¶ The History of Herodian, a Greek Author, treating of the Roman Emperors, after Marcus, translated out of Greek into Latin, by Angelus Politianus, and out of Latin into english, by Nicholas Smyth. Whereunto are annexed, the Arguments of every Book, at the beginning thereof, with Annotations for the better understanding of the same History.  
¶ Cum gratia & privilegio regali ad imprimendum solum.  
(?)  
WILLIAM Coplande.   

❧ To the right honourable Lord, William Earl of Penbroke, etc. Lord Precedent of the King and Queen's majesties Counsel, in the Marches of Wales, and one of their majesties most honourable privy Counsel, his humble Orator Nycholas Smyth, wisheth all things prosperous.  
Amongst all those, that have by their writing, beautified the Greek & latin tongue, none are supposed (right honourable & virtuous Lord) so much to have profited mortal affairs, as Historiographers, who have faithfully reduced into writing the acts & deeds of such, as in fame (either good or evil) have passed this transitory life. They have put before our eyes, the lives, manners, and doings, of all sorts of men, which their counsels, fortunes, and adventures, the which their posterity may, as in a painted Table behold: and thereby learn to profit, aswell the Common wealth, as their own private estate. Chiefly, through the manifold examples, both good, and evil, contained in Histories, all sorts of people may attain by them, to more knowledge in short space, than otherwise they might in all their lives, if the same were much longer than the common age of man. For proof whereof, we have the memory of Lucius Lucullus the noble Roman: who (as Cicero writeth) at his departure from Rome against the great king Mythridates) being utterly unskilful in warfare, whiles he sailed on the Sea, so travailed, in conferring with learned men, and reading of Histories, that when he arrived in asia, he was so excellent in warlike knowledge, that by the confession of Mythridates, he deserved preferment above all the Chievetaynes in war, that were before his time. Alexander Severus also, Emperor of Rome, when so ever he made preparation to war, accustomed to consult with such as were expert in Histories. And good cause why. For if Use (as sayeth Afranius) hath engendered wisdom: and Memory as the Mother, hath brought her into light: Who ought to be more sage, and discrete, than they which retain in memory, the deeds, & manners, not only of one age, or City, but of all ages, & nations? This much considering (right excellent Lord) and induced by the prudent words of Sallust, in his Preface to Catiline's wonderful Conjuration, whereby he exhorteth man (if he intend to be reputed worthier than other mortal Creatures) so to employ his whole labour, and study, that he overslyp not his life, in slothful silence, as savage, and brute beasts, whom Nature hath formed prone, & subject, to the filthy lusts of the belly: I have enterprised to translate out of latin this present History of Herodian, a Greek Author, treating of the roman Emperors, between Marcus the Philosopher, and Gordianus the younger, not before (I think) brought into our english tongue. And have presumed, to dedicat the same unto your good Lordship, whom not only fame, but also experience, doth abundantly prove, to be the perfect Patron of knyghtlye prows, and virtue. Humbly beseeching your good Lordship, of your accustomed clemency, so to accept this my simple gift, being the Crop of my barren Harvest, as may embolden other joyfully to embrace it, and encourage me, to employ my poor labour further hereafter. And so I remain a continual Intercessor to almighty God, for the prosperous estate of your lordship, with continual increase of virtue, and honour.   

¶ THE PROHEME OF the history of Herodian, treating of the Roman Emperors, after Marcus.  
THey which have delivered unto their posterity ancient traditions, and endeavoured to renew by writing the old memory of histories: They I say, earnestly affecting the renown of erudition and learning: and busyly studying to preserve their names from thinjury of oblivion, did employ much less labour in searching out the truth, then in trimming the style of their Histories. Knowing precisely, that although they falsefyed any thing long before their time passed, the same could not be reprehended, and yet nevertheless themselves should (through the pleasant eloquence, of their finely penned talk) obtain very much commodity, of their painful travail. Other some being moved, with particular enmityes and hatred of tyrants, or else fallen into unmeasurable flattery, with praising of Princes, Cities, & private persons, did through skilful knowledge of writing, blaze and extol far above truth, things that by themselves were simple & of no estimation. But I in contrary wise, have enterprised to write an history, not received of others, unknown, or else wanting witnesses, but at this present, fixed and remaining in the memories of the Readers, and collected with singular truth and diligence. Trusting, that the knowledge of those things, (being many and great, and not long agone happened) will not be unpleasant to the posterity. For if a man will well ponder all the ages since the time of Augustus, (when the Roman superiority was committed to the arbitrement of one man) he shall not find in all those. ii.c. years (so many almost pardie are reckoned between Augustus, and Marcus) so divers successions in th'empire, so variable chances and haps in the wars either civil or foreign, so many nations raised up, or so many of our own and barbarous Cities destroyed, besides earthquakes and plagues, the lives also of Princes, and tyrants so strange and incredible, that none or at the lest very few like examples can be found amongs our elders. Of which princes, some of long time remained in authority, other some a short while enjoyed the dominion yea many of them scarcely entered into honour, and being only named Emperors, lost th'empire the very same day they took it upon them. And when by the space of lx years, the City of Rome had sustained more governors then for the time sufficed, it came to pass, that many strange things and worthy admiration chanced. For the Princes somewhat stricken in age, as men expert in sundry affairs, did prudently govern themselves and their charge. On tother side the young men leading their lives in voluptuousness, invented and commanded new things daily. whereby it happened, that the young princes, being of unlike age and licence, did also follow unlike study & manners. How these things were done, in observing a just order of the true time and princes, we will now declare.   

¶ The contents of the first book.  
THe Author beginneth his history at the end of Marcus Antoninus reign, who was successor unto Aurelius Antoninus surnamed Pius: And it behoveth to know, that after the opinion of Eusebius in his tables, Marcus Antoninus was the xiiii Emperor of Rome. But after the opinion of other Historiographers, he was the xvii The first was julius Cesar. The second Octavius Cesar, Augustus. The third Tiberius Cesar. The iiii. Caius Caligula. The .v. Claudius' Cesar. The vi Nero Claudius Cesar. The vii Sergius Galba. The viii Otho Silvius. The ix Aulus Vitellius. The ten Flavius Vespasianus. The xi Titus Vespasianus. The twelve Domitianus. Of which twelve Suetonius Tranquillus hath written compendiously. Paulus Orosius sayeth, that Nerua succeeded Domitian, after Nerua trajan, after trajan, Adrian, after Adrian Antoninus Pius, with his two Sons Aurelius, and Lucius, whom Marcus Antoninus Verus, and Aurelius Commodus, his brother succeaded. Which Marcus Antoninus (of whom presently the question is) overlived the other, and remained sole Emperor being the xvii in number, reckoning julius Cesar for the first. Of the lineage, virtue, science, and decease, of this Marcus, Herodian speaketh in the beginning of this first book: after whom his Son Commodus, reigned: being in the beginning, gentle, meek, and of good disposition. But after he had escaped the Treason of Lucilla his own Sister, Perennes the captain of his guard, Ma●ternus, and Cleander the lieutenant of his army, he altered to dissolute and dishonest life, and Tyranny. Wherefore he was poisoned by Martia one of his concubines, Letus the captain of his Guard, & Electus his principal Chamberlain: And after at their appointment, strangled by Narcissus.  
FINIS.   

¶ The first book of the history of Herodian.  
Themperor Marcus had many daughters, 
The children of Marcus. Verissimus.  and ii sons only, of whom the younger named Verissimus, by mischance died in his tender age. The other named Commodus, 
Commodus.  the father brought up with great diligence and care. And having gotten from all parts excellent learned men, waged them with large stipends, that they should every man for his part, garnysshe the manners and disposition of his Son. He married his daughters at their ripe age, unto the best of the Senators, choosing to his Sons in law, not such as could show forth large pedegrues of their ancestry, or such as vaunted themselves of their great treasure, but those which excelled in perfect modesty of manners, and innocency of life. For that he esteemed, to be the only, perfect, and stable, richesse of the mind.  
¶ He forgot no virtue, 
The good disposition of Marcus.  wherein he exercised not himself: being so studious of the antiquity of learning, that in the same, he might be compared, to the best either of the Greeks, or of the Romans. For proof hereof, there are many things both spoken, and written, by him, comen even unto our time. He was so curteis, that he would gently take every comer unto him by the hand: not permytting, that any man should be forbidden by his guard, the approaching unto his person. And he only, amongs all the Emperors, used the study of Sapience, not in words, or knowledge of decrees, but in gravity of manners, and continency of life. Whereby it came to pass, that the same age and time, brought forth a great increase of wise men, for commonly, men are wont to follow the lives and manners of their princes. But now, as touching the notable acts by him done, aswell at Rome, as else where, how he behaved himself also, towards the Barbarous nations enhabytinge the east, and the north, the same are contained in the monuments of many excellent learned men. But those things, which (after the death of Marcus, by all ages.) I both saw and hard, (whereof many by experience myself knew, as one traded in common affairs, and prince's business) I have taken upon me to write.  

Pannonie.  ¶ Whiles the old Emperor Marcus sojourned amongs the Pannoniens, a very grievous disease came upon him, not only worn with age, but also sore broken with continual travail and care. Wherefore, when he perceived no remedy but death, he began greatly to doubt in himself, lest his Son, (who was but then entered the first years of his Adolescency) either through vehemency of his youth, 
Adolescency.  or else through an inordynate licence, which he should have after his father's death, leaving all good exercise, and study apart, would addict himself to drunkenness, and superfluous riot. For he knew well, that the minds of young men, easily decline, to immoderate superfluity, from laudable and honest discipline. He was troubled besides, with the memory of many princes, which being but young men, took upon them the governance of royaulmes: as well of Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily, 
Dionysius.  (whose intemperateness of life was so great, that he endowed with richest rewards, thinuentours'inventors of new pleasures: as also of them which succeeded Alexander, of Macedon: who did so shamefully and Tiranouslye reign, that they purchased to his kingdom, a notorious obloquy. For Ptolomeus, fell into so detestable life, 
Ptolomeus.  that contrary to the laws of the macedonians, and all the Greeks, he was entangled, with thincest marriage of his own Sister. Antigonus also, 
Antigonus. Bacchus  (to represent the GOD Bacchus) was wont, in stead of the Macedonien Diadem and crown to were a Garland of ivy, and for a sceptre, to carry a thistle. The old man was vexed besides, with late examples, as of Nero, 
Nero.  who abstained not from the murdering of his own mother, and made himself as a laughing stock, unto all the people. He remembered Domytian, 
Domitian  who left nothing undone that he thought to appertain unto extreme Cruelty. Wherefore, weighing with himself these images of tyranny, he was tossed between hope and fear. The nigh nation of the germans, increased also his perplexity: for he had not thoroughly brought them in subjection, but some he had taken into his friendship, and the rest, he had vanquished by force of battle. Many of the same were escaped, and hid themselves, for fear of the prince. Wherefore he doubted greatly least after his death, they would rebel again, in setting at nought the youth of his Son: for he knew, the nature of the barbarous people, was to be stirred with every small trifle. Being tormented with these troublesome waves of care, he caused as many his friends, and kinsmen as were then in his company to repair unto his presence, and at their coming togethers, having commanded his Son to stand before them, he lifted himself somewhat upon his pillow, and made this oration unto them.  
¶ It is not to be marveled at, 
The oration of Marcus upon his death bed  that you are sorrowful and pensive, beholding me in this plight: for it is the nature of man, to bewail the misfortune of other. And those things we see with our eyes, do provoke much more compassion and pity. Besides this my reason is common with you: for in the recompense of the good will I have heretofore borne you, I hope and as of duty look for a mutual benevolence at your hands. And at this present it is so happened, that I must make proof, whether I have in vain so long tofore exhybited honour unto you, (having you always in estimation) and employed all my diligent study towards your wealth: And you in recompensing the same to show yourselves not unmindful of the benefits you have received: ye see my son whom yourselves have nourished, entering now the first bounds of his youth. And (as it were) in the swallow and waves of mortal life, wanting governors: lest the through ignorance, being drawn from his right course, he acquaint himself with disordered exercises. Be you therefore, (for me but one) many fathers unto him, in garnyshing his manners, with prompting, and minystring wholesome precepts unto him: for, neither may the abundance of treasure, satisfy the sensual lusts of tyranny, neither can the Emperor, be assuredly defended by the band of his guard, enuyroning his person, except, he have the good wills of those whom he governeth. For evermore they reign long, and peaceably, by whom no fear through cruelti, but love through gentleness, is powered into the hearts of the Citezyns: neither they whom force constraineth, but those which of their free wills obey, are either in doing or suffering, exempt from all suspicion of flattery. The same do not at any time, (except they be outrageously handled) grudge, or impugn, the rule of their superiors. But it is very hard for a man, which liveth in most inordinate licence, to govern himself, and bridle his affections. Wherefore, if ye willbe Authors of well living unto him, and oftentimes admonish him of those things he presently heareth, ye shall with that one labour, both make him a good prince unto yourselves, and all other, and also deserve the participation of our memory, which with this one point ye may make immortal. Whiles th'emperor Marcus was speaking these words, his vital spirit began so suddenly to fail, that forthwith, he was enforced to cease his talk, and slide down into his bed again. Then so great compassion, pierced the hearts of all that were present, that many of them, being through sorrow almost bereft their right senses, raised a dolorous clamour. He having languysshed, only a day and a night after ended his life: leving behind him, a great want, and desire, of himself, unto men of that age, & unto their posterity, a perpetual renown of virtue. When the fame of his death, was spread abroad, an incredible lamentation was, aswell amongst the hole army self, as the common people: So that no man within the Roman dominion, received this message, without abundant shedding of tears. And bewayleng the loss of him, with one accord, some called him a good father, other some a bening Emperor, Certain a most valiant captain, and many a righteous and moderate prince: And truly, there was none of them deceived. Now after a few days passed, when the funeral obsequies were performed, it seamed good unto his friends, to bring the young Emperor unto the army, that he might, both speak unto the soldiers, and (as the usage of new Emperors is) in distributing of money largely amongst them establish their minds, (as it were by obligation) unto him. It was therefore commanded, that the soldiers, according to the old custom, should repair togethers in the field: After whose assembly, Themperor Commodus came forth, and having finished the divine ceremonies, ascended th'imperial throne, (for the same purpose) in the mids of the camp erected: Where having about him his father's friends, (who were many excellent learned men) he spoke these words, or much like that ensue.  
¶ I am fully persuaded, 
The oration of Commodus.  that the dolour of this calamity, is common to me with you: And that you are no less sorrowful, than myself. For during my father's life, I never behaved myself as superior unto you, for that he loved us all equally, and did more willingly call me companion, than Son: because he esteemed the one, to be a name of nature, and the other, he reckoned to be the participation of virtue. And often times, he carried me in his arms, whiles I was an infant, delivered me into your hands, and (as I might say) gave me wholly unto your custody, and fidelity. Wherefore, I doubt not, but that ye will exhibit unto me your favour, for mine elders, ought to repute me as their son: and mine equals in age, I may lustily call companions in arms: for even so, did my father love us all as one, & provided to have us instructed in all exercises of virtue and learning. Now after him, hath fortune, given me for a prince unto you: not a stranger, (as some hath been before me,) nor one which vaunteth himself of a conquered Empire: but I was only borne unto you, and brought up in the very Imperial palace: And as soon as I was out of my mothers womb, thymperyall purple received me, in so much that I was no sooner a man, than a Prince. Pondering therefore these things in your minds, love & embrace your rightful Emperor, not given, but borne unto you. For my father is taken up into the heavens, & made companion with the Gods: And unto us, the regiment of the earth, and governance of mortal causes do appertain. What success and effect they shall come unto, it resteth in your power: If ye will therefore, valiantly finish the residue of the wars, and enlarge the Roman Empire, unto the great Ocean: ye shall not only purchase unto yourselves, exceeding much glory: but also, duly requite, the memory of our common parent. And believe verily, that he now heareth us, and presently beholdeth what we do: And let us account ourselves most happy, for that we have such a witness of our good deeds. As for the acts, ye have unto this day, valiantly and prosperously achieved, are attributed unto his prudent governance: But what you shall hereafter notably bring to effect with me, that is to say, with a young man your Emperor, the same shall win unto yourselves, as it were, a peculiar fame, as well of truth, as of prowess: whereby ye shall bring mine age in more estimation, with executing boldly our affairs. And the Barbarous people, being in the beginning of this new pryncypalitye throughly repressed, will not hereafter over boldly advance themselves, in despising my youth: but being once taught by their own perils, will he restrained and kept under, with continual awe and fear. When he had thus much spoken, he dystrybuted amongs the soldiers, a great sum of money, (that he might thereby confirm their hearts faithful, and loving towards him) and then returned into his palace. By a little space after this, all things were ruled by his father's friends, who were at no time absent with their prudent counsel, giving him as much liberty withal, as they thought sufficient, for the preservation of his health. But anon after, certain of th'emperors household crept by little and little forward, omitting nothing undone, that might corrupt the good disposition of the young Emperor. For the table parasytes, 
The table of parasites.  who measured felicity by their bellies▪ and filthy lusts, informed him often times of the City pleasures, now, reciting those things which were delectable too be heard, or seen there. And then extolling with praise, the abundance of all things. They dispraised besides the banks of Histria, 
Histria.  as unprofitable at all seasons, for that it had no pleasant apple trees, or other fruit, & was environed with continual cold & clouds. Wilt thou never, O Emperor (said they) leave drinking of water digged, & congealed together as ice. Shall other men enjoy the clear well springs, the pleasant cold of the running rivers, and the wholesome air of italy? By these allurynges to wantonness, they easily inflamed the young man's mind with vehement desire of those pleasures. Wherefore forthwith: having called his friends together, he dyssymuled not, that he was very desirous of his native country: But yet fearing to declare, the very cause of his sudden alteration of mind, he feigned that he stood in great doubt, least any rich man of the nobility, would take possession, of the Imperial palace: And thereupon gathering unto him a great power of men, would, as out of the strongest fortress, challenge unto himself the principal dominion of all th'empire. For (said he) amongs the people, may easily be levied a mighty & approved company of young men. Whiles he these causes moved, (all the rest, having their eyes cast upon the earth, with still and sorrowful countenance) Pompeianus, (who in age was the most ancient, and had married Commodus elder sister) arose up and said It is no marvel, o Son and sovereign, 
The oration of pompeianus unto Commodus.  that you are holden with desire of your country, for the very same desire of seeing our households, doth urge and stir us also. But we repress that affection, for that th'affairs we have here in hand, require the first part, and lieth us more upon to dispatch. As for the pleasures of the City, you shall longer enjoy hereafter: And Rome is continually, where the Emperor sojourneth. Now to give over the war lately begun, besides that it is shameful, it is also very perilous: for thereby we minister occasion of audacitee, unto the barbarous people: who will think, that we are not departed for cause of recreation, but that we are fled being daunted with fear. And unto yourself, how glorious will it be, after ye have vanquished all your enemies, and enlarged the bounds of your Empire unto the ocean, to return to Rome with triumph, and therein, to have led bound as captives, the barbarous kings and Lords? for truly after this sort, in the former worlds, did the Romans, were noble and famous. There is no cause, why you should fear that your affairs in the city, are in any hazard. For every principal senator is here present with you, and the hole army, doth before your eyes defend your Empire: yea, and all your chiefest treasure, is with us also. The memory besides of your father, hath established a steadfast and perfect benevolence towards you, with all estates. When Pompeianus persuading him to the better, had thus much spoken, he did somewhat at that present, repress the will and endeavour of the young Emperor: who fearing the old man's sayings, having nothing wherewith he might well reply, dismissed the counsel: promising, that he would more diligently at leisure, debate with himself those things. Yet afterward (his servants and parasites calling more instantly upon him) he made no further relation unto his Counsellors. But (having sent his letters unto Rome, and appointed whom he thought meet, to defend the banks of Hister, and restrain the attempts of the barbarians) he caused forthwith his removing to be proclaimed. They that were left behind, diligently executed the offices appointed them, and within a little space, brought many in subjection. And some they joined by great gifts in petition unto them. The which was not very hard to do: For the barbarous people being naturally greedy of money, and despisers of all dangers, do either get their living with invasions, and pylleng of their neighbours, or else for an appointed salary, sell their peace. The which thing Commodus perceiving, (that he might with money (whereof he had innumerable abundance) purchase himself securitee and quiet) he denied nothing unto the demaunders. Now assoon as the fame of his setting forward was spread in the army, suddenly a great stir was amongs all the soldiers, every man desiring to return unto Rome, and affecting the pleasures of the city, to leave their enemies country. And when it was blown abroad, by report of pursuivants and posts, that the Emperor was returning to the City, an incredible joy wandered amongs the common people, every man conceiving in himself, a singular hope of th'emperors presence, and trusting assuredly that he would follow his father's steps. Himself making speed in his journey, and passing with a certain fervency of youth, in his chariot through the mids of all them cities, was received with princely reverence, and joyful assemblies of the people, & welcomed, as one most acceptable, and wished for unto them. And when he approached nigh unto Rome, the hole Senate, and the Roman commons, (each of them coveiting to prevent other) crowned with laurel, and carrying all ●ynde of flowers, (that the present season of the year ●yd minister) met as far as they could from the city, their prince notable in the flower of youth and nobility of birth. For truly, they loved him with most fervent affection, being borne and brought up amongs them, 

The nobility of Commodus.  
Faustina Commodus mother. Antonius puis. Hadrian trajan. The beauty of Commodus.   and then possessing in the third degree thempire and regiment of Rome. For of his father's side he issued from the chiefest of the Senators. And his Mother Faustina a Prince's wife, the daughter of Antoninus Pius, & niece by her mother unto Hadrian, did refer the Pedegrue of her kindred, unto trajan her great grandfather. Of this parentage was Commodus descended: unto whom, besides the flower of his age, was given also an excellency of beauty, a congruent stature of body, an amiable and manly countenance, pleasant and shining beams in his eyes, and a yellow and curled hear, which when he came into the Son, did so glister, that many deamed the same, as he passed by them, to be sprinkled over with golden dust. Many also esteemed it a token of divinity, conjecturing that the rays about the top of his head, were by generation and nature given unto him. The soft hears besides sprang out of his cheeks, and covered them as it were with flowers. They received therefore, this such an Emperor, with joyful shouts, and strawing of Garlands, and flowers in the way as he passed. After he was entered into the City, visited and saluted the Temples, first of jupiter, and then of the other Gods, and given thanks to the hole Senate, and the Praetorian Soldiers, for their fidelity observed towards him, he went into th'imperial palace. For a few years after this, he did honourably entreat his father's friends, and used their counsel in all his affairs. Those years expired he committed the charge of the hole Empire unto other, & constituted captain of his guard, an italian named Perennes a man very expert and skilful in warfare. 
Perennes  The same, abusing the age of the young Emperor, permitted him to be corrupted with sensual lusts and ruffians. And taking upon himself all charge and labour, ruled the hole Empire. There was in the man, an insatiable thirst of money, so that little regarding what he had already geten, he daily greedily gaped for new lu●our and gain labouring earnestly to oppress by accusations the friends of Commodus father, and to bring every noble and rich man in suspicion, that thereby, the young man, being put in fear, and they destroyed, himself might have opportunity and power, to ransack their goods and possessions. But yet a while, partly the memory of his father, and partly the reverence of his friends, did restrain Commodus. And afterwards a certain envious fortune, subverted his disposition, being as yet good and moderate, for thus it chanced. Lucilla was eldest Sister unto Commodus. 
Lucilla Commodus eldest Sister.  She was first married unto the Emperor Lucius Verus, whom Marcus had asseciated as his fellow in th'empire: And by giving him his daughter in Marriage, bound him with an insolluble knot of friendship unto him. But after that Lucius was dead, (the habits and tokens of dignity, 
Lucius Verus.  remaining as yet unto Lucilla) her father married her unto Pompeianus. And Commodus nevertheless permitted her to enjoy her former estate and honour. For he suffered her to sit in th'imperial seat in the Theatre, and to have the fire borne before her, as the ancient usage was. But after Commodus had married Cryspina, and that it was expedient, to give the first place unto the emperors wife, Lucilla grudged thereat wonderfully, reckoning the others honour, to be her reproach, but yet knowing, that her husband Pompeianus, entirely loved Commodus, she durst not once make any motion unto him, of invading Thempire. Wherefore having proved the mind of one Quadratus, 
Quadratis.  a very noble and rich young man, (with whom also it was thought she had committed adultery) she did so grievously complain unto him of thinjury she had received, that she induced the young man, most perniciousely to consent, to the utter undoing of himself and the hole Senate.  
For amongs all other of the order of Senators which conspired with him in this execrable enterprise, he adjoined unto him a certain young man named Quintianus, 
Quintianus.  of a prompt mind, and stout stomach, whom he persuaded, to hide a dagger in his bosom, watch for convenient opportunity and place, & there with a sudden assault slay Commodus: As for the rest, in distributing of money, Lucilla promised to see unto▪ Quintianus therefore, standing in the entry of the Amphitheatre, 
Amphitheatre.  (for he trusted in that dark place to be well hidden) forthwith drew out the dagger, and cried with a loud voice unto Commodus, saying. This doth the Senate send unto thee. Whiles he spoke these words, he was apprehended by th'emperors Guard, and received condign punishment for his madness: being by his own fondness, the Author of theschewing his mischief, his intent being rather opened then accomplished. This loo was the first and chiefest occasion of Commodus hatred against the Senate. For these words had so pierced his heart, that he reputed them all his enemies, the voice of the young man, which would have slain him, sticking continually in his memory. Perennes (not omyttinge, so great an occasion) persuaded th'emperor, to put unto death, every one of the principal malefactors, and suffer not one of them to remain a live. 
Thexaction of perennes.  Into whose possessions, himself making invasion, became without difficulty, the richest of all men in those days. And after Perennes had diligently made inquisition of the said Treason, the very Sister of Commodus, 
Lucilla and her complices put to death.  with all the Coniuratours, and all other (which any suspicion had caused to be apprehended,) were put unto death. Those being once dispatched out of the way, whom the young Emperor stood in awe of: and who loved him with a certain fatherly affection, Perennes took upon him the tuition of the emperors person: And having obtained very much authority, compassed incontinently in his mind the occupying of th'empire self. And for this purpose he induced Commodus, to constitute his sons young men, being captains over thyllyrian armies. He gathered together a wonderful great some of money that he might with rich bribes and gifts alienate the Praetorian Soldiers from the Emperor. His Sons also, privily levied their power, to the intent, that assoon as their father Perennes had slain Commodus, they would by violence: take the dominion and rule upon them. 
The treason of Pirennes discovered.  But this conspiracy, was bewrayed by a wonderful and incredible mean. The Romans used to celebrate certain plays in the honour of jupiter Capitoline, whereunto assembled so great a multitude of people, as is meet to resort at any notable show to such a mighty Cite. Themperor is also accustomed to behold the same plays, and to sit in the Theatre with the high Priests, whom the order doth yearly appoint. Now when Commodus sat in Thimperial Throne, earnestly beholding the gorgeous preparations for the Tragedies, and when the Theatre was replenished with people, every man's place according to his estate being appointed him: Suddenly, before any thing was done or spoken on the scaffolds, one in the habit of a Philosopher, bearing in his hand a club, and half naked, having a scrip hanging down from his shoulder, came forth in a Chariot: And staying in the mids of the scaffold, which his hand commanded silence, and then said. This is no time of play (O Commodus) neither to behold pageants, for the Sword of Perennes is hanging over thy shoulders, and except thou take good head, to avoid it, the danger is not immynent but present, and thou art undone: for himself here present, doth levy power and money against the. And his Sons do solicit Thillirian armies to rebellion. Which if thou do not prevent, thou art but dead. With these words, (whether the man were stirred thereunto with any divine inspiration, or being but simple, was so bold to purchase himself thereby renown, or else hoped to obtain some great reward of Themperor) truly he dysmayed him. The rest which were present also, (although they they conjectured that it was not for nought spoken) yet did they feign not to give credit unto it. And Perennes commanded the man forthwith to be apprehended and as a furious and idle talkative fellow to be burned. This reward had he for his intemperate liberty. but they which seemed to favour Commodus, and had tofore detested Perennes, as a man of intolerable pride, having gotten a convenient time, laboured with accusations, too bring him out of conceit with th'emperor. And truly, so must it come to pass, that Commodus should escape this Treason, And Perennes with his sons be for their demerits worthily rewarded. For no long while after, certain Soldiers had conveyed privily from Perennes eldest Son, sundry pieces of money, coined with the stamp of his picture: And those, unwares of Perennes (although he were principal Magistrate) they delivered unto Commodus. And having opened th'whole circumstance of the pretended Treason, were with great gifts recompensed. The night following were sent certain from Commodus, to strike of Perennes head, 
The death of Perennes  who was ignorant of all this business, and at that Instant lest looked for any such matter. That done, the same executyoners, (as they were commanded) forthwith went unto his Son, and making very hasty speed, prevented the rumour of those things that were done at Rome. At their coming unto him, they delivered him friendly letters from th'emperor, the which putting him in great hope, willed him to return unto Rome: whereby he was ignorant of all the drift, and finally of his father's hap. For some of the messengers, told him that he was called also for by his father, who (they said) would have written unto him likewise, if he had not supposed, that he would sufficiently regard th'emperors letters. The young man believed it, and although he grudged somewhat that his enterprise was thus interrupted, yet affying himself, in his father's might & authority (whom he thought too be as yet in prosperous estate,) he prepared himself to return with them. But assoon as he approached the borders of Italy, he was slain by them unto whom the charge of thexecution was committed. This end had the father & the Son: After whom Commodus appointed two governors, thinking it to be more sure, not to commit so great an authority unto one man alone: but dividing the same in two parts, make it by the mean, the more weak to rebel against the prince. 
A new conspiracy.  But no long time after, there were other Treasons conspired against him in this manner. There was a certain Soldier named Maternus, 
Maternus.  bold in enterprising many facynorous facts. The same suddenly forsaking the Camp and adjoining into his fellowship certain of his companions, gathered in a short space an huge multitude of desperate ruffians. first he destroyed villages and cornefeldes, and than having gotten a great Sum of money, he joined daily more vagabonds unto him, and by promising them great rewards, & calling them to the division of the pray, he brought the matter unto such point, that they seemed to have the authority, not of thieves, but of just enemies. For they occupied great Cities, and therein broke the common jails, and took out of prison without respect all offenders, whom through that release and benefit, they annexed unto them. Then they spoiled with invasions all France and Spain, and when they had taken any great City, they would ransack burn and utterly deface the same and than depart. Whereof when Commodus had knowledge, he sent letters not wanting angry checks, unto the lieutenants of the Countries there abouts, reproving their cowardice, and therewith commanding them to levy an army, for the subduing of those rebellious vagabonds. Which thing when the Ruffians knew, they thought it best to departed from those Countries. Wherefore privily by secret bypathes and unknown ways, they came into Italy, where Maternus consulted with his complices, of thinvasion of th'empire, and other weighty affairs. For seeing all things hitherunto had prospered with him beyond his expectation, he determined to attempt some notable enterprise, or at the least wise, if it chanced amiss, too die not obscurely or like a coward. But yet perceiving himself, not to have so great a power, as should suffice to resist Commodus, with an approved and chosen army, (for he knew that Commodus was well beloved of the Roman people and men of arms) he concluded to work his feat by crafty conveyance. And therefore Invented this wile. In the beginning of the spring time, upon an appointed holy day, the Romans used to celebrate a pomp unto the mother of the Gods. In that solemnity, the best of every man's riches, and jewels, and all thimperial ornaments, (which are either for matter or work worthy to be looked on) are wont to be brought forth, before the Goddess. And every where a licence too play, is granted all men, and too take upon them the persons of whom it liketh each man best. There is no magistrate or office, but he is there represented in the counterfeiting of their persons by such as liketh so to do: so that a man can not rashly discern the true parson from the disguised. This did Maternus reckon to be a convenient time for the close atcheving of his traitorous enterprise. Trusting assuredly, (if himself took upon him the person of one of th'emperors guard, and arming his confederates after the same sort, mingle themselves amongs the spearemen, whereby they should be thought to be of th'emperors retinue, no man forcing the matter) with a sudden assault to slay Commodus. But being betrayed by certain of his adherentes that entered into the city with him, (who grudged that they should hereafter accept him not as a soldier their companion, but as their prince) before the festyval day were nigh, he was taken and beheaded: 
The death of Maternus.  and all the residue of the same fashion, were punished with condign torments of death. Now after the sacrifice was finished, Commodus did with thanskesgeving pass forth the feast of the Goddess: yea and the people being joyful for the preservation of their Emperor, celebrated merrily that day. But what the reason is, wherefore the Romans do so much honour this Goddess, it seemeth not amiss for me to make mention of it, as I have learned out of Histories, especially because that matter is unknown unto most of the Greeks. The same Image therefore (as they say) came down from heaven, no certainty remaining of what metal, or by what artificer it was wrought: yea they constantly believe, it was never made with manes hands. Therefore, they affirm, that it fell down from heaven into a certain field of Phrigya, the which they conjecture to have the name Pesinuntis, 
Pesumtis.  (by the fall of the same Imaege) put upon it. For there they say, it appeared first. Yet do I find amongs other authors, that there between Ilus the Phrygian, 
The battle between Ilus the Phrygian, and Tantalus the Lydian. .  and Tantalus the Lydian was fought the battle, (either begun for the way or rather for the ravysshing of  And when they had long fought, with equal strength, and very many on both sides slain) that the name was given unto the field by that calamity. There also (the report is) that  being drawn to and fro by the hands of his brother and lover, was deprived of his life: And being taken away, a fable was invented for the comfort of his lover, that he was endowed by jupiter his ravisher with many divine honours. In that field Pesinuntes, (whereof I have spoken) did the Phrygians in times passed worship, and celebrate the ceremonies of the infernal Gods even at the river of Gallus, 
The river Gallus.  of the which the women pryestes of the Goddess are surnamed. But when the Roman Empire increased, (an Oracle being received that the Empire should be augmented to the uttermost, if the Romans would transport the Pesynuntian Goddess unto them. 
The Pesynuntyan Goddess ) There were Ambassadors sent into Phrigya, too require the Statue of the Goddess, the which was easily granted unto them, because they said that the Romans were of kindred unto the Phrygians, being descended of Aeneas the same country man. When as therefore, they had brought the image in ship unto the very mouth of Tiberies, which the Romans then used in stead of a haven, suddenly with a certain divine power, the ship stoke fast, neither could it be removed with any strength of the people drawing at it, until a Vestal virgin came thither. 
Vestal virgin.  The same being slandered, that she had deflowered her virginity, (which ought evermore to be inviolatlye preserved) fearing condemnation, instantly entreated the people, that they would commit the judgement of her, unto the Pesynuncian Goddess. That ones obtained, she bound the mast of the ship with her girdle, most humbly desiring, that if the Gods knew her an uncorrupt virgin, she would command the ship to come forwards. And when she had so said, she drew the girdle in her hand, and the ship began to follow. So did the Romans together wonder at the manifest divinity of the God head, and the innocency of the virgin. But this much have I hitherunto treated of the Pesynuncian Gods, peradventure somewhat more tedyouslye than it behoved, but yet like to bring no unprofitable knowledge unto them that are not throughly skilful in all the Roman affairs. Now Commodus (having escaped the treason of Maternus, did with a greater Guard strengthen himself, and came very sealdome abroad, consumed most part of the time in the Suburbs, or in his Principal Manors far from the city, and utterly abstained from sitting in judgement, and all Imperial acts. At the same time, a wonderful plague vexed all Italy: 
The pestilence.  but it was most furious in the city of Rome, as in a place replenished with people, and receiving strangers from all parts of the world. Whereby there happened a marvelous great morreyne of men and beasts. Then Commodus departed unto Laurentum, 
Laurentum.  (for so had some cunning Physicians counseled him) because it was a more could region, and shadowed with many woods of Laurel, of whom also the Country hath his name. For they said that the savour of the Laurelles, 
The remedy against the pestilence.  and the plesauntnesse of the shadows, did greatly prevail to the avoiding of the contagion of the air: And therefore in the city self, by the Phisycians advisements, many stopped their ears and noses with sweet ointments, and used daily delectable vapours and perfumes, that the pores of the senses should not admit into them any pestyferouse smell, and if they received any, that the perfumes with a greater strength should vanquish the same. But nevertheless the sickness increased, destroying every where both men and cattle. Yea there did also a great famine vex and oppress the city, by this occasion. There was a certain Phrygyan named Cleander, of that sort of men that are sold openly by Criers: 
Cleander  The same being put to service in the emperors house, increased greatly in favour with Commodus, and was enhanced unto so high dignity, that he alone obtained the custody of the emperors parson, the charge of his Chamber, and the governance of his Guard. richesse and pride did besides stir him to hope of Thempire. Wherefore having gathered together a great sum of money, he bought a wonderful quantity of wheat, and the same he had costly shut up, trusting that he should win the hearts of the people and the army, if that he relieved with large gifts, those that before were in great penury of necessary food. He had also builded a very large school for exercises, and many common baths, that he might by that means allure the people unto him. But the Romans were offended with him before, imputing all the cause of this dearth unto him only.  
And detesting him, as man unsatiable of richesse, they first assembled by embushmentes unto the theatres, 
Theatrꝭ.  and afterward (Commodus being in the Suburbs) suddenly they came all thither, with huge clamours, demanding Cleander unto death, and when the hole suburbs were filled with noise and tumult, & Commodus himself was at his accustomed pleasures in an upper chamber, ignorant of all that was done, (Cleander pardie had so provided) suddenly beyond all men's expectation: the emperors horsemen armed brass forth with violence by the commandment of Cleander, driving down and wounding every man they met. The people being on foot, & without weapon, were not able to sustain the brunt of the horsemen: Wherefore with hasty fleeing they retired into the city, where many of them were destroyed, not only those whom the horsemen slew with weapon, but also they whom the horses had with their feat trodden down, & they that fought either in the press of the footmen, or else among the horses. The horsemen so pursuing them without any impediment unto the gates of the city, destroyed a great part of the people. But they that remained within, knowing the calamity of their friends without, shut their doors and got up into the roofs, and tops of their houses, and threw down upon the horsemen both stones and tiles: Thereby was the fortune suddenly changed, when no horseman durst at that present strive, all the people fighting safely from above against them. Wherefore many of them being wounded when they could no longer endure, turned their backs and fled: many of them were also slain through the continual and thick falling of weapons, and many stricken from their horses, which founderid amongs the stones that were thrown down. Yea, and the footmen which had stations within the city, came to rescue the people against the horsemen, whom they utterly detestyd. And although this were a civil battle, yet durst no man for fear of Cleander's power declare it unto Commodus, until his eldest Sister named Fadilla unto him (for the approaching unto his presence was ease for his Sister) with her hear lose fell down on her knees, deformed with a mourning garment, and said. Truly (O Prince) whiles ye lie here in peace, ye are in extreme peril. And we that are of your blood are almost undone. The people of Rome are destroyed. The most part of your army is consumed. And those things we thought not to suffer of the barbarians, the same doth our own household servants unto us. And they upon whom you have bestowed most bountiful benefits, the same are your most extreme enemies. Cleander hath armed the people and soldiers against you, amongs whom he is of some abhorred, and of some entyerely beloved. Yet are they both in arms, do commit murdre within themselves, and fill Rome with civil blood. But upon our necks will the misery of both companies light, except you do deliver unto death with all haste, a most pernicious & wicked Servant, which hath been author of so great a calamity unto them already, and intendeth shortly to be so unto us. Whiles she thus said, she rent her clothes, and many that were present, having taken courage of the woman's words, did put Commodus in fear also. He being amazed, and dreading the danger, not as Immynente, but present, commanded Cleander to be called hastily unto him, not knowing any certainty, but yet suspecting that somewhat was told th'emperor. And as he came before him, th'emperor commanded him too be apprehended, and too have his head stricken of: 
The punishment of Cleander.  And being set upon a Spear too be carried about. Knowing that he should show unto the people a pleasant and desired sight. Thus was this mischief appeased, and the fight on either side assuaged. For the Sduldyours (when they saw him dead, for whom they fought) feared the indignation of the Emperor, whom they perceived too be deluded, and that nothing was done by his commandment. The people on tother part accounted themselves satisfied with the death of the beginner of the mischief. The children also of Cleander, (for he had two sons) & all his friends were at one time slain, and their bodies being drawn through the City, and most filthily ordered, were at the last thrown into the common sinks of the City. This was the end of Cleander's destinies. And in him only man's nature, can (as I might say) boldly brag, that a man may be advanced, from most vile and low estate, unto the highest type of dignity, and being so exalted, fall down in the least and sudden moment of fortune. Then Commodus, (although he feared that the people would move some new tumult against him) yet by his friends persuasions, returned into the City. And being received with joyful shouts and assemblies of the people, 
The beginning of Commodus tyranny.  entered into thimperial palace. And certainly so many perils being paste, he began from thencefurthe to trust no creature: but to destroy now this, & now that man, giving credit unto every false accusatyon. He took besides into his friendship, no man in whom was any virtue remaining, but did withdraw his mind equally from all good study. For the unbridled lusts of the body, did both day and night oppress him with most grievous bondage. He removed as a spy from his gate, every man whom either goodness, or any mean and honest quality, did beautify. But slaves and such as used most filthy manners, had him as wholly addicted unto them. 
●arting.  He used also above measure carting and slaying of beasts. For the which exercises, the flattering Parasites extolled him with fame of fortitude. There by he behaved himself in those things more dishonestly, 
Prodigyouse tokens in the air.  than became a sober & prudent Prince. At that season were apparent in the sky, certain prodigious tokens. For stars appeared continually by day light, and many of them being stretched out in length, seemed too hang in the mids of the air. Beasts besides of all kind were brought forth, not observing their nature, with monstrous shape of body, and membres nothing agreeable. But the greatest calamity partly brought present dolour, and especially afterward with most miserable conjecture, did put all men in fear. For when there had neither any showers or clouds, saving only a little earthquake preceaded (whether it were by chance with lightening in the night, or else with any fire kindled in the earth) the hole Temple of peace was sodeynelye burnt. 
The Temple of peace burned.  The which work, of all other in the city was greatest and most beautiful, and of all the Temples most rich, and gorgyouselye builded, and adorned with much gold and silver. For almost every man brought his substance thither, as into a treasourye. And thereby the fire so raging in the night, brought many that were rich in to extreme poverty. Wherefore all men bewailed the common calamity openly, and every man lamented his own loss privately. When all the Temple was consumed, vearye many the beawtyfullest buildings of the City were inflamed with fire also. amongs the which the temple of Vesta was one, so that the Palladium was seen, 
The Temple of Vesta. The Image of Pallas. Vestal virgins.  the which the Romans do chiefly worship and keep secret, being brought (as they say) from Troy, and at that time first sithence it came into italy, seen of all men. For the Vestal Virgins, having with much difficulty saved it, carried it through the street named Sacra via, unto th'emperors palace. Many the goodliest parts besides of the City were burned. And the fire raging many days was not ceased, before that sudden showers quenched it. Wherefore all men that time referred the hole matter unto the Gods, by whose will they thought the fire to be begun and ended, interpreting wars (that did ensue) to be signified by the burning of the Temple of Peace. The which conjecture of things the hap did afterward verify. For (the City being vexed with many grievous discommodities) the people did not (as they were wont) behold Commodus benevolentlye, but every one imputed the cause of their misery unto his dissolute and pernicious vices, for his wickedness was not hidden from them neither would he it should be kept close. But those things that were in his house committed, not without infamy, the same he feared not to blaze and blow a broad. He waxed so insolent, that he abandoned the name of his father, and for Commodus the son of Marcus, commanded himself to be called Hercules the son of jupiter. And leving apart the apparel of the Roman princes, he ware a Lion's skin, bearing in his hand a club, and covered himself with purple, and clothes woven with gold, not with out the derision of all men. For in that one garment, he represented the wantonness of women, & the prowess of noble men. Thus did he daily behave himself. He also changed the names of the months, & for their ancient titles, appointed them new of his own surnames, of the which many were referred unto Hercules, as unto one most puissant. He caused also Images to be erected unto him throughout the city, and amongs them, one in the Court of the Senate, the which held a bow bent, that the Images themselves, should show terrors and menaces. The which Image the Senate after his death pulled down, and for it erected again the Image of liberty. But Commodus (when he could not assuage and bridle himself,) taking upon him to show forth pageants unto the people, promised that he would with his own hands, slay before them all kind of wild beasts, & strive by a singular contention, with every valiant young man. When the rumour of these tryalles was spread abroad, there assembled people out of all Italy, and other nigh nations to behold that sight, which they had never before scene, 
The stee of Commodus.  neither by talk heard of. For his hand was reported to be so steadfast, that what so ever he had thrown or shot at with dart or arrow, the same would he assuredly strike. And he retained daily about him most approved archers of Parthia, 
Parthiens & Numimidiens.  & Numydyane slingers, all the which himself in cunning far excelled. Now when the day of this Pageande was come, there was builded in the mids of the Amphytheater, 
Amphitheatre.  a gallery for Commodus. In the which he might run round about, lest that fighting beneath with the beasts, he should be in danger. But by casting his darts from above, as out of a safe place, he should rather show his cunning of throwing then any valiantness. In pursuing them he struck hearts and hinds, and other horned beasts besides bulls, and preventing them with a swift course overthrew them, by most assured strokes. The Lions and Panthers with other fierce beasts of that kind, 
Lions & Panthers  running round about he slew with darts from above, so that no man saw the second dart thrown at any of them, nor any wound but that was deadly. For as soon as the beast once stirred, he wounded him either in the forehead, or at the heart, using none other scope, nor appointing to throw at any other part of the body, so that the beast with the very stroke, was bereft his life. There were beasts besides gotten from all parts of the earth. And then did we behold with our eyes, those things we marveled at in painting. For out of India & ethiop, 
Ind & Ethiope  and out of the South and north, (what so ever were unknown in the former worlds,) the same did he both show forth, and slay at one time, every man being abashed, at his so steadfast a hand, and at the darts never failing stroke. He also struck with darts, Oystriches of Mawritany, the which (through the swiftness of their feat, and as it were with sail of their wings) ran very swiftly) touching the tops of their necks, & there withal strikenge of their heads, and the hinder part of the neck (where the stroke lighted) being cute of, they would a little while continue their course, as though they were yet living. Yea and a Panther (the which having with a very vehement course overtaken a man) thrust into the Theatre (seamed ready to devour him) he wounded so suddenly that the beast being killed, he preserved the man, preventing the edge of her teeth, with the sharp head of his dart. He also slew an hundredth Lions, brought forth of a cave with like many strokes, their bodies so laid in order, that they might easily be numbered, no dart being thrown in vain. These things therefore that were hitherunto done (although they seamid unmeet for a Prince) yet because they declared a certain fortitude and cunning deserved commendation of the people.  
But when he entered naked into the Amphytheater, and wearing harness supplied the number of the sword players, than appeared a lamentable sight to the Romans, that their noble Emperor, after so many triumphs of his father and ancestors, did not only bear arms appertaining to the Empire against beasts, but did also spot the chiefest dignity with most filthy apparel. In fighting he easily convynced his equals, without being once wounded, every man withdrawing his force, and acknowledging him rather an Emperor than a sword player. And he fell into that fury that he intended to forsake the Imperial Court, and to remove into the school of defence. Neither suffered he himself any more to be named Hercules, having adopted the name of an excellent sword player, the which a little before died. Yea having taken the head from the great Image called Colossus that represented the similitude of the Son, 
Colossus  (being very moche worshipped of the Romans) he put thereon the picture of his own head, and wrote at the foot thereof, not his accustomed titles of the Empire and his father, but for the name of Germanyen, he put in the vanquyssher of a thousand Masters of defence. But it was requisite, he should once finish his madness, and the city be delivered from his Tyranny. And that in the beginning of the year, the which day the Romans hold very solemn, dedicating it unto janus the ancient GOD of italy. 
janus. Saturn jupiter.  Of the which Regione, they reported Saturnus (being expelled by his son jupiter) to be a stranger, and because that he there hid himself, the name of Latium to be given unto it. 
Latium.  Wherefore the Romans do first celebrate, after their custom the feasts of Saturnus, 
Saturnus feasts.  and then the beginning of the year. The Image of this GOD is wrought with two faces, as of him by whom the year beginneth, and in whom the year endyth. When the Cite held (as I said) this day with solempnitye, in the which the Romans do send one to an other new years gifts, and all sorts of presents, 
New years gifts.  and the magistrates wer● beautiful scarlet, (all men with gladness celebrating the same day) Commodus determined to come abroad, not out of the emperors palace (as the old usage was) but out of the very school of defence. And for grievous apparel and Imperial purple to go armed in the company of the Roman people. Which his counsel, when he had declared unto Martia one of his concubines, 
Martia one of Commodus concubines  (unto whom he opened the greatest parts of his secrettes and esteemed her almost as his wife so that all honours saving the fire were borne before her as Empress) the woman having perceived his so dishonest intent, fell upon her knees before him, incessauntelye desiring him with many tears that he would not suffer the Majesty of the Roman Empire to be defiled, or commit himself so dangerously unto mischievous and desperate persons. But when she could nothing avail she departed weeping. And he having called unto him the capitain of his army named Letus, and Electus his Chamberlain, 
Letus. Electus  commanded them to prepare all things for his lodging the same night in the school of defence, that he might in the morning go from hence to sacrifice, and show himself armed unto the people of Rome. They endeavoured with many intercessions to dysswade him from enterprising any thing undecent to a Prince. But Commodus chafed with anger (having commanded them to avoid his presence) returned into his chamber that he might, (as he was accustomed) sleep at noon. And there taking into his hands a thin book made of the bark of a tree and folding to either side, he wrote in the same all those he intended to slay the same night. Of whom Martia was first, and next unto her Letus and Electus, and after them a great number of those that bare most rule in the Senate. For he determined to destroy all th'old men that were his father's friends (lest their authority should hinder his w●●kednes) and to distribute their goods amongs the soldiers and sword players, that the one company should with strength defend him, and tother with pleasures delight him. The same book so written he threw down on his bed, not suspecting that any man would enter into the chamber. But there was a little Boy, yet of the sort of them, that being clothed with no garments, saving such as are decked with gold and precious stones are wont too be the pleasures of every delicate Roman. The same Boy was so entyrelye beloved of Commodus, that he oftentimes lay with him, 
Philocommodus.  and was called Phylocommodus (the name itself declaring the princes affection. This child by chance playing (when Commodus was occupied in the bain and ryottinge) entered into the chamber, and taking the book in his hand to play withal, went out of the doors, and by chance met with Martia, who for that she loved the Boy, first embraced and kissed him and took the book out of his hand, fearing lest the child should through his infancy, unwares impair things of Importance. afterward knowing the hand of Commodus, and moved with desire too read it, when she perceived the pernicious intents therein contained, and herself to be first mentioned, Letus with Electus to follow, and finally so great a murder of others likely to ensue, she inwardly lamented, saying. Ah Commodus, are these the rewards of frendshyy and love? Have I thus deserved of the after I have so many years abyddden thy checks and drunkenness? But these things shall not so prosper with the undiscrete and drunken person against a sober & well advised woman. When she had thus spoken she called Electus (with whom she was accustomed to talk famylyarelye, because he was the emperors Chamberlain, and with him she was also supposed to have carnal company) and delivered the book unto him, saying. Behold Electus what banquet we should have been at this night following. He being astonied with the reading of it (for he was an Egiptyan borne, stout, fumysshe, and quickly stirred to anger) sent the book closely sealed by a trusty friend of his unto Letus to read. The which also abashed with it, came forthwith unto Martia, feigning that he would consult with her, concerning the preparation in the school of defence as the Emperor had commanded. Using therefore this gloze, they determined to do, or suffer some thing out of hand, knowing that there was no time of deferring the matter. They consented at last that the feat should be wrought by poison. The which Martia took upon her to minister speadelye. For she was wont too prepare drink for him, and to give him the cup that it might be thought more sweater being delivered from his lover. She gave unto him therefore as he came from the bain poison mingled with very pleasant wine in a goblet. And he having caught a thirst in washing himself and hunting, drank rashly the drink as of custom proffered unto him. Wherewith being immediately troubled with atche in his head and desirous of sleep, (supposing it came by labour,) gave himself to rest, Electus and Martya commanded incontynentelye every man to depart to his own house, least they should disturb the Emperor having need of sleep, which he was accustomed also to do at other times through Immoderate drunkenness. For when he bathed himself, or else fell to banqueting, he kept no certain time of sleep. The sensualities rising and much differing one from another, so constrained the man, (yea sometime unwilling) to serve them. When he had for a small time rested himself, and the vehemency of the poison was now entered his stomach and belie, a gidines cumbered his head, and vomiting forthwith followed, either through the meat that he had before largely eaten, or the drinking of much wine that resisted the poison, or else through the usage that Princes observe in taking of medicines before they eat any meat, for fear of poisoning. But when he had vomited very much they fearing least all the venom being avoided, he would thereby recover, and the command them altogether to be slain, persuaded for a great reward a certain bold and stout young man named Narcissus, 
Narcyssus. Commodus strangled to death.  to strangle him in his Chamber. This end of life had Commodus, when he had reigned after his father in the Empire xiii years. A man of all other Emperors most noble, & of all men in that age the most beautiful. But too speak of his prows & fortitude he might in that be preferred to any other, especially in sure striking that he had thrown at. Nevertheless he defiled (as before is told) all the state of his life with abominable vices.  
The end of the first book.   

¶ The Argument of the second book.  
IN the second book is declared how Pertinax was chosen Emperor, how long time he reigned, & how he was slain by the men of arms (which sold th'empire afterwards unto julianus) How Severus became Emperor by the delays of Niger. And how julyanus was slain, and the death of Pertynax revenged by Severus.   

The second Book of the History of Herodian.  
AFter that Commodus was strangled (as we have in the former Book declared) the murderers intending to conceal the fact, and to deceive the emperors guard, delivered the body wrapped in an old coverlet, unto ii trusty and faithful servants to carry forth of the palace, as it were some stuff that pestered the chamber. And they that bore it passed through the mids of the watchmen, of the which some were drunk and slept, letting their halberdes fall out of their hands. The other which were awake, neglected the farthel which they supposed not to appertaigne unto their charge. Then they sent the prince's body, (thus conveyed by stealth, and in the night laid in a waggon) unto a place named Aristeus. This ended, Letus, Electus, and Martia, after they had long consulted what was best to be done, at the last concluded to spread a rumour of his death, that he suddenly fell into an Apoplexy. The which bruit they knew would soon be credited, 
Apoplexy.  because it was evidently known that he oftentimes accustomed to stuff himself with immoderate superfluity of meats. But first of all it seamed good unto them, to choose for Emperor some aged, reverend, and modest person, by whom themselves might be in safety and all other exempt from cruel tyranny. And having long consulted they found no man so worthy as Pertinax. 
Pertinax.  This Pertinax was an Italian borne, famous at home & abroad through his valiant acts, & manifold victories obtained against the Germans, & Barbaryens of the Oryente, and he only remained alive of all the grave counsayllors, that were left unto Commodus by his father, and unto him amongs all the captains his Companions, he had showed most honour and reverence. Being yet safe, either for that Commodus feared his gravity, or else dissimuled because of his poverty. For this also did amplify his renown, that having most authority of all men, yet of all men he seamed the poorest. Unto this Pertynax therefore went Letus, and Electus, with a few of their complices about midnight, whiles all men slept. And finding his gates locked they called up the porter. Who when he opened the gate, and saw Letus the chief captain & the soldiers present with him, being sore dismayed withal, ran and told Pertynax. He forthwith commanded them to be let in, saying that anon would happen the mischief he had unto that day looked for. He was of so constant a mind, that he moved not once from his bed, nor changed his countenance. But with a bold and stout stomach nothing abashed spoke unto Letus and Electus when they were entered (although he believed they were sent to slay him) these words. I have of long time every night looked for this end of my life, the which only am remaining of all his father's friends? Wherefore I marveled for what purpose Commodus so long deferred the matter. Why do you therefore thus stay and not execute that ye are commanded and deliver me from this doleful and continual dread. Unto those words answered Letus saying. Cease (ꝙ he) to talk of things unworthy yourself and your former life, we come not to desire your death, but the preservation of ourselves and all the Roman Empire. For the Tiraunte is dead, and hath suffered condign punishment, receiving at our hands those things he intended to do unto us. And we are comen hither to deliver the Imperial power unto you, whom only of all the senate for temperance of life, authority, age, and gravity of manners, we know to be best & entirely beloved & reverenced of the people, trusting that we do, shallbe acceptable unto them, and profitable to ourselves. Unto whom Pertinax answered. Leave of (said he) thus to scorn and mock an old man and so reprove him of timoriousnes, intending first to deceive, and after to slay him. Why ꝙ Electus saying that you do not credit us, take this little book (for surely ye know the hand of Commodus) read it yourself and ye shall perfectly perceive what great danger we have escaped: neither shall ye find in our words any temptation, but trusty report of truth. The which when Pertynax had done, thinking it best to believe them which had been always theretofore his especial friends, and understanding all the matter, he committed himself wholly unto their power. It seamed good therefore unto them to go first unto the host and to assay the minds of the soldiers, whom Letus promised easily to win unto his sentence, because he knew that his authority (being their Captain) would somewhat prevail amongs them. Wherefore as many as were present hasted them unto the Camp, when much of the night was passed next before the first day of Ianuarye. They sent besides trusty messengers to spread abroad the rumour that Commodus was dead. And that Pertynax (which should be Emperor) was now going towards the host. That bruyte being once blown, suddenly all the people (as they were mad) ran through the streets. All men rejoiced, and every man severally went to tell his friend, which had either dignity or richesse remaining: for upon them depended the greatest danger, while Commodus lived. They went therefore unto the Temples to render thanks unto the GODS, talking together diversely. Som● said the Tyrraunte is destroyed: some other the sword player. Yea many spoke things more detestable.  
And such words as fear had till that day repressed in silence, the same did they now (through licence frealy gotten) bluster out. A great part also of the people ran hastily to the camp, fearing lest the men of arms would not willingly accept Pertinax for Emperor. For they thought that a moderate Prince was not very grateful unto the Soldiers, who were accustomed to serve tyranny, and exercise all violence. Wherefore they ran in diverse plumps unto the Camp for to compel them to obedience. And when they were there arrived, Letus, and Electus, with Pertinax, came thither also. And (the men of Arms being called togethers) Letus said thus unto them. Commodus your Emperor is dead of an Apoplexy. No other man was the cause of his death then himself. For when we in vain gave him good and wholesome counsel, he ordering himself as you all know he accustomed, was suddenly choked with overmuch meat and drink so that he perished by the end himself sought. For all men die not by one kind of death, but unto many men there are divers causes, and yet all tend to one end. But touching him, we and the people of Rome have brought unto you, a man grave in age, moderate in life, and very expert in warfare, whose valiant prowess, you that are ancient Soldiers, have by experience known. And the rest have judged (being so many years ruler of the city) not only worthiest honour, but also admiration & wonder. Wherefore fortune hath not alonely give him as a prudent Prince, but also a most loving father unto you. Whose sovereignty in th'empire shall not particularly be most pleasant unto you that presently behold him, but also unto them that defend the banks of Rivers, and the bounds of the Roman Empire, as those that retain in memory the notable acts by him achieved. We shall not at this present, win the barbarous people unto us by gifts, but being mindful of those things they suffered whiles this man was capitain, they will be rather subdued with fear. When Letus had spoken these words, the people could no longer withhold themselves. But (whiles the men of arms stood still in their dompes) they pronounced Pertynax Emperor, 
Pertynax declared Emperor.  and calling him their parent, they praised him with most joyful acclamations. The same did the soldiers also, although not with like alacrity. But the number of the people mixed amongs them (being void of armure and celebrating the feastful day) easily compelled them to shout, and call Pertynax Augustus. Furthewyth (they being sworn in allegiance unto him, and the sacrifice ended) all the people and men of arms crowned with Laurel, followed him. After he was conveyed in the night (as we before said) into the Imperial palace by the soldiers and the people, he was troubled with many cares. And although he seemed too be of a constant and stout mind, yet did things present put him in fear, not very much solycyted for his own life, (for he had at other times contemned greater perils) but through the recording in his mind the sudden mutation of tyranny, and pondering the nobility of many Senators, who he thought would not permit (after an Emperor of most noble birth) th'empire to come unto a man of private and base stock. For all be it his temperate and frugal life were well spoken of, and that he had gotten in warlike affairs great renown, yet was he of simple lineage. Wherefore after the day appeared he went too the Senate house, not suffering the fire or any other tokens of dignity, too be borne before him, until the determination of the Senate were heard. Who as soon as they saw him received him all by one accord with joyful welcommynges, saluting him as Augustus and Emperor. But he refusing the name of Emperor as a thing odious, excused his age and desired pardon, saying there were many of the Senators more worthy th'empire than he. And with that word he took Glabrio by the hand, commanding him to sit in Themperyall Throne. 
The nobility of Glabrio.  For this Glabrio was the noblest of the Senators, accounting the line of his genealogy unto Aeneas the son of Venus and Anchises, and now the second time Consul. Who answered Pertynax thus. Truly I, whom of all men yourself judge most worthy, do give you place in th'empire, and with me all the Senate committeth unto you th'whole sovereign authority. Than Pertinax being almost constrained by the earnest prayer of every Senator, and half as yet in doubt, ascended the imperial seat, and spoke unto them as followeth.  
¶ This your consent and benign accord of bestowing upon me such ample benefits, 
The oration of Partynax.  amongs so great a company of noble men, seeing it is void from all suspicion of flattery, and showeth manifest argument of benevolence and truth, would encourage some man to take upon him the things proffered. Trusting that he should with ease govern, while he might perceive such gentleness in you. But in contrary wise, these weighty charges, as they amaze me with perception of this honour, even so do they trouble me with great thought and care. For first of all in receiving of great benefits, it is hard to render the like. For in the mutual doing of good turns, if he that oweth little, restore very much, the facilyty of recompensing is not so much regarded, as the appearance of a grateful mind is in him commended. But when any man doth first bestow some great gift upon an other, if he then little deserve it, he seemeth not so much to want wherewith he should make recompense, as himself to be void of wit and most ungrateful. I perceive therefore in my mind how uneasy this proof is unto me, lest that by chance, I show myself unworthy the honour I have received of you. For the type of dignity consisteth not in th'imperial seat: but in works which should not abase the same. And even as much as we hate things passed, so much do we hope well of things that are to come. And as the memory of injuries is fired in mind, (for that which hurteth is never forgotten) so do benefits slide away through the abusing of them. For truly liberty delighteth not a man so much as bondage offendeth. Neither doth any man suppose that he ought to render thanks for using his proper substance after his own mind: (for of right he chalengith that permission unto himself) but he that is despoiled of his goods, will never forget the injury done unto him. No man reckoneth that to be his own lucre which he getteth to the common profit. For those things that be in common are little regarded of every man particularly. But if that which is proper unto a private man, do chance wors● than he looketh for, then thinketh he himself not to be well dealt withal. Besides this, they which have accustomed the enormities and unmeasurable prodigality of tyrants, (if a man intend for want of money to live thryftelye, and in measurable mean) do not so soon attribute it unto a moderate dispense, as they do reprove him forthwith of filthy covetise. Neither do they esteem any man able to give large gifts, that doth abstain from violence and extortion. But he which dispendeth his substance well, and according to his degree, doth not only not take away from any man, but also teacheth others to be frugal, and spare that themselves get. Therefore (right honourable fathers) pondering these things in your minds) endeavour yourselves together with me, and account the administration of this Empire to be common unto us. For, seeing you shall live in a weal public of good men, and not under Tyranny, yourselves ought to conceive good hope of things, and to promise the same unto others. When Pertinax had spoken these things (having added unto the Senate a good courage) he was received with joyful shouts and very honorabely entertained. And having visited the Temples of jupiter and the other Gods, when the sacrifice (according to the ancient usage) was ended, he returned into Thimperial palace. After it was spread abroad what he had either in the Senate house spoken, or unto the people written, all men rejoiced: trusting that they should have him a gentle and gracious Prince, rather a father then an Emperor. For he commanded the men of arms, that they should hurt or oppress none of the people, neither do injury to any way faring man, & finally he reduced all things to honest behaviour and modesty. 
The manners and behaviour of Pertinax.  When he entered or sat in judgement, he showed a courtesy countenance, and for that he chiefly represented Marcus, he gave a great delectation unto the Elders, and the residue of the people, he easily drew to love him, being delivered from cruel tyranny, and brought into a quiet life. The report hereof being once far of divulged, provoked all nations and armies, either subject or confederate to the Roman people, to give divine honours unto him. Yea if any of the barbarous people had forsaken the Roman subjection, or stirred any sedition (through fear of his prowess, which they did remember he showed in the former wars, and through confidence of his justice, when they knew that he willingly offended no man, but gave praises unto every man worthy his merits, and that he was void of violence and cruelty) of their free wills they yielded themselves unto him. There came besides from all parts Ambassadors, to gratyfye the people of Rome, that they were governed by the authority of Pertynax. But the thing that was most acceptable unto the greatest part of all men, both openly and privately was that it happened unto the Romans people to have a m●●este and gentle Emperor. Whereat the men of arms in the city appointed unto the Emperors guard, greatly grudged. For being reduced from extortions, unto a modest behaviour of life, and reckoning for their own shame, that meek and civil governance, as by the which they perceived their inordinate licence to be taken away, they determined no longer to sustain such a governor. Wherefore in the beginning they bore themselves more stubborn and less obedient to his commandment. Finally when he had reigned scarcely two full months, (having then showed perfect proof of his goodness) and all men being erected into a singular hope) suddenly a pernicious hap envying it, utterly destroyed all things. So that his notable beginnings and enterprises (which were like greatly to profit all men) perished in the mids of their course. For first of all he adjudged all land that was untilled and unoccupied, either in italy or any other place, and what soever was vacant in the time of Kings, unto the tillers and labourers thereof, unto whom also he gave ten years freedom from Taxes, and perpetual liberty. Neither would he suffer his own name, to be written in Thempours possessiones, saying they were not Themperors, but common unto the Romans. He remitted also all tributes, the which tyrants had invented to get money in the Ryvages of Rivers, in the havens of Cities, and by comen ways and by paths, and restored them to their ancient liberties. It seamed also that he would do many other like things. For he had driven out of the City all false accusers, & commanded them to be punished wheresoever they were found, forcing that no man should be troubled through wrong accusation. And therefore the senate and all other trusted to live in great tranquillytie and blessed estate of life. For he showed himself so equal unto every man, that he never brought his Son being a stripling in years, into the emperors palace, but kept him in a private house. So that he went to school after his accustomed usage, nothing unlike private children, and was instructed in all things, as one of a mean sort. Neither did he brag or show fourth any tyrrannouse or Imperial pomp, during the time that Pertinax lived. At this modesty of manners and life only the Pretoriane Sowldyors repined, 
Thinsolency of the men at arms of the Emperor's guard.  & grudging at the present condition of things affected their old sensuality and license, to behave themselves violently and to rifle all things. And among their belly banquets, they consulted to destroy Pertinax as one comborouse unto them, and to set in his place to rule the Roman affairs, some other that were wild and wanton, and would give them very much liberty.  
Wherefore suddenly (whiles every man was in quiet) they being mad ran in great companies with much haste at noontide unto th'emperors palace, with their spears extended and their sword naked. And at their thither coming, the Chamberers of the palace (being astonished with this sudden matter unlooked for, and being few against many, and naked against harnessed men) were not able to resist them. And therefore every man left his station, and ran diversly hither and thither. Yet a few of th'emperors chiefest friends, (having showed unto Pertynax the flocking together of the Soldiers) persuaded him to make shift for himself by fleinge, and to call upon the people for aid. But he (although they counseled him profitably) at that present, thinking it a shameful thing, unworthy th'imperial Majesty, and his former life, to commit his safety unto flight and corners, determined to prevent the peril and go forth amongs them, trusting that he should persuade them what he would, and mitigate their furious brains. He went out of his chamber & meeting the raging Soldiers, inquired what was the cause of this sudden stir, willing them to cease from so filthy a tumult. And being not once abashed with the peril, but retaining a grave countenance convenient to th'imperial Majesty, nor showing any thing appertaining unto a suppliant, he spoke these words unto them. truly if ye slay me (O soldiers) neither do ye achieve any notable enterprise, or do me any grief at all, 
The words of Pertynax unto the Soldiers.  being of this age & renown. For certainly there is some necessary end of man's life. But you that are appointed to the charge & custody of your Prince, and to remove perils from his person, to begin murder yourselves, and to defile your hands with blood, not only civil, but also of your Emperor, take heed, I say, lest it be presently abominable, and in time to come dangerous unto yourselves. For I have committed no injury or offence against you. If you be sorrowful for the death of Commodus, truly it was not strange for him to die, being borne a man. But if you think he was slain by treason, verily it was not my default, being one (as yourselves know) void from all suspicion. For the things that were then committed, your selves knew first, so that if any suspicion rose, it happened in others. As for the rest, although he be dead, yet will I not suffer you to want any thing that you will modestly, and meet for your estate without violence and extortion desire. By these his words some of them were even then pacified and began to departed, reverencing the holiness and age of the prince: but he was of the other with an assault slain. Who (after they had committed this wicked deed) knowing that the people would be doleful for it, went straight unto the Camp, and kept themselves within the fortress, having appointed men of arms in the Towers to keep the people from the walls. This end had Pertynax that was for his life and manners (as we have before said) worthy eternal praise. When the rumour of this murdre was spread amongs the people, all places were filled with tumults and lamentations. The people wandered hither and thither like mad men uncertain what they should do. They sought for the Authors of the mischief, whom they could neither find, nor be avenged on. But especially the Senate were marvelous doleful, reputing it their own calamity for that they wanted so good a father, and so meek a Prince, and feared also tyranny, which they knew to be agreeable unto the men of arms. But when a day or two were passed, all the commonalty through every th'whole perticulyer fear remained in rest. Those that bore any authority, departed unto such Manors as they possessed furthest from the city, least that in choosing a new governor some grievous offence should be laid to their charge. And the soldiers (knowing the people to be in quiet, and no man remaining that would revenge the princes death) kept themselves within their Fortress. And having set upon the wall one with a very loud voice they proclaimed the Empire to be sold, saying they would deliver it unto him that would give most money for it, and would bring him safely into the imperial palace. That proclamation heard, never moved any man of the Senate that was grave or in authority neither any man of the nobility, or finally of those that were rich, being few in number, through the tyranny of Commodus. Neither durst any of them approach unto the wall to purchase with money so detestable a dominion. But it was declared unto one julyanus (who had been Consul, 
The ambition of julyanus.  and was supposed also to have great abundance of money) at night when he sat at Supper banqueting (for he was reckoned a man of evil conversation. Whereupon his wife, his daughter▪ and a company of parasites, persuaded him that leaving his table he should make haste and know what were done And after in his going they exhorted him to occupy the void Empire, affirming that he might convince all others by gifts, he was pardie so passing rich. Wherefore when he approached nigh the walls, he cried with a loud voice that he would give them what they demanded, saying he had great abundance of riches and Chests full of gold and silver. And at the same time one Sulpitianus who had also been Consul, 
Sulpityanus.  and governor of the city, and was father in law to Pertynax, cheapened the Empire: but the men of arms suspected in him his affynytye with Pertynax, thinking some deceit to be in it, that he might thereby avenge the death of Pertynax. Wherefore, having let down ladders, they took julyanus up unto the walls, not being so bold as to open the gates until they were accorded of payment of the money. And he being entered the Fortress, first of all promised that he would restore the honours and Images of Commodus which the Senate had taken down, and that he would grant unto them the same licence they had under Commodus, and further that he would give unto every soldier more money, than they either durst desire or hoped to receive, neither should there be any delay in the payment: For (ꝙ he) it is safely kept in my house. With which promises the men of arms being enticed, and trained with great hope, pronounced julyanꝰ their Prince, and gave him the surname of Commodus. 
julyanus made Emperor by the Praetorian soldiers.  Then dysplayinge their banners (upon the which they had painted the pictures of julianus) they concluded to bring him forth. Wherefore when sacrifice (after the usage) was ended, he went forth environed with a greater Guard than other Emperors were accustomed: For having bought th'empire by violence against the people's will, and by filthy shame, with good cause, he feared thinsurrection of the commonalty. But the soldiers being armed and compassed on every side like a circle, that if need required they might fight, took into the mids of them their Emperor, and lifting their shields and Targets over their heads to be thereby the more safer if any stones were thrown from the houses, they brought him into th'emperors palace. None of the people durst resist them, neither did they follow the Emperor as they accustomed with joyful shouts, but every man cursed him bitterly, reproving him for that he had purchased th'empire with money. Then first of all were the dispositions of the soldiers corrupted, then increased the filthy and insatiable covetise of money, with contempt of thimperial Majesty. For when there was no man remaining that would revenge the cruel death of the late Prince, neither any that would withstand that filthy fact of sale and unhonest merchandise, the same gave occasion unto the men of arms to wax thereafter more unreverent and rebelling, in so much that avarice and contempt of the Prince daily increased even unto death. For julyanus having obtained th'empire, gave himself to riot, neglecting the weak public, and leading a naughty voluptuous life▪ yea he deceived the trust of the soldiers being unable to perform his promises unto them. For he had not so great substance as he bragged of, and the common treasure was exhausted by the immoderate dispenses of Commodus. For these causes the men of arms on the one part detested him. On the other side the people not ignorant thereof despised him. Wherefore they pursued him as he passed by with reproach, upbraiding him for his filthy and unstable pleasures, so that openly in the very Theatre (unto the which a great multitude of men resortethe) they would rebuke julianus, 
Nyger called to th'empire.  and call Nyger the Protector of the Roman Empire and Presidente of the Sovereign principality, praying him that he would with all speed come unto them and deliver them from those manifold injuries. The same Niger had been Consul, and then was governor of all Syria, 
Syria.  the which was the chiefest dignity at that time. 
Phenices.  For all Phenyces and all the regions unto the river of Euphrates were under his dominion. He was then somwhate stricken in age, 
Euphrates.  and having been occupied in many weighty affairs, had obtained the renown of modesty and righteousness, so that he seamed to follow the life of Pertynax. By the which he chief wan the favour of the people. For which respect, they with often clamours called upon him, taunting with reproaches julianus being present, and extolling with praises and joyful shouts Nyger that was absent. Whereof when Niger once heard, (trusting that all things would prosper according to his desire (saying that julianus was of the men of Arms neglected, as one that had violated his truth and promise, and of the people contemned as a man not worthy, for that he had purchased his principality) he began to hope for the obtaining of the Empire. And first he dismissed home (some on time some an other) diverse of the capitains, Tribunes, and other men of Arms, who likewise had knowledge of all news that were brought unto him from Rome. This did he to the intent the rumours might be spread very broad in the east. For so he supposed to join many unto him, if he seamed not to enterprise the occupying of the Empire by deceit, but to succour them that desired aid. Wherefore all the people there abouts came incontinently towards him every man by himself, beseeching him to take the charge of the common wealth forthwith upon him. For the nation of the Syrians is naturally unstable and prone unto change of things: And they loved Nyger exceadingly, for that he behaved himself very gently amongs them, delighting them with pleasant plays and sumpteouse solempnities. The Syrians are also of their own nature very desirous of such shows. amongs whom the Antyochians (enhabyting a great and famous city) do throughout the hole year either in the City self or else in the Suburbs, celebrate feasts and plays. Wherefore in setting forth shows and solempnytes unto them, he so wan their hearts that they fervently loved him. The which when Niger perfectly perceived, having a certain day commanded the men of arms to be present, and all the people coming togethers, in a high place for that purpose erected, he said unto them as ensueth. 
The oration of Niger.   
Peradventure yourselves know how gentle my dysposition hath been, & how long I have consulted or I went about any weighty matter, neither would I have come forth to speak unto you at this time if I had been led either by mine own private counsel or by assured hope, or else with affection surmounting trust. But the Romans call me and with intercessions weary me to stretch my helping hand unto them, and that I should not permit so excellent and glorious an Empire left by our elders to be now shamefully destroyed. And as it is a presumtuouse and rash thing to meddle in so weighty affairs without occasion, so if a man deny succour unto them that want and desire it, then is he then in the lash of Cowardyse, and treason. Wherefore for this purpose am I come forth unto you that I might know your advise what ye judge best to be done, and that I might use you as Counsellors in all this business. If it do prosperously come to pass, the commodity thereof shall be common unto you and me. It is no small riches that solicit us, but it is the very Roman people, unto whom the Gods have given the dominion of all things, and the Roman Empire self, as yet wavering, and to no man certainly established. The counsel which we enter is assured, if we consider the minds of the suitors, no man being able to resist us. For they that come from thence, report that the men of arms themselves of whom he bought th'empire, are not very faithful unto him, for that he hath not performed his promise. Let me hear now your opinions herein. Whiles he spoke these words, forth with th'whole army and all the common people saluted him as Emperor and Augustus. 
Niger saluted Emperor.  And when he was clothed with Purple and adorned with Imperial vesture, being there suddenly as of purpose found, with the fire borne before him, they conveyed him first unto the Temples of antioch, and then to his own house. The which, as it were not now private, they decked with Imperial signs and ornaments. With those things Nyger being joyful and perceiving the mind of the Romans, and benevolence of all other men towards him, thought now all his purpose to be in perfect plight. When the bruit of this was blown abroad, incontinently all nations that inhabited over against Europe, hasted every man for himself, to proffer him their assistance. And Ambassadors also from all parts came to Antioch unto him, 
Europe.  as unto their lawful prince. The kings also and the rulers dwelling beyond Euprates & Tigris, 
Euphrates & Tigrys.  sent to gratify him, promising their aid in all his enterprises. The which Ambassadors rewarded with great gifts and thanks he dismissed, saying unto them, he needed not as at that present any aid. For his Empire was well strengthened, he which he would without bloodshed well govern. His mind being thus exalted with great hope, he began to be more negligent in executing that he should, delighting himself and the people of Antioch with pleasures & setting forth of shows and plays, neither thought he once of going unto Rome, that which should first have been done, neither certified he the Illyryan armies (who should chiefly have been won unto him) of these affairs: for he trusted that when they once knew the matter, they would together with the Romans and nations of the Orient condescend unto him. Whiles he thus little regarded his affairs, the fame thereof was spread amongs the Pamnoniens, the illyrians, & all the other armies abiding on the coasts of Danuby & Rhine, 
Danuby and the Rhine. Pannonyens. Severus  for the defence of the Roman Empire against the Barbariens. Then was governor of the Pannoniens (for they were all ruled by one man's authority) one named severus, of the nation of Africa, a man vehement & diligent in furthering his affairs, accustomed to lead a hard & sharp life prompt in the invention, and speedy in the execution of things. The which seeing the Roman Empire to hang unsteadfast, & as it were opened to pillage, despised the one Emperor as a sluggish coward, & the other as of no account. Certain dreams & Oracles besides augmented his hope, & other divinacyons of things to come, the which when they came to effect obtained report of verity: of that which himself wrote most part in books of his own life, & published them openly painted in Tables. But it behoveth me not to overpass without writing his last dream, 
The dream of Severus.  which being of greatest weight, brought most hope unto him. For when it was first told him that Pertinax was made Emperor, Severus having ended sacrifice, and being sworn in obedience to the Prince, assoon as he came home was taken with a dead sleep: In that which he dreamt that he saw a great and grievous horse decked with the emperors saddle, carrying Pertinax himself through the City, by the street called Sacra via. But when he came unto thentry of the market place (unto the which the people whiles they were in liberty accustomed to resort in great assemblies) it seemed unto him that that the horse overthrew Pertynax ●nto the ground, & offering his back unto Severus standing night, carried him through the mids of the market place, where he was reverenced of all the people. There remaineth in the same place unto this day the Image of the same dream being very great & made of brass. After this sort Severus being extolled in mind, and thinking himself to be solicited unto th'empire by divine providence, determined to assay the minds of the Soldiers. Wherefore, adjoining first unto him the capitains, Tribunes, 
Tribun.  and the chiefest of the men at arms, in talk with them of the Roman empire, said it was nigh destroyed, no man remaining by whom it might be valiantly and prudently governed. Inueighing also against the Praetorian Cohortes, 
cohort Pretoryan.  who had defiled their oath of allegiance with their emperors blood, he said the death of Pertynax ought to be revenged, being nothing ignorant that the memory of Pertinax was fixed yet in the minds of the Illyryan armies. For they had by his guiding under the Emperor Marcus obtained many victories against the Germans. And being lieutenant of Illiria he showed many examples of virtue and prowess in war, and exhibited to his companions much benevolence and modesty with a meek and moderate governance. Wherefore (worshipping the memory of the prince) they grievously grudged that so great cruelty should be done unto him. Severus therefore taking unto him this occasion, led them easily whither he would, feigning that he affected not th'empire, but sought to revenge the blood of Pertynax. And as the men of the region are of great and tall bodies prompt and ready to war and murder, so are they of dull and gross capacity: where by they do not easily perceive what a man craftily speaketh or worketh. Therefore when Severus had faithfully promised them to persecute the murder of Pertynax, he so wan all their favours, that he was named Emperor, and received the whole authority of them. And after he understood the minds of the Pannoniens, immediately he alured unto him with gifts the rulers of all the nigh nations that were subject unto the Roman Empire. For Severus was the readiest of all men to feign friendship, to that he passed not to be perjured if need required, always having one thing in his mouth, and an other in his stomach. Therefore after he had gotten credit and favour by letters with all the Illyryans and Rulers of the Provinces, having gathered together soldiers from every part, and taken upon him the surname of Pertynax, the which he supposed would be most acceptable, not only unto the Illyrians, but also unto all the Roman people, and having called them all together into the field, he spoke unto them as ensueth. 
The oration of Severus.  You do evidently show (O soldiers) of what loyalty & Religion you are towards the Gods by whom ye are sworn and what reverence ye bear unto your Emperor, when you do so much detest the men of arms of the City (being ministers rather of pomp and super fluity, then of virtue & prowess) for that they have committed so horrible an offence. And certainly I that am now entering into so great hope (your selves pardie all know how obedient I have been unto Princes) desire to achieve and bring to effect that shall be acceptable unto you: neither to suffer the Roman Empire to run into ruin, the which being governed by our elders with great authority, was reverenced of all men. And after it fell unto Commodus, although through his youth it began many times to decay, yet was all the fault thereof shadowed, partly which the princes nobility & partly which the memory of his good father▪ Neither did his vices deserve rather hate then compassion, for we imputed not the things that were done, so much unto him, as unto the flattering Parasites & other Counsellors & ministers of vile voluptuousness, until th'empire came unto the godly old man, the memory of who●e virtue & goodness resteth yet in your minds, whom notwithstanding it was so far from their intent to sustain, that which abominable murder they destroyed him. After him hath a man (whom I know not) purchased the dominion of Sea and land. And for that act is hated of the people. Neither are the men of arms true unto him, because he hath deceived them. And if they would defend him, yet are they not in number or valyaunte prowess to be compared unto you. Besides that you have been exercised in warlike affairs. For you are accustomed to fight with the barbarous nations, to suffer all labour, to despise heat and cold, to pass ryverse frozen over with ice, to drink water digged and not springing out of the earth, and to watch in hunting of wild beasts: finally you are furnished with all provisions appertaining unto valiantness, so that it is easy for no man to withstand your strength. For the man of arms is approved by labour, and not by banqueting and riot: with that which they are so traded, that they can not sustain your voice, much less your sight. But if the affairs of Syria seam terrible unto any man, let the same ponder how weak they are and with how simple hope they be ruled, that they dare not once come forth or consult of going unto the city, but taking those habitations in good worth, account the pleasure's every day gotten to be the lucre of that unconstant authority. As for the nation of Syrians is chief addicted unto jests and plays. And they which inhabit Antioch are thought principally to favour Niger. For the other nations and cities saying no man worthy the Empire, or that should modestly and valyauntely govern the common wealth, at the last feigned themselves to obey him. But if they once knew that an Emperor were created by the Illyrian army, and heard therewithal our name, the which is not unknow unto them (for myself have heretofore had dominion over them) they will not allege cowardice or sloth unto us. Neither will they abide your invasions or prove your valiant prowess especially, seeing they are not comparable unto you, either in talnes of person, warlycke exercises, or fighting hand to hand. Wherefore let us with all speed possess the city of Rome, the very seat of th'empire, and then shall we easily bring to pass the residue, affyeng ourselves in the oracles of the Gods, & in the strength of your weapons & bodies. When Severus had spoken these words unto them they received him with joyful shouts and calling him Augustus and Pertinax promised him their benevolent hearts and minds. 
Severus is named Augustus and Pertinax.  And he thinking it not good to prolong the time, commanded them with all celeritee to be armed, proclaimed his voyage towards the Cite, gave unto every man victual, and other sufficient necessaries for their journey, and removed with all speed, resting in no place, nor once suffering the Soldiers to stay, until through their great labour they could scarcely fetch breath. And himself travailing with the formest of them, and lodging in a simple tent, did eat and drink of the same the soldiers did, never shewing any pomp, or imperial wantonness whereby every day he waxed more acceptable than other. For saying he was not only partaker, but also author and head of all their travail he became so honourable unto them all, that they seamed most glad to do any thing he would command. After he had passed Pannonye, and was come unto the mountains of Italy, preventing so the fame of his approach that he was in open sight, before his coming was hard of, a marvelous dread invaded the Italyen Cities, when they saw so great an army. For the inhabitants of italy being of a long space void from war, did now till their land and lived in peace. For as long as the City was free, and that the Captains for the wars were elected by the Senate, the Italyen nations were ever in harness. And having subdued the Grecians and Barbaryens, gate unto them selves the dominion of Land and Sea. Neither was there any climate, or part of the world unto the which the Romans stretched not their force. But after that Augustus had obtained the Empire, he released the italians from labour, and took from them their weapons, and retained with him for appointed wages only certain mercenary soldiers to defend the Roman Empire. Then compassed he the bounds of his Empire with the greatness of Ryverse and ditches, with high and sharp hills, and with desert places. Wherefore when they hard that Severus was nigh with so great an army, being (not without cause) with that unaccustomed thing astonied, when they durst neither resist him, or forbid him passage, they met him crowned with laurel, and received him into their cities, the gates being opened. And he abiding no longer in any place than sufficed to do sacrifice and speak unto the people, kept on his journey towards Rome. When this was declared unto julianus) he thought himself utterly undone, he had so oftentimes hard of the power and multitude of the Illyryan army. For he mistrusted the people of whom he knew himself hated, neither had he great affiance in his guard, because he had deceived them. Wherefore having gathered together a great some of money partly of his own, and partly of his friends, and what so ever he found either in the temples, or any other places, he distributed it amongs the Soldiers, that thereby he might reconcile their favour. But they (although they had received many ample gifts) rendered no thanks, interpreting their duty to be now paid, and not one benefit bestowed on them. Furthermore, although the friends of julyanus persuaded him to lead forth an army, and keep the straits of the Alps, (for this Alps are most high hills, whereof the like are not in this region, 
The Alps.  stretched forth in the manner of a wall, and compassing all Italy, as though nature for the more felicity of the country had added this one heap, that it might have a munytion unpreignable, stretching from the Northern unto the Southern sea, yet durst he not once go forth of the city: But sent unto the Soldiers desiring them to arm and exercise themselves, and to cast a trench before the City. Himself prepared all apparel for the war within the city self, especially he endeavoured to break the Elephants (whom he had before ordained for Pomp and triumph) to suffer sittars one then: thinking that the Illirian Soldiers and their horses should be put in fear with the sight and greatness of those beasts, whose like they had never before scene. And all the city was busied with forging of armure, and making of warlycke instruments. But whiles the Soldiers of julyanus delayed the time in appareling themselves to battle, news were brought that Severus was arrived even at hand. He had sent many of his Soldiers privily at sundry times to Rome, the which in the night entered the City by divers ways, having covered their harness with the habit of Pagans. And now was the adversary with in the Cite, whiles julianus dreamt in a mamering uncertain what to do. The which when the people perceived, every man being stricken with fear, & dreading the power of Severus they feigned themselves to take his part, despysenge julianus for that he was a coward and Nyger for that he was slothful: yet did they greatly wonder that Severus was then so nigh at hand. Now julyanus staggering and void of Counsel, having first called the Senate togethers, sent letters unto Severus to conclude a peace between them taking him as fellow into the Empire with him. But although the Senate had ordained all these things, yet perceiving him to tremble through despair of his safeguard, they turned wholly unto Severus. And two or three days after, when they hard that Severus was even at hand contemning julyanus, they assembled in the Senate house by the commandment of the consuls: For they have the charge of the Roman affairs when there is any doubt of the Empire. And when they had there many times met togethers, consulted what was needful to be done, whiles julyanus yet remained in the Palace lamenting his fortune, and humbly desiring them, that he might give over the Empire, and resign all his authority unto Severus. But when the Senate perceived julyanus so fearful, his Guard astonied, and himself forsaken of all men, they concluded his death, and pronounced Severus Emperor. Then they sent Ambassadors unto him, whereof some were Magistrates, and some had chiefest rule in the Senate, the which should give unto him all the honours appertaining to Augustus, and the charge of slaying julianus, was committed unto one of the Tribunes▪ 
A Tribune slew julianus.  The same Tribune murdered the feeble and miserable old man (which had purchased unto him with money so wretched an end) being desolate and abandoned of all persons and making uncomely lamentations. The which when Severus heard, purposing in his mind greater matters he took counsel of apprehending all the men of arms which had slain Pertinax. The which to bring to pass, he sent letters unto the Tribunes Capytaines' and centurions exhorting them with many promises, to persuade the Soldiers of the city to be obedient unto him. And he himself sent commandment; that leaving their armure within their camp, they should come forth clad like peaceable persons, as they accustomed to go in Triumphs, and to celebrate plays) swear allegiance unto Severus, and conceiving in themselves a singular hope, should be ready to follow their new Emperor. The Soldiers believing this through the persuasions of the tribunes, laid their armure apart, and came fourth crowned with Laurel in gorgeous garments. Now when they came unto the army of Severus, he being thereof advertised commanded, them to resort togethers in the field, as though he would gently welcome them all. And when they approached the Imperial seat, shouting joyfully togethers, they were all by a watch word suddenly enclosed. For so had Severus appointed it that when his soldiers saw them attentyfely harkening unto their Prince, they should environ them all as if they were enemies and wounding, or striking no man, with a compass enclose them round about, only holding fourth their darts and spears, that the other for fear of wounds should not, being naked, and few, presume to resist those that were armed, & many. Unto whom (when he had thus taken and entangled them as it were in a toil of weapons) with a high voice and troubled spirit, he spoke as followeth. You see that we have overcome you aswell, by advise, and policy, 
The words of severus unto the Praetorian soldiers.  as by strength & number. Ye are taken most easily, & held without great difficuttie, what shallbe done of you that lieth in my, power: ye stand now here presently as prays subject to our Empire. If for your mischievous fact ye seek condign punishment, ye shall never find it. You have slain a godly old man and worthy Emperor whom yourselves should have preserved & defended. You have filthily & shamefully, as it were the possession of a private person, & as filthy usurers, sold the Roman Empire shineng with perpetual glory, the which our elders ruled with virtue & renown. And (that more is) as most timorous & cowardly dastards, you durst not once defend & succour him, whom after that sort, your selves erected unto the type of dignity. For these your heinous offences & horrible wickedness, a thousand torments of death are due unto you, if a man would study for a meet reward unto your deserts. Wherefore what you are worthy to suffer yourselves abundantly perceive. Nevertheless, I will abstain from shedding of blood, not following your hands. But because law, & equity prohibiteth you to guard a Prince, having violated your oath, & defiled your hands which civil & Imperial blood, in falsefieng your allegiance & truth, albeit of our bounteous clemecye we pardon you your lives, & yet do I charge my Soldiers, that they ungirde you, & after they have despoiled you from your armure, they let you go naked, yourselves I command to departed far hence And further I ordain, swear, & denounce, that if any of you be found hereafter within a hundredth miles of the Cite, he shall lose his life. Incontinently after this sentence pronounced, the Illirian Soldiers ran unto them, & after they had bereaved from them their short skeines decked with gold & silver, (which they ware for proud pomp and bragging bravery) & taking from the by violence their purses with their other apparel & tokens of warriors they dismissed them so rifled of all they had. They seeing themselves thus betrayed, & by crafty deceit so appreheded, took their fortune pacientli. For what should they do being naked against armed, and few against many They departed therefore bewailing themselves, and interpreting the release of their lives a great good turn bestowed upon them. But yet they lamented that they came forth unarmed, and so offered them selves to be shamefully taken. Now Severus used an other wile against them. For (fearing that they being naked and spoiled, would in a desperation return unto their camp, and fall to harness) he sent the strongest and moste expert of all his soldiers by other ways and paths: commanding them to enter into the void tents, and seizing on the armure there left, to forbid them thentry when they returned. This punishment therefore had the murderers of Pertinax. Then Severus with the rest of his host apparaled with armure went unto Rome. The Romans were at the first sight astonied, and dreadful, pondering in their minds his stoutness and fortune. The Senate and all the people crowned with Laurel received him (as the first of all men and Emperors) bringer to pass of so great and weighty a matter without bloudeshedde or busy trouble. All qualities besides were marvelous in him: specially the sharpness of his wit, his sufferance of labour, and prompt audacity of good hope in enterprising of weighty affairs. After the people had received him with joyous acclamations, and the hole senate welcomed him at the gates of the city, he vyseted the temple of jupiter, made there his sacrifice and saluted the other Temples, and then entered into the imperial palace. The next day, he came into the Coorte: where he made an oration with a good countenance, and embraced all men openly and privily, saying he came unto the City to revenge the death of Pertinax. And promised to erect the foundations of the estate of Senators and nobles of Rome as long as he were Emperor. That no man should lose his life, or goods, except he were by judgement condemned: all pykethankes and false promoters being dispatched away. And that he would follow Marcus steps in governing the Empire: having not only the surname he said) of Pertinax, but also his full mind & intent. By this talk he won himself much favour. But many of the ancient men, knowing his accustomed subtilty▪ told their friends privily, that he was a deceitful man, bent unto fraud, and a meat dissembler, caring for nothing, so that he might obtain that he thought his own advantage. The which report of the Elders experience did afterward verify. Severus then remained but a few days in the city: but having bestowed on the people many gifts, and abundantly rewarded the soldiers: amongst whom he elected the strongest and valyaunteste into their places (that were erst discharged) for the guard of his person, he forthwith prepared his journey towards the Orient, whiles Niger lay still and gave his mind unto the wantonness of antioch. Thinking it best to make haste that (being unlooked for) he might oppress Nyger unpuruaied of strength to resist him. 
The preparation of Severus against Niger. Thrace.  Wherefore he commanded the Soldiers to make themselves ready, and after he had gathered together bands of men from every coast, mustered all the youth in italy, sent for the residue of the Illyryan army remaining in Thrace, and with no less diligence gotten a great navy and filled all the italian galleys of three orders with soldiers armed, he brought together with incredible celerytie abundance of all necessaries. For he knew well that there needed a great power against the nations, inhabiting the part of the earth that is opposite unto Europe: 
Europe.  all the which did with one mind follow and favour Nyger. Therefore after this sort did Severus apparel his army to the war. But the man, being provident & of a forecasting wit, suspected much the army of England, who were very mighty, and warrelyke, and of them was ruler one Albynus, 
Albinus  a man of the order of Senators, which had been traded in great wealth of all richesse and pleasures. This man Suerus thought good to win by craft unto him, lest if the same, stirred with his riches, kindred, army and renown (all prompt provacatyons to coveting of th'empire) would challenge the dominion of all things unto himself: and whiles Severus were busied with the wars in the Oryente, take possession of Rome, not far dystaunte from England. And therefore he determined to allure unto him with a colour of honour, Albynus being simple, light of credit, and believing Severus, for that in his letters myssyves he protested all thing by solemn oath. Wherefore calling him Cesar, and promising him the participation of his Empire, he prevented his ambition. He sent letters also unto him full of gentle commendations, whereby he desired him chiefly to take upon him the charge of th'empire, saying that it needed such a noble man, and of such dyscreate age as he was. Himself (he said) was old and vexed with the gout, and his two sons very young. The which Albynus credyting, accepted gladly the honour: being joyful that he obtained his desire without battle or other trouble. And Severus (that all things might seam more credible,) sent letters of like tenor unto the Senate: commanding the money to be coined with the stamp of Albynus picture, his Image to be erected, and other honours to be done unto him, whereby he established the trust of his benevolence. When he had thus provydentlye finished this drift (being out of fear of the affairs in England, and having gathered together about him the Illyryan legions and all other things needful) he did set forward his host against Nyger. As for the places where in his journey he arrested, what Orations he made in every city, what marvelous wonders appeared, what regions he passed, and finally what conflyctes there were, and what numbers on both sides were slain, the same all Hystoryographers, especially the poets treating of this matter, and the whole life of Severus, do very plenteousely make mention of in their Verses. But I intend to put in writing things manifestly known unto me, done by the space of seventy years under many and diverse Princes. And therefore I will touch the chyefeste things done by Severus: without or favour feigning any thing (as I see they have done which wrote in that age) or else overslyppe unspoken any thing that shall seam worthy memory.  
The eande of the second book of Herodian.   

¶ The Argument of the third book of Herodyan.  
THE beginning of the third book doth treat of the battles between Severus and Niger, and of the preparation of the same. Then after of the death of Nyger, of the cruelty of Severus which would by Treason have slain Albynus, whom he had taken into the rule of th'empire. consequently of the overthrow of Albynus men, and Albynus own death. Of the viage and expedition made by Severus into the Orient, of thambition of Plautyanus and his death. After that the discord between the two brethren Severus sons, and of the voyage made by Severus with his Sons into England, where he died. And the eande of the third book treateth of Antoninus, Severus eldeste Sons cruelty, and how he feigned for a while to be agreed with his brother Geta.   

¶ The third book of Thistory of Herodian.  
IN the Book preceading we have at length opened the death of Pertinax, the murder of julianus, with the coming of Severus into the City, and his expedition against Niger. Who (when he suspected no such matter) hearing that Severus was in full possession of Rome, taken as Emperor by the Senate, and that the hole illyrian army was coming against him by land and Sea,) had his mind wonderfully troubled, an● his courage meruaylousely daunted. Nevertheless he gave forthwith commandment to the presidents, and rulers of the Provinces, to defend and stop all their passages, havens. and straights: And sent to the Kings of Parthia, 
Parthia Armenia Atrenia.  Armenia, and Atrenia, for aid. But the Armenyan King answered that he would take neither part, but only defend his Realm●●t the coming of Severus. The Parthian King, ●t him word, that he would command by commixion the nobles of his Realm, to muster and gather th●ir powers togethers: For so was he accustomed wh● he should make war, because the Parthians ha● no mercenary Soldiers, or appointed army. F●om the Atrenians were sent him for aid certain ●hers, by the King Barsemius, 
Barsemius.  the which then ●eigned in that Realm. The rest of his power, he ●uied of the soldiers that were present, and man● he gathered amongs the people, especially of the Antiochiens (who being through the lightness of their age, and the favour of Niger stirred) did more rashly, then prudently, proffer them selves. Niger then stopped with a mighty munition, and strong wall, the straights, and broken places of the mountain Taurus: 
Taurus  thinking that the same rocky and steape Hill, would be an assured strong defence unto the Oriente. For Taurus riseng in great height between Cappadocia, and Cilicia, doth divide the nations, 
Cappadoce Cilicie  enhabiting the Septentrion, and the orient. He set also a Garrison in Byzantium, 
Byzantium.  which was the goodliest Cite of all Thrace, and at that time flourishing with strength and richesse. For being set in a narrow gulf of the See Propontis, 
Thrace.  it received tribute, 
Propontis.  and fish from the water, and possessing on the other side large and fruitful fields, gate lucre by both these Elements. And therefore Niger thought it best to strengthen this town, that the ships might be prohibeted passage though those straights out of Europe into Asye. 
Asye.  This City was compassed with a strong and mighty wall, builded of four square stone of Miletum, 
Miletum  with so small and straight joints, that a man would not judge it of many pieces, but all of one continual stone. And if a man beheld the ruin at this present remaining, he would wonder, either at the art of them which first builded it, or at the strength of them which destroyed it. After this sort therefore, did Niger order his affairs, with very ware, (as he supposed) and circumspect counsel. Severus on the other part, made all the haste that might be, with his army and provision, resting in no place. And hearing that Byzatium was fortified with a garrison of Soldiers, and knowing it also to be a very strong town, he turned unto Cyzicum. 
Cyzicum  When this was declared unto Aemilianus he governor of Asye, unto whom Nyger had committed the charge and chief rule of the war, he removed unto Cyzicum also, leading with him all the Legions, which either Nyger had sent, or himself, must red. When it came to strokes, after certain skirmisshes eagerly fought, the victory finally fell to Severus: and all the host of Nyger was slain, and put to slight. Whereby the hearts of Oriental enhabytantes were abated, and the Illyrians very much encouraged. Many there were, that thought Niger to be in the beginning o●●he battle betrayed by Aemilianus. And for proof of their opinion, some of them said that he envy Niger, disdaining that he, who a little before was his successor in Syrie, should now not only be his superior, but also his sovereign, and Emperor. Other say that his children (whom Severus finding in Rome, held his custody) persuaded him by letters to regard their life and safety. For this circumspect Counsel did Severus put also in ure. It was the usage of Commodus, to detain with him, the children of those which had the charge to govern the provinces, as pledges of their faithful alleagiaunce and loyalty. And therefore Severus, as soon as he was made Emperor, (whiles julyanus yet lived) sent certain into the City to steal privily his children, lest they should be in any other man's custody. And as soon also as he entered in to Rome, he caused to be apprehended all the children of the Captains, and of all other which bore any comen office in all the Oryente, and Asye, to the end, that by those Hostages, he might cause the Chivetains of Nyger, for the safeguard of their children, to betray their master: or else, if they remained faithful, it might lie in his power, to avenge his anger against them in slaying of their children. Now Nygers soldiers being discomfited at Cyzycum, fled, every man as fast as he could: some escaping by the Mountains of Armeny, 
Armenia. Taurus' Asye. Gallatie Bithynia.  and some coveting to pass Tawrus into Asye, & Gallatye, that they might put them values in places of munition. Then marched the Army of Severus by the plains of Cizicum, into Bythinia the next region. But when the fame was spread, that Severus had the victory, a sudden sedition, invaded the Cities there about, not so much through any hatred, or amity, they bore unto the emperor's, as through mortal contention amongst themselves.  
The same was an old accustomed vice of the Grecians, who (whiles they were at dissension within themselves, and endeavoured to destroy every man that excelled in dignity, had now consumed all Grece. And being within themselves worn and wasted, were first made captives and slaves unto the Macedons, and after the bondmen and drudges of the Romans. That pestiferous calamity of debate and dissension, vexed notable and flourishing Cities in our time. For immediately after the battle at Cizicum in Bythinia, the Nicomedians revolted unto Severus, sending him Ambassadors, to promise him they would receive his army, and submit themselves unto his governance. On the other side, the Nycians stirred with rancour and hatred of them, favoured Nyger, entertaining his Soldiers, as well those which were escaped from the field, as them which he had sent to defend Bythinia. Out of these Cities, the soldiers, as out of their Camps, encountered, and skirmished togethers: and after a great battle fought, Severus obtained the upper hand. The Soldiers of Nyger being from thence also driven, fled unto the streaytes of Taurus, and defended the enclosed munitions. But Nyger, (leaving there as great a Garryson, as he thought needful) went himself unto Antioch, to levy an other host of men, and more money. In this while the Army of Severus departed out of Bythinia and Galatie, 
Galatia Cappadocia.  entered into Cappadotia, and began to assault the Bulwarks, and munitions there. Where they were with many sorrows and labours afflicted, the way being very narrow, and sharp, and they which stood above, throwing stones, and most fiercely fighting, and by that means few keeping back a great number. For the passage is wonderful straight, whereof the one side is fortifyfyed with a huge and high Rock, and the other is full of waters, falling very swiftly down from the steape hills. And Nyger had besides strengthened it with a mighty and strong wall, that thereby, his enemy might on every side be forbidden entry.  
¶ In the mean tym● whiles these things were in doing in Cappadoci● the sedition of certain cities, began to stir with like discord. That is to weet, the city of Laodicia in Syrya, 
Laodicia. Syria. Tyrus Phenicia. Berynthyens.  abhorring the Antiochiens, and the City of tire in Phenicia, detesting the Berinthians. Th● which two cities hearing of Nygers' discōfytur● took down all his honours, & Images, & made joyful acclamations unto Severus, whereof when Niger, ●yng busy at antioch, was certified, albeit he wer● at other times of a meek nature, and gentle disposition, yet being justly moved with their untruth an● revolt, he sent unto both the Cities, all the Maurit●●yan slingers that were in his service, and with ●hem a company of archers, whom he commanded to slay every one they encountered, and to destroy and burn the cities selves. And truly, the moors (being a nation naturally fierce, 
Laodicia & Tirus destroyed.  and cruel, coveting slaughter, sturdy in enterprises, and like men desperate despising all danger of death) did suddenly oppress t●e Laodicians: and (having tormented the people ●here with all kind of cruelty, and ransacked the City) departed from thence unto tire. The which (after they had despoiled every man of his substance, and committed much murdre) they wholly burned and razed to the earth. Whiles these cruel acts w●re thus executed in Syria, and whiles Niger was busied in waging and mustering an other army, S●uerus Soldiers besieged the munition of the mountain Taurus: being very pensive, and without hope of victory, for that it was by itself mighty ●nd inpreygnable, and dfended also with the steape & high hill. But when they were now wearied, and their enemies resting in safety, suddenly loo in the night powered down vehement showers, which filled all places with snow and rain, (as common●e in Cappadocia the winter is very rough and tempestuous, chief at the mountain Taurus: Whereby ● sudden brook braced forth with a marvelous troublesome stream, and being letted from his right course (for the munityon stopped his passage) it waxed more huge & violent, so that when the wall (nature overcoming art) could not sustain so mighty a brunt, the joints being by little and little loused, and the foundations from their places removed, the stream made to itself open way. When the garrison, which guarded the entry, once that perceived, dreading lest they should be by their enemies enclosed, (no stay or defence to the contrary remaining, assoon as the water were assuaged) they forsook their stations, and made shift for themselves by flight. Then the Severian soldiers rejoiced, and heartened themselves, as though thimmortal Gods guided them. And knowing that the place was of their enemies abandoned, they easily without resistance passed over Taurus, and entered into Cilicia. Nyger hearing hereof, having levied an huge army, (but yet not skilful of warlike travail) made great haste towards them by long journeys, a wonderful multitude of men, and almost all the youth of antioch, following him as their general governor, and principal capitain, with much mirth, but nothing comparable unto the Illyrian Souldidurs, either in prowess, or knowledge of warfare. In this array they arrived nigh unto a place named Sinus Issicus, 
Issicus Sinus.  in a mighty and large plain, the which being on every side enuyorned with high mountains in form like a Theatre, 
Theatre  had a steep bank, extending far along by the Sea, as it were a field, fasshyoned by nature convenient to darreigne battle in. Yea the report is, that in the same place, at a cruel and very bloody battle, Darius was by Alexander vanquished, 
Darius. Alexander  and taken, (thenhabitauntesinhabitants of the Septentrion then prevailing against the nations of th'orient. There remaineth at this day, as a token & witness of the same victory, the City of Alexandria, 
Alexandria.  situate upon an high hill thereby, and a brazen Image of Alexander, by whom the City is so named. It chanced besides, that not only the meeting of Severus and Nigers armies in that place, 
The battle between Severus & Nyger.  but their fortune was also like. For they remained on both cider about evening tide, ready to the battle. And th● passed over the night in hope, and fear, without re●te or sleep. And at the Son rising, the capitains on either side having encouraged their Soul●yours, ran together with an in credible stoutness, as though in that final battle, they would end the ●este of their hope and fear (fortune at that season arbytrating who should be Emperor of Rome. When they had of long space fiercely fought, there was so great slaughter committed, that the rivers flowing along by the plain, did run into the Sea with greater abundance of blood, than of water. Finally the Oryentalles were overthrown and discomfited, & the Illirians pursued them at their backs so nigh, that many of them being wounded, were drenched in the Sea. The other fled into the high hills nigh at hand, where they were by the pursuers slain, and with them a great numbered of rural people, who came together out of the next Cities add villages, to behold the battle from above, as from a sure hold and strong Fortress. But Nyger himself escaped from the field upon a swift Courser unto antioch, from whence also, (despairing of all good success,) and saying the people amazed and running to and fro, lamenting with howlings and tears, the death of their brethren and children) he forthwith fled. And being hidden in a certain village of the same Region, was there found by the horsemen, and beheaded. This end of life had Niger, 
The death of Niger  receiving worthy reward for his delays, and protracting of time. A man (as they say) in other things very moderate & upright. After Niger was slain, Severus incontinently did put to death all his friends which either of their own free wills, or by constraint, had favoured him: only he pardoned the Soldiers, who through fear of Severus wrath, were fled over Tiger, 
Tigris.  unto the Barba●iens. And in deed to them was a great multitude escaped. Whereby it came to pass, that the barbarous nations ●rom thence forward, waxed more valiant, & strong in fight against the Romans, being only expert before to shoot with the bow from their horses, not appareled in harness, or bold to fight with spear, and sword, but covered with light, and long garments, they did most commonly throw their darts, and shoot their arrows in fleeing away. But after that many of the Roman soldiers, and Artyfycers, came to inhabit and lead their lives in those regions, the barbarous people learned, not only to wear armure, but also to forge, and make the same. When Severus had finished his affairs in the Oryente, according to his own mind, he took an ardent desire to make war upon the Atrenyan king, & to conquer the Realm of Parthia: both the which Nyger had before associated unto him. But yet deferring those wars until an other time, he begun to invent by what means he might assuredly establish the Roman Empire to himself and his children. For, Nyger being dispatched, there remained no more, saving only Albynus, 
Albynus.  who he reckoned would do little after his mind, or stand him in small stead, the rumour being already spread, that he usurped the dignity, & name of Cesar, over arrogantly: and that many of the Senators had written privily unto him, encouraging him to return to Rome, whiles Severus were absent and busied in the Orient: for all the nobility wished Albinus Emperor, because he was descended of noble and famous lineage, himself being a young man of great towardness, and gentle disposition. All which intents when Severus knew, thinking it not good to work with open enmity, and manifest war, (having none occasion that might seem honest thereunto) he determined to cyrcumuente him with privy Treason, and close deceit. Wherefore he sent with letters of commission, unto Albynus, certain of the most trusty and faithful pursuivants, which used to carry th'imperial letters: whom he commanded, that having delivered those letters unto him, they should say they had other secret matters to declare, so that all other were commanded to avoidance. And then getinge him from his guard, they should suddenly murder him. He delivered poison also unto them, wherewith they should) if it were possible) allure his taster, either of meat, or drink, to dispatch him. But Severus truth was suspected of Albinus friends. And therefore they admonished him to beware of that false and disloyal person, full of deceit, & treason. For he was manifestly known to be a perjured, and untrue man: having by their own children, enticed Nigers Captains, to betray their master: And then, after he had abused their labour, and brought all his purpose as he would) to pass, sl●we both them and their children. Wherefore his Acts themselves made apparent his vnfaythfu●● and naughty disposition. And for that cause Al●ynus strengthened himself with a greater and stronger guard than he was accustomed, permitting no messenger sent from Severus to be let in rashly unto him, except he first laid a side his weapon, and were thoroughly searched. Now when the pursuivants were arrived from Severus, and having openly delivered their letters, said that they had other secret ●●structions, to utter privily unto him, Albynus incontinenly suspecting the matter, caused them to be apprehended: And then by several examinations having found out the truth, and by order perceived the hole Treason, caused execution out of hand to be done upon the offenders. And prepared himself against Severus, as his apparent enemy. The which twinge when Severus knew, being a man of wrathful, and cruel nature, he resolved, to hind no len●er the despite and hatred he bore to Albynus. Wherefore he called the hole army togethers, and made thi● oration unto them.  
¶ No man ought t●embrayde me of over moche lightness, for that I ha●e heretofore done, 
The oration of Severus  neither account me false, and ungrateful towards him whom I reputed for my frend●. I have performed all things. Yea I have received him into the soeretie of my dominion, being now most perfectly established the which thing a man will scarcely do to his own brother. And that which you have unto me only delivered, the same have I with him participated. But all these our bountiful benefits, hath Albinus most shamefully recompensed, contemning our prowess, forgetting his allegiance, and coveting with peril, the hole rule, whereof he might have been partaker without battle, or contention. He feareth not the Gods by whom he hath so often sworn. Neither doth he consider, or favour your laborious travails, which you have with so great renown and glory for our sake sustained. And assuredly, himself wanted not the profits of our successes: Yea had he observed his fidelity, the greatest portion had been his. And as a man, if he be author of mischief, shall be accounted unrighteous, so if he revenge not the injury received, he shallbe esteemed a coward. When we made war against Niger, we had not so just and lawful causes of anger, because we hated him, not, as a berever, and robber of th'empire, for the same hanging in the mids, and then wavering in controversy, either of us affected, and drew unto himself with equal enclosure. But Albinus, neglecting his loyaulty, allegiance, and oath, after he hath obtained by our large liberality, the honours which are only given to our lawful children, had rather become our noisome enemy, than our friendly familiar. Wherefore, as we beautified him with our manifold benefits of honour, and glory, even so, let us now with force, and strength, convince, and daunt, his traitorous, and feeble heart. As for th'army of that small Island, is not able to sustain or abide the brunt of your might. For saying ye have yourselves almost alone, by your own valiant prowess, subdued the hole orient, who would doubt, but at this present through the joineng of so great power (for here is well-nigh the hole Roman army) you would not overthrow and put to flight so small a number, who hath served under a man being neither sober, nor valiant captain? for who is I pray you ignorant of his voluptuous life, more agreeable to Herds of Swine, than to Legions of Soldiers. Let us therefore valiantly set forward against h●m, with the stoutness we have accustomed, affienge ou● selves in the Gods, (so wickedly by him contemned) as principal guides of our voyage, and mindful of the victorious signs by us heretofore erected, the which he hath also utterly despised. When Severus had this much spoken, incontinently th'whole army prono●ed Albynus their common enemy: And having re●●iued Severus with joyful acclamations, & showed by ●●eyr shouts their good wills towards him, they en●med the man with an inestimable hope added to his enterprise. Wherefore, after he had liberally distributed amongs the Soldiers great gifts, he led them all forwards against Albinus: having sent also a crew of mē●●rifle & raze Byzantium, 
Byzantium clean destroyed  which was yet shut after the ●●ceipt of Nigers Soldiers. The which City bein● at length by famine conquered, & defaced, the Theatre, ●he hot baths, & all other goodly buildenges thereof utterly destroyed, & itself reduced into the form of a vil●ge, was given unto the Perinthians, 
Perinthians.  as Antioch wa●●nto the Laodicians. Then he exacted great sums of ●oney, to repair the Cities, which the Nigrian Soldiers had battered & despoiled. Himself continued hi●●orney without intermission, not greatly regarding the hol●●aies, or any painful labour. For he was equally pa●●ent of cold & heat, travailing often times bareheaded, ●●er the high & craggy mountains, in the bitter & sha●●e winter, when the snow fell continually out of the sky▪ Whereby he stirred his Soldiers, as with his own ●ample, unto alacrite of mind, and sufferance of labour ●use travails. For they were not constrained to abide ●●ose pains through any fear, or strait law, & commandment, but rather through a certain emulation, & ex●●ple of their Prince. He sent certain also before to ●●ke the straights of the Alps, and to defend the entr●, and passages into Italy. Now when Albinus h●rde, that Severus made no delay in the matter, but 〈◊〉 as even at hand (being before, as it were in a dream, a●d passing the time in idle pleasures, he was now stricken with a meruaylouse and sudden fear. Nevertheless he forthwith launched out of Britain unto the cost of France, right over aneanste it, where on the shore he pitched his camp, and sent letters unto the Rulers of the next nations, desiring them to send him money, and victuals, for the aid, and sustenance of his army. They that obeyed his commandment, or request, did most unhappily provide for themselves, being after the battle put to death with diverse terrible torments. And those which set at nought his rule and power (although they did the same more happily, then prudently) yet escaped they without harm or damage, when as the chance and fortune of things dyscerned both their counsels. When the Severian power was entered into France, the skirmishes were light and volant at the first, until at length, the great conflict was given at Lions, a great and rich City. For Albynus remaining himself within the City, sent forth his Soldiers to the battle. 
The battle between Severus & Albanus The Englishmen valiant warriors  And when the two armies joined hand to hand, the battle endured a long space with equal strength on either side, so that the fortune of the victory depended doubtful. For the Britons were nothing inferior to the Illirians, either in stoutness of stomach, or greediness of slaughter. Thus in the first onset, the frontes of two most valiant armies; did to neither side incline, or one's recoil. Yea (as many Authors of the same time (who wrote it not for any partial favour, but according to the truth have left in memory,) the whing of Albynus Army was the better, and of more strength, against the band that Severus led: so that he fled, and fell from his horse, and throwenge away his cote armure, hid himself. But while the Britons pursued, rejoicing even as perfect Conquerors, suddenly, 
Letus.  appeared Letus one of Severus Captains, with a fresh Crew of men: who was reproved and ill spoken of by the soldiers, as though he had of purpose hovered, for to see the chance of the battle, protracted the time, and detained them from setting forward, that he might thereby have reached the Roman Empire to himself. For he moved not a foot towards the field, before he was certified of Severus overthrow. Which suspicion, the hap afterwards ratified. For after all things were ●et in order, and Severus was at hearts ease, although he benefycyally rewarded all his other Captains with great and rich gifts, yet being mindful of Letus ●esloyaltie, and Treason, he put him (as was expedient) to death. But these things were done afterwards. Then (as we before rehearsed) at Letus arrival, the severians recovered perfit hope, and Severus himself was put upon his horse, and girt with a rob of purple. And seeing the Albynians (who thought themselves victorious vanquysshers) scattered abroad out of order, this fresh band of men suddenly set upon them. And finally (after a little ressystence) compelled them to turn their backs and flee away, whom being overthrown and dysper●led, the severians pursued, and entered into the City. The number of them that were on either part slain, is diversly left in memory, as it pleased the writers of that age. Out of hand than was the city of lions ransacked, burnt, and destroyed, and the head of Albinus stricken of, 
The death of Albinus  and brought to Severus. Thus were two notable victories obtained, in the East & North. So that there is nothing, that a man may compare, unto the contentions and facts of Severus: if he consider, either the multitude of men, the raising up of nations, the numbered of battles, or else the length, and speedy celeryte of journeys. In deed, the affairs of Cesar against Pompeius, 
Cesar Pompey  (either of them having to his assistance the Roman soldiers) were great, and marvelous: so were those of Au●●stus against Anthonyus, or Pompeius' sons▪ 
Augustus Antonius. Silla. Marius.  And so were the battles both Civil, and Foreign, between Silla, and Marius. But a man shall n● easily find such an other as this: who dispatche● away three Emperors already possessed of the dominion, 
The noble acts of Severus.  who circumvented with fraud and covine the City army which guarded Rome self, and the Senate house: who also procured one of the Princes to be murdered within thimperial palace, destroyed an other in the Orient, (which obtained the chief government, & was erst by the Romans taken as Emperor) & finally, brought into his subjection the third, which was endued with the name, honour, and authority of Cesar. This end of life had Albinus, enjoying but a small while his mortal and bloody dignity. After whose death Severus powered out all the Irous cruelty, and fierce wrath of his mind, upon the friends & allies of Albynus. And first having sent his head unto the City, and commanded that it should be fastened openly upon an high gibbet, in the latter eande of an Epistle, (wherein he certyfyed the people of his victory) he wrote this also, that he sent Albynus head unto Rome of purpose to be looked on, to th'intent, theysholde take example evident, what themselves should likewise suffer. Then after he had set in order th'affairs of britain, divided into two parts thadministration of th'whole i'll, and appeased all France, according (as he thought) to his own mind, and put to death all Albynus friends, (whom either free will, or necescitie had joined unto him) he set forwards immediately towards Rome: leading th'whole army with him, to th'intent he might seem the more terrible. And having finished his journey with swift speed, as he accustomed, being enemy mortal unto Albinus friends, he entered into the City, where all the people met & received him, with great reverence, & joyful shouts. And th'whole Senate togethers welcomed him. Notwithstanding, fear had greatly astonished some of them, for they were sure, that he would not spare them, being of his own nature over outrageous, & then, having probable occasions of hatred against them. After he was entered into the Temple of jupiter, he there finished the accustomed rites of sacrifice, & then returned to thimperial palace. Anon after he distributed liberally amongs the people rich gifts, i● token of victory, rewarded the soldiers which great sums of money, & gave them many things they never received before. For first he augmented the substance of their corn, & permitted them to wear rings of gold, & every of them to keep a woman in his house. All which being dysagreable to warlike discipline, seamed theretofore unprofitable to them which were ever priest & ready to the battle. And he first of all other altered the austerity & hardness of their living, the toleraunce of travails, and all their accustomed reverence toward their Captains: having brought the Soldiers acquainted with the greedy gaping for money, and the love of the City comeliness. When he had after this sort, set these affairs in good order, as himself supposed, he came at length into the Senate house: And there sitting in themperialimperial Throne he began with a cruel oration, to detect the friends of Albynus, showing forth, certain of their privy Epistles which he had found with Albinus. He reproved some, for that they bestowed many bountiful gifts upon him: And menaced all other, which either favoured thorientals, or were of familiar acquaintance with Albynus. By these means, he did without respect, put to death, every notable and prudent Senator, all other the bare any rule in the provinces, or excelled in birth, or riches: avenging himself, (as he made semblant) upon his enemies, but in dead, covetousness was the only cause, wherewith, he of all other Emperors was most intached. For as he gave place to no man (were he ever so commendable) in patience of mind, perseverance in labours, and glory of warfare, even so, being above all measure addicted unto avarice, he heaped treasure, through unjust murders, executed upon every trifling cause, & sometime without any at all, enjoying th'empire, rather through force, and fear, than any benevolence, or good will of the people. Nevertheless, at the first, he would seem familiar, & affable, in setting out gorgeous shows, and pageants of all sorts, which the sleing of an. C. cruel beasts at a time, the which he had sent for, out of our own, and barbarous regions. He gave besides, rich rewards, and published a sumptuous game, getting from all parts valylyaunte champions, and cunning wrestlers. We saw also in the time of his Reign, sundry plays of all sorts, set forth in all the Theatres, with supplycatyons, and watches, like the sacrifices of Ceres: 
Ceres. Secular plays.  The same are called Secular, celebrated (as they report) at the end only of every third age. And the common Criers went through all the City, and all italy, calling all men to the Plays, which they never saw before, nor thereafter should see: sygnyfying thereby, that the space of time between the celebration passed, & that was to come, exceeded all th'age of a man. Now Severus, after he had sojourned a while at Rome, and partycypated the regiment of th'empire with his ii sons, perceiving himself to be famous as yet, but by one civil victory obtained against the Roman power, (for the which also he had refused to Triumph) determined to become notable, with the overthrow, and standards of the Barbaryens. Wherefore, under colour of revenging himself upon Barsemius king of the Atrenyens, 
Barsemius. Atremie Armenia  (who had assisted Nyger) he led his army into th'orient. And there being at the very point to invade Armenia, he was prevented by the king thereof, who sent unto him willingly, both pledges and presents, humbly desiring, that he might entre into friendship, and conclude a peace with him. After the which done, Severus, seeing his purpose in Armenia proceed as himself wished, held on his journey towards the Atrenians. And Agbarus the king of the Osrohenians, 
Agbarus. Osrohenians.  came also and yielded himself unto him. And delivering his children as hostages, amplyfyed the trust of his truth, and loyalty conceived, by sending to the increase of his army, a great power of Archers. From hence Severus passed over the Realm of Interamna, 
Interramna. Albenyans.  and the fields of the Albenyans, and made a road into araby the fertile, from whence come all the sweet & odiferous herbs, which we use for pleasant vapours, and perfumes. And having there destroyed many Cities, & villages, and wasted the hole country, he entered into Atrenia. There he besieged the City of Atras, 
Atras' besieged.  being builded upon an high Rock, compassed with mighty and strong walls, and fortified with a wonderful puissant garrison of Archers. Wherefore the Severian host, assaulted this City, with all the force they had, and moved to the walls, Towers, & engines of all sorts, omitting nothing, that might avail to the assault, and battery of the same. On the other side, the Atrenyans stoutly defended their City, shooting, and throwing down, arrows, darts, and stones, wherewith they greatly vexed the severians. They threw down also, earthen vessels filled with certain winged, venomous little beasts: The which falling upon the eyes, and faces of the severians, or else creeping by little, and little, in at the open parts of their bodies, did right sharply sting, and wound them. The Roman Soldiers besides were fallen into diseases, being unable, to away with the ferventness of the air there because it was to extremely hot, through the sustenance of the Son: so that by these casualties, mamy more of them perished, then by the hands of their enemies. Wherefore Severus perceiving them all for wearied, and worn, the sieage not prospering, and the host receiving more damage, and loss, than gain, or profit, determined, before they utterly perished, to lead them from thence: very sorrowful, that they departed, without achieving their intended enterprise. For being theretofore accustomed to win the victory in all battles, they then accounted themselves overcomen, for that they had not vanquished. But fortune evermore favourable unto them, so provided, that they returned not without any thing done: but with more fortunate success, than they looked for. For the hole army, being shipped in sundry vessels arrived not (as they first purposed) at the haven of Rome, but through the rage, and violence 〈◊〉 the waves, were driven to land in the costs of Parthian, 
Parthia  not far from the City of Ctesiphon, 
Ctesiphon  wherein standeth the palace royal of the Parthenyan King. Who then living in rest, and reckoning the wars, which Severus had with the Atremans', nothing pertinent to his charge, did not in that his idle tranquillity, suspect, or think upon any peril, or mishap, towards himself intended. When the Severia army was, (as I said) by vehemency of weather, driven on land, at the banks of this royalme, they began out of hand, to spoil and rifle all the Country, driving before them all the herds of cattle, and flocks of sheep, they found. And burning many villages in their way, they marched by small journeys, to the City self of Ctesiphon, in the which the great Artabanus then lay. 
Artabanus.  And there, fyndenge the barbarous people unpurveyed of defence, they slew all that resisted, sacked the City, and carried away as Captives, both women, and children. The king himself, with a few horsemen, only escaped. His treasure, ornaments, and household stuff, the severians, as conquerors, seized upon, and then returned. Thus Severus, more through favourable fortune, then prudent policy, obtained the Parthian Conquest. After the prosperous achieving whereof, he sent unto the Senate, and people of Rome, glorious Letters, full of ostentation: & Tables, wherein were gorgeously painted, and at length set out, his mighty battles, and valiant victories. For the which the Senate decreed many honours unto him, and gave him the surnames of the nations by him, before Conquered. In the mean while, after this hap in the oriental affairs, he returned towards Rome: having his two Sons, (who were then of ripe age) in his Company. And after he had finished his journey, committed the rule of the provinces, unto those which liked him best, and mustered the Misians, 
Misians  & Pannonyens, he finally entered into the City with Triumph. The people received him which joyful shouts, 
Pannoniens.  and all other Ceremonies to the same appertaining, unto whom he granted certain extraordynary holy days, sacrifices, and shows. And having given amongs them great gifts, himself also solemnyzed sundry plays, for his victory. After this he remained a long time at Rome, sat oftentimes in judgement, upon the city controversies, and gave his hole mind to instruct his children. But they, being young men, had corrupted their dispositions, with sensual pleasures of the City, and overmuch delight in riotting, and vaulting. The brethren also fell at variance within themselves, their debate rising of childish contention, and boyish brawl, in setting fourth cockefightes, & quaylefyghtes, and the wrestling of little boys. For what soever they had seen, 
The debate of severus two Sons.  or heard in the Theatre, they ever liked it diversly, the one not loving, that the other did: but the thing which was acceptable unto th'one, incontinently became odious to the other, their Parasit●, and servants, egging them to dissension, & flattering them, to th'intent, they might allure their masters to their own naughty will, & appetites. Whereof when Severus heard, he endeavoured to reconcile them, & to correct their corrupted manners. And then unto Bassianus (who at that time enjoyed th'imperial dignities & honours, 
Bassianus  had received the surname of Marcus, being called Severus Antoninus, & was his eldest Son) he gave to wife the daughter of Plautianus, the Lord great Master of his household. This Plautianus, being (as it is reported) by birth of base estate, 
Plautianus.  was detected, and found guilty of sedition, and other notorious crimes, & therefore punished with vanyshement. But he was Severus country man, borne in Aphrique, and as some conjecture, nigh of kindred unto him, but as other surmise, rather grateful unto him in vicious living, through the flower, and beauty of his youth. Him did Severus enhaunse from simple and low degree, unto wondered abundance of Treasure. And giving unto him the goods of many that were condemned, enriched him above all other: 
Thinsolencye of Plauti●nus.  refraining only, from the admytting him into the governance of the empire. The which richesse, and liberty, he abusing, omitted no kind of cruelty, in doing. what pleased him: and became more outrageous, than any Prince thertofore reigning. His daughter (as is said) did Severus give for wife unto his Son. But antonine himself was nothing joyful of the same, enforced thereunto, rather by necessity, then good will. For to the uttermost he detested the maiden, and her father: so that he used neither one bed, nor one house with her, in such wise abhorring her, that he daily menaced, to put her father & her unto death, assoon as by himself he should possess th'empire. The which when she had eftsoons reported unto her father, and opened how greatly she was of her husband disdaigned, she kindled the man maruaylouslye unto wrath. So that Plautianus (perceiving on the one side Severus to be decrepit and aged, and many times vexed with diseases, especially the gout, and on the other side Antonius to be a fierce, stout, and cruel young man, became very fearful of his threatenings, and determined to commit some notable mischief, before himself perished. There were many things, which enflammed him with ardent ambition of th'empire. That is to weet, his abundance of richesse (the like whereof, no private person at any time theretofore possessed) the obedience of the soldier, the great honour he enjoyed amongs all the Romans, and the ornaments of apparel, wherein he went abroad. For he ware a garment called Latus Clauus, and had been twice Consul. He ware also a sword, and all other tokens of promotion, and dignity: being wheresoever he went so terrible, that he was not only unapproched unto of any man, but also, if any by sudden chance happened to meet him, they would turn their faces from him. And what way so ever he made his journey, he had certain Vsshers going before him, which commanded every man to avoid the streets, and no man to be so hardy, as to behold him, but to turn away their eyes, and look upon the earth. The which when Severus knew, himself took it not patiently: but grudged greatly thereat, so that he diminisshed much of Plautianus authority, and endeavoured to persuade him, to abate somewhat, at the least wise, of his so insolent arrogancy. But Plautianus being thereof impatient, doubted not to compass by conspiracy, & Treason, th'empire self: and therefore imagined this drift. There was a certain Tribune named Saturninus, 
Saturninus.  which chief reverenced Plautianus, and albeit all other did so likewise, yet did he more and more creep into his favour, by a greater token and appearance of honouring him. This man Plautianus reckoned to be his most trusty and faithful friend, and such, as only would keep secret, and close, his counsel, and execute, what so ever he should command him. And therefore sent for him in the eventide, and having removed all other apart, said these words unto him. ¶ Now is (ꝙ he) the time come, 
The Treason of Plautianus.  wherein thou must make perfect, thy love, & obeisance towards me (of the which thou haste hitherunto showed evident proof) and wherein I may sufficiently recompense thy deserts. The choice is given unto thee, whither thou wilt eschew my danger, whom thou now seest, and become vassalle unto my power, or else out of hand perish, with the worthy punishment of a stubborn stomach. Fear thou not the greatness of the enterprise, neither dismay thyself with the names of themperors. It is lawful for thee, to go alone into the chambers, where they sleep, & as if thou didst return to the night watch, thou mayest easily without any interruption, achieve what thou desirest. There is nothing else wherein thou shouldest longer await for my commandment. Go thy way now into the court as though thou hadst some priyve & weighty message of mine to do, and there, as becometh a valiant man, murdre that old man and Boy, within either of their chambers. And as thou art partaker of the danger, even so, after it is eanded, thou shalt enjoy part of the greatest honours. These words albeit they somewhat astonied the tribunes mind, yet did they not utterly confound and expel his counsel. But as a man of a prompt and ready wit (for he was a Syryan borne, and for the most part, thinhabitants of the Orient are of exact and sharp judgements) perceiving the frantyke folly, and mere madness, of Plautianus, and knowing also what he was able to do, durst not reprehend any thing that was spoken, least himself should furthewyth be slain. But feigning that all he had heard, was acceptable unto him, first he saluted Plautyanus as Emperor, and then required a libel of his hand concerning the commandment of the said murdre. For it was the usage of tyrants, when they had without lawful judgement, commanded any man to be put unto death, to give the charge thereof, written in some little book, least there should no argument, or proof, remain of the same appointment. With that Plautyanus, blinded with over much covetise, delivered unto the tribune a book, and sent him towards the murdre, willing him that assoon as he had slain both the Princes, before the fact were published, he should send for him, to the intent he might be seen within thimperial palace, before any man heard of his possession of th'empire. Upon this covenant the tribune departed from Plautyanus, and as he was wont, passed freely through all the Court: where, pondering with himself and perceiving how uneasy it were for one man to murder the two Princes, lying in sundry Chambers, he first went to Severus lodging, and there willed certain of his privy Chamber, to help him to the speech of the Emperor, saying that he brought news, which appertained to the Emyerours' safeguard. They made speadye relation hereof unto Severus, who forthwith commanded the tribune to be let in. And he being entered before the Emperor said these words. I am come hither (O Emperor, 
The Treason disclosed.  ꝙ he) as he that sent me firmly supposeth to murdre your person. But as I myself both wish, and will, to be the author of a great benefit and the preservation of your health. Plautyanus lying in await with Treason for th'empire, hath appointed me to murdre both you, and your Son. And that not only in words, but in writing also, the testimony whereof is this book. And in deed, I promised him to accomplish that he commanded, lest if I rejected it, an other would have taken it in hand. But now I am here present, to bewray the matter unto you, least his presumptuous Treachery, should oppress you unwares.  
notwithstanding, that the tribune spoke these words with abundance of tears, yet did not Severus at the first credit it, so much was the memory of Plautyanus love towards him, fixed, as yet in his breast: yea, he suspected all the matter too be contrived of a purpose, thinking that his Son, who abhorred Plautyanus, and detested his daughter, had Imagined this crafty covin, and mortal slander against him. Wherefore, having called his Son unto him, he began to rebuke him, for that he had devised such mischief against his friend, and well willer. But antonine at the first, swore, and protested, that he was ignorant of all this business, and afterwards encouraged the tribune (who persysted in his tale, and showed forth the book) to declare the hole Treason. Than the tribune (perceiving into how great daungere he was entered, not ignorant how much in favour Plautyanus was with Severus, and knowing precyselye, that if the Treason lay hidden, and the matter not thoroughly proved, himself should receive extreme and cruel death,) spoke thus unto them. My Sovereign Lords (ꝙ he) what more ample argument or perfect proof do you seek hereof? permit that I may go forth of the Court, and by some secret and trusty person certify Plautianus, that all his commandment is fulfilled. He be leaving it, willbe here out of hand, to occupy the Palace as void. Then shall it be your parts, to examine, and try out the truth. And after he had thus much spoken, he chose a faithful, and trusty person unto him, which should in his name exhort Plautianus, to make haste and come forthwith to the Coorte, saying both the Princes were slain: for it behoved him, before the dead were published amongs the people, to be within the Palace: that thereby, occupying the Principal Tower, and establyshenge th'empire unto himself, all men should maugre their hearts obey him as one not entering into th'empire, but as already possessed thereof. Plautianus crediting this matter, was puffed with a marvelous presumption and hope. And putting on him a shirt of mail for the sure defence of his body, about the evening of the same day ascended into his chariot, and made haste towards the Coorte with a few which were present attending upon him, who thought he had been sent for by the Emperors, about some earnest and weighty business. And when he was without let of any man, entered into the palace, the porters being ignorant, what the matter mente) the tribune met him, saluted him as Emperor by collusion of purpose imagined, took him by the hand, and led him into the Chamber, where he feigned that both the dead emperors Corpses lay. Now had Severus appointed certain of his Guard to lay hands upon him, as soon as he were comen in. But when Plautianus, having at that instant other fancies in his head, was entered into the Chamber, saw the two Emperors there standing, and perceived himself apprehended, being with that so great a matter, very sore aghast, he began humbly to entreat, and desire pardon, affirming that all this drift was forged unjustly, of malice against him. Then Severus reproved him, rehearsing the many told benefits, and honours, he had bestowed on him. And Plautianus replied again, repeating the testimonies of his accustomed truth, and good will towards th'emperor: wherewith Severus began some what to relent, and credit the words of Plautianus: until that the shirt of mail appeared through a slit of his upper garment. Which antonine perceiving being a stern, and fierce young man, and thertofore detesting Plautianus, said. I would gladlis weet (ꝙ he) what answer thou wilt make unto these two points. Why camest thou in the evening, unto th'emperors unsent for? And what meaneth this shirt of mail thou wearest? for who cometh in armure to a Supper or banquet? And having so said, 
The punishment of Plautianus.  he commanded the Tribune, and those that were present to stab him in with their sword, and daggers, as a manifest Traitor, and open enemy. And they making no delay in the matter, executed Themperors commandment, slew the man, and threw his body into the high way, to be spurned at, & scorned of the people. This just end of life had Plautianus, a man of insatiable avarice. After this done, Severus constituted two Captains over the men of arms, and himself most commonly sojourned in the Suburbs, or else nigh the Sea costs of Campania, sitting in judgement, upon matters of controversy in the law. And being very diligent in Civil affairs, chief coveted to have his children traded at Rome with decente, & honest manners. For he perceived that their minds were bent unto plays, and shows, more vehemently, than became thestate of Princes. Whereby it would come to pass, that the young men's studies, & contentions, tending to diverse purposes, their wills also, and appetites would become dysagreable, when (as it were) certain brands of debate, should be kindled between them. But especially antonine, after the death of Plautianus, waxed terrible unto all men. Besides that, he compassed with all the craft, & imaginations, he could devise, how he might destroy the daughter of Plautyanus, his own wife. But Severus sent her with her little Son, which she had by Antonine, into Sicilia, with as much richesse, as abundantely suffyced, for her meat, and drink, & other necessaries: Ensuing in that point, Augustus, who entreated after the same sort, the Sons of Antonius, after he was adjudged a Traitor. Severus endeavoured in all that he could, to reduce his Sons to love, and concord, and to reconcile either to other, admonyshing them, with ancient Histories, and examples, wherein many calamities, risen through discord of brethren, were rehearsed. He added thereunto the Treasure himself had gathered together, all the Temples filled with money, and the richesse, which increased daily of foreign Tributes, how the Soldiers, might through that abundance, be retained with ample, and rich gifts, and how the men of arms in the City, were augmented four times, more than they were before, and so great an army, sojourned nigh the City, that no foreign power (if a man considered the self multitude, or the greatness of their bodies, or else the abundance of money) could be found comparable unto them. But all these things, he said, would be of none effect, whiles the two brethren dysagreed & kept civil war within themselves. With rehearsal hereof, and intermeddling corrections with prayer, he laboured, to repress their insolent courages, and to bring them to an atonement, and concord. But all was in vain, for they had thrown the brydelles out of their mouths, being continually inclined to the worst. And although the young men, through the fervency of their youth, and immoderate licence, were stirred too much already, unto delights of sundry voluptuous lusts, yet were there ever redi at their elbows, flocks of parasites, which alured them unto diverse, & contrary dispositions: not only extolling their dissolute vices, but also inventing new pleasures, wherewith the one might be pleased, and the other offended. Of the which parasites, Severus himself, apprehended many, in the very minystery of their flattery, and therefore did put them to death. As the old man was thus in mind molested, with the sensual, and unhonest life, and delights of his Sons, he received letters from his lieutenant of England, whereby he was informed, how the barbarous people rebelled, and wasted th'whole Region with invasions, and Commotions'. 
Commotion and mutiny in England  Wherefore, he needed a greater puissance of men, to resist, and suppress them: there wanted the emperors presence also. Glad was Severus hereof: for being a man of his own nature, greedy of renown, after his victories, in thorient, and Septententrion, and his surnames by the same obtained, he coveted to make some Conquest, over the englishmen. And to lead his Sons, fourth of the City, that being far from the pleasures thereof, they might accustom themselves, to warlike, and sober diet. Wherefore, he proclaimed his expedition into Britain, being very old, and sore troubled with the gout, but yet of so valiant a stomach, as never was any young man. In his journey, he road most commonly in a horse litter, never resting long in any place. When he had ended his voyage, and passed the Ocean Sea, with as much celeritee as can be thought, he entered into Britain, mustered his Soldiers, having gathered a wonderful power togethers, and prepared himself to battle. The Britons, being astonished, and aghast with this so sudden arrival, of th'emperor, And hearing that so huge, an host was assembled against them, sent Ambassadors unto him, to purge their misdemeanours, & entreat for peace. But Severus, making delays of purpose, lest he should return to Rome, without ani thing done, & being very desirous of the Conquest, & Surname of Britain, dismissed the Ambassadors home again, without any resolute answer, given to their suit. Himself, with circumspect industry prepared all things expedient unto the war. And his chiefest care, was to build bridges over, and in the marshes, to th'intent his Soldiers might stand and fight in safety. For many places in Britain, 
England full of marshes Thocean.  are full of watery marshes, through the often flowing over, of the Ocean Sea. By those marshes did the Brytons swim and skyrmyshe therein with their enemies, 
The ancient & old manners of Englishmen.  being covered with water up unto the navel, and not much caring, that men see the privy parts of their naked bodies. Neither did they know the use of apparel, but accustomed to compass their belies and necks only with Iron, which they esteemed an ornament, and token of richesse, as other barbarous people supposed gold. They paint their bodies, with diverse pictures, and forms of beasts, and therefore wear no garment, lest the painting should be hidden, being a nation very valiant, and warlike, greedy of slaughter, and content only with a small target, a spear, and a skeyne hanging by their naked sides, ignorant utterly of those of shirts of mail, and helmets for: they reckoned the same cumberous unto them, when they should swim over the lakes, through whose vapours and heat, the air is there always misty and dark. Severus omitted nothing undone, that might avail the Roman Soldiers, and endamage the Britons. And when all things were prepared, as himself wished, he left his younger Son named Geta, 
Geta.  in a part of the Isle, which was subject unto the Romans, to see to the judgements of matters in law, & thadministration of civil affairs: unto whom he appointed as counsellors, certain of his friends, being grave Personages. And himself took antonine in his company against the Brytons. After the Roman army was passed the Rivers, and Bulwarks (which being builded over aneanst the Brytons, at that time eanded the bounds of the Roman Empire) there were fought many light skirmishes, whereof at all times the Romans were victors. But the flight ftom them was easy unto the Barbarous: for they hid themselves in woods, lakes, and other secret corners, wherewith they were throughly acquainted. 
The sickness of severus.  All the which being contrarious unto the Romans, caused much delay in the war. In the mean season, a grievous disease came upon Severus, beyngesore appalled with age, so that he was constrained to keep his Chambre, and send Antonine unto the wars, there to execute themperors office. But Antonine, not regarding any business of the Brytons, endeavoured by all the means he could, to win, and confirm the hearts of the soldiers unto him, depraving often times his brother, to th'intent they should only obey, and aid him, to the attaining of the Soveraignytye. The long malady of his father, and the slow procrastination of his death, caused the young man to be very pensive, and doubtful, so that he laboured to persuade his father's Physytions, 
The death of Severus.  and ministers to rid in any case, with all celerytye possible, the old man out of the world: until that Severus, being rather through thought, than sickness, consumed, eanded his life: who was the most famous of all Emperors in warlike affairs. For none other had obtained so many victories, 
His victories.  and Conquests, either civil against his adversaries, or foreign against the Barbarous nations. Thus deceased he, after he had governed th'empire the space of xviii 
severus reigned xviii. years.  years, leaving his Sons for his successors in the same: unto whom he left also so great abundance of riches, as none of his predecessors had before him done, and a greater army, than any foreign power was able to resist. When Anthonyne had once gotten the Supreme authority, 
The cruelty of antonine.  he began to destroy every man from the very bed side, as the proverb saith. For he put to death the Physicians, because they obeyed not his commandment, in hasting his father's death. And slew all his own, and brothers Nouryces and enstructers, for that they went about to reconcile them, leaving through his cruelty, none a live, that was either in dignity, or had reverenced his father. The Chyvetaynes of th'army, he enticed, to persuade the soldiers, to proclaim him only Emperor: imagining daily manifold mischiefs against his brother. But he could not win the soldiers good wills, or assent thereunto. For they remembered that Severus brought either of them up from their infancy, with equal diligence, & themselves had ever showed like honour & obedience to them both. Wherefore Antonine, perceiving that he could not speed of his purpose with th'army, having taken truce with the Brytons, granted them peace, and received their hostages, he removed with great speed towards his Mother & Brother. When the two Brethren met together, their Mother laboured to bring them to agreement, wherein also, many of the most prudent, and sage of Severus friends, and Counsellors, earnestly travailed. antonine thereby (seeing all men repined his sensuality) was induced, rather of force, then good will, to counterfeit love. After which done, the two Brethren, governing th'empire with equal honour, and Soveraignitye, launched out of britain, and sailed with the relics of their father, towards Rome. For when they had burned the body, they carried the ashes, intermeddled with certain pleasant odours, in a box of Alabastre to Rome, that it might be there enteared, & enclosed amongs the sacred monuments of other Princes. Themselves led thus their army, as conquerors of britain, and passed over Thocean, unto the next coast of France. After what sort therefore, Severus deceased, and how his Sons took upon them th'empire, it is in thy present book at length declared.  
¶ The end of the third book of Herodyan.   

¶ The Argument of the fourth Book of Herodian.  
THe fourth Book, speaketh of the pomp, that was at the Cononization of Severus. The discord, and debate, of the two two brethren, and the death of Geta slain by his own Brother Anthonyne, who remained after sole Emperor, and was very cruel and unconstaunt. After that, of the Treason, done by him to the Alexandriens, and the cause thereof. Of an other Treason done unto Artabanus the King of Parthia. And how Anthonyne himself was slain by Martialis one of his Guard, and how Macrinus was made Emperor, who sustained, and held on the war with Artabanus, and finally made peace and concord with him.   

¶ The fourth book of th'history of Herodian.  
THe Acts of Severus by the space of xviii years, are in the former book sufficiently showed. After whose death, the young Emperors his Sons, which their Mother, returned hastily towards Rome: using in their journey continual rancour and debate. For they never lodged in one june, or used one table: suspecting daily, all their meet, and drink, lest either of them preventing other, should covertly in their services, work his feat with poison. And for that cause, they made the speadier removings: thinking to live more safely within the City, where they purposed, to divide thimperial palace between them, or else (as they both chiefly wished) to lie a sunder, in other the largest, & beautyfullest houses of the City. When they were entered into Rome, all the people crowned with Laurel, received, and the Senate welcomed them. Foremost road themperors themselves, clothed in Imperial purple. And next them followed the consuls, bearing the vessel with Severus relics. Which vessel, the people, after they had saluted the new Emperors, did reverently worship. Themperours & consuls being thus accompanied with princely pomp, carried the same into the Temple, where the divine monuments, of Marcus, and other Emperors, are seen. After they had finished the solemn sacrifice, and, according to the ancient usage, celebrated the funeral Cerimonyes, both the brethren departed into th'imperial palace: which they divided between them, closed up all back doors, and privy posterns, and met together only at the utter gates. They chose besides, either unto himself a sundry guard, and never came togethers, unless it were some time for a little while to be seen of the people. Nevertheless, first of all, they accomplished the due funerals, of their Father. For the Romans accustom, to consecrated with. Immortalityee, such Emperors, as at their death, leave either Children, or Successors, in th'empire behind them. And those which are endowed with that honour, they Canonize amongs the Gods. There is throughout the City, a certain doleful lamentation, mixed with feastful joy. And they use to enterre the dead Corpse, very sumptuousely, after the common sort of men. But then, they have an Image, made as like the dead Emperor, as may be. The same, within the porch, of the Imperial palace, they lay in a great, & high bed of ivory, covered over with cloth of gold. And truly, the same Image, looketh very pale, like unto a diseased patient. About the bed on either side, a great part of the day, do certain persons sit. That is to weet, on the left side, the Senate, clothed in black garments: And on the right side, many Matrons, whom either their husbands, or parent's dignities, do beautify. None of these, are seen to were any ouches, or chains of gold. But being clad, with thin white vesture, they show the countenance of mourners. And thus do they continue the space of vii days: dureng the which, every day, th'emperors Physicians, ●oo repair unto the Bed. And, as though they had felt the pacientes pulses, declare that he waxeth more sick than before. Finally, when it seemeth that he is deceased, certain of the most noble, and worthy young men, of th'order of knights, & Senators, do take up the bed, on their shoulders, and carry it through the street called Sacra via, unto th'old market place, where the Roman magistrates, are accustomed to tender up their offices. There, on both sides, are certain stages made with steps, upon the which, on th'one side, is a quere of boys, being noble men's Sons, and on tother side, are many beautiful women, singing Himpnes, and ballads, in praise of the dead Emperor, measured with diverses lamentable verses. When those are finished, the young men do take up the bed again, and bear it out of the city, into the field called Campus Martius. 
Campus Martius  In the broadest part whereof, there is erected a tower four square, with sides of equal height, builded of great timber, like unto a Tabernacle. The same within forth, is filled with dry chippers, & Rhodes: And on the utter side, hanged with Arras clothes of gold, and decked with images of ivory, and sundry painted pictures. Within it also, is an other less Tower, but like in form, with doors and portals opened. And over that the iii & fourth, which many other rooms, ascending continually, until they reiche unto the highest, which is less than all the other. A man may compare this building, unto Towers, which are set in havens, with fire on the Tops, to direct ships, which sail by night on the seas, into their perfect ports, and sure stations. The same are commonly called Phari. 
Phari.  Now when they have put the bed in the second Tabernacle, they gather togethers all kinds of spicery, and perfumes, which diverse odoriferous fruits, herbs, & juices, the which they throw on heaps, in the Tabernacle. Neither is there, any nation, City, or person, which excelleth in honour, or dignity, but at the time, will to the uttermost of his power, honourably celebrate, the last funerals, of th'emperor. When they have couched a great heap of spices togethers, & stuffed the building therewith, all the Roman knights, do ride about the Tower, which a just course, & order to & fro, called of them Pirrhichius. 
Pirrhichius.  chariots are also drawn about, wherein many do sit, clothed in purple, representing the people, of all noble men, being Magistrates, & Captains, of Rome. The Ceremonies being throughly ended, the Successor in th'empire, taketh a brand of fire in his hand, & fireth therewith the Tabernacle. After whom, all other that are present, do throw fire likewise, into the same. And immediately all the bvilding, being filled with those dry sticks, & spices, beginneth to burn vehementli. Then out of the highest, & lest Tower, as out of a high steaple, is let fourth an Eagle, the which they believe, doth bear Themperors soul, into heaven. And from thence fourth is that Emperor worshipped as the other Gods. When these two young men, 
The discord of the two brethren.  had after this sort, consecrated their parent, they returned home: where they daily exercised privy grudges, lying in await one for an other, and imagining all the means, whereby they might entrap either other. finally, they omitted nothing, wherewith either of them might destroy, and defeat other, and aspire to th'whole monarchy by himself. Besides that, the minds of all the noble men, and Cytezyns, which had any honourable office, or dignity, were severed into diverse factions (either of the brethren, sending their secret letters, to allure with sundry promises, many unto their private appetites. The greater part leaned unto Geta, 
Geta better beloved of the people.  because he showed a great token of goodness, behaved himself modestly in their companies, and used honest studies. For he retained commonly about him, many that were well learned, and exercised himself, in wrestling, and other like commendable recreations. And with his gentle havour towards all men, he wan very many unto his petition, and love, through a certain pryncypal glory. But antonine in contrary wise, 
Antonine outrageous and cruel.  behaved himself in all things more cruelly. For being alienat, from the manners I before rehearsed, he affected, to seem an embracer of warlike life, and company. And through ordering all matters irefully, he purchased unto himself friendship, rather through menacing, and fear, then gentle persuasions, or good will. Now after their Mother had a long time in vain, endeavoured to reduce them into brotherly concord, 
The parting of th'empire between the two brethren Propontis.  and unity, it seemed best, to divide th'empire between them. Wherefore, having called together their father's friends, they agreed of the same division. So that all Europe fell unto Antonines lot, & the land over aneans●e it, called Asya, was appointed unto Geta. Therbi, either of them, as it were, through a certain divine providence, should be separated with the Sea of Propontis. And it was concluded, the Antonynes army should remain in Byzantium, and Getas, in Chalcedon a City of Bithynia. 
Byzantium Chalcedon.  The which Cities, being situate one against the other, should defend either of their limits, & prohibit them both, from invasions. As many Senators as were of Europe, should remain in Rome, & all the rest attend upon Geta: who appointed for the Seats royal of his dominion, Antioch, 
Antioch Alexandrie. Mauritanians. Numidians.  & Alexandrie, both Cities of greatness, not much inferior to Rome. Then of the inhabitants of the South, leving the Mauritanians, & Numidians, unto Antonine, himself took all the residue, even unto the Oriental costs. Whiles they debated these matters, all other beholding the earth with sorrowful countenance, their mother julia, spoke as ensueth.  
¶ Ye have found out my sons (ꝙ she) how to divide the land, & Sea betwixt you: 
julia the two. Emperor's mother. Her words unto them.  and either of your bounds, ye say, the Pontian sea doth separate. But now, how will ye divide your Mother? or how shall I fortunate creature be departed between you? first slay me, and either of you, bury the part, he shall have, that I myself may also, which the Sea, & land, be dissevered between you. When she had so said, she laid her arms uponn their necks, & embracing them both, endeavoured in all that she could, to reconcile them. Wherefore, being moved with compassion, they licenced every man to depart, without any final, or determinate conclusion, and themselves also, returned home. But their rancour, and envy, increased daily. For when any Captains, or Magistrates, were elected, either of the brethren, aided his own friend chief. Or when they sat in judgement, they held ever diverse opinions, to the intolerable damage, & loss, of the party, who had the matter in controversy. They omitted besides no kind of secret wiles, and entrappynges, labouring to entice either others Cooks, Butlars, and Cupbearers, to poison their Master. The which endeavours, when they proceeded not, as either would, for that they took their meat with great watch, and diligence, Anthonyne being impacyente of delay, and pricked who ambition of the hole Empire, determined either to commit, or suffer, some notable facynorous fact. And therefore, he compassed the matter, with strength, and murder. For saying that his privy attempts took none effect, he thought it necessary, setting all hope, and fear apart, to finish his begun enterprise out of hand. Wherefore, suddenly breaking open his Brother's chambered door, 
Geta slain by his Brother An●yne.  he most cruelly there slew him, upon his mothers lap, when he thought not of any such mischief. The which deed, being accomplished, he immediately leapt forth, and running through all the palace, cried, that he had with great difficulty, escaped a marvelous danger. And therewith, he commanded the soldiers of his Guard, to safeconduyte him forthwith into the Camp, where he might abide in more surety: saying that he should perish if he remained any longer in the Court. And they credyting his words, and being ignorant of that was happened within, accompanied him, as he ran running also. This moved a great tumult, amongs the people, whiles the Prince went privylye in the night, through the mids of the City. Assoon as he came unto the Camp, he entered into a little Chapel, wherein, the Signs, and Images of the host, were worshipped: and there falling prostrate, gave thanks with vows, as if they had been for his health. When the same was reported to the soldiers, whereof some were washing, and some other reposing themselves, they ran thither as men amazed, in diverse plumppes. And he, coming forth into the mids of them, did not at the first, open the matter throughly, as it was committed, but cried that he had escaped a marvelous danger, and Treason, of a malicious man, his enemy, for so he named his brother. And that with much dyffyculty, after long strife, his adversaries were vanquished. For whiles they both contended, finally, he was by the favour of fortune, left only Emperor. But in this dark & overthwart inveighing of these words, he wished, rather to have his deed understanded, then openly hard. Then for his safety obtained, he promised unto every soldier, two thousand, five hundredth gr●tes, and he allowed them half as much more victual, as they were accustomed to have before that time. He licenced them also, to take themselves, money out of the Temples, and Treasouryes, lavysshing out at large, in one day, as much as Severus had in xviii. years, gathered, and of other men's calamities and miseries, heaped togethers. The soldiers, being with so great abundance of money enticed, perceiving th'whole circumstance of the aforesaid murdre, by those that were fled from the Court, pronounced him sole Emperor, and declared Geta a Traitor. antonine remained the same night in the Temple, and affayinge himself, in the rewards, wherewith he had won the soldiers hearts, went the next day into the Senate house, being environed with all the army, and more armure and weapons, than were accustomed to guard the Prince, being entered into the Senate, he made his sacrifice, and that eanded, he ascended thimperial Throne, and made an oration, as followeth.  
¶ I am not ignorant that every murdre of a man's own kindred, 
The oration of antonine.  as soon as it entereth into the ears of others, will seam odious, and the name itself, when it is heard, will add a marvelous slander. For compassion followeth the unfortunate, and envy pursueth the mighty. The vanquished is thought to receive injury, and the Conqueror is supposed to commit wrong. But if any man will ponder the matter itself, rather with attentive Counsel, than any percial favour towards him that is dead, and exactly consider his cause and intent, he shall easily find that it is both just and requisite, to revenge, rather than to receive injury. For the infamy of tymorousenes, doth ensue the calamity of the murdered, but the overcomer, besides that he is in safety, doth also bear away the renown of fortitude. Now all other things the which he intended against me, with poisons, and all other kind of Treason, it lieth in your hands, to wrest out by torments. Therefore pardie, have I commanded all his servants to be here present, that you may understand the truth. There be many of them already racked, whose confession ye may thoroughly hear. Finally, whiles I was with my Mother, he came upon me, bringing in his company, many armed with weapons. But I knowing the matter before, revenged myself on mine enemy. For he neither bare any mind, nor yet purposed any thing, pertaining to a brother. And to destroy him, the which doth first intend mischief; even as it is rightful, so is it also received in use. For Romulus himself, 
Romulus.  the builder of this City, forbore not his Brother, which deluded his works of so great importance. I omit Germanicus the brother of Nero, and Tytus the brother of Domitian. Marcus the Philosopher, did not suffer the checks of his Son in law. But I, in thavoyding of poison prepared against me, and the sword that hinge over my shoulders, have slain mine enemy: for that name, hath he, through his deeds deserved. Render you thanks unto the Gods, for that they have preserved one Prince unto you. And let not your minds, be severed into sundry opinions, but obeying your only Emperor, lead your lives hereafter in tranquillity. For jupiter, even as he possesseth, the only Empire, and dominion, amongs the Gods, so hath he appointed, the same unto one alone, amongs mortal men. After he had spoken these words, with loud voice, full of ire, and cruel countenance, beholding the friends of Geta, which trembled, and waxed pale through fear, he returned into the palace. forthwith then, were the alyes, and friends, of Geta, 
The extreme Cruelty of Antonine.  put to death, even those, which dwelled in the house, with him, and all his servants, so that the age of infants, was not spared. Besides that, the dead carcases, were laid in Cartes, for a reproach, carried out of the City, & there thrown on heaps, and burned. Neither suffered he to remain alive, any one, which was but of little acquaintance with Geta. The wrestlars, Carters, and Stage players, and finally all kind of thing, that was either grateful or acceptable, to the eyes, or ears of Geta, were every where destroyed. And every Senator, that excelled in nobility, dignity, or riches, was put to death, as his friend upon every small trifle: yea sometime, without any cause, upon every light accusation. He caused to be slain also the sister of Commodus, being very aged, and thitherunto of all Emperors: entertained with great reverence, as it became the daughter of Marcus: taking for occasion, that she had bewailed unto his mother, the death of Geta. And with her his own wife the daughter of Plantianus, which before was sent into Cicilia, and a kinsman of his own named Severus, the son of Pertynax, and Lucilla the sister of Commodus. Finally, he rooted out, as it were from the bottom, every one, which remained of Thimperal blood, or in the Senate, of the nobility. He commanded also, all the rulers; and officers, of the Provinces, to be slain, as the friends of Geta: so that all the nights, were spent in murdering, a marvelous numbered of men. Yea, he buried quick in the earth, the Vestal virgins, 
The vestal virgins.  as though they had violated their virginity. Finally, that which never before was done, he committed. For whiles he was looking upon the plays called Circenses, 
Circenses.  the people of Rome, reproving, I know not how, a certain Carter, whom he attentiflye beheld, he taking it for an obloquy towards himself, forthwith commanded the whole army, to run upon the people, and to spoil, and slay every one, that had spoken against the Carter. And the soldiers, having once gotten licence of rifling, and robbing when they (which had spoken against the Carter, could not be discerned amongs the people, (for no man would in that multitude, confess the truth) as they happened upon any man, either slew him, or else, taking them all captives, after their ransom paid, did with great difficulty release them. When these things were finished, Themperor stirred with remorse of his evil acts, and detesting the living in the City, removed from Rome, to set the Soldiers in order, and visit the provinces. After he was passed italy, he went unto the banks of Danowe, the which are subject to the Roman Empire. There, either he exercised his body in Cartinge, or hunting all kind of wild beasts, or else, sat in judgement: but that was very sealdome, giving sentence brifely, and answering very shortly, after he had hard but little of the matter. He there besides, joined all the germans into his society: so that of them, he elected every most valiant, & goodly of stature, for his companions in war, and guard of his person. And oftentimes, laying aside the Roman apparel, he put on the Germaien garments, and was sundry times seen in their Cassocks, enbrowdred with gold. He ware besides on his head, a yellow bush of here, rounded after the Germanyen sort. Wherewith the barbarous people being joyous, loved him exceedingly. The Roman Soldiers also rejoiced thereat, because he gave unto them sundry bountiefull gifts. Himself exercised all the offices, of a private Soldier. For if there were any trench to dig, himself first digged, any bridge to be made over a river, any bulwark to be builded, or any other handy work, or labour, to be taken in hand, himself first enterprised the same: contented alway with thin fare, in cups, and dishes of wood, 
The sobriety of Antonine.  eating continually course bred. For he accustomed, to feed himself with a Cake of Rye, the which he ground, and baked upon the coals, with his own hands. Finally, he rejected all wanton pleasures, and used simple things, appertaining unto the poorest common Soldier. Besides that, he had rather be called Companion, than Prince. And used to travail most commonly on his feet, as the soldiers did, seldom riding on horse, or in chariot, and always bearing his own harneisse. 
The strength of antonine.  Yea many times; he bore on his own shoulders, the Standerdes, that were heavily laden with pictures of gold, and scarcely light enough, for the strongest Soldier. For these, and oher semblable things, did his army love him, as a warlike parsonage, and marvel at him, as a valiant captain. For it seamed a miracle unto them, that a man of so little stature, was able to endure so great labours. When he had established some Soldiers at Danowe, 
Danuby  and passed into Thrace, which boundeth upon the Macedony●●s, forthwith he became an other Alexander. For he knewed the memory of the same king, by all the me●●es he could devise: commanding his images to ●e erected, in every town, and replenysshinge Rom● self, the capitol, 
capitol  and all the Temples, with the statues of Alexander. We than saw many images foolishly wrought, that bare in one body two faces, of Alexander, and antonine: who went abroad, in the Macedonyen apparel, wearing a diadem on his head, and slippers on his feat. He named a chosen company of young men, the Macedonien Phalanx: commanding his Captains, to take unto them, the names of Alexander's Chieftains. And the young men, which he had sent for out of Sparta, he called the Laconike, & Pitanyte century. When he had ended these things, & ordered every City, 
Pitanite  as he might, he made a ve●age unto Pergamus a City of Asia, that he might use some of Aes●ulapius Physic. 
Pergamus.  And when he was their arriue●, after he had repeated him self with sufficient sleep, he removed to Troy, 
Troy.  visited all the old monuments of the City, & went unto Achilles' Tomb. And having sumptuously decked the same, 
Achilles  with flowers, & Garlands, he began of new to counterfeit Achilles. But as he wished, for some one like unto Patroclus, his dearest lybertine named Festus, whiles he sojourned at Troy, deceased: dispatched, as some thought, with poison, that he migh●●e buried as Patroclus was: but as other affirm, extinct with sickness. 
Patroclus.  His body, did Antonine command to be brought fourth, & the place where it should be burned, to be piled with much wood. And putting the corpse, into the mids thereof, & sacrificing diverse kinds of beasts, he threw fire into it, & holding a glass in his hand, drank of the wine therein, making petition unto the winds.  
And being somewhat bald, when he sought for hear, to lay into the fire, it became a sport, unto all that were present: yet at the last, he knotted of those hears he had. Chiefly amongs all valiant men, he praised Sylla the Roman, 
Sylla. Hannyball.  and Hannyball the African, whose Image he also erected. After he was departed from Troy, he passed over all Asye, Bythynye, and the other adjacent countries. And having set order in his affairs, every where, he went unto antioch, 
antioch.  where he was received very honourably, and tarried a little while. From thence he removed to Alexandry, cloaking this voyage, with pretence of desire, to see the City, 
Alexandrie.  builded by Alexander, and to consult with the God of that country, whom the inhabitants do greatly worship. Feigning these two causes, he commanded first altars, for sacrifice to be erected, with all kind of funeral celebration, to the honour of their God, and the memory of Alexander. When this was declared unto the Alexandryens multitude, being naturally changeable, with every trifle, they all together, as it were men distract of their wits, rejoiced at the princes will, and benevolence.  
And prepared themselves, to receive him more honourably, then ever they did any other Emperor. For all kind of musical instruments, met him in his passage, making a wonderful melodious sown. Besides that, all the gates, and streets, being replenished with the flavour of spices, and perfumes, they welcomed him with bonefyres, & strowing of flowers in his way. After his entry into the City, he first visited the Temples, & when he had there offered many sacrifices, and heaped the altars which frankincense, he went unto the Tomb of Alexander, where he put of his own rob of purple, his rings adorned with precious stones, his girdle, & all his other goodly ornaments, and laid the same upon the Tomb. The Alexandriens beholding all these things, rejoiced wonderfully, and made fest, both night, and day, throughout the City, being ignorant, what was hid in the Emperors cancarde stomach.  
For these things did he, through subtlety, to thenient, he might slay, all the multitude togethers. The cause, of his privy indignation, and grudge, was this. It was reported unto him at Rome, that whiles his father lived, and after his death, the Alexandriens, 
The occasion of- Antonines hatred against the Alexandriens.  had blustered out many opprobrious words against him. For in dead, they are of nature, talkative people, fashioned to mock, and scorn, all others, babbling against every noble man, and chiefly with quyppes, and taunts, as themselves think, pleasant, & sweet but those, by whom they are spoken, account them very odious; & bitter. For of such scoffs, those, wherewith vice is reproved, do soon stir anger. Wherefore when they had spoken many things against antonine, not keeping in silence, the murder of his Brother, commonly calling his Mother jocasta, 
jocasta.  & scorning him, because that being of so little stature, he would seam to counterfeit Alexander, and Achilles, which were most valiant, and mighty Captains, they so incensed him, being already of his own nature, irous, and bloodthirsty, that he fully determined, their death, and destruction. When he had therefore finished this last rehearsed solemnity, and feast, seeing so great a multitude of the next nations, resorting unto the City, he commanded by proclamation, that all the Alexandrien youth, should assemble into a certain field, without the walls: promising, that as he had of the Macedonyen, and Spartan young men, even so would he of them, constitute a square battle, called Phalaux, in the honour, and remembrance, of Alexander. When they were so assembled, he commanded them, to separate themselves in bands, a great space one from an other, that he might elect out of them, the aptest ages, statures, and personages, for the wars. The young men crediting the same, and persuaded with a colour of truth, through the great honour, he had before showed towards their dead Prince, resorted thither in many companies, bringing with them, their Parents and brethren, with joyous acclamations & shouts. Then Antonine, went about each company, viewing them, and praising this and that, in every one as he liked, until his whole host had compassed them unwares, and looking for no such thing. And when he perceived them all to be enclosed with his army, & entangled, as it were with nets, himself came forth with his guard, and gave a watch word unto the Soldiers: who forthwith ran upon the people, and slew with marvelous slaughter, 
The murder of the Alexandriens by treason.  the naked, and unarmed youth, & all other that were present. Of the Soldiers, some were occupied in murdering only, other some buried the dead corpses, in huge pits, & covering them with earth again raised a marvelous high hill. Many were drawn half dead into the pits, & many were buried quick. There perished besides very many of the Soldiers themselves. For they, which had any breath remaining, and not fully lost their natural strength, clipping the Soldiers, which ran upon them, drew the same also, into the pits with them. And there was so great a murdre committed, that with streams of blood, which ran along the plains, not only the mouth of Nilus, 
Nilus.  but also the Sea by the City, became red of colour. This eanded, antonine affecting the Parthyane surname, and renown of Thoriental conquest, (although the people were now in perfect peace) invented this craft. He wrote letters unto Artabanus king of Parthia, and sent unto him Ambassadors, 
Letters sent unto Artabanus.  with sundry sumptuous gifts. In those letters he wrote, that he would take to wife the kings daughter, for that himself was a prince, and a prince's son. And therefore it beseemed not his estate, to become son in law, of any private or mean person, but rather to marry a Queen, or the daughter of a great and puissant king. He alleged, that the Empires of Rome, and Parthia, being the ii mightiest of the world▪ should by this affinity join togethers, and no river dissevering them, be of so great strength, that it were impossible, for any foreign power, to vanquish them. For (quoth he) all the Barbarous nations, which are now subject, unto both these Empires, will easily continue in subjection, when every of them, shall have their own rulers and governors. The Romans (he affirmed) had an army of foot men, the which with spears, and in plain battle, excelled all other. And the Parthians had a great power of horsemen, and expert archers. Wherefore, these things joined togethers, and agreeing in one, they should (he said) easily retain, under one Sceptre, and Diadem, the Empire of the whole world. The pleasant spices, and fine cloth also, which came from them, to the Romans, and the goodly metal, and all curious wrought things, which were transported from the Romans to them again, should not after this marry age be seldom carried, as it was wont by merchants, but those thereof, should be in common to them, without let or interruption, in one land, and under one governor. After the Parthian king, had received these letters, he first denied the request, saying, that a barbarous matrimony became not a Roman. For what concord (quoth he) would be between them, which used not one language, nor one kind of living, & appayrel? There were (he said) at Rome many Senators daughters, amongs whom the Emperor might choose him a wife: as there were in his dominion, certain called Arsacide. 
Arsacide.  Neither was there any cause, he thought, why any of them, should be alienated from their native country. With this answer, he repulsed the emperors suit.  
But antonine, never left of sending many gifts, and promising by oaths, his perfect love towards his daughter, until the Barbarous prince believing his words, promised to give him his daughter to wife. When the fame of this was spread, all the Barbarous people prepared themselves to receive the Roman Emperor, rejoicing with a certain hope, of continual peace thereafter.  
Then Antonine, (having passed without let, or stay, of any man, the Rivers,) entered into the Parthian Region, and road through the same, as his own. And in his way, all the people, celebrated sacrifices burning incense, upon the decked altars, wherewith he feigned himself, to be greatly pleased. After a long journey, he approached at the last, nigh the Palace of Artabanus: Who met with him, in a certain plain before the city, to receive him, as a new Bridegroom, and his Son in law. And a great multitude of the barbarous people, crowned with their country flowers, and appareled in garments, adorned with gold, and variable colours, celebrated the same, as a feast, and solempnytye, dancing togethers, by the sound of Pipes, and Tabors. For in those instruments, they are above measure delighted, especially, when they are once well tyipled with wine. But when all the multitude, were assembled togethers, and having left their horses behind, and laid aside their bows, and arrows, applied themselves to banqueting, and gathering together in a rude plump, stood without order, whiles they suspected no harm, but every man, thrusting forwards, to see the new married man, suddenly, antonine with a privy sign, commanded all his men, to slay, and destroy the barbarous people. They, being astonied with that sudden chance, 
The Parthians overthrown by disobeyed.  turned their backs, and fled from the Romans which pursued, and slew them. Artabanus himself, being succoured, and set upon a horse, by some of his Guard, did with great dyfficultye escape. But the residue of the Parthians were every where overthrown, and murdered. For they neither had their horses, which they most used (they had perdie scent them before to grass) neither could they flee: for their wide garments, hanging down to their heals, interrupted their running. They brought not besides their bows, and arrows, with them, for what needed that at a wedding? Thus, after a great murder, done on the parthians, and a great booty of men, and beasts, taken captives, and led away, antonine departed. And without any resistance, burned the Towns, and villages, giving licence unto his Soldiers, to ransack, and spoil, all that they would, or could. This mischief, & calamity, did the parthians, unwares, receive. Then Anthonyne, having vyseted the inward parts of Parthia, and his Soldiers being wearied, with rapine, and murder, returned into Mesapotamye. 
Mesapotamye.  From thence, he signified unto the Senate, & people of Rome, that he had subdued Thoriente, and brought in subjection, all the men of those Regions. The Senate, (albeit they before knew perfectly the hole circumstance, (for Prince's affairs, can by no means, continue long, in) yet through fear, and flattery, decreed all honours of victory, unto him. After this, Antonine sojourned in Mesapotamie, giving himself, to Carting, and hunting of wild beasts. There were two general Captains of his army, Audentius, & Macrinus, of the which the one was aged, rude, 
Audentius, Macrinus.  & bluntyshe, but yet, expert in warfare. And the other, always exercised, in matters of the law, and therein exactly learned. This man, the Prince used to taunt, & check openly, as a man nothing valiant, or apt to war. For hearing that he fed very delicately, and rejected those simple, and warlycke meats, which antonine used, and that he ware a gown, and other decente apparel, like unto a citizen, he reproved him, as a womanly person, threatening oftentimes to kill him. Macrynus being thereof impatient, was stirred with marvelous anger. Thereunto happened this chance: it was perdie expedient, that Antonine, should once finish his life. For being of his own nature, over curious, he studied, not only, to know the privy affairs of men, but also, to search out, the secrets, of the Gods, and devils. And through continual fear of Treason, consulted with many oracles, and retained about him, diverse Magiciens, Astrologiens, and soothsayers, omitting no creature, which professed those fantasies, and yllusions. But suspecting them also, as liars, and Prophets of flattery, he accustomed to write, unto one Maternianus in the City: 
Maternianus.  unto whom he had committed, the charge of all his affairs, and him amongs all his Friends, he had chosen, for the trustiest, & partaker, of all his secret counsels:) willing him, to send for the best Magiciens, from all parts, and consult with them, of th'end of his life, and whether any man, went about by treason, to obtain th'empire. Maternianus, (having accomplished, his Prince's commandment (whether the Magiciens told him so, or else because he hated Macrinus, wrote again unto antonine, 
The Letters of Maternianus to Antonine.  that Macrinus conspired Treason against him, and that it was expedient, to rid him out of the way. And these letters sealed with other, as the usage was, he delivered to Pursenauntes, who were ignorant, of that they had in hand. The same, (having ended their journey, with accustomed celerity) came unto antonine, when he prepared himself, to Carteng, and was already ascended his Chariot. Then delivered they unto him th'whole Packquet of Lettres, amongs the which were they also, that touched Macrinus. But antonine, being at that time fully bent to Carting, commanded Macrinus, that he should open, and peruse the Letters, and, if there were any matter of importance, in them contained, make relation thereof, unto him again. If not, he should execute, his own office of Praetorship. For so at other times, he was accustomed, to command him in semblable causes. Himself then departed, towards his pastime. And Macrinus, having unsealed, & severally perused, the Letters, happened on the same, that motioned his destruction. Then understanding the great mischief, that hinge over his head, & knowing also Antonynes wrath, and outrageous cruelty, specially, when he should have such occasion, he kept back, the same Letter, and of the rest, declared the contents, unto Themperor. But yet, fearing lest Maternianus, would eftsoons certify the Emperor, of the same matter, he determined, to commit some act forthwith, rather than in delayeng time, himself should perish. And therefore, thus concluded. There was a certain Centurion named Martialis, 
Martialis.  one of Antonines privy chamber, accustomed always, to be next attendant, on his person: Whose brother, Antonine had put to death, upon simple accusation, without leeful judgement, & used of ten-times, to check Martialis himself, calling him coward, & confederate of Macrinus. This man's sorrow for the death of his brother, Macrinus thoroughly perceiving, & knowing also, how he was sufficiently stirred to malice by his own reproaches, called the same, as one already bound, by his manifold benefits, unto him. And persuaded him, that as soon, as he could find opportunity, he should slay Antonine. Martialis, being with his promises alured, & through his own grudge, to the revenge of his brother's death, already inflamed, promised to accomplish his mind, when time convenient should serve. And truly, it chanced shortly after. For Antonine, 
Car Mesapotamy.  sojourning at Car a City of Mesopotamie, visited the Temple of Diana: that which, being nigh unto the City, is there of the inhabitants, had in great honour, and reverent. Thither he went, with a few horsemen, leving the army behind him: for after he had finished his sacrifice, he purposed, to return unto that City again. And in the mid way, being accompanied with one servant, & having commanded the rest, to stay aside, he went, to do the requisites of nature. Then Martialis, (which awaited every convenient hour) seeing the Emperor alone, & all other far of, made haste towards him, as though he were called for some business, & running upon him unwares, as he was untrussing his points, stabbed him in which a dagger, which he of purpose, secretly bare in his sleeve. And the same sliding in between the short ribs, 
antonine murdered by Martialis.  gave unto Antonine, being unarmed, a mortal, & deadeli wound, whereof he forth which died. That done, Martialis leapt upon his horse, & beang to flee. But the Germanien horseme, (whom Antonine entirely loved, & had appointed for the guard of his person) being then nearer the place, then the rest, & seeing the same murder, 
Martialis slain  pursued Martialis with main gallop, & slew him with their darts. when the residue of the host heard thereof, they ran togethers forthwith to the emperors dead corpse: upon the which Macrinus first of all fell, and feigned, to lament it exceedingly. This chance, was dolorous unto the Soldiers, who accounted themselves bereft, not only of their Sovereign, but also of their Companion in arms. Neither did they suspect Macrinus, for they supposed, that Martialis had committed the murder, for the revenge of his own private injuries. Wherefore, every man departed to his own cabin. And Macrinus, having burned the body of antonine, sent the ashes unto his Mother, to bury. She then sojourned at Antioch, where anon after, (were it of her own mind, or by any man's compulsion) for the calamities of her children, 
Antony's mother slew herself.  she slew herself. This eande of their lives, had antonine, & his mother julia, after they had lived, as we before rehearsed, and he reigned two years alone, without his father, and brother. antonine being thus slain, the soldiers, uncertain what they might do, abode two days, without a prince, 
Antotony reigned alone vi. years.  consulting, whom they might first elect for Emperor. For they heard, that Artabanus was coming against them, with a great and mighty army, to revenge the death of his subjects, which were slain in the time of peace. Wherefore, they chose first for Emperor, Audentius, a man expert in warfare, and a politic Captain. But he excusing himself, through his age, refused th'empire. Then with one consent, they elected Macrinus, through the persuasions of the Tribunes (who, as the suspicion after rose, were consenting to the murder of antonine, and partakers of Macrinus conspiracy) as I shall at large hereafter declare. Then Macrinus received Thempire, 
Macrinus took the rule of thempire upon him.  not for any confidence, he had in the Soldiers, but constrained thereunto, through necessity, and the present state of their affairs. Whiles these things were in doing, tidings came unto them, that Artabanus was even at hand, with a wonderful puissance of men, amongs the which, he had brought a great numbered of horsemen, Archers, & men at arms, upon Cammelles, which used to fight, with long spears. Macrinus hearing thereof, called all the army togethers, and made this oration unto them.  
¶ It is not to be marveled, that you are dolorous, 
The oration of Macrinus.  for the death, of such a prince, or (as I may more truly say) such a companion. But it is the property of wise men, to sustain moderately, all mortal calamities. The memory of him, shall continually be fixed in your hearts, and by you, left unto you posterity, with an eternal commendation, of the valiant acts, by him achieved. Besides that, of his love towards you, and his partaking of your painful travails, whiles he lived. But now, the time, and case requireth, that (after his funerals with due honour performed) we prepare ourselves, to resist the danger imminent. Ye see the barbarous king at hand, with a wonderful multitude of the oryentalles, having, as it seemeth, just occasion of war. For we first provoked them, with breach of our promise, and moving war against them, when they were in quiet tranquillity. All the Roman Empire, & strength, lieth in your valiant prowess, and faithful allegiance. We do not now contend, for our own boudes, and Ryverse, with a mighty, and puissant king: but we must now fight, for the safe guard of our own lives, and all ours, saying he is come, to revenge the murder, of his children, kindred, and subjects, (who were by us slain (as he thinketh, contrary to all equity, and truth. Wherefore, let us now fall to Arms, and (as the Romans are accustomed) observe a just order, in our battles. For the barbarous multitude, being rude, and out of order, may happen thereby, to do themselves damage. But your order, agreement, and knowledge in warfare, as they defend your safeguard, even so, do they work your enemies destruction. I would therefore, that you should with halt courage, and hope of victory, so fight, as it becometh Romans: & as you have continually hitherunto done. So shall ye not only vanquish the Barbarous people, but also, having obtained a famous renowned glory, add unto the Romans, and all other, a perfect confidence, that the former Conquest was achieved, not by fraudulent disobeyed, but by notable valiantness, and strength. When he had this much spoken, the Soldiers perceiving the necessity present, fell unto arms, and set themselves in order of battle. At the rising of the Son, they saw Artabanus, marching forward with an huge army. And assoon as the Barbarous people had, according to their usage, worshipped the Son, forthwith, they ran at the Romans, with a mighty, 
A sore battle.  and clamorous shout, shooting from their horses, many arrows, and darts. But the Romans (having strongly planted their front, distributed the Maurytanian horsemen, on either side, and received into the mids of their battle, the dimilances, and light horsemen) resisted valiantly the Barbarous people at the first, the which vexed them grievously, with the multitude of arrows, & long spears, where with the men at arms that road on camels, & horses, fought and skirmished. On tother side, the Romans (as oft as they moved forwards) easily obtained the better. But when they were oppressed with the Barbarous horsemen, & camels, feigning to slay, they planted caltrop's, & other engines of iron, sharp at th'one eand in the ground. The which being hid under the sand, & seen of no man, were very pernicious, unto the horsemen, & those that road upon the camels. For, after that they were fallen, on the same Caltroppes, the horses, and specially the Camels (for that the same beast hath very tender hooves) became forthwith lame, and overthrew their riders. The Barbarous people, as long as they sat on their horses, and Cammelles, fought very fiercely. But when they either alighted, or were overthrown, they were easily taken. For then, they durst not abide the battle. And if they should slay, or pursue their enemies, they were interrupted, with long and wide garments, retching down to their heels. The battle continued two days, from morning to night. 
A long battle.  The night severed them, and either army returned into their Camps, as Conquerors. The third day, they met in the plain, pressed, to daraigne battle. Then the Barbarous people, attempted, as those which were many more in number, to compass the Romans, and entangle them, as it were, in a net. But the Romans, saying the same, joined not together, in a round compass, but set themselves in a long front, that they might thereby, prohibit the compassing of their enemies. And there was so great a multitude of men, and beasts, slain, that all the field, 
A marvelous overthrow.  was overwhealmed with them: and a wonderful number of dead carcases, were heaped in great height, especially of camels, the which lay one upon an other. Whereby, there was not scope enough, for the soldiers to fight. For so many carcases were heaped togethers, that they could scarscelye move to and fro. Wherefore, they retired into their camps. Now Macrinus, knowing that the Barbarous king fought so vehemently, for none other cause, but that he thought, antonine to be present, in the battle, sent certain Ambassadors, unto him with letters (for although the Barbarous people, are accustomed after a little skyrmyshing, to were faint, and weary, and to leave of their begun enterprise, if at the first brunt, it prospereth not, according to their minds: yet than they persisted, ready to renew the fight, as soon as they had burned the dead bodies, being ignorant, that he was dead, which had caused this mischief, and calamity) in the which letters, he certyfyed him, that the Emperor was dead, and had received condign punishment, for the violating of his oath, and promise: And that the Romans, had delivered the Empire, and governance of all affairs, into his hands, who was wonderfully displeased, with the things already done.  
Wherefore, he would deliver the captives, and all other spoils, he had taken: coveting of his enemy, to become his confederate, and friend, and to establish truce between them, by oath, & sacrifice. After these letters were red, and Artabanus advertised by the Ambassadors, of the death of antonine, accounting that he which had broken the peace, was sufficiently punished, and being content, that the prisoners, should be restored, without more effusion of blood, and with them all the pray, and botie, he took agreement, and truce with Macrinus, and returned towards his own palace. And the Roman Emperor led his army out of Mesopotamie, and marched to Antioch.  
¶ The end of the fourth book.   

¶ The Argument of the fifth book of the Herodian.  
THe fifth book reciteth the causes, for the which Macrinus, lost the favour of the Soldiers: who chase Bassianus Emperor, & named him antonine. The battles made against Macrinus, the overthrow of him, and his army, with his death. And thinsolence of antonine, after he was Emperor And how he aodpted his cousin Alexyanus, otherwise named Alexander, and made him his fellow in the Empire. And finally it telleth the causes, wherefore, and how, Antony and Soemis his Mother, were slain.   

¶ The fift book of the History of Herodyan.  
WE have in the former Book, treated, of the Reign, death, & destruction, of Anthonine. When Macrinus was come unto antioch, he sent letters unto the Senate, and people of Rome, in this form.  
¶ For asmuch, as yourselves perfectly know, 
The Letters of Macrimus to the Senate.  what hath been the trade of my life from the beginning, how much my manners have been bent unto gentleness, and what clemency I have showed towards you, in that my dignity, which differed not much from the highest type of dominion, (for Themperor always committeth the custody of himself, unto the fidelity of his Praetor) I think it superfluous, use to many words unto you. Yourselves are not ignorant, that I allowed not, the things by Anthonine done: whereby for your sakes, I was oft in peril of my life: whiles he, giving credit unto every unjust accusation, as a man void of reason, imagined your hole destruction, he used to check me oft times, upbraiding me openly for my modest humanity, and calling me sluggard, & cockney. For being a man delighted with flattery, whoso ever incensed him to flagitious cruelty, or provoked to malice the furious sensuality, of his frantic brain, or else stirred with accusations, his exasperated madness, those he accounted, his most trusty, secret, and faith full friends. But for my part, there hath been nothing more acceptable unto me from the beginning, then discrete modesty. We have now so finished, this marvelous Parthian war, wherein th'whole Roman Empire stood in hazard, that being nothing inferior in fight, unto our adversaries, we have made their mighty king, of an extreme enemy, our faithful friend: Who brought against us, an innumerable multitude of people. Further, whiles I am your Prince, ye shall live frealy, without trouble of dissension. So that, ye shall have cause, to name my governance, rather a confederacy of good men, than an Empire. Neither is there any occasion, why any man should judge me unworthy to be Emperor, or impute it to any fault of fortune, that being but a Knight, I have attained the Principal Soveraignite. For of what effect, or value, I pray you, is that the nobilyty itself, if it be not conjoined with gentle, & meek clemency? And the gifts of fortune, do bewtifye many unworthily: but the virtue of the mind, bringeth unto every man, using the same, a peculiar glory. And although the nobility of birth, & kindred, with abundance of treasure, is accounted the proper substance, of blessed men, yet are not the same in them commended, as from themselves issuing, but as delivered of others. But gentle meekness, & modest affability, as they be to be wondered at, so do they win much praise, unto the haver. For what profited you, the nobility of Commodus, & the succession of Anthonine, after his father? Certes, such having obtained th'empire, as it were, their just inheritance, are wont to abuse it, as their private patrimony. But they, which receive the same at your hands, being as it were, bound of duty unto you, endeavour themselves, to requited your manifold benefits. Further the native nobility of Princes, changes often times into pride, despising all others, as their inferiors. But they, which have obtained the same, through proof of modesty, do defend, & order it, as a thing gotten by labour, & have all those inreverence, which they had before time. And I for my part, am fully determined, to do nothing, without your counsel, & authority, & to use you, as sole assistauntes, & Counsayllors in th'affairs of the comen wealth. And ye shall all live, at your own pleasures, which the same liberty, (which being by young Empers, succeeding their parents, taken away from you) both Marcus, & Pertinar, endeavoured, & intended, to restore unto you again. Both the which, aspired to th'empire, from private estate, & degree. For it is much better for a ma, to leave unto his posterity, the beginning of his kindred, by himself adorned, then to defile which sensual manners, the nobility unto him from his predecessors, descended. After this Epistle was red, all th'whole Senate with one voice, decreed the honour of Augustus, unto Macrinus. Neither was the Senate so joyful, which the succession of Macrinus, as the common people were glad, with the death of Anthonine. For every man (as he excelled in authority, & riches, so much the more he reckoned, that he had avoided that sword, which before hinge over his shoulders. Then were all bribed Promoters, Accusers, & Servants, which had betrayed their Masters, & Lordis, hanged upon Gibbettes. And all th'whole City▪ yea, th'whole Roman Empire, was cleansed, of all false Harlots, Vacabundes, & Pikethankes Of that which, some were out of hand put to death, other some punished with banishment. And if any of them lay hid, for fear of good men that were now at rest, the same she wed some appearance of liberti, by the space of one year in that which only Macrinus enjoyed th'empire. 
The fault of Macrinus.  For that was his only fault, that he forthwith dismissed not th'whole army, & having sent every man to his own Country, himself cannot immediatli to Rome, which was veri desirous of him, (the people every day looking, & calling for him.) But he remained at Antioch, in delicate life, & used a flower pace in going, then he was before accustomed, giving answer rarely, & scarcely, unto Ambassadors, & other persons, that came unto him, & the same with so low a voice, that none could well understand him. And in that doing, he endeavoured, to follow Marcus, but to the residue of his conditions, he did in no point attain. For he used daily volupteouse diet, taking pleasure in daunsynge, and wrestling, neglecting the regiment of th'empire, & wearing Agglets of Gold, & a Girdle adorned with precious stones. The which sumpteouse apparel, was nothing grateful unto the Soldiers. For they esteemed it more congruent, to the Barbarous people, and women, then to their Prince. Wherefore, in beholding these things, they greatly reproved it, and despised the trade of his life, as a thing more wanton, then became a warlike person. And they compared the wanton sensuality of Macrinus, and the witty, and warlike manners of Antonine. Further, they greatly grudged, that they lay still in the Camp, far from their native Country, oftentimes wanting their necessary food, and were not discharged home, after peace made, & truce taken, whiles he, led his life in wanton pleasures. Wherefore, having thrown, as it were, the bridle out of their mouths, they spoke every day against him, seeking some occasion, were it ever so small, to slay him. And so it was by destiny appointed, that Macrinus, after he had one only year voluptuousely Reigned, should lose, both his Empire & his life: fortune having ministered, light, and simple occasion to the Soldiers, to commit, that they had desired. 
Phenicia Moesa Emesa.  There was a certain Phenycien woman, named Moesa, borne in a City of Phenicia called Emesa, Sister unto julia the wife of Severus, & Mother of Anthonine. Who during the Reign of Severus, and Anthonine, and the life of julia, had dwelt in th'emperors palace. The same Moesa, after the death of her Sister, and murder of Anthonyne, Macrinus had commanded, to return into her own Country, which all her substance. And in sooth, she was wonderful rich of money, as one which of very long time, had been brought up within th'imperial treasury. And being returned home, she there continually remained, having two daughters: of the which the eldest height Soemis, and the younger was named Mammea. 
Soemis Mammea. Bassianus Alexianus  The eldre had a Son called Bassianus, and the younger had an other named Alexianus. Both these young men, were brought up under their mothers, & Grandmother. Bassian, was fourteen years old, and Alexianus. x. They were priests of the Son, which thinhabitants of that country, do chief worship: naming it in the Phenicien tongue Heleogabalus. 
Heleogabalus.  Unto him have they dedicated, a very great Temple, decked, and adorned, with abundance of Gold, Silver, and precious stones. And not only thinhabitants themselves, do worship it, but all the noble men also of the next nations, and the barbarous Kings, do every year offer unto it, sumptuous, and precious gifts. There is no image made after the Roman, and Grecien fashion, like unto this God. For it is a mighty stone from the bottom sharpened, more, and more unto the top, much like a Pynaple. The colour of the stone is black, which they report to be fallen out of heaven. In the same stone, are seen very many forms, and colours, which they affirm, to be the shape of the Son, made by no man's hand. Unto this image was Bassianus sacred priest. And because he was th'elder, himself most commonly executed the office, appareled gorgeously after the Barbarous manner. For he ware a cote woven with gold, having long sleeves, and retching down to his heels. His legs were covered from the hams to the toes, with like vesture of gold, and purple. And he ware on his head, a garland of fresh flowers, shining with colours. He was then besides in the flower of his youth, and the beautifullest of all young men, at that time living. And because his beauty, with the proportion of his body, the flower of his age, and his gorgeous decked apparel, were so agreeable togethers, men compared him, unto the goodly Images of Dionyse. Now whiles this Bassianus was celebrating the sacrifice, and dancing after the Barbarous manner, men did attentively look upon him: but chief the Roman Soldiers (either for that they knew him to be of the Imperial blood, or else, because his flourishing beauty, alured every man, to cast his eyes towards him) for the Roman host lay then nigh that city: being sent thither, for the defence of Phenicia, and shortly after departed from thence, as we shall hereafter declare. As they resorted to the Church daily, through the pretence of religion, they gladly beheld the young man. amongs them certain banished Romans, familiar with Moesa. Whom she perceiving, to wonder at the beauty of this Striplinge, reported unto them, that he was the Son of Antonine, although he were supposed another's: doubtful it is, whether she spoke the truth, or not. For she said, that whiles she abode in thimperial palace, with her sister, Antonine had to do with her ii daughters, being then young & fair. This being once told unto them, & by them told again unto the residue of their fellows, was forthwith published throughout th'whole Campe. It was besides reported, that Mesa had whole heaps of money, which she would gladly distribute amongs the soldiers, if they would restore th'empire, unto her issue. They promised her therefore, (if she would come privily by night into the Camp) to open the gate, & receive her with her folks in. For the which promise, the old woman denied them nothing that they did demand: being content, rather to attempt, or take in hand any danger, them to lead a private, & abject life. Wherefore she departed secretly by night out of the city, which her daughters & nephews, & was conveyed, by the afore named fugitives, into the Campe. And being into the same without interruption received, 
Bassianus named Antonine & called unto th'empire.  furthewyth all the soldiers called the young man antonine, appareled him with purple, and kept him with a sure guard, amongs them for a while. Then they brought all the victuals, and necessaries, that they could get, in the next villages, and fields, with their wives, and children, into the Campe. And so fortified themselves within the same, that if need required, they might abide the siege. When these things were reported unto Macrinus, than sojourning at Antioch, and a rumour was spread throughout the host, that Antonynes son was found, & that the sister of julia, gave money unto the Soldiers, when all that was spoken of, or thought to be possible, was holden for true, every man began to doubt▪ and revolt from Macrinus: stirred partly there unto, through the hate they bore unto him, & partly through the pity, which they had of the memory of Antonine: but especially incensed, with desire, & hope, of monei. So that forth which many fled unto the new Antonine. But Macrinus, contempninge th'whole matter as childish, & using his accustomed alacrity of mind, abode himself at home, & sent one of his captains forth, with as great a power, as seamed sufficient, for the subduing of the rebels. 
julianus.  But when julianus (for that was the Capitains' name) came thither, & began to lay siege to the walls, the Soldiers that were within, showed from their Towers, & other high places, the young man: crying with loud voices, that he was the Son of Antonine, & lifting up great bags of money, which are the only bait of treason. And they crediting, that he was Antonines son in dead, & because they would have it so appear, esteeming also his face, & lineaments of body to be very like, struck of julianus head, and sent it unto Macrinus. That eanded, the gates of the fortress were opened, and themselves received in. Thus was their power augmented, able, not only to abide a siege, and repulse an assault, but also, to pitch a field, a great number of fugitives, daily resorting unto them. When Macrinus heard thereof, he incontinently marched forwards with th'whole army, to assault the fortress. And Antonine led his power futh against him, for that his Soldiers would not tarry the siege, being able enough to fight in plain battle. Then both the armies encountered togethers, in the confines of Phenicia, and Syria.  
On the one side, Antonines Soldiers fought more courageously, through fear of grievous punishment, 
A conflict.  if they were vanquished. On tother side, th'army of Macrinus, fought faintly, amongs whom many revolted unto Antonine. The which when Macrinus perceived, fearing, lest being forsaking of his all men, he should be taken prisoner, & suffer great reproach, whiles his soldiers fought, he threw away his Coat armour, & other imperial ornaments, & being accompanied with a few of his meanest soldiers, he fled away. And having shaven his beard, lest he should be known, & clad in a simple garment, & his head, & face, continually covered, he travailed both night & day, preventing with celerity, the fame of his fortune. For as yet his men fought with great prows, as though Macrinꝭ possessed still th'empire. He so escaped, as we before have declared. In the mean while, the soldiers on either side fought valiantly. And of Macrinus side, the men at arms of his guard, named Pretorians, sustained alone the whole burnt. 
The praetorian men of arms.  For they were tall, & mighty men, and chosen, and approved warriors. The rest of the multitude, took Antonynes part. But when they, which a great while had fought for Macrinus, could neither see Macrinus himself, nor the Imperial Diadem, and ornaments, being ignorant where he was become, whether he were slain or else fled, they wist not what counsel to take. And although they purposed no longer to fight for him, which appeared, or could be found no where, yet feared they, to yield themselves, unto their enemies power, as recreant, and vanquished Subjects. Then antonine, knowing by the captives, that Macrinus was fled, sent incontinently, to advertise them, that they in vain fought for a timorous and fugitive Coward: promising them on his oath, that he would forgive, and forget, all that was by them done, and use them from thenceforthe, for the guard of his person. The which, they all crediting, ceased forthwith from further fighting. Then antonine without delay, sent certain after Macrinus, who was long before escaped. And being found in Chalcedon a city of Bythinia, very sore sick, 
Chalcedon  and worn through his continual travail, and hidden in a house of the Suburbs, 
The death of Macrinus. Pr●pontis. Byzantium.  had his head there smitten of. It is thought, that he minded to go to Rome, affyenge himself in the benevolence of the people. But in sailing towards Europe, in the narrow Sea of Propontis, nigh unto Byzantium, a contrarious wind drove him back, as it were of purpose, towards the place, where he should finish his life. Thus happened it, that Macrinus escaped not, by fleeing away, the hands of his enemies: receiving a vylanouse death, and intending to late to go to Rome, when he should in the beginning have done the same, and having at this his end, both his counsel, and fortune, clean against him. After this sort, was Macrinus slain, 
Macrinus and his Son Diadumenus slain. Anthonine full Emperor.  with his Son Dyadumenus, whom a little before, he had associated unto him, in th'empire. Now after th'whole army had pronounced Anthonine for Emperor, when himself had taken upon him the chief governance of th'empire, and all the oriental affairs were set in order, as every one most needed, by the discretion of his Graundmoother, and other his friends, (for that himself was very young of age, and unskilful in matters of great importance) sojourning there but a short space, he caused his removing to be proclaimed, according to the will of Moesa, which chief coveted, and made haste, towards Thimperyall Palace of Rome, wherewith, she so long before had been acquainted. When the Senate, and people of Rome, hard of these things, every man began to be sorrowful, with the tidings. But they must of force, and necessity, than allow it, saying he was chosen, by the men of war. And accusing within themselves, the negligent mind, and sensual manners, of Macrinus, they imputed th'whole default of his overthrow, unto his own sloth, and to none other man, as causer thereof. Anthonine being departed out of Syria, wintered his army at Nicomedia, 
Nicomedia. Thinsolencye of antonine.  the season of the year so constraining him. Then he began to wax insolent above measure, celebrating daily the honour of his Country God, with superfluous, and undecent pomp, & dances. Himself was clad in wanton, and luxurious apparel, woven with Purple, and Gold, decked with Ouches, and Braceletes, Chains, and Kings of Gold, & ware a Crown like unto a Chaplet, adorned with Gold, and precious stones. The form of his habit, was, as it were, a mean, between the Phenicien, and Median apparel. He despised the Roman garments, because they were made of wool, the which was, as he said, vile, & of no estimation. Neither would he any web, but such as were of Sirian silk, accustoming to con abroad, with the sown of fleutes, & Tabors, as though he should celebrate, the feast of Bacchus. When Mocsa beheld these his dossolute manners, she begun with humblepetition to persuade him, to were the Roman apparel, lest that if he entered into the City, & Senate house, in that strange & barbarous vesture, he should offend the eyes of the beholders. Which being unaccustomed unto such wantonness, ceputed it more seamely for women, than men. But he, contempning the old woman's words, intending to trust no man, (for he retained none about his person, but such as were agreeable unto his own sensuality) and fully minding, to use the same apparel continually, determined being absent, to make a proof, with what countenance, & after what sort, the Senate, and people of Rome, would accept his usage. Wherefore, he sent to Rome, his own picture painted lively in a table, with the linyamentes, & fashion of apparel, wherein he was wont to sacrifice, unto his God. And therewith the figure of his God also, unto whom he was sacred: commanding them that carried it, to set it in the mids of the Senate house, in some high place, over the head of victory: that when the Senators were assembled, they should offer incense & wine. He commanded also, that all the Roman Magistrates, which used to execute public Sacrifices should before all their Gods, whom they used to sacrifice unto, name, & honour, his God Heleogabalus. Whereby it happened, that when he entered in to the City, the Romans beheld no new, or strange sight, for that they daily before had seen his picture Then, after he had distributed amongs the people bountiful gifts, as all new Emperors are accustomed, he set forth many sumptuous shows, & plays. And builded a large, and gorgeous Temple, for his God, & within the same, many altars: upon the which, every morning, 
Vain sacrifices.  he sacrificed a. C. Bulls, & a great number of sheep. And heaping upon the altars, all kinds of odoriferous spices, he used to power down, many Cups, full of the best old wines, that could be gotten. So that they ran down, sundry streams of wine, mingled with blood. About the altars, he caused many to dance, with the sown of diverse instruments, amongs whom sundry Phenicien women played upon Ciballes, & Tibrelles. All the Senators, & knights beheld them, standing in a round circle, like unto a Theatre Thinwardes of beasts, & sweet smelling perfumes, were then carried upon men's heads, in dishes of Gold; not by any base or private person, but by principal Magistrates, Capitanes of the war, & Rulers of the Provinces: who were all clad in long garments, woven through out with purple, & ware lin socks upon their feat, as the Prophets accustomed to do in those regions. And he thought, that he did very honourably entreat those: whom he made partakers of this solempnity. But albeit, he celebrated daily with dances, & melody, those sacrifices, yet did he put to death, many noble, & rich men: being accused unto him, that they were nothing pleased, with those vain Ceremonies, and his volupteouse sensuality, but used daily to speak ill of it. He took to wife, a noble woman of Rome, whom he named Augusta. But shortly after forsook her, and depriving her, of all Imperial honour, he commanded her, to lead a private, and simple life. Then feigning himself to be ravished with love, (that he might seem to do some manli act) he married by force, a vestal virgin, whom the laws had bound to be continually chaste. And comforted with letters, the Senate, 
vestal Virgins  being sorrowful for the facinorous act) saying, that it was an humane sin, because he was ravished with her love. He affirmed, that it was decent for a priest, to Maria Nun. For so should the marriage be more fortunate. Nevertheless, shortli after, he rejected her also, & married the third wife which was thought to be descended of the blood of Commodꝰ. Neither did he only delude mortal matrimoni, but he sought also a wife for his god. For he caused to be brought into his Chamber, the image of Pallas, 
The Image of Pallas.  whom the Romans do greatly worship: being secretly hidden, & permitted to be seen of no man. The same goddess, I say, being from that time, it was brought fourth of Troy, unto that day untouched (saving when the Temple was burned) did he remove out of her Seat, & joined her in marriage unto his God, within thimperallall Palace. But soon after, he altered that mind, saying, that it was unpleasant for his God, to have a warlike, & armed wife. And therefore he commanded the image of Urania, 
Urania.  to be brought unto him. The which was chifly worshipped of the Carthaginenses, & all Africque supposed to be erected by Dido the Phenician, when she builded Carthage, 
Carthage. Astroarche.  within the compace of an ox hide. This Goddess, the Africans name Urania. And the Pheniciens call her Astroarchen, affirming her to be the Moon. Wherefore, he said, that the Marriage of the Son & the Moon was agreeable. Her Image therefore, he caused to be brought fourth, and all the Gold, and Silver, which was in her Temple, he commanded to be given to his God for a dower. And after it was brought, and set up by the Image of Heleogabalus, he commanded feastful days, with banqueting, and solemnity, to be celebrated openly, & privily, throughout th'whole City, and Italy, for the Marriage of the Gods. He builded also in the Suburbs, a mighty, & sumptuous Temple: into that which, in th'end of Summer, he carried his God. Thinking that he much pleased the people, with his Interludes & Comedies, with his open banquets, & night watches. He conveyed his God, as I said, out of the City, in to the Suburbs, in a Chariot adorned with Gold, & precious stones, drawn by vi goodly white horses, of great height, notably decked with Gold, and variety of harness. No man road in that Chariot, but the people ran on every side of it, gazing upon the God. And Anthonine himself road before the Chariot, which his face backward towards the horse tail, 
The mere folly, of Anto●yne.  & with beholding the image, continually as he road, he so finished this his fond journey. And lest he should fall, or slide unwares, in that his unwise riding, he caused the streets to be thick covered with sand, & his Guard held him on either side, that he might with more safety sit on his horse. The people run about him with torchs & Cressettes, strowing of flowers, & Garlands, in his way. There accompanied besides this pomp, the images of all the Gods, & all other precious ornaments which were in the Temples, the tokens of honour, & the beautifullest household stuff of Thempire, which the men at arms, & all the roman host. When he had brought these things into the Temple, laid the same there, and finished his sacrifice, he went up into the high towers, which were of purpose there erected, & out of them, he threw many things amongs the people. That is to weet, cups of Silver and Gold, garments of rich work, and all sorts of linen cloth. He distributed amongs them also, all kind of tame beasts, except Swine, from the which (according to the Phenicien usage) himself abstained. In the catching whereof, many perished: some being thrust to death in the press, other some slain with the soldiers weapons. So that the same festival Pomp, was turned into a dolorous calamity of many men. Himself besides, was many times seen carting, and leaping. For he would not permit his own flagitious exercises to be hidden: going often times abroad, with his eyes painted, his brows made red, and his face (being naturally beautiful) deformed, with undecent colours. The which when Mesa perceived, suspecting the indignation of the Soldiers, and fearing, that if ought but good came unto him, herself should be constrained, to return to her private life, she persuaded the foolish, and rash young man, to adopt into the Empire with him his kinsman, and her nephew, being borne of her daughter Mammea. And that she might the better please him, she said, that he, which executed only the office of a Priest, & celebrated the sacrifices of the Gods, aught to have some Substitute, which should govern the Empire, out of care, and trouble. Now was there no stranger, nor foreign person, so meet to be elected thereunto, as his own kinsman. The same was Alerianus, which then was called Alexander, by his father's name, changed into the name of the Macedonien king. For the same king, being of great renown, did Anthonine the Son of Severus, chiefly eruerence. Which Anthonine, their Graundemother persuaded the soldiers, to be the Father of them both: blazing thereby, the Fornication of her daughters, that she might thereby cause the soldiers the better to love them. Wherefore Alexander was declared Emperor, and created Consul with antonine: 
Alexander made Emperor.  the Senate determining with scorn, and laughter, that which antonine required. That is to say, himself, being but fourteen years old, to be the Father, and Alexander, which was uneath entered the twelfth year of his age, to be the Son. After Alexander was pronounced Emperor, antonine endeavoured to corrupt him, with his sensual manners, that in singing, and dancing, being partaker of his priesthood, he should wear the same apparel, and use the same fashions with him. But Mammea the Mother of Alexander, preserved him from all dishonesty, and filthy life, bringing him up privily under divers learned men, in literature, modesty, and good manners: accustoming him unto wrestling, and other decent exercises, and instructing him, in the Greek, and latin tongue. Whereat Antonine greatly grudged, repenting him of his adoption, and participation of the Empire. And therefore, he expelled out of his Palace, all those instructors, of whom some the excellentest, he put to death, and tother he afflicted with exile, alleging against them, foolish, and vain causes, that they corrupted his Son, not suffering him to use liberty, and dancing, but instructing him, in modest, and comely exercises. And he fell into such extreme folly, that he distributed the chiefest dignities, in the common wealth, amongs players of Comedies, and Interludes. For he made lieutenant general of the Army, a certain dancer, which in his youth, had been a common Player upon Scaffoulds. Another of the same rabel, he appointed governor of the youth, and another, chief of the order of knighthood. Unto Carters, ruffians, and disordered Brotheis, he committed the chief charge of the Empire. And unto his Bond men and Lybertynes, as every of them exceeded another in abomination, he delivered the rule of the provinces. Thereby, all things, which before were honest, were turned into vile beastliness: which caused that all men, and chiefly the Roman soldiers, detested him, as one which fashioned his countenance, more wantonly, than became any honest woman. For he was decked with chains, and ouches of gold, and appareled with lascivious clothing, uncomely for a man, and danced daily in the sight of them all. Wherefore they bore more benevolent minds unto Alexander, and had better confidence in that Child, for that he was modestly brought up. And they all saved him, from the treason, and mischief of antonine. Neither would his Mother Mammea, suffer him to touch any meat, or drink, that was sent from the other. The child also used not any of the Imperial, or common Cooks, and Pastelers, but such as his Mother had chosen for him, which were both trusty and honest. She gave him money also to distribute privily amongs the soldiers, which chiefly covet the same, that he might by it, as by a sure linked Chain, draw them unto him.  
When antonine perceived that, he invented all the mischief he could against Alexander, and his Mother. Nevertheless, their common Graundmoother Moesa avoided all such cruelty. For she was a woman of a stout courage, and had also of long time sojourned in the Imperial palace, with her Sister Severus wife, whereby she was throughly skilful of that which antonine intended: who was naturally full of talk, and without discretion, accustomed to blaze abroad, what soever he minded, or would have done. And then saying his enterprise not to proceed, as he wished, he determined to deprive the Child all of imperial honours. And therefore, commanded that he should be no longer saluted as Emperor, neither would he suffer him to go abroad amongs the people.  
But the Soldiers desired him wonderfully, disdaining that the Empire should be taken from him. Then Anthonine caused a rumour to be blown abroad, that Alexander was dead, to the intent he might thereby perceive, after what sort, the soldiers would take the same. But they saying the child not appear abroad, and having their hearts pierced with those sorrowful tidings, waxed wonderful wroth, withelde from Antonine his accustomed guard, and having shut the gates of their Camp, said, they would perforce see Alexander, within their Temple. antonine being thereby smitten with fear, road unto the Camp in the Imperial Chariot, being adorned with precious stones, wherein also sat Alexander. Whom the Soldiers, (after they were both entered into the Camp, and brought into the Temple thereof) saluted above measure: following him with joyful acclamations, and utterly as I might say, contemning antonine. He being therewith marvelously chafed, after he had lain one night within the Temple, and noted the soldiers, which had shouted unto Alexander, commanded them all to be put to death, as authors of sedition, and rebellion. They thereat disdaining, and abhorring before time antonine, whyshing also to dispatch out of life, that monstrous Emperor and to help their Companions, and perceiving the time to be apt for the deed, forthwith slew antonine himself, 
antonine & his Mootehr slain.  and his Mother Soemis, who was by chance at that time there present, and with them, all their Servants, and ministers of vice, that came with them into the Campe. Then they delivered unto the common people, the bodies of antonine, and Soemis, to be drawn with shame, throughout the streets of the City. The people did so, and then threw them into the common sinks, that they might be carried into Tiber. And the soldiers, having saluted Alexander for Emperor, brought him into Thimperial palace, being very young, and as yet obedient unto the commaundemetes of his grandmother.  
Finis.   

¶ The Argument of the sixth Book of Herodian.  
IN the sixth Book, the Author treateth of the bounty and clemency, of Alexander, & the avarice, of his Mother Mammea. Of the war, made by Artaxerxes King of Persia, and the occasion thereof. Against whom Alexander appareled a great army, and divided it into three parts. Then ensuen, the causes wherefore, Alexander lost the love of the Soldiers. Who in the beginning of the war, against the Germans, chase Maximinus' Emperor, which procured Alexander, with his Mother, and all his friends to be slain.   

¶ The sixth book of the History of Herodian.  
IT is manifestly, in the former book, declared, what end of life, had Anthonine thelder. After whom, Alexandre alone possessed the name, and regiment, of Thempire. But thadministration of all affairs, and governance of the weal public, appertained to the women: 
Alexander & the Empire, ruled by women.  who endeavoured to reduce all things, to their pristinate seemelynes, and modesty. For first of all, they elected xvi of the order of Senators, excelling in gravity of manners, and continency of life, to be assistaunte & of privy unto Counsel Themperor, which out the consent of which counsellors, there was nothing, either in word, or writing, confirmed. Where by this form of principality became grateful unto the men at Arms, and Senate of Rome, for that it was changed, from most pestiferous Tyranny, unto the oversight, and rule of noble men. Then were the images of the Gods, which Anthonine in his life time, had removed out of their Seats, restored again into their own Temples, and places. Then were all those, which Anthonine had rashly, for their ●uyll manners, advanced unto high dignities, deposed, & set to their accustomed life, and occupation. Then all civil, and foreign matters of judgement, were appointed to thordering of wise, and profound learned men, in the laws: And all warlike affairs, committed to the rule, of valiant Captains, and expert men of war. When Thempire had been after this sort a great space governed, Moesa which was ●ery aged, 
The death of Mo●sa  ended her life. Unto whom, all imperial honours were appointed, and, as the Roman usage is, 
The wisdom of Mammea.  she was canonised with immortality. After her death, Mammea, perceiving herself to be left alone unto her son, endeavoured to continue the same form of government, which was begun. And saying that the young man, enjoyed now alone th'whole dominion, she feared lest his young age, should wallow in extreme liberty, and thereby fall into some of his kinsman's vices. Wherefore she awaited well his person, and all places of the Coorte: not suffering him, to be approached unto, of any young man, whose life, and manners, were suspected, lest that his good dysposition, should be corrupted, through parasites, and Flatterers, which would provoke his mind, & appeti●e, then flourishing, into wanton & naughty affections. She persuaded him, to exercise his body, in decente recreations, the better part of the day, and that very often, lest there should be any space left, for ill thoughts, whiles he might be better occupied, in apoynting things necessary to be done. There was naturally besides in Alexander a gentle, and meek disposition, bend unto affabilytie. The which thing, his age following, made apparent. For xiiii years, he governed Thempire, without effusion of blood, not as much as one man, in that time, through his procurement, being put to death. And although many, through grievous offences, justly deserved death, yet did he evermore abstain from the execution of them. The which thing, a man shall not easily find, in any Emperor, especially in those which succeeded Marcus. No man can remember, that (whiles he reigned,) any was without judgement put to death. He accustomed to reprehend his Mother, & blame her greatly, for that she was somewhat covetous of money, and seemed over greedy in heaping of Treasures. For taking upon her, that she gathered money togethers, to enrich Alexander withal, that he might thereby, more abundantly bestow gifts upon the Soldiers, she filled her own Coffers, with the same. The which her covetise, blemysshed greatly Themperours honour, that maugre his mind, the covetous woman, should catch, and pill, by covin, and fraud, the inheritance of many men. She gave to her Son in Marriage, a Maiden descended of noble blood, whom (notwithstanding that her husband entyerlye loved her) herself shortly after expelled Thimperial palace, with great obloquy, & shame. And coveyting herself to be only named Augusta, she envy for that cause the maiden, and became so outrageous against her, that the maidens father, (albeit he were in great aucthorise with Alexander) being impatient of the injury, done unto his daughter, and him, by Mammea, fled into the Camp for his own safeguard, saying, although he were much bound unto Alexander, for his manifold benefits, yet he must of force, accuse Mammea, for the great reproach she had done unto him. But she being their with chafed, commanded him to be slain, & that young woman his daughter, being thrust out of the imperial Palace, she exiled into Aphrique. Nevertheless this was done against the will of Alexander. For his Mother ruled him above reason, 
Alexander to much obedient unto his Mother  & had him always obedient unto her commandments: so that this one thing may be reproved in Alexander, that he used more humility, & reverence, towards his Mother, than became him, in obeying, & accomplysshing her commandment, against his own will. Now when he had after this sort, by the space of thirteen years, reigned, the which time, he alone enjoyed the Empire, in tranquillity, without disturbance, or complaint, of any person, Suddenly loo, there came letters out of Syria, 
Syria. Mesapotamye.  & Mesopotamia, whereby he was certified, that Artaxerxes King of Persia had overcomen the Parthianes & Artabanus their king, which first surnamed him self great, 
Artaxerxes.  & wax two Crowns, and not only bereft him th'oriental dominion, but also his life, subdued the barbarous people his neighbours, and made them his tributaries. That he held not himself within the River of Tigris, 
Tigris.  but had recovered the banks thereof, & was entered within the bounds of Roman Empire, invading, & pylling Mesapotamia, & menacing war unto Syria. That he chalengid all the Scite of Land called Asia, 
Asia. Europe. The Aegian Sea. Propontis  situate over against Europe, which was environed with the Aegian Sea, & the straits of Propontis, as the ancient possession of the persians. Because that from the time of Cirus, 
Cyrus. Medes.  who first of all translated the kingdom, from the Medes, to the Persians, until the reign of Darius their last King, (whom Alexander deprived of his dominion) all thoriental costs, as far as jonia, 
jonia. Caria.  and Caria, were governed by the Persian Rulers, & Captains. Wherefore, he affirmed, that it was his duty, to see unto the restoration of the ancient & whole Empire unto the Persians' again. When Alexander heard hereof, being greatly disquieted with those sudden tidings of battle, (for he had from his infancy been traded in quiet tranquillity, & nourished with the City pleasures) and having first consulted with his friends, & Counsellors, he concluded, to send Ambassadors into th orient, with his letters, which he supposed would repress the barbarians hope, and pacify their tumulteouse invasions. The letters were of this sort directed.  
That it behoved Artaxerxes, to hold himself content with his own Bounds, and limits of dominion. Not to stir, or cause any more dissension, neither being puffed with vain confidence, and rash hope, attempt any great war.  
That every man, aught to quiet himself with his own substance, and that he should not have such success in his fight, against the Romans, as he had obtained against his neighbours. He did put him in remembrance besides, of the victories, which Augustus, Traianus, Lucius, and Severus, had gotten against them. With these letters, Alexander supposed to reduce the Barbarous king unto peace, and concord, through fear of the menaces in them contained. But he utterly contemning the same, determined (all talk set a part) to try the matter, with weapon, and fight. And then with more cruelty, foraged, and spoiled, the whole country of Mesopotamia, and carried away the Inhabitants as a booty, and assaulted all such Fortresses of the Romans, as were builded upon the Rivage, to defend the bounds of the Roman Empire.  
And being a man naturally glorious, & haulty of stomach, he thought to subdue the whole world, inflamed thereunto with the prosperous success of all his affairs, ever, without looking for, obtained. Neither were the things of small importance, which kindled his mind, to the coveiting of a greater Realm, than his own: taking first upon him, to invade the Parthians, with war, and to recover the Parthian kingdom.  
For many years, after the death of Darius, 
Darius. Alexander.  from whom, Alexander the Macedonian, bereft his kingdom, the Macedonians themselves, and those which succeeded Alexander, governed the regions of the Orient, and Asia, distributed in sundry parts amongs them. But when the Macedonian power was greatly worn, through sundry battles, grown by dissension amongs themselves, Arsaces' the Parthian, 
Arsaces'.  is cited by Histories, to be the first Persuader of the Parthians, to revolt from the Macedonians. And he, by the consent of the Parthians, and other Barbarous people his neighbours, wearing on his head the Diadem, obtained the kingdom, and left the same unto his posterity, even unto the time of the king Artabanus, whom Artaxerxes having slain, restored (as it is said) the kingdom unto the Persians, and brought in subjection, the nigh Barbarous nations, he did now provoke, the Roman power to arms.  
When relation was made hereof to Alexander at Rome, he determined no longer to ●eare the insolency of the Barbarous king, especially saying his lieutenants, and Captains called him thither. finally, with great grudging, and sore against his will, he prepared his expedition into the Orient. And therefore, general musters were made throughout italy, and the Provinces, of all such as seamed apt, either in stature of body, or strength of years. In the same musters, were many muties, and tumults, amongs the Roman Subjects, reasoning, what power might be equal, unto so great a multitude of Barbarous people. And Alexander commanded all the Praetorian soldiers, and other men at arms, which were a Rome, to repair into the fields: where himself being ascended into the Tribunal seat, spoke these words unto them.  
I would wish (my fellows in arms) to make such an oration unto you, 
The oration of Alexander  as should (according to the accustomed wont) unto me the speaker, get love, and honour, and unto you the hearers, bring joy, and gladness. For seeing we have now many years lived, in peaceable tranquillity, if ye shall hear of any new thing lately happened, peradventure ye willbe a feared of the same, as of a thing unluckly chanced. Nevertheless, it becometh valiant & moderate men, in deed to wish for the best: but yet to suffer, & take in worth, what soever happeneth. For as the thing we do with pleasure is sweet, and delectable, so is that we do with virtue, commendable, & glorious. And as he which first giveth occasion of war, seemeth injurious, even so he which withstandeth wrong, is more confident in his conscience, & conceiveth a better hope of his quarrel, for that it is righteous. Artaxerxes a man of Persia, having slain his sovereign lord Artabanus, and translated his kingdom unto the Persians, doth now enterprise, in contemning the Roman Majesty, to provoke us to battle: invading at this present, and wasting our Provinces. I endeavoured at the first to reduce him by gentle letters, from his unsaeiable greediness, and exhorted him, not to covet that was not his own. But he, being puffed up with Barbarous insolency, will not hold himself within his own bounds, but challengeth us unto Battle. Let us not therefore tri●le in the thing, or defer the matter. But you which are bear present, of the ancient sort of soldiers, cause him to know the manifold victories, which you have obtained, under the government, and leading of Severus, and my father Antonine. And you which are young men, seek and covet (I say) this praise, and glory: whereby all men may perceive, that you know, not only, how to live in peace quietly, and observe it reverently, but also when need requireth, to fight valiantly. touching the Barbarous people, as it is their usage, to pursue vehemently, all such as at the first flee, and recoil, even so do themselves turn their backs, unto those which manfully persist in the fight For they look not for any victory in fighting a plain battle, but using Inuasyons, and Rhodes, account themselves conquerors, of all they can get by stealth and robbery. But we, on the contrary part, have all things decked meet for the wars, wherewith, we have learned to overthrow, and vanquish them.  
When Alexander had spoken these words, the men of arms received him joyfully shouting, and showing themselves ready, to go with good wills into the war. Then he distributed a great Sum of money amongs them, and commanded them, to prepare themselves to the journey. Anon after, he made the like Oration in the Senate house, and appointed the day of his departure. The which being come, 
The departure of Alexander from Rome.  after he had (acccordinge to the ancient usage) finished his sacrsfice, he departed (the Senate, and all the Roman people conveying him out of Rome: upon the which he looked back with weeping eyes. Neither was there any of the common people, which watered not his plants, in the beholding of his departure. For all the multitude was desirous of him, because he was brought up amongs them, and had governed th'empire, very many years, with much modesty.  
When he was departed, he used diligent speed in his journey, visited the Illirian people, & men of war, increased his power every where, & went unto Antioch. In that City, he prepared all such necessaries, as were expedient for the wars. And caused his Soldiers to exercise themselves in feats of arms. Himself provided with much diligence, weapons and harness for the same.  
It seemed then good unto him, to prove by another Ambassade, whether the Persian King, would condescend unto peace, and unity. For being himself present, he little doubted, either to persuade Artaxerxes, as he would, or at least wise put him in fear, with menaces. But the barbarous king, dismissed the Roman Orators home again, without any thing concluded. And in their company sent forty of the goodliest men of stature, 
The Ambassade of Artaxerxes.  in his army: who were gorgiouslye appareled, in rich Robes adorned with gold, road upon great Coursers, and carried great Bows in their hands, thinking to abash the Romans with the sight of their talnes, and sumptuous raiment. The effect of their Ambassade was this.  
The great King Artaxerxes, commanded the Romans with their Emperor, to departed out of Syria, & all that part of Asia, which is situate over against Europe: 
jonia. Caria. The Aegeansea. Pontus.  & suffer the Persians, to reign, & have dominion, as far as jonia, and Caria, and all such land as the Aegean Sea, and Pontus do environ. When these forty Ambassadors had declared their message, Alexander commanded them, to be apprehended, took from them all their sumptuous apparel, and sent them into Phrigia, where he allotted unto them certain Villages, and fields to till, and inhabit, being satisfied with this punishment of exile, from their native Country. For he reckoned it very cruel, and nothing agreeable to manhood, to put them to death, for thexecuting their masters commandment, not being taken in battle.  
When these things were thus ended, and whiles Alexander was busied in preparation of Bridges to pass over the Rivers, and to lead the Roman Army into the confines of the barbarians, there revolted, and fled from him, many Egyptian Soldiers, and in Syria also, diverse Commotions', began to kindle against his government. But the same were furthewyth appeased, and the Rebels taken, and put to death. Then Alexander sent certain armies of Soldiers, into the nigh Regiones, that thereby the invasions of the barbarous people, might more easily be restrained. All which things, being thus set in order, and as great an army levied, as he thought, would be equal of power, unto his enemies Host, 
The Army of Alexander divided into three parts. Armenia. Medians Tigris. Euphrates.  he divided them, by his friends counsel, into three sundry armies. Of the which, one he commanded to march towards the north, through Armenia, which was reputed friendly unto the Romans, and to invade the borders of the Medians. another army he sent towards the North also, commanding them, to pass by those fields of the barbarians, where Tigris, and Euphrates, are received, into great marshes, & Pools, and thereby it is uncertain where they end. The third part, himself promised to lead between both the other Armies, against the Barbaryens. Thinking by that means to oppress them suddenly, with diverse invasions, when they were unready, and looked for no such chance. He supposed, also that the Persian power, should through those diverse encounters with the Romans, on every side, be dispersed abroad, were more faint, and enter into battle, without order. For the barbarians, use not any mercenary soldiers, as the Romans are accustomed, neither have they any army in pytthed Camp, where they might exercise them selves, in feats of wars. But the hole multitude of men, yea often times of women also, do assemble togethers, at the Kings commandment. The which multitude, after the war finished, are dismissed home again, to their private habitations, carrying with them, such booty of the battle, as every one of them, for his part, can get by theft. They occupy Bows, and Horses, not only in battle, (as the Romans are wont) but they are even from their childhood, brought up togethers, traded with hunting, and bearing always their quivers of arrows with them. They never light from their Horses, whether they fight in Battle, or hunt wild beasts.  
But this policy of Alexander, albeit at the first, it seamed, without controversy, to be the best, yet was it fourthewyth, by fortune, made destytude of good success. For the army, that was commanded to march by Armenia, (having with great pain, and diffycultye, (although the summer season, caused their journey, to be meatelye tolerable (passed the sharp mountains, and craggy rocks) entered into Media, and there burnt the villages, and drove away great bootyes, of one thing, and other.  
When relation hereof, was made to the Persian King, he came to rescue the Country, with as great a power, as he could levy. But he could not drive away the Romans from thence, for that the same craggy Country, ministered sure footing, and easy passage, unto the Roman footmen. And the Barborouse horsemen, through the stepenes, of the sharp rocky Mountains, had a more uneasy travail, and laborious journey. There, was it declared, unto the Persian King, that an other army of the romans, was entered, into such borders of the Parthians, as extended towards the orient. Wherefore, fearing least the Romans, after they had Conquered the Parthians, would invade Persia also, he left as great a garrison behind him, as seamed sufficient, for the defence of Media, and himself, with th'whole Army) made speedy haste into thoriental coasts.  
The Roman Army, marched forward very slowly, for that no man resisted them. Thinking, that Alexander with the third part of them, (wherein were the chiefest men of war) was already entered, into the mids of the Barbaryens. And therefore they rested themselves: judging, that it was not best, to make any great haste, saying they were now in safety, and knew the place, wherein they should altogether meet, with their booty, and Prisoners.  
But Alexander deceived them. 
Alexander deceived his Army.  For he neither came himself, nor brought any Army forward. Doubtful it is, whither he so slacked, through fear of putting his life in hazard, in defence of Thempire, or whether his Mother detained him at home, through womanly fearfulness, and over much love of her Son.  
For, in dead, she blemysshed, and blunted, all his noble, and valiant courage, in persuading him, rather to send other forth to the wars, then stand himself in battle. The which thing died utterly betray the Roman Army, that was entered into the Barbarous regions. For the Persian King did meet, and set upon them, unready, and looking for no such chance, with his hole power, and enclosing them, as it were, in a net, did utterly discomfit, and overthrow, every person of them, being few in number, & not able to resist, so great an Host of their enemies. Nevertheless, at the first they defended stoutly, with their Targets, and weapons, the naked places of their bodies, from the violent shot of arrows: Accounting themselves happily dealt with all, if without any plain battle, they might safely escape, from damage. But when they had for a little space, enclosed themselves with their Targets, and were assaulted like unto a walled City, 
The Romans vanquished.  and slain on every part, having unto the end valiantly resisted, they were murdered down right.  
This was a marvelous calamity, unto the romans, the like whereof, can be in no age remembered, for they had now lost a great army, worthy, either for Loyalte, or strength, to be compared, unto any ancient Host, before passed. But the wished success of these affairs, enhanced the mind of the Persian King, with hope of greater enterprises.  
Whereof when Alexander heard (being at that time, very sore sick, either through pesyvenes of mind, 
The Army waxed wroth with Alexander  or else thintemperateness of the air) he took it very grievously, and th'whole army, waxed wonderful wroth, against Themperor. For they said, that their Companions, were betrayed by him, through his dying, & not performenge of promise. Then Alexander, being impatient of his disease, and the heat of the air, (th'whole army also, vexed with sickness, and especially the Illyrians, (who before accustomed unto moist, & could air, & then feeding more largely) fell through sickness, into danger of death), determined to return unto antioch: whither he caused his Soldiers also to come, very few in numbered remaining, for that the most part of them, were perished, through the sharpness of the Winter, and Mountains. The hands, which were attendant upon his person, himself led back unto Antioch, having lost many of them also. Wherefore, this matter brought much sorrow unto the army, and great dishonour unto Alexander, Fortune having deceived him in all places, and turned his intent to none effect. For a marvelous numbered of those iii armies (so pardie, had he divided them) were destroyed by divers calamities, as sickness, battle, and cold. When Alexander was come unto Antioch, he recovered health, refreshed with the temperate air there, and abundance of water, after the burning heat of Mesopotamia, refreshed also his soldiers, comforting their sorrow, with giving them money, (which he reckoned to be the principal mean, to win their hearts) renewed his army, and repaired the same with fresh soldiers throughout, as though he would once more lead them against the persians, if they proceeded to be troublesome, and desisted not from their injuries.  
But than was it declared unto him, that the Persian King, had dismissed all his soldiers home to their habitations. For although the Barbaryens, seamed to be the superiors in Battle, yet through often, and sundry battles, fought in Media, and Parthia, a great part of them were slain, the rest which remained, were either impaired with diseases, or else in skirmishes sore wounded. Neither were the Romans flowlye overcome, but themselves were many times noisome unto their enemies: being by none other mean vanquished, then for that they were, fewer in numbered, entrapped.  
For when almost like numbered, was on both sides slain, the rest of the barbarians, not in strength and prowess, but only in multitude, seamed to be the better, whereof, this is sufficient proof, that the barbarians, in iii or four years after, fell not again unto arms. The which when Alexander understood, he made his abode still at Antioch. And being from thence forward, more merry, & liberal, & forgetting the care of the wars, gave himself to the voluptuous pleasures of the same city. But whiles he thought, that the Barbariens would from thence forth, remain quiet, or at the least wise, it would be a long time, before they could assemble again their power, uneasy to bring together, after they were once separated, for that they were rude, and out of order, & rather a multitude of rural people, than an army, having only as much victual, 
What the Persians army is.  as every man bringeth for his present necessity, from his house: unwilling also, to departed from their wives, children, & habitations, loo, forthwith came messengers & letters unto him, from the Rulers of Illiria, the which troubled him wonderfully, & cast him into great thought, and perplexity of mind. For they signified, that the germans had passed over the Rheyne, 
The Germans rebel.  and Danowe, were entered into the bounds of the Roman Empire, assailed the armies, which defended the banks, & made their roads through the Country, by the Cities, & villages, with a great power of men. And that thereby the Illirians, being a nation borderer, and neighbour unto italy, stood in great hazard and danger, wherefore, it was requisite, that Themperor should be there in his own person, and bring all the power he had with him.  
These news, struck marvelous fear, into Alexander, and doleful sorrow into the Illirian soldiers. For they perceived themselves to be afflicted, with two miserable calamities, at one instant: having first evil success in the wars, against the Persians, & after, hearing that their friends were slain at home, by the germans. Wherefore, they greatly grudged against Alexander, as if by his cowardice, their former affairs, had been betrayed in Thorient, and that now he protracted his remove, when as the Northern causes, earnestly called for him. Now stood Alexander, and his friends, in great doubt of Italy: the affairs of the Persians and the Germans, being of unlike danger. For those which inhabit the Orient, are sequestered with great distance of land, and Sea. And thereby do scarcely hear the name of Italy. But the Illirian nations, dwelling in a small strait, and possessing very little ground, 
The Scituatiation of Illiria  subject to the Romans, do only make separation between italy, and Germanye. Wherefore, he caused his departure to be proclaimed, against his will, saving that necessity constrained him thereunto. And having left behind him, as many men as seamed sufficient, for the tuition of the Roman limits, and fortified the cities, and Castles, with strong Garrisons, himself departed speedily against the Germans, with the residue of his hole army. And having with speed eanded his journey, he pitched his Camp, upon the banks of the Rhine, & there made provision, for all necessaries, belonging to the war.  
first, he made a Bridge of Ships and Galleys, over the Rheyne, and Danowe, that the Romans might pass to the other side, by the same. For those two are counted the greatest Rivers of the north. 
Rhine. Danubie.  Of the which, the one passeth by the germans, the other, by the Pannonians. And in the Summer season, they are navigable, with a large, and deep channel. In winter so hard overfrosen, 
Pannonye.  that they are ridden upon, as it were a field. For the Ice of the channel is so strong, and hard, that it not only beareth hooves of horses, and feet of men, but also, they which come to fetch water there, bring not with them, so many Cups, or Pails, as they do Hatchettes, & mattocks. And when they have therewith broken the Ice, they carry the same away, without any vessel, as it were a stone. Such is the nature of those rivers.  
Alexander did set in Battle, against the Germans, many Mauritanians, and a great power of Archers, which he had brought out of the Orient, some of them being people called Osrohenians, 
Osrohemians.  the rest Parthian fugytyves, whom he had alured with money unto him. For those Soldiers did most displeasure, & damage unto the Germans. Because the Mauritanians do shoot their arrows from far, are quick, nimble, and swift to skip, to and fro. And being all Archers, can easily strike, the bare heads, of the germans, and their great bodies, as it were an appointed mark, in a Butt. Often times also, they fought in plain battle, hand to hand, from whence, the germans, often times departed, nothing Inferiors unto the Romans.  
Alexander being with these troubles occupied, concluded to send Orators unto them, to entreat of peace, in promising them money, and to give them whatsoever they needed, with great abundance of treasure. For the germans, are chiefly greedy of money, and often times for the same, do sell their peace to the Romans. wherefore Alexander endeavoured to buy peace of them, rather than to hazard the matter, in battle. But the Roman soldiers grudged greatly, that they wasted their time in vain, without occasion of achieving any thing, whereby they might show their valiant courage, whiles Alexander, gave himself to Carting (as they said) and voluptuousness, when it was more expedient to revenge themselves, upon the Germans, and to punish them, for their presumptuous audacity.  
There was then in the army, one Maximinus, of a certain Village of Thrace, and that the obscurest with all, 
Maximinus had been a shepherd  a man half Barbarous, which in his youth, had been a Shepherd, and after, his years being increased, for the height of his body, and his mighty strength, was waged for a horseman. finally, Fortune, as it were, leading him by the hand, and going before him, after he had ascended, by all degrees of offices, in the war, he aspired unto the government of the Army, and Provinces. This Maximinus therefore, for his expert knowledge in warfare, did Alexander ordain Governor of the youth, to exercise them, in the feats of war, and to make them apt, unto fight.  
And he omitting no diligence, 
Maximinus Lord of the soldiers.  so behaved himself in that office, that he gained favour, of th'whole army: not only, instructing them, in all such things, as were daily to be done, but excecuting himself, first of all, the deeds with the present use required. So that, he had them, not only as scholars, but also Companions of his prowess, whom he joined unto him with sundry gifts, & all kind of honour. Wherefore the young men, of whom the greatest part were Pannonians) being joyful of the valeauntnes of Maximinus, did openly speak against Alexander: saying that he was yet under his mothers authority, and did all thing after her commandment, setting forward the wars very slowly, and with much cowardice. They repeated often within themselves, the great mishap, they had received in thorient through his delays, and reprehended, that he had done nothing valiantly against the Germans. Wherefore being prone of their nature to change of things, grieved with so long continuance of regiment (whereof they received little lucre) for that all ambition was long before abolished) and assuredly trusting that some other Prince which should attain unto the sovereignty, without looking for it would bestow some more gifts, and honour upon them, they concluded to murder Alexander, and afterwards to create Maximinus' Emperor being their Companion in arms, and all other exercises, and by his skill in warfarre, most apt for the war presently in hand. Wherefore having by sundry bands assembled into the field, when Maximinus came amongs them to instruct the young Soldiers, they clothed him with purple, and saluted him as Emperor. Doubtful it is, weather he were ignorant of the drift, or else made privy unto the matter before. At the first he refused it, and rejected the purple. But when he saw the men of arms draw forth their sword, threating to kill him, wishing rather the danger to come, than the peril present, he took the honour upon him: protesting, that although the same fortune, were erst by dreams, and visions, showed unto him, yet was he now unwillingly enforced by them to receive it, only because he would obey their minds. Then he willed them, to appoint all things as they would themselves, and taking their weapons, in preventing the rumour of this matter, go slay Alexander (who was ignorant of all that was done) that thereby his Soldiers, & the Guard of his person, being with the sudden chance dismayed, should either willingly assent unto them, or else being unready, & looking for no such hap, should maugre their heads, be brought in subjection. Then after he had inflamed their good wills towards him, in doubling their wages, and promising to give them great rewards, & to pardon all their punishments, he led them all unto Alexander's Pavylion, incontinently, for that it was not far distant from thence. When these things were declared unto Alexander, he was greatly dismayed with the novelty thereof. So that he ran out of his Tent, as a mad man, weeping, & trembling, now calling Maximiws disloyal, and perjured person, with reckoning of the benefits, which himself had bestowed upon him: and then, accusing the young Soldiers, which neglecting their oath, would enterprise so perniciously, that facinorous fact. And finally, he offered to give them what they would desire, and amend such things as were amiss. Then the Soldiers which apartayned to the guard of his person, making joyful acclamations unto him, promised to defend him, with all their might and power. When the night was once passed, and the day began to daw, certain of the Soldiers, brought word unto him, that Maximinus was at hand, for that they might see the dust raised, and hear the noise of a great multitude not far of. Wherefore Alexander came again into the field, & called togethers his Soldiers, beseaching them to aid, and defend him, whom themselves had brought up, and during whose reign, by the space of xiiii years, they had lived without dissension. Then having moved them all with compassion, he willed them to arm themselves, & stand in order of battle, to resist their enemies. But the Soldiers (although they had before promised aid unto their Prince) did not withstanding shrink away, by little, and little. Some of them required the Captain of the Guard, & other of Alexander's friends to be put to death: alleging that they were the occasion of this Commotion. Other of them accused his Mother, for that she was a covetous woman: who in heaping, and hording of money, and through her pinching, sparing, and greedy keeping, from the Soldiers, had brought Alexander into disdain with them all. Thus stood they talking, and moved not as yet. But as soon as th'army of Maximinus was in sight, and after he had encouraged them, to forsake a filthy woman, and a weak young man, which lived as yet under his mothers commandment, and join themselves unto a strong, and valiant man, their companion in Arms, and exercised continually with them, in feats of war, forthwith, they all togethers revolted from Alexander, and with one assent saluted Maximinus as Emperor. Then Alexander fled back again into his Pavilion, trembling, and half besides himself, and embracing his Mother, and (as it is reported) blaming her for that he suffered this calamity, for her sake, he abode there, looking for the murderer.  
Now Maximinus, after he was created Emperor by th'whole Army, gave in charge to the Tribune, 
Tribun.  and Captains, the murdering of Alexander with his Mother, 
Alexander & his Mother with their friends slain.  and all other which should make any resistance. They forthwith entering by violence into the Pavilion, slew both Alexander, and his Mother, with his friends, and every noble man, except a few, which a little before had made shift for themselves by fleeing away, and were hid in corners. All the which, being shortly after apprehended, Maximinius did put to death. This end of life had Alexander, with his Mother, when he had by the space of xiiii years reigned, without any complaint of the citizens, yea with out any bloodshead either. For detesting cruelty, and murder he permitted no man to suffer, without he were by judgement condemned, so much was he addicted to gentle benevolence. So that if the coveyteous, and greedy Mother, had not with filthy covetise defamed her Son, there could nothing have been wanting, or wished for, in his government of Thempire.   

¶ The Argument of the seventh Book of Herodyan.  
THe Beginning of the seventh Book maketh mention of Maximinus' Cruelty, which passed over, and made war upon the Germans. And at his return to Rome, oppressed the people, with grievous exactions, and committed much sacrilege, which caused much hurley burley amongs the people. How the nation of Aphrique rebelled, and made Gordianus Emperor, who was vanquished by Capellianus, Governor of Mauritania. And after Gordianus death, how the Senate elected Maximus, and Albinus, and with them young Gordianus. The audacity of Gallianus followeth, and the mischief that ensued thereupon.   

¶ The seventh book of the History of Herodyan.  
WE have in the former book, at length declared, after what sort, Alexander behaved himself, during the xiiii years of his reign. After whose death, Maximinus, having obtained the Type, and regiment, of the Empire, altered the estate of all things, and abused very cruelly, his obtained Power, so that from a Gentle Government, he endeavoured to change it unto cruel tyranny. For perceiving himself to be odious unto all men, because he first of all other, had aspired unto that Fortune, from a base estate, besides that, being aswell Barbarous of manners, as by nature greedy of bloodshed, he endeavoured chiefly, to establish the Empire unto him, through cruelty, fearing lest he should be had in contempt of the Senate, and all other Romans, whiles not his present Fortune, but the obscureness of his birth, was specially noted in him. For it was openly known unto all men, that he had been a shepherd in the Mountains of Thrace, and received amongs the simple, and base soldiers of that region, for the greatness, and strength of his body, and now exalted unto the Roman Empire, Fortune (as I might say) leading him by the hand.  
Wherefore, first of all, he rooted out of the Senate house, all the friends and Councelours of Alexander, of the which some he dismissed to Rome, 
The tyranny of Maximinus.  other some he deprived of their offices, accusing their former administration therein. This did he, to the intent he might be alone, in the army, having no man of the nobility nigh him, but without the reverence of any such, as in a strong Fortress, exercise his tyranny. Then did he expel out of the Imperial palace, all the Servants of Alexander, whom he had by so many years retained in service, and did put some of them to death, fearing treason, because he perceived them dolefully to lament the death of Alexander. But his tyranny was more augmented, through the opening of a certain conspiracy against him, wherein many of the Captains, & the whole Senate, were confedered.  
There was a certain man of the nobility, which had been Consul, named Magnus. 
Magnus  The same was accused unto Maximinus, that he had intended treason against him, & persuaded the Soldiers, to translate the Empire unto him. This counsel was supposed to be such. Maximinus had made a bridge over the river, to pass against the germans, having a greedy appetite (after he had gotten th'empire) unto warlike affairs. For being erected unto Thempire, through the huge quantity of his body, his strength, and skill in warfare, he endeavoured with open deeds, to confirm the same opinion of the soldiers, to prove, thereby, that the fear, cowardice, and sloth of Alexander, in warlike exercises, was justly by him condemned. Wherefore, he omitted nothing that appertained to the exercise of the men of war. And being himself daily in arms, did therewith greatly provoke the courage of the soldiers.  
After the aforesaid bridge was finished, he determined, to pass over into Germayne. But than it was reported, that Magnus had enticed a great number of Soldiers, who excelled the other in prows, especially of those, unto whom the custody of the Bridge was committed, that assoon as Maximinus were passed unto the other side of the river, they should throw down the bridge, exclude him from all return, and thereby betray him unto the Germans. For the depth, and breadeth of the river was such, that it seamed unpossible for him to get over again, especially, because there was no kind of vessel, on the further shore. Such was the rumour of this enterprise. But uncertain it is, whether the same were truly reported, or else forged of a purpose. For it is hard, to give a resolute judgement therein, because that without any trial, answer, or sentence, as many as were only suspected, were put unto death.  
At the same time, there began a great commotion, of the Osrohenian soldiers also. For they being very sorrowful for the death of Alexander, and by hap, meating with one of his friends, 
Quarcinus.  named Quarcinus (who a little before had been dismissed by Maximinus from the Camp) took him against his will, when he looked for no such matter, elected him to their Captain, clothed him with Purple, carried the fire before him, and so adorned with pernicious honours, exalted him unto the dignity of Emperor.  
The which man, shortly after, sleeping in his Pavilion, was by one of his own Companions, and (as it is supposed) his friend, traitorously murdered. The same was named Macedonius, 
Macedonius.  which had been before, Ruler of the Osrohenians, and at that present, was first Author unto them, of revolting from Maximinus. And, although there were no cause of grudge between him, and Quarcinus, yet did he thus murder him, whom himself had first compelled to become Emperor.  
Then thinking to show Maximinus some great pleasure, he carried unto him the head of Quarcinus. But Maximinus, albeit he were glad of that fact, for that his enemy was rid out of the way, yet did he put unto extreme death this Macedonius, (which looked after some great reward, and hoped to receive great thanks for his travail) because he was Author of the rebellion, and murderer of one, which himself had induced, maugre his head unto that mischief, and had been false unto the man, which had most affiance in him.  
These causes therefore, did exasperate the mind of Maximinus, and kindled his fury, being already? of his own nature, over prone unto cruelty.  
He was besides, horrible of visage, & of so huge, and mighty stature, that none of the most valiant Greeks, or most warlike barbarians might be compared unto him.  
When these things were thus set in order, he gathered together the whole Army, passed without fear over the bridge, and made Battle upon the Germans. There followed him a wonderful number of men, almost all the power of the barbarians, and with them very many Mauritanian slingers, and Archers. There followed him besides, the Osrohenians, and Armenians, the one nation being subject unto the Romans, the other associated in friendship with them, they were accompanied with as many Parthians, as being hired or fugityves, from their native country, or else taken in the wars, served the Romans.  
This multitude of people, was first levied by Alexander, & then augmented, and exercised, by Maximinus. The slingers, and Archers, seamed very profitable in the war against the germans, because they could easily strike their enemies unwares, and recule themselves furthewyth, into sure defence.  
Maximinus being entered within his enemies land, and finding no man to resist him (for all the Germans were fled) pilled and foraged the country (the Corn being then ripe) and permitted the soldiers to burn, and destroy, all the villages. And in dead, the Towns and houses there, are very much subject to danger of fire. For amongs the Germans, the Building with Stone, and tile, is very rare and scarce. But with great pieces of Timber set in the earth, and joined together in thick woods, 
The germans houses.  they make (as it were) tabernacles. Maximinus then going forwards, in wasting the Country, sacking the corn, and distributing the cattle, which was taken amongs the soldiers, found not as yet, any of his enemies. For they had abandoned all the field, plain, Country, and all places, destitute of trees, and hid themselves covertly in the woods, and marshes, that they might there fight, and with sudden assaults, invade their enemies: because the thickness, and nigh growing together of the trees, seemed to become a great impediment unto the arrows, and darts, of their enemies. And they thought, that the depth of their marshes, and Pools, would be dangerous unto the Romans, for that they were ignorant of the passages, and Country. But unto themselves, very easy, and profitable, because they wading daily through them, up to the knees, perfectly knew, which were the passable fords, & which unpossible to get over. And truly, the Germans are very cunning in swimming, as men, which only swim, and bathe themselves in Rivers. In these places therefore, was the battle begun, where first of all the Roman Emperor enterprised the confllycte very valiantly. For when they were come unto a great, & broad Maryshe, within the which, the Germans had retired themselves, the Romans, being afeard to pursue their enemies, Maximinius first entered upon a great Courser, into the Maryshe (where his horse foundered to the belie) & slew with great manhood, many of the Barbarous people, which resisted. Wherefore the residue of th'army, being pricked with shame, if they should forsake their Emperor, now fighting for them, adventured themselves also into the Maryshe. And then were there slain, many of either part, but so, that there was no Barbarien left a live, the Roman Emperor fighting most valiantly. Whereby the Maryshe being filled with dead carcases, and the lake being mingled with blood, caused it to seam, that this foot Battle was fought with ships upon the water.  
This victory, with other his stout, and mighty facts, he not only signified unto the Senate, and people of Rome, by letters, but also being Printed in a great Table, caused it to be published before the Coorte, that the Romans might not only hear of his valiant deeds, but also have them perfectly expressed before their eyes.  
The same Table, with the rest of his honours, the Senate afterwards pulled down, and abolished. There were many other skirmishes, and battles fought, wherein himself, through his first giving the onset, and manful fighting) gate ever the price, and renown. Then he returned, against the winter season, into Pannony, with many prisoners, and great booty of cattle. And wyntering within the city of Syrmium, 
Sirmium.  (which is the greatest city of that Country) he prepared all necessaries, for his viage, against the spring time: threatening, wholly to subdue all the barbarous nations of the germans, even to the Ocean. The which thing, it seamed, he would assuredly bring to pass, such a one was he, in the affairs of warfare, and should have obtained a wonderful glory through his facts, 
The exactions of Maximinus.  if he had not been more outrageous to his own subjects, then to his enemies. But to what purpose, are the barbarians slain, if much more murder, be committed within the City self of Rome, and the nations subject thereunto? or what availeth it to have plenty of Captives, and prays of beasts, if by his conquests, and fortune, the Romans themselves, be despoiled of all they have. For, not only free liberty, but also enticing, was given, unto pernicious promoters, to accuse, and cyrcumuente with fraud, whom they would. Yea, and to renew (if need were) faults before done, by men's Ancestors, some of them unknown, and unheard of, until that present instant. Neither was there any man detected of any offence, but the same was forthwith condemned, and all his goods confyscate. Whereby, a man might daily see, diverse which before were wonderful rich, and wealthy) now beg their bread: So great was the covetise of his Tyranny, whiles he dystrybuted money continually, amongs the men of war. His ears besides were open unto all complaints, so that he had no regard, to any man's age, or dignity.  
For many Capytaines of armies, Governors of provinces, with diverse that had been Counsulles, and for their merits triumphed, being once for any fond trifle, or light cause accused, he caused forthwith to be apprehended: and putting them in chariots alone, without any Servant attending upon them, compelled them, to come out of the east, and West (if the chance so happened) and out of the south also, unto Pannony, where himself sojourned. And there spoiling them of all their substance, and entreating them with most shameful slanders, he afflicted them with death, or banishment. But as long, as one, or two, suffered these damages, and the said calamity passed not their lineage, the common people, little regarded it. For the adverse chances of Rich, and wealthy men, were not only of the Commons, neglected, but also many of them, of a froward mind, and perverse will, in despite of the Rich men, were very glad with the same their miseries.  
But after that Maximinus, 
The sacrileges of Maximinus.  had thus brought unto extreme poverty, the famylies of many noble, and famous men, reckoning them of no value, and but trifles towards the satysfienge of his outrageous covetousness, he turned his mind unto the robbery, and spoiling, of the common treasury.  
For what so ever money had been before laid up, for the Common provision of Corn, or what so ever riches remained, to be distributed amongs the people, with all such treasure as served to the decking of the theatres, and gorgeous setting forth of festival pomps, and plays, the same every jot, he adjudged to himself.  
Besides that, the gifts of all the Temples, the Statues, and honours, of all the Gods, and famous men, with what so ever public work, civil ornaments, or matter, which seamed convenient to make money of, were put to the fire. Which thing did chiefly gnaw, and vex the hearts of the people, & caused, as it were, a common mourning, saying, that without war, or battle, the city was like to be assaulted, & taken, so that many of the people adventured to resist him, and to defend the Temples, wishing rather to be slain before thaltars of the immortal Gods, then to see their Country destroyed. 
Rebellions & bitter Curses against Maximinus.  And hereby chief, did the minds of the Common people, begin to grudge against him, thrughoute all the cities of Thempire. Neither were the Soldiers themselves very glad with it, for that their neighbours, and kinsfolk rebuked them, and imputed to their fault, that Maximinus did thus behave himself. these enormities, therefore, being of no small importance, did provoke the people to hatred, and rebellion. But hitherunto they meddled not, save only with words, calling upon the Gods, whom Maximinus had offended, for that there was none durst take upon him, to revenge the cause: until that after three years eande of his Reign, upon a light occasion (as the affairs of Tyrrauntes, are wavering, and subject to change) the Africans, first enterprised to fall to Arms, and rebellion, 
The Governor of Affriane.  and this was the cause. There was a certain lieutenant in Carthage, who wanted nothing, that appartayned to extreme fury, and outeragiouse Tyranny. The same crept into his Prince's favour, by condepning of men, & extorting of money. For Maximinus loved them most of all other, whom he knew to be of his own sect & faction. So that, whosoever therefore had the charge of Themperors' treasure, whether they were good men (which very sealdome happened) or deposed from their office, or else feared with the present peril, being skilful of his unsatiable avarice did (although unwillingly) follow, & accompany the rest. This aforenamed lieutenant of Affryca, having violently committed, many great enormities, did also compass, to exact money forthwith, of certain noble, and rich young men (whom he had by fraud circumvented with condemnation) and to deprive them of all their Patrimonye, & riches, which their Ancestors had left them. With which thing, the young men being incensed, did in dead promise to pay the same, demanding three days respite, for the payment.  
And in the mean while, conspiring togethers, as many as had already suffered, or feared hereafter to suffer affliction, commanded the young men their servants, to come from their villages, and Farms, with Clubs, and Axes, unto them. They executing their masters commandments, came all together before day light, into the city, hiding under their Garments, such weapons, as in that sudden tumult, they had gotten.  
There was assembled, a wonderful great number of men. For in Africa (being itself greatly replenished with people) there were at that time, many Labourers, and Husband men also. After the day appeared the young men, commanded their servants to wait near upon them, as though they were some of the Town people, and not to show their weapons, or begin any violence, until they saw the men of Arms, or else of the common people, assault them to revenge the fact, which they would shortly commit. 
The Governor of Africa slain.  They them selves, hiding their Daggers in their bosoms, went into the Livetenauntes' house, feigning they would speak with him, touching the payment of the money, and forthwith suddenly there slew him, when he suspected no such casualty.  
Then his soldiers, drew forth their sword, and endeavoured to revenge the murder. But the husbandmen, and labourers, ran immediately to the byckering, and there stoutly fought for their Masters, and easily constrained all their enemies to turn their backs, & flea. When the enterprise was after this wise achieved, the young men, having so desperately set upon the matter, reckoned one only help to remain for them. That is, if they heaped upon this late committed mischievous act, a more heinous offence. Wherefore they determined to associate in the peril unto them, the governor of the Province, & to induce the minds of the people, unto rebellion, that which they knew to be wished for, of them all, through the hatred of Maximinus, but as yet prohibited from it, through fear. wherefore, in the deep of the night, they went with all the multitude, to the Proconsul's house. The same was Gordianus, who obtained the office, when he was four score years old, and had been governor of many provinces before, and approved in sundry weighty affairs. And therefore they thought, that he would, without difficulty, take the rule of th'empire upon him, as the final eande of his former dignities, & that he should be a Prince grateful unto the Senate, & people of Rome. For that, besides his nobleness of birth, he had by divers honours, as by steps, 
Gordianus chosen Emperor by the young men.  ascended unto the regiment of Thempire. Now it happened, that the very same day that these things were in doing, Gordianus remained within his own house, having deferred his business until another time, & suspended for then the administration of all things. The young men with their sword being accompanied with a great number of people, repulsed his Porters, & entered which force into the house, and found him resting himself upon his Bed, where they thronged about the old man, clothed him with purple, & saluted him with imperial honours. But he being astonished with the sudden chance, & supposing it to be a deceit, wrought of purpose against him, let himself fall to the ground from his bed, beseeching them, to have compassion upon an old man, which had never offended them, and to observe their truth, and allegiance, towards their Prince. Then whiles they thus persevered, holding their sword in their hands, & whiles Gordianus, partly through fear, partly through ignorance, knew not what the matter ment, or what was the cause of so sudden fortune, one of the youngmen, which excelled the rest in nobility, & eloquence, having commanded them unto silence, holding his sword by the Hilts, spoke after this sort.  
Of two perils, of that which th'one is present, 
The words of one of the young me unto Gordian.  & manifest, tother doubtful, & of uncertain eand, thou must this day chose one. That is, either to preserve us, & thyself, & conceive as good hope, as we already have, or else without delay, suffer death by our hands. And if thou chose the better, than are there many occasions of good hope. For thou shalt rid out of the way Maximinus, of all the world abhorred, as a pestiferous plague, of cruel tyranny, & add unto thy life (which thou hast hitherunto virtuously led) famous glory & renown, obtaining of the Senate, and people of Rome eternal honour, & perpetual praise But if thou reject it, & deny to conspire with us, we will out of hand put the to death: and ourselves also (if need be) will accompany the in dying. For we have enterprised a greater matter, then that we can be safe without desperation. The minister of tyranny is dead, and hath received condign punishment for his cruelty, being a little erst, slain with our hands. Wherefore, if thou wilt consent with us, and become partaker of our perils, thyself shalt obtain the Empire. And then the fault, which we have committed, shall be reputed, more worthy, praise, than punishment.  
Whiles the young man spoke these words, the rest of the multitude, being unpatient of stay, or tarrying (saying all the Cytyzyns which had heard of the matter, were assembled, together) with one accord, pronounced Gordianus Emperor.  
Then he (albeit, he had before refused it, 
Gordianus saluted Emperor.  and excused himself by his age, yet being of nature ambitious and desirous of glory) did without resistance, take the honour upon him: minding, rather to enter into the danger to come, than the peril present. Besides that, he thought not good, to refuse it, saying his age was come to that perfection, but (if the case so required) to die Emperor of Rome.  
Wherefore, incontinently after this, all Africa began to rebel, and many cities, pulled down the honours of Maximinus, and erected Images of Gordyanus. And him they named of themselves, African. For those which inhabit the north cost of Lybya, 
Libya. Affrikes  are called in the Roman tongue Aphryques.  
Then Gordianus having sojourned .v. days at Tysdrum, 
Tisdrum  in the which city, all these things were done, and possessing the name, and apparel of Emperor, removed unto Carthage, 
Carthage. The riches and bigness of Carthage. Alexandrie.  that in the same city, being very great, and much frequented, all things might be ordered, as in Rome. For Carthage, in abundance of richesse, resort of people, or greatness of compass, giving only pre-eminence to Rome, doth contend with Alexandrie in egypt, for the second place. Thither followed Gordyanus, all the principal Pomp, with all the soldiers in those parties, and the city young men, of tall, & comely stature, like in similitude unto them at Rome, which guard the emperors person, with Laurel rods in their hands, whereby the Princes are discerned from private persons. There was fire also, according to the usage, carried before him, so that Carthage, for a small space, did represent the form and Fortune of Rome.  
From thence, Gordianus sent many letters, unto every magistrate of Rome, and to the noble men of the Senate, amongs whom there were very many his friends and alyes.  
He wrote besides, unto the whole Senate and people of Rome, signifying unto them, the favour of the Affrycans towards him: and therewithal accusing the cruelty of Maximinus, which he perceived to be detested of all men. Himself used all gentleness, and affability. For he punished with exile, all untrue Promoters, and Accusers, and unto them which were unrighteously therefore condemned, he gave free liberty, to defend their own. Yea, he restored those which tofore were banished, to their native Countries again, & promised to give to the Soldiers, more rewards, and to distribute amongs the people more gifts, than any man before him had done. He brought to pass also, that Vytalian, 
Vitalianus.  the Lord great Master of Maximinus household, a man outrageous and cruel, but most dear, and well-beloved of Maximinus, was slain within the City self of Rome. For suspecting, that that man, in resysting of his enterprises, would with fear cause other also to turn from him, he sent the lieutenant of the Province, a stout young man, strong of body, of flourishing age, and ready to attempt any peril for his sake, with certain Captains, and diverse Soldiers in his company: unto whom he delivered letters sealed with two Seals, by the which Themperours used to signify their privy Counsels, and affairs. Those he commanded to enter into the city before day light, and (whiles Vytalian were busied in his accustomed affairs) to go unto him in to the Chamber, where he was wont to inquire of the secret things, which appertained to the safeguard of his Prince: showing him, that they had secret letters unto him from Maximinus, and would, all other set a part, common with him, of things belonging to the Prince's person, in declaring unto him the emperors mind. And then, whiles he were occupied in the looking upon the Seals, they should murder him, with their daggers, hid in their bosoms of purpose. All which enterprise, was achieved as he wished. For before the dawning of the day (when as he accustomed to come forth) they found Vitalianus almost alone, with a few only standing about him) because some were not as yet come unto him, some other, after their salutation done, were departed before it was day light. Wherefore, finding him at leisure, and a few standing before the Chamber door, after they had declared those things which we before spoke of) they were easily let in, & having delivered their letters whiles he diligently regarded the signets thereof, 
The death of Vitalianus.  drew out their daggers, & slew him. And then departed out of the Chamber, with their daggers naked in their hands, every man giving them place, and way to pass. For they supposed, it had been done by Maxminus' commandment, for that he was wont often times so to do by them, whom a little before, he most entirely loved. Then they going through the street, which hight Sacia via, showed forth the epistle of Gordian unto the people, and delivered letters from him, unto the Counsulles themselves, and other Magistrates of Rome, spreading by rumours abroad, that Maximyne was already slain.  
The which thing being once divulged, immediately all the people ran through the streets, from one place, to an other, like men dystracte of their right senses. For as the common people, 
The unconstancy of the Roman people.  are in every place, unconstaunte, & prone to new changes, so are the Roman people, chief, more wavering, and unsteadfast, than all other: being knit, of a great, and diverse, multitude of strangers.  
¶ Then were the Images of Maxymyne, with the rest of his honours, forthwith pulled down. And the hatred against him, before, through fear hidden, they did now, after a free liberty gotten, and no man prohibyting them, power, and spit out. The Senate also, being often assembled (albeit they had no certain report of Maximinus estate, yet conjecturing by the present fortune, the rumour to be true) did abolish all his honours, and pronounced Gordianus, & his Son, Emperors.  

Gordianus & his Son pronounced Emperors.  Immediately after that done, all Promoters, either fled away, or else were slain, by those, whom they had before offended. The Solicitors, besides of Maximine, and such as sat in judgement, in the minystring of his Tyranny, were by the common people, drawn through the streets, and thrown into the common sinks of the City. In this uproar, there were many innocentes slain. For every lewd person entered violently into the house of his creditor, or adversary in the law, or of any other, whom upon never so light an occasion he hated, and there despoiled him of his goods, and murdered him. Thus under colour of liberty, and pretence of peace, the very deeds of civil war were committed, so that there was slain with the dint of a club, Sabinus the lieutenant of the City, 
Sabinus slain.  which endeavoured to appease this busy tumult. these things did the people. After the Senators had once entered into this peril, they did, through fear of Maximine, sollycite in all they could, the Provinces to rebellyone. Wherefore, there were Ambassadors chosen of the chiefest of the order of Senators, and Knights, the which were sent unto the governors of the Princes, with letters, wherein was at length, declared the mind of the Senate, and people of Rome, which exhorted the said Rulers to have a special regard to their native country, to defendeth Coorte of Rome, and persuade the nations under them, to continue in their allegiance, towards the Roman people, whose dominion over them, and ancient bond of amity with them, was by their progenitors long agone, ordained. Many of those Governors, received the Ambassadors very greatly, and induced the people to revolt: the which was easily brought to pass, in so great hatred was Maximinus had with every man. They therefore, having out of hand slain all such Magistrates amongs them, as were of Maximines' part) did all together turn unto the Romans. Yet were there a few Rulers, which either flew the Ambassadors, that came unto them, or else sent them under sure custody unto Maximyne, who with most cruel torments, did put them to death. This was the mind, this was the will, of the City of Rome. The which hurley burley, being reported unto Maximinus, although he were sorrowful withal, yet did he sayne, that he utterly contemned it, and the first, and second day, remained quiet, within his own house, consulting with his secret friends, about the same matter. And although the hole army, and people of that region knew, and understood, all this business, and were prone also to revolt, stirred with the boldness, and novelty of so great enterprises, yet did every man hold his peace, taking upon him to be ignorant of the case so greatly was Maximinus, feared amongs them, that nothing was hidden from him. For he did not only hark unto every man's words, but also, watch, and pry, upon the gesture of their faces, and hands. The third day, he caused all the Soldiers, to assemble in a plain before the City, and there himself sitting in a high throne, rehearsed out of a book, an oration, his by friends composed, and penned before, thus.  

The oration of Maximinus.  I know verily, that I shall declare unto you, a thing strange, & incredible, but (as I myself suppose) not worthy so much wonder, as laughter. They are not the germans, so often vanquished, that do move war against you, and your valiantness, neither the Sarmatyans, 
Sarmatians.  which daily treat with us for peace The Persyans also, which once wasted Mesapotamia doth now wax wise, in quieting themselves, within their own houses: 
Mesapotamye.  being taught, partly with your valiant prows in warfare, partly with the enprises, which I have achieved: wherewith, they became acquainted, when I had the governance of the Army, for their passage, over the Rivers.  
But (lest I should detain you with a thing more worthy laughter,) the Carthaginenses are become mad, and with an infortunate old man, which doteth through extremity of age (I doubt whether he were persuaded, or compelled thereunto) they do, as it were, in a stage interlude, play, and take the Principality upon them. For to what Army do they trust, when as Sergauntes, and Catchepolles', do supply the Proconsulles room amongs them? what weapons will they bear, 
Proconsul.  saying they have none but small spears, to hunt wild beasts withal? And in stead of warlike exercises, they use dancing, & singing of Ballads, & Carroles. Let not the things which are reported to be done within the City of Rome. Dismay you 〈◊〉 that Vitalian is slain, by disobeyed, how unstable the minds of the Romans be, and how prompt their courage is, only to make shouts, it is manifest unto you. If these ii or iii armed men, they thrust one another forward to the danger, in spurning one another: and fleinge away, every man from his own danger, they neglect the common peril.  
If any man hath reported unto you, the things done by the Senate, there is no cause why you should marvel, that our contineneye scameth over hard, unto them, and thereby that the agreement of Gordianus manners, with theirs, and his voluptuous life, is by them preferred before us. For amongs them all, valiantness, and grave deeds, are counted austere, and tyrannous, and all dissolute life, is esteemed gentle, and pleasant. They fear therefore our governance, because it is moderate, and laborious, and they rejoice at the name of Gordian, whose infamy of life is not unknown unto you. Wherefore, against them, and such as they are, you have to war (O soldiers) if a man may, at the least wise, call it war. For my mind giveth me, and so may all other think, that before we approach near unto italy, the greatest part of them, will humbly meet us, with Laurel Bows in their hands, and carrying their Children with them, fall prostrate at our feet: or else, being stricken with cowardly fear, run away, leaving all their goods behind them for me to take, and distribute amongs you, that you may enjoy the same for ever.  
When he had thus much spoken, and interlaced his talk, with many scornful reproaches of the whole city, and Senate of Rome (threatening them, with the gesture of his hands, and with terrible countenance, and menacing them as though they had been preset) he proclaimed his voyage towards Italy. And then having given unto the soldiers much money, he sojourned there for one day. That passed, he entered into his journey, leading with him a marvelous great army, and all the Roman power. There followed him also a great number of Germans, not to be neglected, whom he had either by force subdued, or else associated in amity unto him. He carried besides divers engens and Instruments of war, with other things which he had prepared before against the Barbarous nations. Now did he march slowly because of the wagons, and other necessaries for the war, which were carried in his company. For seeing that journey happened suddenly unto him, the things expedient for the soldiers were not gathered by any man's provision, as it was tofore accustomed, but they were then hastily as it came to hand, taken and carried. Wherefore he determined to send before, the Pannonian bands, in whom he had great confidence, which also first saluted him for Emperor, and willingly attempted all perils for his safeguard. these he commanded to set forward, before the rest of the host, and to enter into italy.  
But whiles Maximinus was thus in his journey, his affairs had better success in Carthage, than he looked for. For there was a certain man named Capellianus, 
Capellianus Mauritania. Numidia.  of the order of the Senators, lieutenant of Mauritania, which is subject to the Romans, and of them named Numidia. This nation was fortified with strong armies of men, which defended it, from the invasions of the barbarians their neighbours, whereby he had about his person, no small band of men at arms. Between this Capellianus, and Gordyan, there was much dissension, about a certain controversy in the law. Wherefore, after Gordian had obtained the name of Emperor, he sent one to succeed Capellianus in his office, & commanded him to departed from the rule of the Province. But he disdaining thereat, & being true to his Prince (of whom he had received that dignity) gathered all the power he had together. And after he had exhorted them, to continue their truth, and oath of allegiance, he removed towards Carthage, leading with him a wonderful great and strong Army, in the which there were very many men, not only of flourishing age, but also instructed in the handling of all kinds of weapons, and expert in warfare, and (through usage of skirmishes with the Barbaryens their neighbours) very prompt, quick, and ready to battle, at all times.  
When it was declared unto Gordyan, that Capellianus was coming towards Carthage, both himself, was stricken with a sudden trembling fear, and all the Carthagynensses greatly dismayed, who in a dysordered heap without any warelyke order (yet having hope of victory) thrust themselves forwards out of the city, to meet with Capellianus.  
The old man Gordian (as some report) assoon as Capellianus approached to the city, despairing of all good hope, because he perceived Maximine to have a great power of men then in Africa remaining, hanged himself. But the commonalty, keeping secret his death, did chose his son for their captain. 
Gordianus hanged himself.  So it came to hand stryppes. The Carthagynenses were many more in number, but yet out of order, and unskilful in the wars, and being effeminated with banquets of voluptuousness, wanted weapons, and all other warlike instruments.  
For no man brought out of his house, any other weapon, then either a Dagger, a Hatchet, or a Hunting staff, or else a Spear hardened in the fire, as they could get for the defence of their bodies. On the contrary part, were Numidians, notable Slingers, and very cunning horsemen, so that without Bridle, they could rule their horse's with a Rod. Wherefore the Carthaginenses were easily repulsed, & constrained to fly. For being unable, to abide the brunt of their enemies, they threw away their harness, and weapons, 
The Cattheginenses overcomen.  and turned their backs altogether in a rude plump, & thrusting through and treading one upon another, there did a greater number perish amongs themselves, than was slain by their enemies.  
And in this throng, was Gordianus Son slain, and as many as followed him. 
Gordianus Son slain in the throng.  So that for the multitude of those that were dead, they could not discern the bodies that should be interred. Neither could the body of the young Gordian be found. For of so great a number, which fled, there entered but very few into the City again, who saved themselves, by lurking, in dark, and unknown corners. The rest, remaining in heaps at the gate, & pressing forwards, every man to get in first, were by the Numidian slingers, and other armed soldiers, slain. Which caused a marvelous lamentation, and howling of women, and Children, for that they saw before their own faces, their dearest friends, slain.  
There be which report, that as soon as Gordianus (who for his age abode within his own house) heard that Capellianus was entered into the city, despairing of his safeguard, went into his chamber, as though he would sleep, and with his Girdle which he had about him, hanged himself.  
This was the eande of Gordianus, who was fortunate in the former part of his life, and now ●anded the same, in a similitude of the imperial dignity.  
Then Capellianus entered into Carthage, & there put unto death, every one of the noble men, which remained out of the fury of the battle. Neither did he abstain, from the spoiling of the Temples, and ransacking all public, and private Treasures, And going unto other Cities, which had abolished the honours of Maximinus, the chiefest therein he put to death, and the rest he afflicted with torments: permytting the soldiers, to burn, and rob, the villages, & Fields thereabout, under a pretence of revenging Maximinus: but yet privily alluring the Souldyous hearts unto himself, to the eande, that if Maximinus sped not well, himself might have the soldiers good wills, for the obtaining of the Empire. Such was the estate of the affairs in Africa. But after that the death of Gordian was heard of in Rome, a marvelous terror enuaded the Senate, & people of Rome, for that he was lost, in whom, all their hope, was sytuate. For they knew now perfectly, that Maximinus would spare no man being partly of his own mind alienated from them, and then with an enemies stomach, and manifest hatred, for just causes, detesting them. Wherefore, they assembled oftentimes togethers, consulting what they might do, and finally (seeing they had entered into one peril) determined to prepare for war, and elected two Emperors, which should with equal authority, govern the common wealth, lest that the Principal dominion, should return unto Tyranny.  
They assembled therefore, I say, not in the Coorte as they were wont before, but in the Temple of jupiter Capitolyne, the which being builded in the highest place of the City, the Romans have in most estimation. There, the doors being shoot, they sat alone, & having, as it were, God to their witness of their Counsel, and the beholder of all that they intended, they chose forth such as excelled the rest in age, and dignity, to give their voices of election unto. Out of the which hold numbered, there were two, named Maximus, 
Maximus and Albinus created Emperors.  and Albinus, through the most voices, created Emperors. Of these two Maximus had often been general captain in the wars, and also ordered him, self very politicly, in the governance of the City, whereby he caused the people to have a very good opinion of his wit, providence, and continent life. And Albinus, being a noble man borne, twice Consul, and having ruled many provinces, without strife or complaint, was reputed the meeker. Thus were they made Emperors, by the decree of the Senate, and endued with all Thimperyall honours. But whiles these things were in doing in the Capitolle, the Roman people (uncertain it is, whether through the soliciting of Gordianus friends, or else stirred thereunto, by some perverse rumours) came with force unto the gates, and filled with multitude of people, the way which goeth into the Capitol. And there having Clubs, & Stones in their hands, laboured to interrupt the things that were concluded in the capitol, refusing chief Maximus: alleging that he was more severe, than the simple Commons could well bear withal. Wherefore, they were most of all offended with him: crying, and threatening, that they would ●●ea them both, for his sake. For they required a Prince of Gordianus kindred, that in that famyle, and name, Thimperial Dominion might continue. Then Albinus, and Maximus, being guarded with all the youth of the order of knighthood, and the men of Arms of the City, wearing sword, attempted to go forth of the capitol. But they were driven back, with Clubs, and Stones, until that through the inventione of some one man, they beguiled the people after this sort.  

Gordianus an Infant.  There was a little infant, the Son of Gordianus daughter, which was named after his Grandfather's name. The same, they commanded certain, whom they sent forth, to fetch unto them, who finding him playing at home, did put him upon their shoulders, & carried him through the mids of the people, declaring that he was Cordianus nephew, and calling him by name, until they had brought him into Capitol, the people making joyful acclamations, and strowing bows before him. And after that the Senate had pronounced him Emperor, seeing he could not govern Thempire, because of his tender infancy, the ire of the people was assuaged, and they suffered the old Emperors to enter in to Thimperyall Palace. But there happened at that time, a pestyferouse calamity unto the City of Rome, through the rash boldness of two Senators. For when as the Senate was assembled, about certain Public affairs, two of Maximinus' Soldiers, which were departed from the Camp, both of middle age came unto the Coorte gate, to hearken, and spy, what was done, or determined, being without weapons. And saving only their jacks, and their Cloaks thereupon, they stods together, amongs the rest of the people. But whiles all other stood at the door, two or three at the most being more desirous to hear what was said, than the rest, entered into the Coorte, and passed a little further, than the Aultare of Victoria. Therewithal, a Senator, which a little before had been consul, named Gallicanus, a Carthaginese borne, 
Gallicacanus. Maecenas  and an other which had been Praetor, named Maecenas, suddenly (when they looked for no such chaun●e, and had their hands still under their Cloaks) with their daggers stabbed the Soldiers to the hearts. For all the Senate, because of the late sedition, 
Soldiers slain in the Temple.  did wear their weapons, some openly, some privily, to defend their bodies withal, from the treachery of their enemies. The Soldiers being thus murdered (when they were not able, so suddenly, to defend themselves) lay prostrate before the Aultare. With which sight, the other being dismayed, through the murder of their Companions, and fearing the flocking together of the people, because themselves were without weapons, forthwith they fled a way.  
Then Gallycanus leapt hastily out of the Coorte into the mids of the people, 
The Audacitee of Gallicanus.  and there showing his sword, and his hand, stylling with blood, exhorted them, to pursue, and slay the enemies of the Roman people, and Senate, and the friends, and Companions of Maximinus. wherewith all the people being provoked, received Gallycan with joyful shouts, and pursued the Soldiers with stones, as far as they well might. And the Soldiers, having gotten into their Camp, a few of them being wounded, and hurt, their harnessed themselves, & defended their Trench. But Galicanus (seeing he had already set upon such a mischief) raised up a civil, and very pernicious battle. For after he had commanded all the Armoryes to be broken up (in the which were kept weapons, rather of pomp, then of war) wherewith every man might arm himself, accordingly) And having opened the Swordeplayars halls, caused every man to arm himself with his own harness. And taking out of the houses, and shops in the City, what so ever weapon was within them, either sword, spear, dagger, or are, when as fury & anger had made all thing that came to hand a weapon, forthwith they went in plumps, without order, unto the Camp, and, as if they should assault a City, they besieged the walls, and gates of the Campe. But the Souldious within, being expert in fighting, defended themselves with the battailementes of their walls, and their Targets, repusing the common people, with often shot of arrows, and their long spears. Finally, when the people determined to return in to the City, because they were wearied, and the most part of the Sword players sore wounded, being very near night, the Soldiers, perceiving the reckless regard of the people in departing (for the Romans thought not, that the Soldiers durst fight with them, hand to hand, or being so few in number, to enter out of their fortress, to fight with so great a multitude) suddenly setting open their gates, made a strong, and forcible invasion against that dysordered heap of people. In that conflict were all the Sword players slain, and a great number of the people, thrust to death in the press. Which once eanded, the Soldiers returned to their Camp, because it was not far of. Hereupon, there rose more vehement indignation amongs the Senators, and people of Rome. Wherefore they chose for their Captains, every noble, & valiant man, throughout all italy, and levienge all the youth together, armed them with such weapons, as in that sudden tumult, they could get. The chiefest, and strongest part did Maximus, lead to fight against Maximinus, the rest remained for the custody, and defence, of the City. In the mean while, there were daily skirmishes, and assaults, at the walls of the fortress, but to no purpose, nor profit, the soldiers, defending themselves from above, and driving away shamefully, the common people, which they struck, and wounded.  
Albinus, which remained at home, required the people by Proclamation, to take truce, and become friends, with the soldiers, unto whom he promised also pardon of all they had committed. But he could induce neither party thereunto. The mischief increasing daily, more & more. For the people disdained, that so great a multitude, should be had in contempt of so small a number. On tother side, the soldiers grievously grudged, that they should suffer that of the Romans, which they never looked for of the Barbarous nations.  
finally, when the assaults proceeded not, as the people would have it, it seamed good to their Captains, to turn away, all the Rivers, & waters, which came by Cundittes into the Camps, that the soldiers might be afflicted with want of water, and with thirst. Wherefore, in making of Trenches and cutting the Cundyt Pipes, they turned away all the streams of water from the Fortress.  
But the soldiers, perceiving the peril imminent, and stricken with desperation, opened their gates, and running upon the multitude, which ran away, pursued them unto the very Gates of the city.  
Then the Common people, being Inferior, and not able to sustain this cruel conflict, got them into their houses, and from thence, vexed the soldiers, who durst not enter into the houses to them unknown. Wherefore, they saying the houses, & shops shut, cast fire to the doors and porches, which stood out towards the street, whereof there are very many in Rome. Whereby it came to pass, 
The city of Rome set on fire.  that partly through the far distance of the houses, and partly through the timber building, a great part of the City was burned, and many men of rich substance, suddenly became poor: having lost notable possessions, either wealthy, through the revenues thereof, or else of great estimation through the beauty of the same. Neither was there a small number of men destroyed. For that their portals and doors being on fire, they had no way to escape forth of the houses. The substance, and goods, of rich men, was ransacked, the soldiers giving their whole minds to spoil, and robbery, and needy Beggars of the city, mingling themselves amongs them.  
But the rage of the fire so wandered, that it burned and consumed more houses, than some great city hath in compass of building. During the time that this calamity was done at Rome, Maximinus, making haste in his journey, was come unto the borders of italy. And having sacrificed upon the Altars, which were there erected, he continued on his voyage, commanding the soldiers to keep on their Harness, and march in order of Battle. But saying we have made mention already, of the revolt of Africa, the civil war at Rome, and the acts by Maximinus, with his journey hythereunto, we will declare the rest hereafter.  
¶ The eande of the seventh Book.   

¶ The Argument of the eight Book of Herodian.  
IN the beginning of the eight, and last book, is showed, how, and in what order, Maximinus came unto the Confines, and bounds of italy, by the Alps, as far as the city of Aquileia, where he found resistance. After that is described the situation of that City, the preparation for the war, the assaults made by Maximinus' army, & the stout resistance of the Aquileyens. consequently, how Maximinus was slain, and what joy was made therefore. And how Albinus (which the author in the former book called Balbinus) & Maximus, after they had a little space, reigned in great tranquillity, were slain by the men at arms. After whom, Gordianus being xiiii years of age, enjoyed the Empire alone.   

¶ The eight book of the History of Herodian.  
WE have in the last book recited, what Maximinus did, after the death of Gordian, his journey into Italy, with the sedition, and revolt, of the people, and Soldiers, within the city self of Rome. When Maximinus was arrived in the confines of italy, he sent certain Scowrers before, to espy, weather there were any stolen, or enbushmentes, lying in the bottom of the Alps, 
Alps  and the thick woods there: And led the Army, into the plain, commanding the men of Arms, to march forward, in a square order, to th'end that a great part of the fields, might be covered with them. And having brought all impediments, and Carriage, into the mids, himself followed, with the Yeomen of his Guard, to rescue them, if they were distressed. On either side, the wings were of men of Arms, on Barbed Horses, with Mauritanian, slingers, Archers of the oriental Regions, and horsemen of germany, whom he had waged, for th'increase of his aid. And he was accustomed, to set them in the fore front of the battle, against his enemies, because their should sustain, and receive the first brunt, being bold, and strong men. And (if need so required, he had rather, those Barbarous, & rude people, were lost, than any other of his own Soldiers.  
After they had passed the plains, observing their due order in marching, they came to a city of italy, named of the enhabitauntes Eumona. 
Eumona.  The same is situate in a low plain, at the foot of the Alps.  
There, the Scourers reported unto Maximinus, that the Town was void, and forsaken of thinhabitants, who were all fled, the gates of the Temples, and the houses, consumed with fire, and all thing, which was in the Town, or field, carried away, or burnt, no food remaining, either for man, or beast.  
Wherewith Maximinus was veri glad: for he thought, that other people, would do semblably, through fear of him. But contrariwise, the Soldiers murmured, and grudged, that they should in the very beginning, be vexed with famine. And when they had passed over the night, some of them, in the open, and comen houses, other some, in the plain field, immediately after the Son rising, they came unto the Alps.  

The greatness of the Alps  these be wonderful long Hills, compassing Italy, in manner of a wall, and so high, that they seam to pierce the clouds, so long also, that they environ all italy, touching, on the left hand, the Tirrhenian, and on the right side, 
The Tyrrhenian & The ionian Seas  the Ionian Seas: being full of broad, and thick forests, with very narrow paths, and uneath passable, by reason of the height of the broken Rocks, and stepenes of the high banks: having notwithstanding many narrow passages, made with labour of hand, by the auncience italians. Wherefore, a marvelous fear entered into the soldiers hearts, to pass that way: dreading, that the hill top: was already taken by their enemies, and all the straits stopped, to forbid them passage. Neither did their fear seam fond, to them that beheld the nature of the place.  
After they had passed the Alps, and were descended into their Camp, they began to rejoice, and banquet, together. And Maximinus then conceived a sure trust, that all his affairs, shall have prosperous success: seeing that the Italians, trusted not unto the difficulty of the places, wherein, themselves were wont to lurk, and provide for their safety, and where, they might lie in wait for their enemies, and fighting from above, easily distress them. When they were entered into the plain, 
Aquileia  the Scourers brought word, the Aquileia the greatest City of italy, had shut their gates, and that the Pannonian bands, which went before, had very fiercely assailed the walls, yet not withstanding, their often attempes were all in vain. Wherefore, being wearied, they were constrained to depart, a great number, of Stones, Spears, and Arrows, having hurt them, from the top of the walls. Then Maximinus, being very angry with the Pannonians, as though they had not fought valeantlye enough, made haste thitherwards: trusting, with out any more labour, to win the City.  
But Aquileya, as it is a mighty Town, 
The situation of Aquileia  was abundantely inhabited of people. And as it were the Mart Town of Italy, & the territory of Illiria, it did from the main land, ministre, to those that sailed in the Seas, plenty of all such necessaries, as was brought thither by the Rivers, and the land: And from the Sea, unto the main land, things very necessary for the higher Countries, which through the bitterness of winter, were nothing fertile. But chiefly it ministered wines, wherewith that region abounded, unto the nigh Countries, that had no vine trees at all. The which caused, that besides the great number of Cytezins, there repaired unto that city, very many Strangers, and Merchants also. And Certes, the multitude was at this time much more augmented, by the assembly of Country people, who having forsaken their own small droup, and villages, did trust themselves, unto the greatness of this city. The old wall, whereof, was a great part fallen down. For, whiles the Romans flourished in Dominion, the cities of italy, needed neither wall, nor weapon, living in quiet tranquilytie, and being associated in the Rule of Thempire with them. But now, necessity compelling them, 
The preparation of the Aquilyens for the defence of their City.  they builded up their walls again, with Towers, Bulwerckes, and Rampires: and having fortified their city within forth, and shut their Gates, stood all together, both day, and night upon the walls, valeauntely driving back their enemies.  
Their Captains of chiefest power, were two me● which had been consuls, chosen by the Senate, named Crispinus, and Menephilus. these procured with much diligence, 
Crispinus Menephilus  all things necessary, to be brought before hand into the City, to th'end their might the longer time sustain the siege. There was in the Town great abundance of water, through the great number of wells, the River which ran a long by the walls, and the dyches, between them, and their enemies.  
these things being thus ordered within the City, when Maximinus heard, that they defended their walls stoutly, and had shut their gates against him, he resolved to send, under colour of Ambassade, some which should speak unto them, and (if it were possible) persuade them, to open the gates of the City unto him.  
He had then in his Army, a certain Magistrate of Aquileia, whose wife, children, and household, were enclosed within the City. This man therefore, with a certain Captains, he sent as orators unto them: trusting, that the Citezyns would easily obey his authority. When they approached nigh the walls, they spoke unto the people on this wise, and said. That their Commune Emperor commanded them, laying all arms a part, to observe peace, to receive him as their friend, and not as their enemy, and to occupy themselves in prayers, and sacrificeng to their Gods, rather than in desire to murder. To take compassion of their native Country, shortly (if they persisted in their obstinacy) like to come to utter ruin, & decay. That they might, if they would, with on deed, save themselves, & their Country. For they said, that their good Emperor, would forget, and forgive, all offences, there before committed, saying that it was not their transgression, but the perverse fault of other men. Such words did the Ambassadors speak under the wall, with so loud voice, that they might easily be hard, although, not of all the people, yet of as many, as stood upon the walls, and Towers.  
For they did with silence, 〈◊〉 attentivelye give ear unto that the Ambassadors spoke. But Crispinus, fearing, lest through those allurements, they would be persuaded, to take peace for war, and open their gates unto their enemies (as the common people are ever wavering and unconstaunte) ran from one wall to another, earnestly desiring, and instantly beseeching them to persever valiantly, and resist manfully, and not to violate their faith, and allegiance, towards the Senate, and the people of Rome, nor yet neglect the Title, and Fame of Italy, so long time preserved from the invasions of foreign enemies, nor give credit, unto a false, perjured, and traitorous Tyrant, nor being alured with gentle feigned talk, run headlong unto their own manifest destruction. But trust to the fortune of the war, which most commonly is so uncertain, that sometimes a great huge host, are of a small number discomfited: and those, which seam the mightier, are by them which are counted the weaker, divers times vanquished. Neither that they should fear the greatness of his army. For (quoth he) they that fight in another man's quarrel, when they see, that the good hap of the victory shall depart to another, do but fayntlye endure the Battle: perceiving them selves only to be partakers of the peril, and the very profit of the victory, to remain unto another man. But they which fight for their country, besides that they ought to be of better hope (for they contend to take nothing of others, but to defend their own) are also of a greater stomach, as those whom no desire of dominion, but every man's own necessity, compelleth to fight, because the commodity of the Victory, is chiefly due unto them.  
Crispinus speaking those words, now unto every man particularly, and then to all generally, being a man of his own disposition honourable, and flourishing in the Roman eloquence, besides that, grateful to every man, for his meek governance, did easily stablish the hearts of the people to continue in their duty and allegiance. Wherefore he commanded the Ambassadors to depart to Maximinus again, without any thing concluded. It was reported, that Crispinus was heartened to abide the fortune of the battle, by the answer of the Soothsayers, 
Soothsayers.  which reported, that the inwards of the beasts, betokened lucky success of his affairs. And in dead, the Italians used to give much credit to the superstition. There were spread abroad besides the Oracles of a certain Idol in that country, which promised victory. The enhabitauntes there call the same Idol Beles', 
Beles'.  and do with great reverence worship it, interpreting him to be Apollo. Whose Image, certain of Maximinus own Soldiers, affirmed that they saw in the air fighting for the City. Which thing, whether many believed it for a truth, or whether the Fable pleased them, to mitigate thereby the infamy of so great an army (because they were unequal in battle, to so small a number of Cytezyns, not exercised in the wars (that it might seam they were overcome rather by the Gods than men) I am not very certain. But the strangeness of the matter, made it seam more credible.  
After the Amdassadours were returned without any resolute conclusion, Maximinus being stirred with much more fury, made greater haste than he did before. But when he came unto the river, which runneth xii. miles of from the city, he found it of a very deep and bread channel. For in that season of the year, the Snow (which the long winter before, caused to endure) being melted upon the next hills, had made so great a flood, that the Army could not pass over it, by any means. For the Aquileians had broken, and carried away the Bridge, which was a goodly and sumptuous peace of work, builded by the ancient Emperors, of square stone, with many small pillars standing one by another upon the same. Wwherfore when th'army could pass over, neither by Bridge, nor vessel (for there was none nigh hand) he stood still in a dump, musing what to do. But certain Germans, being ignorant, with what swiftness, and violence, the Rivers of italy did run, & supposing that their course was gentle, and flow over the fields, as the Rivers in their Country (which for that they have no swift stream, are easily congealed over with Ice) adventured themselves, & their horses that were perfect in swimming, into the mids of the channel: where, through violence of the Stream, they were drowned. After Maximinus had lain still in Camp, two. or iii days, he cast a deep trench about the same, that no enemies should suddenly set upon them, & remained upon that side of the River, consulting how he might make a Bridge to pass over. Whiles he so abode very pensive, because there was no timber, nor Boats with the which joined together, he might make a Bridge, certain Carpenters declared unto him, that in the villages round about, forsaken of the Inhabitants, there were many round tub and Hoggesheades, wherein the people were wont to carry wine: the which being round like ships, if they were bound togethers, in manner of small Boats, would easily carry them over. For being fastened togethers, covered with Oziars, or Twigs, & well balessed with earth, they would never be drowned. When that was finished, the soldiers easily passed over to tother shore. And there, having burned all the villages which they found abandoned of thin habitauntes, did cut down all the vines, & trees, whereby they greatly defaced the beauty of the region. For all the country seamed to be compassed about, in manner of a Theatre, with trees set in due order, & wines joined together, lifted up in height like unto a Scaffold. All which being plucked by the roots, th'army approached nigh unto the city. Nevertheless because they were all weary, Themperor would not that they should forthwith begin the assault. But having encamped, more than an arrows shoot from the City, divided them into hundreds, appointed the order of their marching like unto a wedge, small before, and broad behind, & limiting to every Company, a part of the wall, to scale, and batter, he gave them licence to recreate themselves, for one day.  
That passed, he began to give the assault, and having moved to the wall, all sorts of engines, when no kind of Battery was omitted, there was almost every day cruel skirmishes fought. For the soldiers environed the walls, as it were with a toil, or net, and fought with much stoutness of stomach. And on the contrary part, the Aquileiens resisted very valiantly: who having shut the doors of their temples, and houses, did all together, with their wives, and Children, upon the walls, Towers, and Batylmentes, defend their city. Neither was there any age, which refused to fight for their Country. Maximinus then pulled down all the Suburbs, and whatsoever building was without the city, with the timber whereof, he made all kind of engines, and instruments, wherewith he might batter the walls, or at least wise, some part thereof, whereby the army might enter into the city, and in spoiling, sacking, and defacing, the same, leave it desolate, and void of habitation. For he thought it that would be against his honour, to go unto Rome, before he had destroyed the city, which first resisted him in Italy.  
Wherefore, he road with his Son, whom he had joined unto him in the Empire, amongs the soldiers, promising them many good morrows, and exhorting them, to stand like men to their tackling.  
But the citizens of Aquileia, threw down great stones upon them. And having filled very many Ladels with Brimstone, 
A sore repulse.  lime, and Pitch, as soon as the soldiers began to scale the walls, they powered down the same so save, that it seamed violent showers. When the Pitch & baggage, fell upon the naked parts of the soldiers bodies, they threw from them their briganders, & the rest of their harness, the iron waxing very hot, and their timber engines being set on fire. Then a man might see the Soldiers, throw away their own harness. Which thing, having a colour, that they were despoiled by the vanquisshers) was invented, rather by subtlitie of art, than force of battle. Whereby it happened, that many of the Soldiers, either lost their sight, or else had their faces, and other bare parts of their bodies, burned. The Aquileyens threw down also, into their Towers, & engines of wood, many torch straves, covered with Rosen, and pitch, whose ends, were sharpened, with heads, like unto arrows: which being kindled, and sticked fast into the Timber work, did easily set all on fire. That notwithstanding, the first days, the fortune was equal on either side. But anon after, the courage of Maximinus army did assuage, and because their hope was frustrate, and had deceived them, they waxed every day more pesife than other. For those, who they before supposed, would not abid the brunt first of their force, they now perceived, not only, not to shrink, but also, to resist valeauntely. contrariwise, the stomachs of the Aquilenses, were daily, more, and more enhanced. And having, through use, obtained, both thexpert feat of fighting, and therewithal manful courage, they so despised the Soldiers, that they mocked them, with jesting at Maximinus, when he came nigh unto the walls, and blustering out, many opprobrious taunts against him, and his son. Wherewith he being chafed, when he could not avenge himself upon his enemies, he put to cruel death, many of his own Captains: alleging, that they had nor like valiant men, and true subjects, done their full endeavour, in the assaulting of the City. Whereby it came to pass, that the Soldiers be came more angry towards him: And his enemies, had him in more contempt, and derision. It chanced besides, that the Aquileyens abounded with plenty of victual, and all other necessaries. For what so ever was expedient, to the sustenance of men, and horses, the same was before hand brought into the City. On tother side, the army languished with penury of food. And after all the trees were cut down, and the fields wasted, some of the Soldiers lay in Cabbans, such as they could for haste make, and other some in the open fields, subject to the heat of the Son, and the weatenes of the Rain. Neither was there any kind of nourishment, brought unto them, for themselves, or their cattle. For all the ways, and passages, were by the diligence of the Romans, shut up with great walls, and Gates. The Senate also, had sent certain Senators, with a company of armed persons, chosen out of all italy, to defend the Shores, and Havens, giving no man licence to sail. So that all things done at Rome, were kept close, from the ears of Maximine. All the high ways besides, and Bypathes, were diligently watched, that no man should pass by them. So it came to pass, that the Army, which besieged the Town, was itself also enclosed round about. For they could neither take Aquileia, nor pass forward towards Rome, through want of ships, and wagons, which were all before hand taken up by the Romans. The rumour also through suspicion augmented, that all the Roman people, were already in Arms, and that Italy, with all the Illyrian, and Barbarous nations, which inhabit the east, and south Countries, had with one consent, conspired, to join together, against Maximinus, for the despite, and grudge, they bore unto him. Wherefore, the Soldiers fell into despair of good hope, being afflicted, with scarcity of all things, and having no water, but such, as they drew out of the river, which was defiled with blood, and dead Carcases. For the Aquileyens, threw into the river, such dead bodies, as they could not bury. And those which perished with sword, or sickness, in the Camp, were thrown into the river likewise. amongs whom, there were many, which died by famine, having when they were drowned, some breath remaining.  
Whiles the Army abode thus sorrowful, void of all succour, suddenly, when Maximinus rested in his Pavilion, one day vacant from battle, and all the Soldiers, were gone to rest themselves, in their Cabans, and Tents, the men at Arms, which had their Stations, within the City of Rome, under the Hill Alban, and therein, their wives, & children, consulted, and agreed, to slay Maximyne: that they might be one's exempt, from that long, & inexplicable siege of the city, and moving of war against Italy, for the love of a tyrant, who was abhorred of all men.  
Wherefore, taking courage unto them, about nonetyde, they went to his Pavilion, the yeomen of his Guard, conspiring together with them. And there, after they had pulled down his Images, they slew him, and his Son, when they came forth, 
The death of Maximinus & his Son.  to speak unto the Soldiers: and with them, the lord great Master of his house, and all his dearest friends. And then threw their bodies forth which despite, leaving them, to be devoured of Dogs, and Birds: sending only the two emperors heads unto Rome. This eande of life, had Maximinus, with his Son, both receiving condign punishment, of their ill ordered governance. At the first tidings, of the two princes death, the Army stood still, amazed, & uncertain what they might do. For it was not equally acceptable unto them all, especially not unto the Panonians, and Barbarous Thracians, who had delivered the Empire, unto Maximinus. But when they perceived that the dead could not be undone, they held themselves contented although unwillingly, and feigned to rejoice with the rest. Then, laying a side their weapons, they went to the walls of Aquileye, like peaceable men, and there declaring the death of Maximyne, desired that the Gates might be set open unto them, being now of their mortal enemies, become their loving friends. But the Captains of Aquileia, would not permit it, but showed forth upon the walls, the Images of Maximus, Albinus, and Gordian, Emperors, crowned with Garlands of Laurel. Unto the which Images, themselves first making joyful acclamations, exhorted the Army also, to acknowledge, and reverence them, whom the Senate, and people of Rome, had chosen to be Emperors.  
For, said they, the other Gordians before passed, are amongs the Gods. They did set forth also upon the walls, a market of all necessaries, with great abundance of meat, wine, garments, and all other things, which that rich, and flourishing City, could minister unto them. That thing, did marvelously abash the Soldiers: who perceived, that the citizens, had store enough of victual, to abide a far longer siege. And on the other side, themselves, being afflicted with want of food, should rather have all perished, than conquered that City, abounding with all things expedient for man's relief. Whiles the Soldiers thus abode under the walls, and took such things, as their necessity required, in company of the citizens, their countenance was of peace, and friendship, a form of siege, as yet remaining, for that the Roman Soldiers, lay about the walls which were enclosed, and shut. In the mean while, that these things were in doing at Aquileya, the horse men, which carried the emperors heads to Rome, making great haste, with speedy diligence, were received into every City, and Town, with the gates open, and the multitude of citizens, and enhabitauntes, bearing Laurel in their hands. And then having passed the Marshes, & Lakes, which are between Altinum, 
Altinum. Ravenna Maximus.  & Ravenna, they found Maximus in Ravenna, levying, & waging Soldiers out of the City, and Italy, and calling a great number of Germans unto his aid, the which were sent him, by the common people of Germany, whom he before in his Proconsulship amongs them, had prudentely governed.  
Whiles he was thus mustering his power against Maximine, the horsemen arrived there sodenli, bringing with them the Princes heads, & declared the victory, which the prosperous success of their affairs, & the good will, & consent, of the people, & Army, to the obediece of those Emperors, whom the Senate had elected. When these things were so suddenly with out expectation reported, forthwith, the people ran unto the Altars to sacrifice, every man singing, and rejoicing at the victory, which without any troublesome business, they had obtained.  
Then Maximus after the sacrifice eanded, dismissed, the horsemen to Rome, to carry thither, the said heads, and declare the whole circumstance, unto the people. When they were arrived at the city, and having put the heads upon two Spears, carried the same through the streets, to be scene of the people, no tongue can tell, the joy, and mirth was there that day. For there was no person, either young, or old, but ran unto the Temples, and Altars.  
No man abode within his own house, but ran like mad men, shouting, and rejoicing one with an other, and gathering themselves together, in a circle, as though some man would make an Oration unto them. Albinus himself offered an hundredth beasts, and all the Magistrates, rejoiced above measure, as though they had escaped the axe, which before hinge over their necks. pursuivants, & Posts, were sent besides, with Laurel in their hands, to bear those news unto all the Provinces.  
While this so great joy, and mirth, continued amongs the Romans, Maximus removed from Ravenna, and went unto Aquileia: having passed all the marshes, in the which the river Eridanus, and the nigh Lakes, doth overflow, so that they run into the Sea, by vii arms, and therefore, the nigh enhabitauntes, call the same Lake, in their tongue vii Seas. Forthwith the Aquileiens opened their gates, and received Maximus. And very many cities of italy, sent their chief Magistrates, as Ambassadors unto him, clothed in white garments, & crowned with Laurel, bringing with them, the Images of their Country Gods, and Crowns of Gold, if there were any, amongs their chiefest jewels: where withal, they gratified Maximus, and strewed bows to him in his passage. The army which had besieged Aquileia, met him also, in peaceable apparel, with Laurel in their hands: but not with so true and loving affection, as with a feigned good will, and reverence, for the time only, applied unto the present state, of the Prince. Yea, many of them mourned privily, that he whom they had chosen was slain: & those which the Senate had created, possessed the Principality.  
After Maximus had spent the first, & second day, in offering of sacrifice, the third day he assembled all the army, together in the plain, & there sitting in the Tribunal seat, made this Oration unto them.  
How profitable your penitence, and favour reconciled with the Roman people, hath been unto you, yourselves have by experience throughly learned, in accepting peace for war, and observing the oath of true warriors, which is one the most holy, & sacred, mystery of the Roman Empire. Wherefore, you ought hereafter, to enjoy the same commodity, in guarding your loyalty, and faith, towards the people, and Senate of Rome, & to us your Emperors, whom, through our nobility, both of birth, & in acts done, as it were by certain degrees ascended, the Senate, and people of Rome, have elected. Neither is the possession of principality peculiar unto one man, but of old antiquity, common unto all the roman people. For in the city self, is established the Fortune of Thempire, and to us with you, is committed the administration of the same. If you will therefore, retain with you, that order, and modesty, that becometh you, and give due honour, and reverence, unto your Princes, ye shall not only obtain unto yourselves a blessed life, flowing, and abounding with all goodness, but also all Nations, and cities, living in rest, will continue in their duty of allegiance. Ye shall live, as your own hearts desire: every man at home in his own house, not troubled with wars in foreign Countries (that being our charge, to see the Barbarous people, remain in peace, and defend the same) For whiles there are two Emperors, both the City, and foreign affairs, shallbe administered more easily: one of them being always ready, to go whither necessity shall call him. Neither need ye to doubt, that any memory shall remain, of that is tofore done, either in us (for whatsoever ye did, was by commandment) or in the Roman people, or else in any other Nation, which for injury done unto them, have rebelled. Let all be forgotten, let there be a perfect bond of constant friendship, and a perpetual faith of love, and modesty.  
After Maximus had spoken these words, and promised to distribute much money amongs them, he sojourned a little while at Aquil●ia, and then determined to return to Rome.  
Wherefore, having dismissed the rest the Army into the Provinces, and their own Stations, himself returned to Rome, who the Yeomen of his Guard, (who having the chiefest charge of the Emperors person, were chosen by Albynus) and many germans his friends, in whom he had most affiance, as in those, whom before he was Emperor, he had governed. When he entered into the city, Albinus met him, with young Gordian in his company. The Senate, and all the people received them with joyful Cries, & Shouts, as if they triumphed.  
But notwithstanding that the Empire were governed both openly and privily, with much modest gravity, every man spoke well of it, and all the people were glad with the Princes, for that they were noble men borne, & worthy Thempire, yet the spytful, and crabbed stomachs of the Praetorian soldiers, could not well abide, to hear those joyful praises of the people, but grudged, & murmured against that nobility: being sore grieved, that the Princes were created by the Senate. Their grudge was augmented, by reason of the germans, whom Maximus retained with him in the city.  
For they thought, that the Germans would work them mischief, if they attempted any great enterprise.  
They feared also treason, lest perhaps they should be put out of service, for their sakes: being mindful of Severus the Emperor, who discharged from their livings, all the Slears of Pertynax.  
Wherefore, one day, when plays were celebrated in the capitol, and men's minds addicted unto revels, and pastime, suddenly the Soldiers did manifestly show forth, their long dissimuled rancour. For being inflamed with yr●, they ran all together, in a frantic mood, unto Themperyall palace: requiring the two old Emperors to death.  
It happened then (as the Devil would have it) that themselves agreed not very well togethers. But, as the desire to reign, is unsatiable, and the power of governance indivisible) either of them, coveted to be the chief Ruler. For Albinus was stomached thereunto, with the nobility of his birth, and his twice being Consul. And Maximus was encouraged, with his governance of the City, and because he was the more skilful in all affairs. But in dead, their both dignities of Senators, and their sufficient nobility of birth, did prick them both forwards, either to covet the sole Regiment, which was the cause of their own destruction.  
For when Maximus, hearing that the Praetorian soldiers were come to slay him, determined to call for the aid of the germans, which were in the City, & seamed able enough, to withstand the Pretorians, Albinus, suspecting some deceit to be forged against him (because he knew that the germans favoured Maximus) prohibited them to be sent for: denying, that they were called to resist the Pretorians, but only to the intent Maximus might obtain the rule himself alone.  
Whiles they thus contended within themselves, ●oo, suddenly with one assent, the soldiers were vyolentlye entered into the palace, having beaten down the Porters. There took they both the old men, rent the garments they had on (being in dead simple, for that they abode within the doors) and drew them doth naked, out of the palace, beating and scorning them, as Emperors chosen out of the order of Senators. And pulling them by their Beards, and eye lids, sparing no part of their body, with all the shame they could devise, they carried them through the mids of the City, unto their Camp: determining, not to murdre them in the Palace, but rather, to torment them with a slow kind of death, that they might feal the more pain.  
But when they hard that the germans knew the matter, and were therefore fallen to harness, and coming against them, forthwith, 
Maximus, and Albinus slain  they put the two old men to death, after they had most vylaynouslye ordered them. And having left their bodies, in the mids of the way, they lifted up young Gordianus in their Arms (when nothing else was near hand) and proclaimed him Emperor. 
Gordianus sole Emperor.  And then they called often unto the people, saying, that they had slain with their own hands, those, whom the people rejected at the first: and chosen Gordian, the nenewe of that Gordian, which the Roman people, had compelled to be Emperor.  
This young Gordian therefore, they led into their Camp, shut their Gates, and there abode in quiet. And the germans, hearing that those were slain, and thrown out, for whom themselves made that haste, determined not to fight for them, which were already dead, but returned to Inns again.  
This unworthy, and vylaynouse end of life, had the two grave, and modest, old men: exalted to the Type, & Diadem, of the Empire, through the nobility of their birth, and singular deserts. After whom, Gordian being almost xiii years old, and of all the people proclaimed Prince, took upon him Thempire.  
¶ The eande of the eight, and last Book of Herodian.   

¶ The Annotations in form of a Table after the order of the alphabet, containing the exposition of many words, Histories, Fables, sytuations of places, and description of Countries, serving to the more easy understanding of the present History.  

A.  
Achilles', was one of the most valiant Captains of the Greakes, against Troy, son of Peleus' King of Thrace, & Thetis the Daughter of Chiron, by whom he was instructed, in the feats of Arms. He was slain by Paris, the son of Priamus, and Hecuba, at Troy the great, in the Temple of Apollo: into that which, he was come, during the truce between the Greeks, & Troyans', under assurance, to mary Polixena the Daughter of Priamus. In all parts of his body, he was without danger of wounding, saving in the sole of the foot. By that which, his mother Thetis held him, when she plunged him, for the same purpose, within Styx, one of th'infernal floods. In the same part of his foot, not plonged, did Paris wound him, whereof he died. And was buried in a little hill called Sigeun, hard by Troy, where, during the siege, the Greeks, encamped. In the war between the Greeks, and the Trojans, he slew Hector, & Troilus, the Sons of Priamus, and Hecuba, & brethren of the saeid Paris. He was in height (as Licophron writeth.) seven. cubits.  
Adolescency is the age between Childhood, and m●ns age: that is between xiiii and xxi years. Servius the Gramarien, & Varro, hath divided the Ages, in to Infancy, boys age, Adolescency, Youth, & old age, without any mention of the perfect age of man's estate. The which, after the same division, is contained between youth, and old age. Infancy endureth unto seven. years. Boy's age unto xiiii complete.  
But Servius Tullius, a King of the Romans, reckoned all those which were under the age of xvii years to be Boys, and after xvii years, until xlvi to be young men, and them he called old men, which were above xlvi years of age. Beyond that is the age decrepit, uncertain, and doubtful.  
Aethiope: look on this word Libye.  
Alexander the great, was the son of Philip, king of macedony, and Olympias. In his tender age, he was instructed in learning. And after that, by the space of ten years, brought up in Philosophy, under Aristotle, the most excellent Philosopher of all his time. After the death of his Father, coveting to be Lord of all the world, he appareled his Army, against Darius the King of Persia: who with his predecessors, had been the ancient enemies of Grece. Him did Alexander vanquish in sundry battles, and deprived of the Persian Kingdom. But after he had obtained many notable victories, in the xxx year of his age, he died by poison, at Babylon, as justin writeth. Nevertheless, plutarch affirmeth the contrary, say enge that he died of an Ague, very vehement, wherein was no suspicion of Poison. The Provinces, and Countries, by him Conquered, did Perdiccas, (unto whom at his death without any more words, he delivered his Ring) distribute amongs many Governors: who altered their offices of governance, in to Royaulnes, and made themselves Kings. And so was Thempire of Alexander brought into many kingdoms. The residue of his life, ye may read in plutarch, and Quintus Curtius.  
alexandria, whereof Herodian speaketh in the third Book, is a City of Syria, hard by a reflection of the Sea, called Sinus Issicus, wherefore look upon these words, Issicus Sinus. There is an other City called alexandria, in the Region of Troas, where Troy the great stood, as Pliny writeth, in the xxx Chapter of his .v. Book.  
Anonter city, named Alerandrie, is in egypt, situate upon the Sea side, overaneanste the Isle Pharus, as saith Pliny in the xxxi Chapter of the same book. This city is the principal of all egypt, as London is of England. Into the which Ptolomeus the king of egypt, desired to be remitted by the Romans, as it appeareth by many Epistles, of Cicero, unto Lentulus, in the first book of his familiar Epistles. Of this city, doth Herodian make mention in the four book of his History, and of the Treason wrought against the citizens thereof, by antonine. There is another city named Alexandrie, by the mountains of Casxij, in the Realm of Sogdia, nigh unto the Bactrians, which hath on the South the mountain Cacausus. Another Alexandrie, builded likewise by Alexander the great, standeth in the Region called Margiana, of a Rivers name, which is Margus. The same hath on the West side Hyrcania, on the East the Bactrians, and on the South, the Realms of Parthia, and Aria. This City was destroyed by the Barbarous people, and in the same place was a new builded, by Seleucus the Son of Antiochus, who named it Seleucia, as recordeth Pliny, in the xvi. chapter of his vi book. Another city called Alexandrie, in the Country of Carmania in Ind, bounding upon Persia. Of these Cities and countries look Ptolomeus and Pliny.  
Altinum look this word Aquileia.  
amphitheatre, is a place made to behold plays in, the which is in form round, as if it were builded of ii theatres, and therefore is called amphitheatre. A Theatre is made half in compass, between the ij. corners whereof, is played that which men behold, called of the Latinystes Scena. The next place unto it, is called Orchestra, where the Senators & staunge Ambassadors do sit. In the mids of the Theatre, are the Seats for Knights, and that place, is named Canea. Round about the Theatre withinfurth are degrees, and steps, so made, that the higher they ascend, the longer, and larger they are. Upon the which the people do sit, as every man can get him place. Marcus Scaurus (as witnesseth Pliny in the xxxiii book, the xv. chap.) for one Play, which endured xxx days only, did build a Theatre, the greatest of all other, that were ever made by man's hands. The Scene whereof, was of three stages, & had iii C.lx pillars of marble of Africa: of the which, the higher were of one piece, and xxxviii. foot in height. The lower part of the Scene was of Marble, and the stage in the mids of Glass, which never man heard of before. There was besides, for the more gorgeous beautyfyeng of it iii M. Images of Copper, with so much richesse, tapistry of gold, and Tables of ancient & notable pictures, that it is almost incredible to believe, as writeth Pliny. The greeces whereon men sat in the same, did receive lxxx. M. persons. Caius julius Cesar, first of all, builded an amphitheatre, in the field called Campus Martius: which Augustus pulled down, and in the same place, made a Tomb.  
Antioch, is a part of Syria, bounding upon the Royalme of Cilicia, as sayeth Pliny, in the xii. chap. of his fifth book. In this part, is a city of the same name, as writeth Ptolomeus, in the fourth Table of Asya. This is the city, to the which antonine went, and from thence, to Alexandrie in Egypt. There is another antioch in the country of Assyrya, where Alexander vanquished Darius: the which is next unto Syrya (as witnesseth pliny, in the xiij chapter of his vi book. amongs the Isles of the Asyan Sea, Plynye in his .v. book, the xxi chapter, sayeth, there is one called antioch, which standeth in the Sea of Pamphilia.  
Apoplexy, as sayeth Galen in the .v. chapter of his third book of the places affected, is a disease, by the which, all a man's sinews, and veins, do lose their force, of feeling, and moving. This disease cometh suddenly, and by the same, a man shall uneaths fetch breath.  
africa. The Cosmographers do divide the Earth into three parts. That is to weet, Europe, Asie, & africa. Europe is separated from Asia, by the river Tanais and the Lakes called Meotides, within that which Tanais doth fall. And it is dessevered from asia, by the Sea Mediterrane, so named, for that it is in the mids of the earth, or else, because it is enclosed with earth on every side, saving where he hath his issue, between the pillars of Hercules: whereof, the one is in Mauritania, the other in Spain. Between the which, Hercules made way, and passage for the Mediterrane Sea, to join with Thocean. And it hath none other issue, then between those two pillars. It extendeth towards the east, as far as Syria, which is in Asia. Towards the north, unto the lakes Meotides. On the south part, it hath always Aphrique, which is sequestered from asia, by an arm of the Sea, called Sinus Arabicus. That is the Red Sea, whereby the children of Israel, passed out of egypt, into the Deserts of Arabia. Europe is much north, and so is it West in respect of asia. And it is the least of the three parts: containing the Isles of England, and scotland, and the next Isles thereunto, Spain, France, Almaigne, italy, & Grece, with the Isles their neighbours.  
Asie containeth asia the less, Lydia, Caria, Bythynia, Galatia, Capadocia, Armenia, Cilicia, Sarmatia, Assiria, Arabia, Persia, Hyrcania, Media, judea, the two Yndes, and all the other countries, which Ptolemy describeth in his twelve Tables. Aphrique which is South, containeth, Mauritanya, Numidia, the country of Carthage (which so long time, held war with the Romans) Libya, Ethiope, and Egypt. The Sea, called the great Ocean, environeth all these three parts round about.  
Aquileia is a city situate in the tenth part of italy, after the division, which Pliny maketh thereof, in the xviij. chapter of the third book of his natural History, saying thus.  
Here followeth tenth region of Italy, named Venise, adjacent unto the Sea Hadriatyque. In this Region, there is a river called Silix, coming out of the Taurisane mountains, a Town called Altinum, with a River called Liquentia, descending out of the mountaygnes Opit●rgines, and a Haven of the same name. A town called Concordia with a river, & a Haven named Romatinum. The great and little Tillaventum. Anassum another town, whereby passeth the river Varannus. And the Rivers Alsa, Natison, and Turrus, do pass by Aquileia, which City is distant from the Sea twelve miles. For the rest, have recourse to the Text.  
Arabia. There are three Arabies. Thone called fertile, or happy. Another called Rocky. And the third, named Desert. All three very nigh togethers, as sayeth Ptolomee. And they are in Asia, nigh unto the red Sea, through the which the children of Israel departing out of egypt passed, and immediately entered into the Dersertes of Arabia.  
Armenia is a Realm of Asia. The less Armenia joineth with Capadocia, on the West part. And there is nothing between them, saving the mountaignes. On the East part, it is joined with Armenia the great: having no more, but the river of Euphrates between them.  
Towards the south, is the mountaygne Taurus: which maketh separation of Armenia and Cilicia. Towards the North, is the Sea Mediterrane, which in the strait there, is called Pontus Euxinus. The great Armeny is beyond Euphrates. And hath on the East part the Hyrcanian Sea, & the mountaygne called Caspius. On the north above it, the Realms of Colchis, Iberie, and Albany. And towards the South, Mesapotamia, as Ptolemy hath described it, in the three Table of Asia.  
Asia. Look on this word Aphrique.  
Atreniens, are people of Arabia, as sayeth Pliny in the xxiiij chap. of the vi book of his natural history.   

B.  
BIthinie is a Royalme of Asia, nigh unto Thrace between whom, & it, there is nothing, but a straight gulf of the Sea. In this royalme, are many goodly Cities, as Chalcedon, Nicomedia, Apamea, Heraclea, Nicaea, & other, as say Plyen, & Ptolomee.  
Byzantium, as it appeareth by the Text, in the beginning of Herodians third Book, is a city of Thrace, of the which, the situation, and commodities, are sufficiently described in the said Book It is the same, which we at this day, call Constantinople.   

C.  
CCapitol is a Hill in Rome, that which in old time was called the Mount of Tarpeyns, wherein when they digged, to lay the foundation of jupiters' Temple (which was there builded four square on every side a hundredth foot in height, in the time of Tarqvinius the proud, last King of the Romans) they found a man's head with the face hole unperysshed. The Latius call a head, Caput, whereof the place is called capitol. The Mount called Tarpeius, had two little Hills. On the one stood the Temple of jupiter, & on the other, the Fortress, or Palace of Rome, which they called Aex Capitolina.  
Cappadoce is a royalme of asia, adjacent on the west part to the Region called Galatia. And on the East, to Armenia, thus doth Ptolomee describe it in the first Table of Asye.  
Carie. Look on this word jonie.  
Car is a City of Mesopotamia, as sayeth the Text, which is renowned, & spoken of, through the overthrow of Marcus Crassus, who was slain, & his Army vanquished by the Parthians, nigh unto the said City, as writeth Plutarch in the life of Marcus Crasius.  
Carting was an undecent exercise, wherein voluptuous Emperors greatly delighted. The form thereof, was to ride in a Chariot, & with whipping, cause the horses which drew the same, to run very fast to and fro as it liked them. We may call it Chariotting also: other name have I not for the latin word of it, which is Aurigatio.  
Chalcedon is a City of Bythinia, upon the Sea side, right over aneanst Thrace, and the City of Constantinople. There is no more between them, as sayeth the author, but a strait of the Sea, called Bosphorus Thracius, or Propontius, or Helespontus, which are all one, making separation of Europe, & asia,  
Circenses were certain exercises, played, and showed in a place called Circus, which was compassed round about with a stone wall. In these plays they used to run with horses, & to wrestle. They were called Circenses, as it were circum enses, that is to say environed on every side with sword. For in old time, all the Running, justing, Wrestling, and Combats of the Romans were in places enclosed, on the one side with Rivers, & on the other side with sword, Glayus, and Hallebardes, to the end that Cowards, & dastards should not slay away without danger.  
cohort Pretor●ane, are such men at Arms, as guard the person of any captain, Duke, Consul, King, or Emperor. For this name Praetor, is often times taken for a King, Emperor, or Consul.  
Colossus. The Latins called every great, and huge Image, Colossus. This Colossus, whereof Herodian speaketh in his first Book, was made by a notable workman named Zenodorus, at the commandment of Nero Emperor of Rome. And it was his Image, being a hundredth and ten foot in height. The same Image was dedicated to the honour of the Son, after that the acts of Nero were condemned, and infringed for his cruel Tyranny, as saith Plynie in the xxxiii book the vii Chapter. There was an other Colossus at Rome, which Domitian caused to be made, standing upon great pillars of Marble.  
In the capitol there was an other Colossus, representing the Image of Apollo, which was xxxi cubytes of height, transported thither, by Marcus Lucullus, from a City called Apollonia in the Royalme of Pontus. amongs all such huge Images, pliny, in the last cited Book, and Chapter, saith that in Rhodes, there was the Image of the son, passed all other in greatness, made by Chares of Lydia, disciple unto Lisippus. The same was lxx cubits in height. And fell down by a marvelous earthquake lvi years, after it was made. And although it be broken, yet is it at this present, a thing wondered to beh●ld. The Thumb thereof, a man can uneath fathom. And his singers are as big as great Images. In the same city of Rhodes, there are an. C. more Colossi. But not so big as this, although the lest of them, were sufficient, to win fame, and renown to the City. For those, & more description of the other, have recourse to the aforenamed Book, and Chapter of Plynie.  
Constantinople. Look on this word Byzantium.  
Cyrus, King of Persia, was the son of one Cambyses, of an obscure family in Persia, & Mandane the daughter of Astyages King of Media. Who after their position of his dream (by the which he understood that his daughters son should be King of all Asye, & that himself should lose his Royalme) caused Cirus, immediately after he was borne, to be put forth, & left alone in a Forest, to the end, he might be devoured of wild beasts. But there a Bitch gave him suck, & defended him from Beasts, and Birds, until that the Kings shepherd found him, carried him home to his wife, and gave her the charge to nourish him. The woman was afterwards called Spa●on, because amongs the persians, a Dog is so named. After that he waxed great, he was called Cyrus, by the shepherds his Companions, known to be Astyages daughters son, and sent into Persia: where he obtained much credit, and authority. Finally, he assembled an Army, to make war upon Astyages, his grandfather, from whom he bereft the Royalme of Media, unto the which the Persians were subject. And by this means Cyrus became King of pierce, and Media. Before his time the Persians had no Kings, but were subject unto other Royaulmes. After his victory against Astyages, he vanquished, & took prisoner, Croesus the King Lydia, which was so rich. But in conclusion himself, was overcomen, and slain, by Thomyris Queen of Scythia, w●en he had reigned xxx years. Unto him, succeeded Cambyses, his son, as justin, in his first book mentioneth. Eusebius sayeth, that Cambyses reigned viii years. Under Cirus King of Persia, by his own permission, begun the reparacion of the Temple of Jerusalem: which notwithstanding was discontinued many years after. And at the last finished the vi year of Darius' Reign King likewise of Persya, as witnesseth the vi & vii chapters of Esdras in the Bible, and Sabellyque in the vii Book of his second Enneade. After Cambyses, two brethren called Magi, usurped the kingdom vii Months. After whom Darius reigned xxxvi years. And in the second year of his Reign, zorobabel, by his permission, renewed the reparation of the Temple of Jerusalem. This Darius, was not he, that Alexander the great vanquished: but that was the ten king after him, called Darius also. In whom the royalme of Persia took his eande.  
Cyzicum is a City of Asye, upon the Sea side, in a royalme called Misia the less, as witnesseth Ptolomee in the first Table of Asie. And so sayeth Pliny in the xxxii Chapter of his vi Book.   

D.  
DAnubie, or Danowe. Look on Ister.  
Darius' look on these words, Alexander, & Cirus.  
Dionisus the Elder, was a Tyrant of Sicily, & Son of Hermocrates, as saith Sabellique. He was very well learned, as writeth Pliny: who preferreth none before him, saving Plato in philosophy, & Philopenus in Poetry, two the notablest men of learning in all his time. In the same year that the Kingdom of Athenes ended, and Darius' King of pierce died, Dionisus lost his Royalme, as sayeth Sabellique, in the ninth Book of his first Enneade. Wherein he agreeth not with Eusebius. Dyonisius Son was likewise named Dyonisius the younger, who was also a Tirante of Sicily, and reigned in a city called Siracuses: out of the which he was expulsed twice, once by Dion: And the second time by Timoleon, sent against him by the Corynthians. After this second expulsion, he kept a school, and taught young children at corinth, as writeth Valerius Maximus.   

E.  
Eridanus is a river of italy, otherwise called Padus, which cometh (as saith Pliny in the xvi chap. the three book of his natural History) out of a mountain called Vesulus. After that, he hideth himself in the ground, and issueth out again in the confines of the Foruibienses. Of all Rivers there is none more renowned. The Greeks call it Eridanus. There is no River besides, that increaseth greater, within so little space. For it hath a marvelous abundance of water, falling into the Sea Adriaitque. Between the cities of Ravenna, and Altinum, it is very domageable unto the Country. For by the space of vi score miles (as sayeth Pliny) it doth separate itself, into many Rivers, & Lakes. And because that every river is large, and great, they call the same seven Seas, as witnesseth Herodyan, in his eight book.  
Euphrates. Look on this word Syrye.  
Europe. Look on this word Aphryque.   

G.  
Galatians, are those which inhabit the realm of Galatia, which is in Asya, between Bithynia & Capadocia, as say pliny in the last chap. of his fifth book, and Ptolemy in the first Table of Asye. The same Realm is called also Gallogretia, and the people Gallogreci: because, that when the Gauls came to the aid, and secure of the king of Bythynie, they held and possessed that part of the Royalme. Wherefore it is so named, as writeth Sabellique.  
Gallus a river. Look on these words Goddess Pesynuntyne.  
Ganymedes was Son of Tros king of Phrigia, who had Issue, Ilus, Assacus, and . The Fables surmise (which is the most common opinion) the jupiter ravished  for his beauty, by an Egle. But Sabellique in the ten book of his first Enneade, saith, that Ganymedes the Son of Tros, was ravished by Tantalus king of Paphlagenie, to abuse him. Whereby there arose great war, between the two kings. And it is most like, that being very young, he was injuriously ravished by Tantalus, under the sign of the Eagle, were the battles fought upon the land, or Sea. Which hath been cause of the invention of the Fable, that sayeth that the Eagle, by ordinance of jupiter, ravished him.  
Gaul or France. Cesar in his commentaries saith, that Gaul is divided into three parts, whereof the Belges held the one, the Celtes another, and the Aquitans inhabited the third. The Aquitans are separated from the Celtes, by the river of Garumna. The Celtes are sequestered from the Belges, by the Rivers of Marne and sayn. And the Belges are sundered from the Almains by the Rhine. In the which division, Gaul Narbonique is not comprised. Ptolomee in his fourth Table of Europe, and in the chapters of the same, doth divide Gaul into four parts: appointing Gaul Aquitanyque, to extend as far as the river of Loire. And from Loire, to the Rivers of sayn, and Marne, is Gaul named Lugdunensis. And from sayn, unto Rhine, Gaul Narbonique extendeth itself, unto the Sea Mediterranean, beyond the Alps, and the river Varus, unto the Pyrrhenyan mountains. Gaul the rounded, or otherwise called Lumberdye, is in the limits of italy, and is the same country, which is named Liguria, next unto the Alps, and the Sea. All the other Gaul, or France, is called Gaul bearing bush. Gaul Narbonique, was before time named Brachata, as sayeth Pliniie, in the third book, and the fourth chapter.  
Goddess Pesynuntyne, is the same that Cicero in his books of the laws, calleth the Mother Idea, which is the self same, that the Romans name the Mother of the Gods, and do greatly reverence.  
Livy in the ix book of his second war Punic, saith that they found in the Sybyline books, (which were perused and red over, because of the often raining of stones the same year) that when so ever any stranger, and foreign enemy, should move war against italy, he might be vanquished, and expelled thence, if the Mother Idea were transported to Rome, from a field of Phrigia named Pesinus. The which to do, the Romans sent five Ambassadors, with five great ships, called Cynqueremes, to Atalus king of asia. Who led them to the place called Pesynus, delivered them the holy stone, which the inhabitants there, called the Mother of the Gods, and appointed them to carry it unto Rome. It was received at the Haven of Hostia, by Publius Scipio, being judged at that time, the worthiest man in all the city, to do the same, carried unto Rome, and set in the Temple of Victory, within the palace, the xiij day of Apryll, which was celebrated, and solempnyzed with feasts, and gifts, that the people in great abundance offered unto the Goddess. Which plays the Romans called Megalesia.  
The same Goddess is called Ops, whom they suppose to be the wife of Saturn, called Rhea, by the which they understand the earth, that giveth affluence and abundance of all thing.  
She is otherwise named Cybele, of the name of a Hill and city, of Phrigia where her sacrifices were first instituted. Or she is called Cybele, of Cymbals, which signifieth the Instruments, and Sounds, they used in the sacrifices. The poets say, that she road in a Chariot, and had a crown of Towers: whereby they signify, that the earth hangeth in the air, and the world turneth always round about and that the earth hath upon it cities, and Towns, wherein be Towers.  
She is called Mother of the Gods, because she engendereth all thing. She is also called Pales, for that she is the Goddess of shepherds, & her feasts are called Palilia. And she is also surnamed Berecinthia, of a mountaygne of Phrigie called Berecynthes. According to the diversity of her names, she hath divers powers, divers sacrifices, and divers ministers.  
Under these names, Cybele, Berecynthia, Goddess Pesynuntyne, & Mother Idea, because they came of names of places in Phrigia, from whence this Goddess was brought to Rome, is no diversity of puissance signified.  
This Goddess hath Priests, and Ministers, called Galli, by the name of a River, named Gallus in Phrigia. The water whereof, causeth them to be mad that drink it. Those Priests be gelded, who being stirred with madness, nodding their heads, up and down, with great noise of small Bells, which they carried, did prophesy, and tell of things to come, in that madness. They were otherwise called Corybantes.   

I.  
ILium is the same city, that we call Troy the great. Ilus son of Tros, in the country called Troas did build this ritye Ilium, so called of his name. And of the country wherein it stood, it was named Troy, as witnesseth Sabellique, in the fifth book of his first Enneade. The Country is joining unto Phrigia on the East, and towards the west it hath the Sea Hellespontique, as Ptolomee hath described it, in his first Table of Asie.  
Illiria. The Royalme of Illiria, described by Ptolomee in his .v. Table of Europe, hath on the North cost, the ii Pannonies: on the west, the country called Istria. Towards the East, it hath the high Misia. And towards the South, a part of Macedonia. This royalme is also named Liburnia, & the part which extendeth towards the high Misia, is called Dalinatia. At this present, the Illirian Region is called Sclavonia. Look Ptolemy in the said .v. cable of Europe. India. There are ii Indes, both in Asia, & joining togethers, whereof th'one maketh an end of asia, towards th orient, & is called Ind, beyond the River of Ganges. On this side the River, is Ind, called Ind on this side Ganges, which hath on the East side, the same River. On the west, the Royalmes of Paropanisades Arachosia, & Gedrosia. On the North, the mountain Imaus. And on the south the Indian Sea, as sayeth Ptolemy in the first Chapter of the ten Table of Asye.  
¶ jocasta was the wife of Laius' King of Thebes. After whose decease, she married her own son Oedipus, unwares. And had by him ii children, Etheocles, & Polynices: who fought togethers, after Dedipus death, for the Royalme of Thebes. And in the same combat, both the brethren slew one an other, as saith Sabellique, in the vij Book of his first Emeade. For this cause, did the Alexandriens, in mockery, call Antonines Mother jocasta: because antonine, for to obtain Thempire alone, had slain his Brother Geta, as the two Sons of jocasta, slew one an other, for the Royalme of Thebes.  
jonie. Plyne in the .v. Book, the xxix Chapi. sayeth, that the Country of Lydia, watered over with the River of Meander, very crooked, and full of turnings, both extend above Ionie: having on the East side Phrigia, on the North Misia, and on the south Caria. The which Country of Lydia, was before called Meonie. By the description, that Ptolomee maketh in the first Table of A●, Ionie is the self same Region, that is called Lidye, or Meonye. At the lest wise, it is a part thereof: bosiding upon the Sea, which for that cause is called jonyan. The same Ionian Sea, doth extend from the Banks of Ionie, unto the banks of thisle of Sicily. pliny in the iiii. book, the xi Chap. sayeth, that the Greeks divided the Ionian Sea, into the Sea of Sicily, and the Sea of Crete, so called, because of the nigh Isles. Ptolemy in the .v. book, the second chapter, sayeth, that the Region properly called Asia, hath on the North side Bithynia. On the West, a part of Propontis, the Sea Hellespontique, the Sea jearian, & the Sea Myrtoique. On the East, the Regions of Licia, Pamphilia, & Galatia. And on the south, the Sea of the Rhodes. In this Region, are comprised. Lydia, & Caria, & other small Royalmes. In Lydia is jonia, as it is before said. And jonie is right over aneanst an Isle, called Icarie: whereof, the Sea there, is named Icarian. And it is the same, which is called Ionian. Caria is between Lidie, & the Sea of the Rhodes. On the West it hath the Sea Icarian, or Myrtoique. And on the East is Licia, joined to Pamphilia.  
¶ Issicus Sinus, is a reflection, & bending of the Sea, which hath on the West, thyste of Cyprus. And on the East, Syria, joined unto the Banks of Syria. And on the north side, is the Country of Cilicia. In the plain by the same turning of the Sea, is the City of Alexandrie, builded by Alexander the great, in memory of the battle by him won, against Darius' King of Persia. In this place also, was the battle between Severus, & Niger.  
¶ Ister is a great, and marvelous river, otherwise called Danubie, or Danowe: coming out of a mountain of Almaigne, named Arnoba. Beyond the Alps, it passeth by Innumerable Countries. The further it runneth, the more it increaseth, retaining the name of Danow, until it cometh by the Country of Illiria, now called Sclauonie, where he changeth his name, and is called Ister. And receiving his increase, of lx Rivers, which fall into him, he departeth from the earth, and entereth into the Sea Pontic, by vi great arms, as sayeth Plynye, in the four book, the xi Chapter, of his History natural.   

L.  
LAodicea, is a city of Syria, nigh unto the Sea, and not very far distant from Antioch: which is also in Syria, but further from the Sea, as witnesseth Ptolomee, in the four Table of Asye.  
¶ Latium, is a part of italy, in the which standen Rome, Tusculum, Prenes●e, Ardea, Tibur, and many other Cities, as writeth Ptolomee, in the first Chapter, of the sixth Table of Europe. Those that inhabit this part of Italy, are by the Romans called Latini.  
¶ Laurentum is a city of italy, in the same part that is called Latium, nigh unto Hostia. By Laurentum, there is a forest, sacred unto the Son, as sayeth Plynye, in the .v. Chapter of his third book.  
¶ Liber Pater, in english Free father, is the self same God, that we call Apollo, as saith Macrobius, in his Saturnales, after Aristotle, for diverse causes: and amongs other, because that in Thrace, there is a Temple, and Oratory, dedicated unto Liber: wherein answers, and prophesies are rendered. But in the same Temple, those which ought to Prophecy, do drink wine excessively, as they which render oracles in the city of Clarium, after they have drunk much water. The Lacedemonyens, in the sacrifices which they made to Apollo, aware Garlands of ivy, as if they did sacrifice to Bacchus. The Boetians, affirming that the Hill Parnassus was sacred unto Apollo, did always there keep the Oracle of Delphus, and the Caves of Bacchus, dedicated unto the same GOD. For this cause, in that Hill, were the sacrifices made unto Apollo, and Liber Pater.  
¶ In this Hill also, where the Bacchanales celebrated, ones in two year: which showed, that Apollo, Lyber, and Bacchus, were but one GOD. And he was called Lyber, that is to say Frea, because the Son, which we call Apollo, doth frealy, and without subjection, turn, & compass the world: being sometimes high, and sometimes low, and keeping his course diverse ways.  
¶ Lybie is a Region of Aphrique: And it is expedient to know, that there are ii Libies. For Ptolomee in the .v. Chapitre of his four Table of Aphrique, setteth one Libye, joined with Egipte, & the Marmarike Region. And saith the Egypt, & the Marmarike Region, have on the West part, the Royalme of Cirenia: following the continuation of one Line, which draweth by a City called Darius, that standeth upon the Egyptian Sea. And in the vi Chapi. of the four Table of Aphrique, he setteth an other Libye, called Libye the Inner, which hath on the North, the second Mauritanie, Aphrique the less, & the Cirenayake Region. On the east, a part of the Marmarike Region, & Ethiope, which is under Egypt. Towards the South, it hath Ethiope the Inner. And towards the west, it hath the west Sea. For more description hereof. look Ptolemy in the foresaid Chap. & tables. ¶ Lydie is a Country of Asia, upon the Egean Sea, between Phrigia, & Caria. This Country hath ii Rivers of great same. The one of them, is on the north cost, & called Pactolus, wherein are found many veins of Gold. And tother is in the South side, & called Mean●er, which is very eroked, & bending in & out. Look Ptolemy, in the first Table of Asye.   

M.  
MAuritanie. Ptolemy in his first Table of Africa appointeth ii Mauritanies'. Thone whereof, is more West, right over aneanst Spain Betique, and called Mauritania Triganica. Thother being more near Thorient, is named Mauritania Cesariensis, and on the east part joined unto Numidia.  
¶ Medes, be the people of the royalme called Media. Ptolomee in his vi book, the second Chap. sayeth that this Region hath on the North cost, a part of the Hyrcanian Sea. On the West, the great Armenia, and Assirie. On On the east Hyrcany, & Parthie. And towards the south, it hath the region called Corinthena. Thus is this region described in the .v. table of asia. Pliny in the vi. book, the xxvij chap. sayeth that Marcus Agrippa said, the Media, Parthia, & the country of Pers●e, had on the East the river Indus. On the West the river Tigris. On the north Taurus, & Cacausus. And on the South the red Sea.  
Media. Look on the word Medes.  
Mesapotamie, is a royalme of As●e, between the rivers of Euphrates, & Tigris, as saith Pliny, in the xii chap. of the .v. book. And in the vi book, the xxv chap. he sayeth, that all the country of Mesapotam●e was subject unto the Africans. Look more on this word Syrye. Misiens'. The high Misie, as Ptolomee hath described it, in the ninth table of Europe, is bounding upon Thrace on the East part. On the South unto a little Royalme named Dardania, which is above Macedonia. And on North unto the river of Danowe. The low Mis●e is nigh unto the falling of Danowe, in the sea called Pontus Euxinus. ¶ Look on this word Propontys. The Misiens' are those, which inhabit these ii regions. Pliny in the xxvi chap. the third book, called these royalmes Misia. There are two other in asia, after the description that Ptolomee maketh in the first Table of Asie. Thone called Misia the more, & tother Misia the less both joining to Phrigia, upon the Hellespontian Sea.   

N.  
NIcea is a city of Bithynie, as say Ptolomee, and Pliny.  
Nicomedia is a city nigh unto the Sea, in the Royalme of Bithynye.  
Numidia is a country in Africa, between Mauritanie, & the country of Carthage, after the description of Ptolemy, in the ii table of africa. This country was very much renowned, through the virtue of Masinissa who was king sometime thereof. the inhabitauntes are called Numidians, or Nomades, because the often times they change their habitations, & carry their households from one place to another in wagons, as saith Pliny in the third chap. the .v. book of his natural History, & Sabellique in the first book of his .v. Enneade.   

O.  
ORgia be sacrifices, made aswell unto the Mother of the Gods, as unto Bacchus, & other Gods, by the pryestes called Galli, that are mad.  
¶ Ocean is the great Sea, that environeth all the earth, and joineth himself with the Mediterrane Sea, between the pillars of Hercules. Thone whereof is in Mauritania, & called Abilla. And tother in Spain named Calpe. The Mediterrane Sea, is enclosed with earth on every side: that is to say, on the right side with africa, and on the left side, with Europe and Asie.   

P.  
PAnuonie. Ptolemy in the .v. table of Europe, doth describe two Pannonies, joining one to another. Thone of them called the high Pannonie, boundeth on the West, upon a royalme of old time called Noricum, & at this present Baviers. Tother called the low Pannenie, nigh joining unto the higher, stretcheth to the river of Danow. Of that which river, declining towards the South, that part which receiveth the river Saus, doth eand the lower Pannonie on the East. And on the South, drawing towards the Hadriatique Sea, are the roialmes of Illiria, or Sclauonie, & Dalmatio. In these regions, there be two rivers, Draws, & Saus. Draws, which is the more swift, cometh out of the country of Baviers. And Saus which runneth more slowly, out of the Alps Carnicyan, as saith Pliny, in the third book the xxv chap. of his natural History.  
¶ Panthers are beasts very cruel, as the conjunction of the word doth sufficiently show: which signifieth all cruel. The skins of these beasts are spotted over, with round white spots. And there is no beast so notably spotted, as the Panther, & the Tiger. These Panthers do savour wondered sweet. And for their savour, other beasts, resort unto them. But yet they are afeard of the Panthers fierce look. Wherefore the Panther hideth his head, & suffereth all the rest of his body to be looked on, that he may the better take his prey of the other beasts being amazed. There is no great difference between the Panther, & the Leopard, saving that the Panther is more white. And Pliny in his viii. book, the xvi chap. saith that he could never find other difference. In the same chap. he telleth a marvelous tale of a Panther, which remembered the good turn that a man had before done unto him. In Siri●, and in africa there be many of these beasts.  
¶ Parthians. The royalme of Parthia, as Ptolomee describeth it, in his .v. Table of asia, stretcheth on the North unto Hyrcany, & to the mountains between them. On the South it hath Carmanie On the East the Ariens. On the West the Medes. And this region is environed with hills on all parts. So saith Pliny, in the vi book the xxv chap. Who saith also, that the Parthians have xviij kingdoms. And their Provinces are between the red sea, on the South, & the Hyrcanian sea on the North. Xi. of them be beyond Armenia, & the mountains called Caspij, & do extend along by the Caspian sea, unto the Se●thians: drawing towards the sea. And these realms be called the high realms. Tother the low realms. The Parthians, which are not in the first description, are called Nomades. ¶ Patroclus the friend of Achilles, was in the wars between the Greeks, & the Trojans, & there slain by Hector the son of Priamus king of Troy.  
¶ Perynthiens are a people of Thrace, wherein standeth a city called Perinthus, with in that which there is a fortress called Bizia, some time belonging to the kings of Thrace. In this royalme, there are no swallows, for the offence of Tereus' king of Thrace, as saith Pliny, in the xi cap. the four book of his natural history. Th offence was this. His wife named Progne, the king of Athenes daughter, had a sister which hight Philomela: whom she greatly desired to see. And Tereus to please her with all, promised to fetthe her sister. In bringing of her, he deflowered her. And to the end, she should not disclose it to any person, he cut out her tongue, shut her up in a secret place, & told Progue that she died by the way. But Philomela wrote with blood in a kerchief all the matter, & sent it unto Progne her sister. Who being chafed with ire for the same, slew a little child called Itis, which she had by Tereus, & presented it him to eat. Tereus' perceiving that matter, pursued her. And she fleeing away was turned into a Swallow, Tereus himself into a Lapwinge, and Itis into a Fesaunte. Pesynus. Look on these words Goddess Pesinuntine. Phari. Pharus is an Isle in the sea of Egypt, wherein standeth a city builded by Alexander the great, over aneanst Alexandrie, which was likewise builded by the same Alexander. The Isle Pharus is so nigh unto Egypt & Alexandrie, that at this day, there is no more between than, but a bridge to pass from th'one to tother, as saith Pliny, in the xi chap. of his third book. In the city of Pharus, Ptolomeus Philadelphus the king, made a marvelous high Tower, which is numbered amongs the marvels of the world: upon the which there is always a great burning light, to show the haven unto them that sail by night on the Seas. And because that this light is so renowned, many do call all other Towers, which have fire and light in them after that sort, Phari, as our present Author doth himself. Phenices. Look on this word Syrye.  
Phrig●e is a country of asia, which boundeth on the West upon the country of Troy the great. And as saith Pliny, in the .v. book, the xxxii chap. This country is joining to Galatia on the north. On the south it hath Lyc●onie, Pysidie, and Mygdonie. And on the East it toucheth the country of Cappadoce. Ptolemy describeth this country in the first Table of asia, and doth not allot unto it so great a compass.  
Pitanite is as much to say, as Laconic, or Lacedemonien: because Pytanas was the father of Thrasibulus the Lacedemonien, who was slain in fighting valiantly in the war. After his decease, Pytanas showed himself very grave, and prudent, saying that it was a rare thing to die so well. Wherefore he wylled his country men, not to weep for his death, because he died valiantly as it became a Lacedaemonian. So saith Ausonius the Poet in an epigram. There was another Thrasybulus of Athenes, which had a voice very loud, and big, of whom Plutarque speaketh in the life of Alcybyades.  
Pontus. Look on this word Propontis.  
Proconsul. In the time that Posthumus Albus, and Spurius Fulsius, were consuls, and war was made against the people called Equi dwelling in Italy, which war was unfortunate to the Romans, Titus Quintus, was first created Proconsal, to go and aid one of the consuls, which was besieged: to the end, that the other Consul might remain at Rome, & levy more men. And this Proconsul, had vi Sergeants goeng before him, with mazes. His own ornaments were like unto the consuls. From that time forwards, it was ordained, that those which had been consuls one year, should the next year foloweng be Proconsulles, for to go into the Provinces. And every of them had his lieutenant, which was called Legatus, to assist him in his affairs. The Proconsul had jurisdiction only in the Province given unto him, but that was not voluntary, as to infranchyse a bondman. The first day of january yearly, did the Romans' chose two Counsulles, which during th'whole year following, had asmuch authority, as Themperor. And because they could not be in all places, when need required, they sent their Proconsulles into the Provinces, which had there as great authority, as if the consuls had been present. This word Proconsul also signifieth him, which is in stead of the Consul, and doth that, that the Consul should do, as sayeth Fenestella, and Pomponius Letus, of the Roman Magistrates.  
¶ prodigious tokes, were signs, which often times happened naturally. Nevertheless they betokened one mishap, or other. Wherefore some do say the prodigious is derived of that which ought to be feared, as the song of the Harpy called Celeno, whereof Virgile speaketh. Duchess are the singing of a Raven, & the meeting of a weasel, when a man goeth forth of his house. these, and such other like, did men in old time, account monstrous, and signifying some calamity to ensue.  
¶ Propontis is a part of the Mediterrane Sea, which is divided into diverse parts. For Pontus is a part of the same Sea, & Propontis is a part of Pontus. Pliniein the four book. the twelve Chapter, saith that the first strait of the Sea, which is between Thrace, & asia, (where Xerxes made a Bridge to passover his Army) is called Hellespontus. And that is, a small arm of the Sea, very straight. After that it is somewhat broad, & then returneth into a narrow straight again. This Sea, that is the brother part, is called Propontis, and the straight is named Bosphorus Thracius: being in breadth .v. paces only. Over this straight, Darius king of Serse, & father of Xerxes, passed his army upon a bridge. In extending further towards the North, beyond Bosphorus Thracius, the Sea doth enlarge himself wonderfully, & is called Pontus Euxinus. And after that it returneth to a straight again, & is called Bosphorus Cimmerius, which is thissue of one of the Lakes Meotides, that is the last part of the Mediterrane Sea, towards the north. All these Seas above specified, are parts of the Sea Pontus.  
¶ Ptolomeus, after he had expelled Antigonus the son of Demetrius, held the Royalme of Macedon, as saith Sabbelique, in the eight book of his four Emeade. He feigned himself to be amorous of his own Sister Arsinde, and that he desired to have her to wife. But when she had condescended to the same, he showed apparently, after his receipt into the City of Cassandra, that his purpose was, to bereave his sister of the City, and to slay the children that she had by Lysymachus her first husband: whom he slew in their Mother's arms. At the last, he was vanquished by the Gauls, under the leading of Belgius their captain, taken prisoner, and beheaded, and his head pitched upon a poll, to fear the Macedones withal.  
¶ Pyrrhichius is a foot, or measure, composed of two short syllables, so called, by the name of Pyrrhus, king of the royalme called Epyrus, which is nigh unto Thessaly, and beneath Macedon. For that by him was invented a kind of dancing, called Pyrrichius, as sayeth pliny in, the uj Chap. of the vij Book. The which leaping, or dancing, was by moving, and measure of two short syllables, whereof Herodian in his fourth Book, maketh mention.   

R.  
Rhenus. Look on this word. The Rhine.   

S.  
SArmates are the people, and enhabitauntes of the Regions, Sarmatiques. pliny, and Ptolemy say there are two Sarmaties, one in Europe, an other in Asie. And both nigh unto the river Tanais which divideth Europe, and Asye, and nigh unto the Lakes Meotides, whereinto Tanais doth fall. Ptolomee in the .v. Chapter of his four Book sayeth, that Sarmatie of Europe, extendeth towards the North, as far as the great Ocean, which in that part is called the Sarmatique Ocean. Towards the West, unto the River named Vistula. Towards the south, unto the mountains Sarmatiques, which make separacion of Sarmatie, and the country of Dace, and the lower Misye. Towards the East, unto a straight plot of earth, named Isthmus of the Lake, or River, Bicis. And it hath on the one side, the lakes Meotides, and the river of Tanais. And in the .v. Book, the ix Chapter Ptolomee saith that Sarmatie which is in asia, hath on the north, a Land unknown. On the West it hath Sarmatie of Europe, unto the head, and the river self of Tanais. On the east the Lakes Meotides, unto the strait of the Sea, called Cimmerius. On the south, it hath a part of the Mediterrane Sea, called Eurinus Pontus, which is very nigh unto the Lakes Meotides, and it stretcheth from thence, unto the River Corax. And from the River Corax, above the Regions of Colchis, Iberie, & Albany, unto the Hircanien Sea, which is otherwise named the Caspian Sea. And on the East it hath a part of the same Hircanyen Sea, and the River of Rha, until that it entereth into Sarmatye, where Sarmatie stretcheth unto the Scythians. Plynye, in the four book the xii Chapter sayeth that the Greeks doth call them Saromates, that we name Sarmates, and that the name of Scythians, passeth unto the Sarmates, and to the Almains.  
¶ Saturnales were feasts, and sacrifices of Saturn instituted, and ordained first by janus, to the honour of Saturn, who taught him to till the earth. And after Saturn's decense, he dedicated an aultare, and sacrifices unto him, which are called Saturnales. The ancient fathers did solemnize these feasts one day only in the year, that is to weet, in December, the xiv. kalends of january. But after that Ceasar had added two days more unto that month, the feasts were celebrated, the xxvi kalends of january. Which caused, that the common people, being ignorant of those days, did celebrate the feasts many times in the year. Many Authors do affirm, that in old time, the Paturnales endured vij days, during the which feasts, the Servants, & bondmen, had as great authority as their Masters, and had licence, to do what liked themselves best. So saith Macrobius, in the first Book, the vi Chap. of his Saturnales.  
¶ Peculer plays were celebrated once in three ages, which was three hundred years.  
¶ Septentrion. It is certain, as sayeth Aulus Gellius in the second Book, the xxij Chapter of his Attic nights, that the heaven hath four Regions. That is to say the orient, Occidente, Meridional, and Septentrion. The Meridional, or South, & Septentrion, or north, are always remaining in their own places. And the north, is in that place of the Heaven, which is right opposite to the South, which is in the mids between the orient, and the Occident where the Son never cometh. The Orient is very variable. For in the Summer the Son riseth in that place, from whence cometh the wind Bize, which is somewhat towards the north. In the middle, or mean days, the Son riseth where the wind Eurus is, And in the shortest days, it riseth towards the South, in the same part, that the wind called Vulturnus, or other wise Euronotus is. And as there are iii risinges, eve so are there three settinge, or descendinge, likewise mentioned, and three winds coming from the same three settinge. That is to weete Caurus, named by the Greekes Argestes, blowing right against the wind Bize. Favonius, or Zephyrus, against Eurus. And Africus, named by the Greeks Libs, against Vulturnus. The wind which cometh from the South, because that the South changeth not, is one, & in Latin called Auster, in Greek Notus, because it is moist. The north part, by like reason, hath one only wind, which bloweth against Auster. This name Septetrion, as saith Aulus Gellius, in the Chapter last cited, cometh of that, that vii stars do make a sign in the heaven in form of a wain, & oxen yoked to labour, or else because the three next stars, that a man may see, in the north, nigh one unto an other, do make as it were a triangle, and this sign is right opposite unto the south.  
¶ Sirmium is a city of the lower Pannonie towards the high Misye, drawing to the East. It is beyond the river of Danowe, as saith Ptolomee in the. xvi. Chap. of his third book Plynie, in the xxv chap. of his third book, saith that a River called Bacuntius entereth into the river, Paus, nigh unto the City Sirmium.  
¶ Syrie, as Ptolemy describeth it in the four Table of Asye is separated from Armeny on the north, by the mountain Taurus. On the South is Arabia: on the West stretching towards the Isle of Cypre, is the Sea of Sirie, which is now called the Sea of Phoenicia. And on the East is Mesapotamye, Plynie in the .v. book the xii Chapter sayeth that Syrie was the greatest of all the Provinces, & therefore had the name of all Royalmes, which were subject unto it. For towards Arabi it was called judea, or jury Palestine, Phoenicia: & more inward Damascene. In stretching towards the South, it is called Babilone. And between the Rivers of Tigris, & Euphrates, it is named Mesapotamie. Beyond the Mountain Taurus, it is called Sophene, where Euphrates is divided into two parts. And beyond Armenia it is called Assyrye. On the part where it boundeth upon Cilicia, it is called Antioch. The part of Syrya, which lieth along the sea coast, are the countries of Idumea, & judea. And in stretching more higher towards the north, is the country of Phoenicia. And after it is more near Euphrates, it is called Sirie, as saith Pliny, in dividing Sirie more exquisitely. All the Sea which is nigh this part, is called the Phenician Sea. The people of Phoenicia, hath been marvelously renowned, for that they were the first Inventors of letters, of Astrology, & of making ships, and all engens of war.   

T.  
Taurus' is a Mountaygne in asia, marvelous huge, & great, as sayeth Pliny, in the xxvij chap. the .v. book, of his natural history. For he saith, that his beginning is upon the bank of the Oriental Sea, and passeth from thence by many people's, and Countries: making separation between them. At his beginning, which is at the Indian Sea, he hath on the right side the North, and on the left side the south, stretching towards to the West, by the mids of asia, saving where he encountereth the Sea. After that, he bendeth towards the North, and fetcheth a great compass, on th'one side. Then he stretcheth towards the Phoenician Sea. On tother side, towards the Pontian Sea, and on another part, to the Hyrcanian Sea. And he goeth very nigh unto the Lake Meotide. And after he hath very much bowed, and turned himself, he joineth with the Mountaygnes Riphees, which are in the North. And all the way as he passeth, he hath divers names. For in India, where he beginneth, he is named Imaus, after that, Paropanisus, Circius, Chanibades, and many other names. Where he is most highest, he is called Cacausus, which is above the royalmes of Colchis, Iberie, & Albany. And where he stretcheth out his arms, as if he would embrace the Sea, he is named Sarpedon, Coracesius, & Cragus. Where he hath ports for separation, and passage, albeit the same be trenched, & naturally opened, yet is it all one Mountaygne. Those ports are called in one place Armenien, which is Armenia. In another part they are called Caspien, nigh unto the people called Caspij, who are between Armenia the great, & the Medes. And they are in another place called the Ports of Cylycye. And although it hath in divers places divers names, yet is it in Greek called by one name, the mountaygnes Ceranques. Thus sayeth pliny, in the place afore alleged. Livy, & tother Historyens', say that this mountain doth appoint the limits, and bonndes of the Roman Empire.  
¶ Theatre. Look on this word amphitheatre.  
¶ The Aegean sea, part of the Mediterrane sea, is between Asie, & Macedon, and is called Aegean, because that in the same Sea are many Isles, so nigh one another, that a far of, they seam to be Goats, which the Greeks call Egas, or because that Aegea Queen of the Amazons was therein drowned, or else for that Aegeus the father of Theseus, threw himself headlong into it, as saith Sextus Pompeius.  
¶ The jonian sea. Look on this word Ionie.  
¶ The Rhein. Cesar in his commentaries saith, that Gaul Belgic extendeth on the East, unto the Rhein. And beyond it, are the almains, and thereby the Rhein doth divide Gaul Belgic, from the almains. In Gaul Belgic are comprised the countries of Lorraine, Luxenbourg, gelders, & Flaunders. This river cometh out of the Alps, and falleth into the Sea of Flaunders. Before his entry into the Sea, he maketh an Isle, which is the country of holland, nigh unto the which, is the country of gelders, bending towards the head of the same river. Beyond it is Luxenbourg, and Lorraine, which is separated from Luxenbourg, by the River of Meselle which cometh out of the mountaygne Vogesus, and falleth into the Rhein. Out of the same mountaygne cometh the Meuse, which runneth likewise into the Flemyshe sea. Between the Meuse, and the river of some towards the Sea, is the country of Flaunders, which is separated from France, by the said river of some, as it is apparauntlye described, and figured, in the new Table adjoined unto the Tables of Ptolomee.  
¶ The men at arms Praetorian. Look on these words cohort Pretoryan.  
¶ The seven Seas. Look on this word Eridanus.  
¶ The Tiger. Look on this word Tigris.  
¶ The Tirrhenian Sea, is the low Sea, which extendeth along by Italy nigh unto the cost of Hoffie. And is so called by the name of Tyrrhenus, son of Atys, and brother of Lidus, king of Lydie, who came into Italy: and with his people inhabited that part of Italy, which is upon the low sea, whereby the Region is also called Tyrrhenie. After, it was called Tuscie, and Hetrurie, as sayeth Sabellique.  
¶ Thrace is Royalme of Europe, in the furthest part thereof, towards the Orient. The which Realm, hath on the North the lower Misie. On the West the higher Mysie, and a part of Macedon. On the East, the sea named Propontis, and the strait of the sea called Bosphorus Thracius, which maketh separation between Europe, and asia, as saith Ptolomee in the xi chapter of the ninth Table of Europe.  
¶ Tribune is asmuch to say, as Master, Governor, or captain. And it cometh of this word Tribus, for that the people of Rome, was first divided into parts, which they called Tribus. And the chief Governors and Captains of the men at arms, elected out of those parts, were called Tribuni, as saith Varro treating of the latin tongue saith. Vegecius in the three book, & the seven. chap. of the feats of war. A Tribune of men at arms, had the charge of a band in an army, wherein were as many horsemen as foot men. As of the first Cohort of a Legion: which cohort, was the greatest, the principal, and the best filled with sage, discreet, valiant, and expert warryous. In the same were xi C. foot men, and. C.xxxij. men at arms on horseback.  
The capitain of this cohort, was called the Tribune of the men at arms: who had under him other capitains, and Centuryons, as well of footmen, as of horsemen. The other Cohortes of a Legion, which were nine, lest than the first, were conducted either by the tribunes, or by the provosts. Budeus in his commentary upon the Pandectes, or Digests, sayeth that we may call a tribune of men at arms, a Marshal. Vegecius in the second book, the twelfth chapter, sayeth, that the honour of the tribune of men at arms, was when the men at arms were honestly, and cleanly appareled, well armed, and their harness well fourbyshed, and shining bright, and when they were well instructed, & exercised in the feats of war. The authority and power of this magistrate, was for a while so great, that the tribunes of the men at arms, had once the governance, and administration, of the Roman common wealth. And there was no magistrate, or dignity more higher than this. When there were no consuls, which was about three score and ten years, after the kings were expelled out of Rome, the Common weal was ruled five years by the tribunes. After the five years were expired, consuls were again created, as sayeth Pomponyus Letus. divers times the tribunes were restored unto dignity again, as saith Tytus Livius, and they had the authority of the consuls.  
first they were three, than four, then ten, and then twenty, some time less, some time more. In Rome there were other tribunes, which were named Tribunes of the people, who were created the year, that Awl is Virginius, & Titus Vetusius Geminius, were consuls, which was the xvi year after the expulsion of the kings. At which time the common people, being overcharged, and vexed with debts (after that the Senators and noble men of Rome, had often times promised to release, and discharge them thereof, and then deceived them) separated themselves from the Senators. But Menenius Agrippa, one of the ten Ambassadors sent unto the people, which were assembled in the field, reduced them by an oration into amity, created the Tribunes of the people, who were chosen out of the common people themselves. This dignity was sacred, & inviolable, not subject unto the consuls, as other officers were. The Tribunes of the people sat in the Senate house, at the very entry thereof. And that, that the consuls decreed, their sometime allowed, and sometime rejected. And because they upheld, and maintained the people, and stirred them oftentimes against the Senators, and noble men of Rome, there raze many civil battles between them. In the time of the Kings, there were Tribunes which were Captains of a hundred horsemen, and were called Tribuni Celerum. There were also other Tribunes which had the Charge of the Receipt, & Custody, of all Tribute money, and were called Tribuni Aerarij, as much to say, as the Tribunes of the treasure.  
¶ Tigris is a River, which hath his beginning in the Royalme of Armenia the great. At the first he runneth slowly, and where he beginneth to be swift, he is called Tigris, for so do the Medes call an arrow. He falleth in to a Lake, called Arethusa, but yet it meddleth not which the course of this River, neither do the fish of them both come togethers. But the River passeth through, clean unlike the Lake, either in course, or colour. At his meeting with the Mountain Taurus, he hideth himself within the earth, and runneth under the Mountain, & then appeareth again on the other side. The place is called Zoroanda. And that it is the same River, which hid himself in the ground, it doth manifestly appear. For when he cometh forth again, he bringeth any thing with him, that was cast into him, on the other side the Hill. He passeth afterwards, by an other Lake named Thesbidis, and then hideth himself in the earth again. After his next coming forth, he is divided into two parts, whereof th'one runneth into Euphrates, and so into the Persian Sea. This River maketh many tornynges, and res●eryons, and separateth Mesapotannye from Assirie. Look Pliny, the vi Book, the xxvii Chap.  
¶ Tyrus is a City of Phoenicia, upon the same Sea, that Laodicea is. All the same Sea, is attributed unto the Phoenicians, as it is said in this word Syrie.   

V  
VEsta is a Goddess, which was daughter of Saturn, unto whom the Virgin's vestals were consecrated. Numa Pompilius did first institute in Rome those Virgins, nevertheless the same Religion was so ancient, that it came from the Trojans, to the Albaynes, and from them to the Romans. Their office, & profession, was to make sacrifice for the Roman people, unto the Goddess Vesta. And to guard the eternal & inextinguible fire. There were two Goddesses of this name Vesta. The one was Moether of Saturn, by the which we understand the earth. Tother was daughter of Saturn, which is the, that they name the virgin, by whom we understand the fire, as saith ovid. Understand nothing by Vesta saith he● but the lively, & burning fire, whereof thou seest no body to be engendered. She is therefore accounted a Virgin, because she doth not engender. The Romans sent as far as Phrigia, for the Image of this Goddess Vesta, the which was brought, & set in the Temple of Victory, which is in the Palace, unto whom those virgins were sacred, that had their house hard by the Temple. And were twenty in numbered. Aulus Gellius in the twelve chap. the first book of his Attic nights sayeth, that the high Bishop took that virgin which should be sacred, by the hand, called her Amata (because the first virgin, instituted by Numa Pompilius, was so named) and did set her into the College of the Vestal virgins: where, from thence forward, she was without emancipation, exempts from her father's rule, & had power to make her Testament. If ye will know, of what age, of what parents, & of what stature, which the quality of her person, and under what words, the high Bishop did admit a vestal virgin into the order, Look Aulus Gellius, in the said Book and chapter.   
¶ The end of the Annotations.   

¶ Imprinted at London, in Flete street, by William Coplande, at the Sign of the Rose Garland.  
¶ Cum gratia et privilegio regali ad imprimendum solum.   

¶ Faults eseaped in the Pryntinge.  
Fol. Pagina. Linea. Errata. read. two. i. xxxiij. Marternus. Maternus. viii. two. xxxvij. fashion factyon. xii. ij. in the Margin, dexterity agylytee. lxvi. i. xvi. unto Counsel, Counsel unto. lxxxiiij. i. i. dismay you not, dysmay you. lxxxvij. ij. x. repusing, repulsing. c. i. i. silence, did attentifely. silence, attentyfely.