone is, do always sent the Brimstone: so is it commonly seen, that men do carry printed in their manners and behaviour, the virtuous or vicious qualities, of their ancestors. Thus having knowledge of the original, and issue of the Spaniards, that will be unto us a good pathway to the discourse following. About the year of Christ. 717. julian earl of Biscay being greatly grieved, and intending to reuenge himself of the outrage by him received at the hands of Roderike, K. of the goths, which had deflowered his daughter, called and drew the Moores to his aid, under the leading of Muza Miramamolin their King.  
Under this p●text( so sure a thing is it to draw foreign forces into a country) the Moores made themselves masters of all spain, saving Biscay and Austerland: For after their captaines had partend the country which they had conquered, they became so many little kings in spain. Since the saracens intermingled themselves yet further: insomuch, that if we will take up the matters further off: that is to wit, from the time of Caesar, wee shal, find that without speaking of the romans, who haue commanded most of all Europe, the goths, the vandals, the Moores and the Sarasines, haue been the Lawgiuers to spain. Therefore, if of good right, the goths& vandals are accounted cruel, the Moores faithless& revengeful,& the saracens proud,& full of villainy in their conversations.  
I pray you, what humanity, what faith, what gentleness, what mildness and civility think wee to find in that son of barbarousness? But, to the intent it be not taught, that I will rest vpon bare presumptions, rather then vpon substantial proofs and arguments: I am contented that this article shall bee cleared by conferring their manners with ours, that is to say, their vices with our virtues, and their villaqueries or knaveries, with our courtesies. To be short, this comparison is such, that if any Rhethorician would bestow his eloquence, making a long and liuelie countermatch, he could not choose in the whole world a subject more answerable to his purpose, than the comparing of our comditions with the comditions of this Marranish nation of Spaniards. And to the end it be not thought, that I speak feinedly, for an entry into the devise of their fairest colour, I will bring them forth one witness which shall make them blushy for shane: notwithstanding that they be so shameless, that they will not willingly blushy. When I should onely say, that the witness which I intend to bring against them, is a Senator of Venice, yet should I haue sufficiently qualified it, to purchase him credit among al men of discretion and settled iudgement. But I will say yet further, namely, that he is an ancient Senator: yea, and so trained up in the affairs of this world, that the comforming of men to his imitation, is nothing else at this day among the Venetians, than to be the very direct way to attain immortal renown, by a most sage and wise ordering of matters of state: to be short, it is that excellent and renowned parsonage, Andrew Gritte, who in discoursing before the Senate of Venice, vpon the honourable behaviour of this good Spanish race: behold the faire testimony which he rendereth of their good disposition and nature. The Spanish nation( saith he) is unfaithful, ouerrauenous, and vnsatiablest of all other nations. And where is, I pray you, the place of the world, 
Guychardin in Lib. 16.  where these infamous harpies haue set their feet, which is not defiled with the footsteps of their abominable vices?  
And forasmuch as in the proof of a matter, the witness of one alone, is of no great weight. I will produce yet an other witness: that is to wit, Francis of Guichiardine, Historiographer: 
Guychardin in Lib. 16.  a man so sufficient, that the very reckoning up of his good gifts and perfections, would require and deserve a whole history.  
Lo here the record which he yeeldeth to the Spanish disposition, and loyalty: The Spanish nation( saith he, in giuing his iudgement of those reverend fathers) are covetous and deceitful( and where they be at liberty, and haue means to discover themselves in their kind as they be) exceeding outrageous, proud and insolent. Geryon king of spain( if we may beleeue the fables of Poets) had three bodies: and although this bee poetical devise, yet will it seem the less strange, by him which shall consider the Spaniards nature thoroughly: wherein may be seen incorporated together, a crafty fox, a ravenous wolf, and a wounding tiger. And let this be said, in respect of those of that nation, which are least intolerable: for whosoever looketh thoroughly into the deepest degree of them: that is to say, into the wickedder and abhominabler sort, then the common be, he shal find in every of them the Cube: yea many times the Sursolide of this ternarie monster. They shall be found( I say) a filthy and loathsome swine, a thievish owlet, and a bragging peacock. As for the fullness of their perfection, there shall be found in them a legion of divels: practising howe to lye, to entrap, and to deceive the world.  
Briareus( as Homer saith) had an hundred hands: 
Homers Iliads. ae.  who will beleeue that the spaniard hath any less, when it cometh to catching and snatching. Let him but receive for a day or two, some Dom diego into his house,& if he change not of aduise, I am contented to grant and confess, that the Spaniard hath changed his condition: I say, if robbery and thievery ought to bee accounted, rather a custom, than natural in that nation. And if any man doubt of their sufficiency in that behalf: the state of the Low countries will make it so manifest, that he will of his own accord confess, that the Bohemians, and egyptians, are but small prentices to the Spaniards, in taking and appropriating other mens goods to themselves. And surely, he should do them great wrong which should think that time hath not made them more cunning in their craft, specially in this latter yeares, wherein the most part of these lusty gallants haue served their prenticeship under Don Ferdinando of Toledo, who was so great and principal a craftsmaster in that faculty, that to compare to him an Antolicus, or a Verres, 
Virgillin his first Aeglog.  were a falling into the error of the shepherd Tytirus, by comparing of small things, to things overgreat. But it seemeth to be a thing reasonable, to conceal the imperfections of that great captain, in consideration of the excellent partes that are in him.  
For by report of his disciples and footement, he is secret, well advised, and of great forecast. As touching his taciturnitie, I doubt not a whit, but that he is very secret. And likewise there is nothing in his doings, specially in his own particular and familiar, which may not by him, and his, with more honesty be concealed, than uttered.  
As concerning his great wisdom, and clear insight in matters: he hath given such a proof thereof, in his ordering of the affairs of Flanders: that if the sun should as often want his light in the sky, as his good wit wanted in his head, during that time: we might well conclude, that we were at the last instant of the day, that shall make an end to the things of this world. At the least, it is notoriously known, that he was so far destitute of sense, that he was not able to hid, not onely the pilferies& robberies which he had committed vpon the poor people,( for that thing was too much known) but his traitorous stealing which he hath committed, even of his masters treasure. I know very well, that his own creatures, disguising and turning his deeds, say that he is remained a successor. But setting aside this colour of Castilian rhetoric: I will say flatly, that our french tongue is so barren, that it hath not any other terms fit enough to specify the goodly government of the Duke of Alua, but onely theeuery and robbery of the common treasure. And therefore if he employ his policy now a dayes as well in playing vpon the lute in spain, as he did in playing vpon the harp in Flanders.  
King Philip hath good cause to send his Seuerino into Italy again: but howsoever the case stand, the king his master hath restrained his covetousness: howbeit not with rigor, having peradventure respect to the order of the golden fleece, the which, I dare well say, he beareth to no better end, than because he hath first slain, and afterwards devoured the innocent sheep of the good shepherd.  
For we must not think, that he, and the residue of the rakehell spaniards, haue any more spared the blood, than the purses, of the poor people of the low Countries. And why should they not, sith they had commandement so to do. And their Prince was displeased at nothing so much, as that they had not handled them yet more rigorously?  
O that thou new pharaoh, mightest by thy doleful death, soon make an end of the sorrowful sighs of so many desolate persons!  
And if any man think, that the difference of Religion, was the very cause of the venomous and spiteful rancour of the Spaniards against the people of the low countries: he shows himself to be ignorant, as well of their nature, as of their state and affairs. It is about a hundred yeares ago that they discovered a new world, by the leading of Christopher Columbe, who( in mine opinion) would never haue enterprised that voyage, if he had thought, that the men whom he lead thether, should like folk bewitched with the slaber sauces of Circe, haue forthwith been transformed into lions, Panthers, Tygres, and such other wild beasts. The Indians and Americans, being sillie souls, utterly unlearned and barbarous, might lightly haue been( by an honest conversation and holy teaching) won unto Christ, as appeareth by the Frenchmen, who afterward, no less wisely than fortunately went that way to work. But a man may well say, according to the truth, that the new world, of India and America, was not so much unknown to the former ages past, as the outrageous and new devised cruelties, which these divels incarnate, that came out of spain haue practised there. O Turkes, O scythians, O Tartarians, rejoice ye all as now: sith that there is to be found at this day a Nation in christendom, which by their unhappy cursed behaviour, do go about to bury the hatred that men bear to your barbarous cruelties. But I tarry too long vpon so tragical a matter, the which notwithstanding I do with so great grief, as vpon just cause.  
Therefore leaving that matter, which were able to make even Democritus to weep: let us speak of two points, which are such, that whosoever heareth them and considereth them thoroughly, must be of a more melancholic humour, and dampish disposition than ever was Heraclitus, if he aan forbear laughing. The matter concerneth their civility, and modesty. As touching the first, if any man haue had the hap never to haue been in company of the spaniards, and yet would fain be truly informed of their Gothish civility, he could not see a more lively protraiture, nor a more apparent draft thereof, drawn by the hand of any more happy Appelles, than is the description of whores, which Terence maketh in his comedy entitled Eunuch, in these words.  Quae dum foris sunt, nihil videtur mundius, nec magis compositum quicquam, nec magis elegans. 
And a little after he addeth:  Harum videre est ingluuiem, sordes, inopiam, quàm inhonestae solae sint domi, atque auidae cibi: quo pacto ex jure hesterno panem atrum vorent. 
That is to say, While they be abroad nothing seemeth more neat, nothing more trim, neither more fine. Adding thereunto a little farther: It is a world to see them at home, how ravenous, howe sluttish, how niggardly, and how vnwomanly they be alone by themselves, greedy at their meate, and cramming themselves with brown bread and pottage of a day old and more.  
I would say more, if that it could be done without offending of the tender and most delicate stomachs. Wee haue here set forth the spaniards in sport, as good Apothecaries, that is to say, to make them to serve us for laughing stocks at their cost. And who is the man( I pray you) so melancholic, that could withhold himself from laughing, seeing a porter, a cobbler, and a carman, to play the Caualiero: or a Caualiero of spain, walking in the fields, and carrying the remnant of his dinner in his bysacke: and doing a thousand such other villainies, of the which the porters, cobblers, and carremen of this country would be sorry to haue thought vpon.  
The mathematics teach, that in the operations of Algebar, the most equal is oftentimes reduced to the most unequal.  
The speeches of the spaniards, do somewhat resemble this divine Algebricall mystery, if you consider what, ordinarily this great and stately title of rich Caualiero, that may spend ten thousand ducats a year, do commonly import( being taken a right, and at the very true rate and value) an unthrift, a rascall, and a vagabond beggar, having not scarce thirty maluedies in his purse, wherewith to haue mended his socks. In so much that it may well bee said to these Magnifical Don Diegos, 
Plutarch in the life of photion.  as a certain great man of Athens said sometimes to certain Orators, Your words( said he) be like to the cypress, which being great and high, do nevertheless bear no fruit.  
To make it short, whosoever will see the lively protrayture of an Attalus, a Suffenus, or a Thraso, without troubling himself too much in overturning the leaves of Martiall, Catullus, or Terence: let him but behold the grim visage, and stately speech of a Spaniard. And although these Sarrasins race be of such qualities as I haue said, yet notwithstanding they haue( with the shot of their Pistolets) so well dazzled the eyes of some of our Courtiers, that they be not ashamed to maintain, that wee are greatly beholding to these honest creatures.  
For my part( I confess) I haue not so fine a wit as to conceive the foundation of this obligation, unless they take it in the samesense that Antiochus ment, 
Cicero in his oration for Deiotarus.  when he said, he was greatly beholding to the Romaines, the which having shortened and abridged him of his authority& power, had eased him of a great and heavy burden. even so are we beholding to the spaniards, for easing us of the tedious toils, which the governments of the States of Flanders, Naples, and milan, might haue brought unto vs. And to speak yet farther of their good will towards us: Is it not a good record of this hearty love and Spanish favour, 
look Froysard.  the which they used in times past vpon our ancestors( according to their cruel nature) to wit, that when they had won the battle vpon us, they killed all the prisoners which they had taken even when the heat of their blood& courage was alaid, as Froysarde witnesseth? Would a man haue a more evident interpretation than this, of the foresaid testimony which we alleged out of Guychardine, saying that this Nation is too too outrageous, when she hath found advantage to discover herself, such as she is( that is to say) to put off the vizard of her hypocrisy? Also another token and witness of their humanity towards us, may well be the murdering of our men contrary to their faith& promise given in the land of Florida, about twenty yeares ago. I had almost forgotten to allege one notable and special deed of their courtesy towards us, namely their imprisoning of Francis our King, of the which he himself did complain, so much the more surely( as Guychardine reporteth) as the remembrance of the English courtesy towards king John, was the more deeply engraven in his mind. What record of friendship is it that the spaniards may allege unto us, shall it not bee the succour which they gave us, by henry king of Castile, in the time of king Charles the fifth, 
look Froysard.  by help whereof he gate the vpper hand of the earl of pembroke before Rochell? As if the same king henry himself, had not, reaped the chief fruit of that victory. Or as though his assisting us in that wise, was not the principal bulwark of his own estate.  
But now, as the Englishmen are answerable unto us in a great number of things, as I haue rehearsed before: so haue they tasted of this misery as well as we: namely, that they haue had to their cost experience of the over dangerous friendship of the spaniards. For Philip king of spain, and at that time king of england also, being determined to haue gotten Callis into his own possession, occasioned us Frenchmen, to do with the lions paw, that which the Spaniards were minded to do by the Foxes tooth. Otherwise the Frenchmen would hardly haue resolved them to so dangerous and doubtful an enterprise as the siege of Callis was.  
To make it short, it may well be said, that that Nation of all other in the world, is most affectioned towards the common weal of France, that resembled least the Spanish Nation. The which thing I conclude so much the more boldly, because I am well assured, that no man will trouble himself to prove that they haue helped or furthered us, either in the knowledge of good learning, or in the ordering of our manners. For what light of good learning is to be looked for at the hands of that nation, which during this happy age hath scarce brought forth siue or six learned men? This is the cause in mine opinion, why the spaniards( as great travelers as they be) durst never pass so far, 
Pindarus ode x. Pith.  as to the Hiperboreans, for fear( as it is to be thought) least they retaining still their old custom of offering up of Asses in sacrifice, might haue sacrificed them. As touching the ordering of our manners, we may well say, that as the Philosopher Polianus( by dealing too much with the dreaming dotages of Epicurus) forgot all skill that he had of Geometry, 
Cicero in Lucullo.  so we by the familiarity of the Spaniards, haue almost forgotten the virtues which were most familiar unto us, to wit, courtesy and humanity.  
And to what purpose( I pray you) should bear any great good affection to us that Nation which should take so small harm by our overthrow: or rather which hath always and specially for this last hundred yeres grounded hir own greatness vpon our abatement. I cut off this discourse of purpose to touch another point of greater importance: namely the means which either of the Nations haue to help or to annoy us withall. I will speak therefore at first of that which concerneth traffic, and afterward of such as touch Martiall acts. All those which know both england and spain, will grant unto me, that england is much more peopled than spain. I speak not proportion for proportion, but even in the whole: notwithstanding that england be far less in quantity of land: which thing proceedeth of nothing else, than of the temperature of the place. For although france bee one of the temperatest countries that are known: yet nevertheless Caesar speaking thereof, saith expressly of england, Loca sunt temperatiora quàm in Gallia: The places are more temperate then in France. This abundance of people, 
Pindarus ode 1. Olimp.  is a sure argument of the fruitefulnesse of the soil. Pindarus in a certain place termeth cicily {αβγδ}, that is to say, abundant of sheep. And expounding himself in an other place, he nameth it {αβγδ}, that is to say, fat or fruitful. 
pinned. Od. 1. Nem.  If this argument of that so learned a Poet be well couched, we may well thereupon conclude the fruitefulnesse of england, by the great abundance not only of sheep, but also generally of all cattle which be in it.  

Cicero in Lucullo.  It may be that here some man will object the saying of Cicero in his Oration entitled, De Aruspicum responsis. That is the answer of the birdspellers, for behold how he speaketh, even in these words:  Quam volumus, licèt ipsi nos amemus: tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec robore Gallos, nec calliditate Poenos, nec artibus graecoes, nec denique hoc ipso huius gentis ac terraenatiuo sensu Italos ipsos ac Latinos, said pictate ac religione omnes gentes ac nationes superauin us. 
stand we as much as we list in our own conceits, yet neither in number excel we the Spaniards, nor in strength the galls, nor in policy the Poenians or Cartheginians, nor in sciences the Grecians, nor finally in sharpness of natural wit, the Italians and latins, being of this self same country, and land that we be: only in godliness and religion, haue we outgone all countries and all nations.  
But in this place it is easy to judge, that in this saying Cicero was lead rather by his ears, than by his eyes, as well as he was in his former saying, speaking of Astrologers. And that in this discourse, it pleased him to play the part of an other Mirmecides in making a great case of a small matter. But what need we to stand so much vpon this point, 
Plinius lib. 7. cap. 21.  seeing that the traffic which we haue with both those countries can easily dispatch that doubt.  
We receive out of england, wool, tin, Fish, and many other things, in great abundance: and in exchange thereof we furnish them with wine, Salt, woad, and diverse other things: by reason whereof it cometh to pass, that Rochell, bordeaux, and generally all the sea costs of normandy, britain and Gwyen, are brought to great distress, by ceasing the traficke with the Englishmen.  
Out of spain( I confess) we draw very good horses of service, howbeit, that is but by stealth. And in granting this point( notwithstanding that it go against my heart to do it) I am driven to confess the slothfulness of us Frenchmen. For if we would keep the like razes of horses, and mares, as are to be seen in Lauedan, our trade with the spaniards might seem to proceed of pure charity, because we should relieve them without receiving any help or succour at their hands. For the marchandice of some perfumed gloves, and such other small baggages, deserveth not to come in any account. And forasmuch as concern thē, they by reason of the dryness& barrenness of their country, be driven to borrow of us, the thing most needful for mans life, to wit, corn. As for wine they haue sufficient of their own. Now remaineth the trade or wool,& of cloth, both woollen and linen, which amounteth not to the third part of that which our marchants receive out of England. And it will not seiue their turn to say, that they may weak great quantities of corn, from the places which they keep in Italy, as out of Naples, cicily and milan: for they that flourish the matter with that faire face, consider not, that so to do, were but a stripping of Saint Peter, and cloth Saint paul. cicily is fruitful, I grant it, but Malta and the Goze, must be sustained by that fruitefulnesse, unless they intend to make themselves a pray to the Turkes, by leaving those places vnvictualed. moreover, a good part of the fruits of cicily are employed in the maintenance of italy. And as in respect of milan and Lombardie, the carriage is difficult from thence into spain, that they can by no means help themselves with the fruits thereof, but that the sauce will stand them in more than the fish is worth.  
As for Naples, Pouil, and Calabrie, for as much as the fruitfulness of them is not very great, the Spaniard can receive the less succour of them. The like may bee said in respect of the Low-countries. Some man perchance will think it strange, that I should stand so much upon the unfruitfulness of spain, seing that the great means which that nation hath to succour us with all, are more than sufficient to countervail that default. here must I needs bring to pass the Quolibet, which the roman Iudges were wont to use, when they found themselves in perplexity for the deciding of some matter of importance: that is to wit, Non liquet, It appeareth not so: But this perplexity of mine, is so much the less, because it may easily be resolved by comparing the helps and means of England, with the helps of spain. If we measure these helps and means, by the number of souldiers that can set forth the one or the other of those nations: the experience, that is to say, the very history pleadeth openly for the Englishmen. And for proof hereof, Comynes witnesseth, that the fore mentioned king Edward, sent to the succour of the Duke of Burgoine, fifteen hundred horsemen well mounted, for the most part upon barbed horses, richly furnished: and also fifteen thousand archers on horseback.  

Guychardine Lib. 12.  In our time king henry the eight, at his first coming down into picardy to join with the Emperor Maximilian( the first of that name) at the siege of Terwane, brought with him five thousand horsemen, and above forty thousand footmen, of whom five and twenty thousand were Englishmen, and fifteen thousand were Lance knights: What can bee said of the like in the behalf of the Spanish nation? The Emperor Charles and his son king Philip, are the princes that haue most absolutely commanded in spain, and yet for all that, neither of them both could ever levy a greater power of men of war, than eight thousand natural Spaniards, and yet the most of them were footmen. For as concerning the horsemen, the Spaniard may be compared unto a sword fish, who hath a good blade, and cannot help himself with it. The like may well bee said, that the Spaniards haue very good horses, but they serve them with it, more to traffic with their friends, than to fight with their enemies, to withstand them. But because that the remembrance of late things may serve very much to discourse this doubt, I will set down a record so clear& evident, that whosoever will take vpon him to advance the forces of the Spaniards, shal haue no better foundation to ground himself vpon, than either an ouerlight belief, or else an head-strong wilfulness. During the reign of K. Francis the second, at what time the great men of France were in very evil plight among themselves. K. Philip wrote a letter to the K. which was red before his privy counsel. I cannot well tel in what language it was written, but surely the contents thereof savoured much of the Spanish phrase: for he protested, that if any removing came again in France, he would aid the King his brother with an army of fifty thousand men. A while after, both the time and occasion offered themselves very well, for him to perform that which he had so solemnly protested: for France was beaten down with the storm of civil war. And although our miseries did cause well-near as many fountains of tears, as there be towns in France. So that they ministered occasion unto King Philip to rejoice that he had so fit an occasion to accomplish his promise. Let us see therefore howe he discharged himself thereof. He was required to send succour to the king his brother, who was about to stablish again the Romish religion in her former state. now to the intent he might not seem behind, in good will and friendship towards his brother, he gathered certain troops of those virtuous and religious persons, which live in the straights of the mountaines Pyrenees, by taking the gold without vewing it, and the silver without telling it: and yet were not they to the number of fifty thousand, as he had promised, but onely unto two thousand: so that it was easy to judge unto all Arithmeticians, that this good prince, when he made this foresaid protestation, he reckoned his helps and means by the rule of false position. As touching the behaviour of these brave and valiant souldiers, if a man considered them thoroughly, they represented I cannot tell what image, of the old forworne age of the world, 
thucydides, lib primo.  during the which( as witnessed thucydides) robbing and stealing was no shane. The contemplation of these goodly qualities made the Romish catholics so much the more lorie for the loss of these honest men: for having encamped them upon the bank of the river of Tard, those amazons of Mountauban, issuing out diuers times upon them, slew a great sort of them without confession and penance for any other sin, than onely of that, which is termed temeritie and oversight of war. But now for as much as in making comparison diuers things one to another, 
Aristot. lib. quinto Ethie.  the proportion of geometry beareth far greater sway than the proportion of arithmetic: that man should not transgress much the bounds of reason, which should take vpon him to judge of these two nations( in matters of war) rather by the valor and worthiness, than by the number, for oftentimes a small number of men do overmaster a great army, and tread them under foot. I am exceeding sorry, that I cannot produce better presidents of the English prowess, than the great& singular victories which they haue gotten vpon us: howbeit that our valiant ancestors in those battels, wanted nothing less then courage and good will. The Englishmen can glory of nothing more, than that they overcame such enemies, as were most valiant: in somuch that the Poets& history writers, which haue set out their prosperity, haue not at any time concealed our valiantness. To be short, the manhood& prowess of our ancestors, deserved not to be overcome of any but of such enemies as could skill to overcome, even victory itself: that is to say, the fury& outrage, which is wont to accompany the victorious arms. Let the Carthaginenses boast as much as they list of their success of Cannas: for yet if they go about to prefer it, before the battle of Cressie, they shal but show thē, either too much affectioned to themselves, or else over smally skilled in the knowledge of the history: whereout we may gather, that in the said renowned battle( which was fought in the year 1346. there were slain on our side, aleuen princes, fourscore barons, a thousand& two hundred housemen,& more then thirty thousand footmen. Also the battle of poitiers( whereof I haue spoken heretofore) yeeldeth the like record, both of the English manhood in getting the victory, and of their courtesy and mildness in knowing how to use it moderately: the which thing causeth me to speak the more freely of their prowess and virtue. And to confess the more plainly, that the small number of fighting men which were on their side, haue made their victories the more renowned and notable, it were against reason, that in this comparison I should require the Spaniards to furnish me with the like presidents, of their own prowess and valiancy: for they be discharged of so doing by the rule of right, which saith, that no man is bound to the performance of things that are unpossible.  
again, I am afraid I should bee counted a forger of Paradoxes and incredible tales, if I should say that the Spaniards are not stout men of war, unless I had so clear and evident proof thereof, that to deny the same were a wilful shutting of a mans eyes, least he should not see the brightness of the sun at high noon. And to the intent to wade deeper into this matter, and to speak of the effects by their causes. I say that if nature hath not altered the ordinary course of her working, the Spaniard cannot in any wise be accounted among the warlike nations. 
Aristot. in his vij. book of matters of state. cap. 7.  The nations which dwell in could countries( as Aristotle saith) are endued with a more haughty and stout courage than others, but of wit not so quick and sharp: and therefore they love more their liberty, but are less able to wielde the stern of certainty over their neighbours. Contrariwise the nations of Asia haue a more waking wit, but having a base courage, they yield more willingly their necks under the yoke of bondage: and therefore he concludeth that the Greeks, as holding the mean between extreme heat, and extreme could, are indifferently partakers of both these complexions. Now, as his proposition is grounded vpon a good consideration, so all men of good understanding will always uphold the same: And I dare well say, that in the applying thereof, the love of truth gave place to the love of his country: for the most northern part of Greece, is of four and forty degrees, which is the elevation of that quarter where Constantinople standeth, as also is the elevation of the mountain Pyrenees, which separate France from spain. Therefore parting the five and fortieth degree which is the very bound of temperatnesse: marking the midst of France, wee may well say that our country is more temperate than Greece. And although England bee as much or more Northerly than any part of France, yet notwithstanding, because it is environed with the ocean on all sides, 
pinned. ode 1. Nem.  the cold is nothing so excessive there, as it is in France, as Caesar hath very well noted. And therefore it is easy to conclude, that by reason of the situation of the place, the Englishmen are both warlike and also wise, that is to say, thoroughly furnished with whatsoever is necessary to the government of the civil life. For the strength of the body is no less required in executing, 
Cicero in his Oration for M. Marcellus.  than the fineness& liveliness of wit is in devising, as saith very well the Poet Pindarus.  
{αβγδ},  
{αβγδ}.  
For the power worketh by operation,  
But the wit with counsel and discretion.  
And it will not serve to say, as Comines doth, that the Englishmen be very choleric, a passion which above al others troubleth mens judgements, specially when they be at the point to resolve themselves: for that might take place in the time of Comines, when Englishmen were not yet so well polished, as they haue been since, by the knowledge of good learning. But since that by the liberality of K. Edward wee haue seen two Athens in one England onely,( that is to wit, Cambridge and Oxford) it were hard to judge whether that so mighty a realm, hath been more plentiful in fruits of the earth, then in fine subtle, and most excellent wits, meet for the managing of matters of state. 
Machiauell in his book of a Prince.  It is about three or four score yeares past, that the Italians made to the Frenchmen, the same reproach, that Commines doth to the Englishmen: namely that they could not skill in matters of government. But since the time that king Francis replenished France with learned men, by the means of the Professors, the which from al parts he caused to come to Paris: the Italians should flatter themselves too much, if they thought that in the handling of politic affairs, the Frenchmen should be any whit behind them. And it is therefore that Peter ram( a man whose renown flieth daily through all the coasts of the world) had such a mind to commend in his familiar talk, the great liberality, and other excellent virtues of K. Edward and queen Elizabeth, that he never thought to haue found so meet a matter, whereon to bestow his wonderful eloquence, as to discourse the nature and heroical virtue, whereof he described a true and lively portraiture, in the doings and behaviour of those two princes. But the desire which I haue, with the fit mean which is offered me to show that the Spaniard is no warlike man, maketh me to be somewhat shorter in discoursing of the wisdom of the Englishmen. I think that the reason which I haue alleged out of Aristotle, is sufficient enough to displace the Spaniards out of the room which he pretendeth to haue among warlike Nations. nevertheless, if any man had rather to refer himself to the experience, than to his philosophical reasons, I haue but too many means, wherewith to content him, if he be a man, that will admit reason for payment. I say therefore, that before this last hundred yeeres, the Spanish nation was had in no reputation, for feats of arms. And for proof thereof, I report me to the witness of histories: I say more, that since that time, look howe often the princes of spain haue grounded the chief force of their armies upon bands of the Spanish nation, so often haue they always received some great blow or overthrow. The battle of Rauenna, and Serizoles, in Lombardie, do sufficiently verify my saying. On the contrary part, if they had advantage against us, as they had at Pauia, at saint Quintins, and at traveling, they ought to thank the almains and Englishmen for it. Verily, I confess, that under the wise conducting of the Emperour Charles, they were brought to a certain orderly discipline, which they continue, and shall continue so long as it shall please God to use their service, for executing of his rightful vengeance: for it is he that both' giveth,& taketh virtue, to and from men, and when he listeth, as the Poet Homer hath very well noted saying. 
Hom. iliads.   
{αβγδ}  
{αβγδ}.  
God incresed and diminished virtue unto men,  
As it pleased him, for he surpassed all them.  
And although the Spaniards surpass all other nations of the world in vain and foolish boasting, when they fall in question of their own prowess and valiance: yet do they labour to surmount themselves in this shameless bragging, when they come to speak of their wealth and riches. And forasmuch as this is the chief foundation of their imaginative greatness, I will stand somewhat the longer upon this point, and I will make it to bee known, that if they had the third part of the riches which they imagine to haue, they should be three times richer than they bee. 
Theophrast. {αβγδ}.  The egyptians reported in their histories, that in the temple of jupiter, there was a pillar made of four Emerauds, containing every of them forty cubits of length, whereat Theophraestus jested very pleasantly, and with good reason. Such like accounts are to be found in the histories of the Spaniards, concerning the Ile of Zipangrie, where these good fellowes would fain make us to beleeue that flies carry staues pyked on both ends. As touching the treasure of Perou, to the intent men might understand, that their reports are set down by imitation of Lucians true tales: they seem not to haue forgotten any thing untold, saving that in the Cabinet of king Atapaliba, they found a whole hundred of Diamonds, every of them as big at least as an Ostriches egg. But setting aside these lies, which cannot be believed but of such as beleeue the real verity of Metamorphose, or transformation of ovid:  
Let us consider, that these riches come not into the king of Spaines coffers, like grass in a meadow, that is to say, without any cost: but contrariwise, that the fetching thereof costeth him very deere. Let us consider farther, that other nations, and specially the Frenchmen, haue learned the way to Perou, who fearing perhaps, least the Spaniards might perish vpon sea by being overladen, do diuers times of pure charity and good will, yield them so much service, as to take some part of their burden into their ships( yea so gracious and friendly be our Frenchmen) that they compel the Spaniards, whether they will or no, to receive the effects and proofs of so charitable courtesy. Besides all this, the Indians begin to wax shrewd lads, and to make no more so much account of glasses, pings, and such other spanish gifts: peradventure because some body hath made them to taste this saying of Sophocles. 
Sophoc. in ajax.   {αβγδ}. 
Take heed for gifts of enemies,  
They are no gifts worthy of praise.  
And albeit, all other causes wanted, is it possible that the possession of a thing so evil gotten should continue long? think we that there is any Indian, in subiection of the Spaniards, which in his speech crieth not out a thousand times a day, 
Aristophanes in Pluto.  this sentence of Aristophanes.  
{αβγδ},  
{αβγδ}.  
To serve a foolish master which hath no wit,  
Is a troublesone thing and full of despite.  
Aristotle saith, that a country is possessed and held by a tyrant in the same manner that mens bodies are with an agew. 
Aristotle in his fist book of metaphysics. cap. 23.  What a number of sighs and groans, think wee do the wretched Americanes( so long tormented with that fever of the Spanish cruelty) cast forth, which mount up to the ears of him that holdeth the stern of the matters of this world? think we that Gods hand is shortened, so as he cannot in due time execute the fastings which he hath uttered by the mouth of his prophet against these murtherers, robbers and wasters? 
Esay. 33.  Where is the state in the world, be it never so flourishing, that can bee exempted from decay, and utter overthrow? Which is the wisdom and counsel, what the force, that can defend it, from the hand of the living God? mischief runneth a place, from house to house, saith Euripides, 
Euripides in Electra.  in most richest and exquisite words.  
{αβγδ}  
{αβγδ}  
{αβγδ}.  
Troubles and adversities do fall vpon men so,  
As God will appoint, And winds be cast to and fro.  
The same( and with much better reason) may be said of Monarchies also, wherein we may see from day to day, 
Hesiodus de oper.& dieb.  the accomplishment of this threatening, which is so wisely set down by Hesiodus speaking of jupiter,  
{αβγδ}  
{αβγδ}.  
He pulleth down the mighty ones from their wealth,  
very easily and again, the abject he doth exalt:  
It is he which doth correct them that are not sound,  
And the stout and wicked men breaketh down to ground.  
Which thing doth take place specially then when the fins, as well of the people, as of the Magistrate, in forceth God to break his patience. The Mathematicians hold opinion, 
Vitellius, li. 4.  that the increasing of the greatness of things, which are exceeding great, maketh them to seem to come near unto our sight: notwithstanding that in very truth, they come nothing near at all. 
Theox. 129,  But the case standeth far otherwise, where God is moved with mens sins: for the heaping of them up one vpon an other, not only approacheth, but also preaceth them into the sight and presence of the living God, who oftentimes punisheth the people by the king, and the king by the people, whose iustice is not ruled by the same square that directeth the judgements of men, and of commonweals. Wherein( according to the opinion of the Lawyers) Noxa caput sequitur, penalty pursueth the head. Thereof we haue a manifest and notable example in Abimelech king of Gerar, who in excusing of himself unto Abraham, used these words: what haue I done unto thee? 
Caius lib. 20.& ultimo. D. de Noxal. Action. Genesis. 20.  and wherein haue I offended thee, that thou hast brought on me and on my kingdom this great sin? Now if Abimelech do call adultery a great sin, what name shall we give to that whereof no better description can be given than to liken it unto the example set down by Suetonius in the life of Claudius in the xxvi. chapter of his book. 
Suetonius.  And if any man think this speech to be over dark, let him but red that which is written by the Lawyer Paulus, lib. 39. under the title, Si quis D. de ritu nuptiarum, concerning the ceremony of marriage, and he shall understand my meaning plain enough: but this is not all, for there are yet in this behalf, other sorts of wickednesses, as much or more abominable than the other, which they think to keep very secret, as if the saying of the Poet Musaeus should not take place, as well in one age as in an other.  
{αβγδ}  
{αβγδ}.  
Oftentimes is sounded out in open street,  
The wicked work which men do think to hid.  
Now then, if we esteem Gods iustice to be unchangeable, let us know, and be well assured, that God will visit so great and cursed kinds of wickedness, which may with more honesty than ease, be concealed: and shall( how long so ever he foreslow it) make to feel his vengeance unto the Spaniard and his king.  
A cruel tyrant over whose lewd head,  
The wrath of God hangs ready to be spread.  
To be short, the time will come ere long, and shall not stay, that this wicked Nation, which for these hundred yeares, hath made a trade of pilling and praying vpon others: shall be made a pray and booty unto other Nations. The time( I say) draws near, wherein either the Indians, or else the king of Spaines lieutenants themselves shall rebel against him, and shall become executors of Gods wrath against the covetousness and cruelty of their own Nation.  
Now remaineth to be considered the third and last point of this discourse, that is to wit, whether of these two Nations being become our enemies, hath most means to annoy us: this point may well be ended, by reason of that which hath been treated in the former article, which concerned the means which either of those Nations haue to succour us with all: yet notwithstanding such is the case, that if the Englishmen should happen to set foot in France, and specially in Gwyen, it would be so hard for us to stay a great part of the Nobility and gentlemen from taking their part, as to bury the remembrance of the good turns and pleasures, which their houses haue received heretofore at the hands of the kings of england, especially considering that the Charters of the greatest houses of guienne, are as many witnesses, or rather as many authentical records to prove howe much they bee bound to remember the kings of England. moreover, coming at hand with the Englishmen, every one knoweth that they haue good ditches, large and deep, and they which can not be drained.  
On the contrary part, according to the opinion of that great captain the admiral of chastilion, it will bee no less easy than expedient unto us, to overcome the spaniards, if wee warred vpon them as we ought, that is to say, if we would cut off the river at the spring head, by setting vpon thē at home in their own country: which is a land very easy to be entred into, being both unfurnished of strong towns, and also which can not but very hardly be succoured from germany. Whereas contrariwise, our army should be backed by the countries of languedoc, and gascoigne, both of them well stored of victuals and men of war, in so much that that quarter may at this day be called in France, the storehouse of Mars. Therfore although I should proceed no further, and add nothing else, yet notwithstanding the causes heretofore set down, being well considered, do conclude sufficiently of themselves, that to prefer, or to match in equality, the alliance with spain, to the alliance with England, is an open showing of ourselves to be unnatural and unkind to our allies. It is( I say) a showing of ourselves to be blockish, and unable to discern the nature that matcheth jump with ours, from the nature that is clean contrary to it. It is( I say again) a manifest setting and opposing of ourselves against the benefit, and welfare of our country.  
The spaniards( as we haue said) be covetous, guileful, proud, and ravenous. Shall we change then, the frank liberality, into a slavish and unsatiable covetous nigardlinesse? shall we change the generosity of the lion, into the malice of the fox? Shall we( I say) become of gentle, arrogantes and disdamefull, and of mild and meek, cruel and ravenous? Shall we so bereave ourselves of the virtues that haue purchased us so great reputation through the whole world, as that there shall remain no more unto us, but only the bare name of Frenchmen?  
And yet if we consider thoroughly the nature of the spaniard, the miserable exchange whereof I speak will ever more be noted as a manifest and sure record of our over great plyantnesse, in making so great account of that Nation, which after the manner of the ivy hath always made those to feel the most pernicious effects of their most hurtful malice which haue been most straightly linked unto them.  
Now for as much as prayer is counted for a duty of an honest man towards his country, I pray unto God, O France, that thy preservation and increase, may be a continual mirror of his goodness and wisdom, shining forth in the government of the great states and kingdoms. And that to the same end, he may open thy eye lids, so as thou mayest haue the skill to discern the poison mingled with honey, whereby they go about to set forward the overthrow and utter abolishment of thine honour and greatness.  
All that hath a beginning, hath an end,  
Well that man that hath his time well spent.  
Tradutta& scritta questa vera pruoua,  
Da francisco Marquino, com' cosa nuoua.  
Iddio salvi la Regina Elizabetha,  
Ela doni lunga& prospera vita.