The HISTORY of That most famous Saint and Soldier of CHRIST JESUS St. GEORGE of Cappadocia  
Asserted from the Fictions of the middle ages of the CHURCH and opposition of the present.  
By Peter Heylyn  Psalm: 116 v: 15 
Right precious in the sight of the Lord is the Death of his Saints  
London Printed for Henry Seyle and are to be sold at his shaped the— Tiger's head in Saint Paul's Churchyard 1631 Will. Martial Sculpsit   

THE HISTORY OF That most famous Saint and Soldier of CHRIST JESUS; St. GEORGE OF CAPPADOCIA; Asserted from the Fictions, of the middle Ages of the CHURCH; and opposition, of the present.  
The Institution of the most Noble ORDER of St. GEORGE, named the GARTER. A Catalogue of all the Knights thereof until this present.  
By PET. HEYLYN.  PSAL. 116.15. 
Right precious in the sight of the Lord, is the death of his Saints.  
LONDON. Printed for HENRY SEYLE, and are to be sold at his Shop, the sign of the Tygers-head in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1631.   

TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE CHARLES', By the Grace of GOD, King of GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, and IRELAND, Defender of the Faith, etc. Sovereign of the most Noble Order of St. GEORGE, called the Garter.  
MOST DREAD SOVEREIGN.  
YOur Sacred Majesty being a KING, then, only in the hopes and expectation of your people; vouchsafed to Grace me in the Infancy, and cradle as it were, of mine endeavours. Your Majesty was then my choice: and I was prompted to devote myself unto You, only upon the true renown of your Princely virtues. But now I am no longer left at my former liberty. For since your Majesty hath pleased, so graciously to admit of me to your Service: it might be iust●ly accounted an Apostasy from Duty, should I not consecrate myself, and all that I am able, unto your Majesty's acceptance. Yet were I, as a Subject, bound only in alleigeance, to your Majesty; yea were I borne an Alien to your Majesty's Dominions: this present Work, (which here in all humility I prostrate at your Gracious feet;) could not so fitly be addressed to any other. It is (so please your Majesty) a justification or Assertion of the History of St. GEORGE the Martyr: whom some have so far quarrelled, as either not to grant him, heretofore, a being on the Earth; or now, an habitation only with the Fiends in Hell. St. GEORGE thus tainted in his Honour, and in a word, dethroned from all his former glories; to whom should he refer the hearing of his cause, but to your Majesty: the Sovereign of that most Noble and Heroic Order, which in the first Foundation of it, was entitled by his Name; and (as the times than were) committed to his Patronage. Which favour if your Majesty vouchsafe him: this great and weighty cause, unfortunate in such an Advocate; will yet be happy in the judge. The only Ruler of Princes, which hath set a Crown of pure gold upon your Head; prevent You with the blessings of his Goodness: and grant unto your Majesty, a long and prosperous Life, here; and length of days for ever and ever. These the continual prayers, of  
Your Majesties, Most humble Subject and faithful Servant, PET. HEYLYN.   

TO ALL THOSE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS KINGS, PRINCES, and PEERS; Knights of the Famous and most Noble ORDER of St. GEORGE, named the Garter.  
Most Excellent 

KINGS,  
PRINCES,  
and PEERS.    
IT is accounted an especial Honour in the GARTER; that it makes them, which for their virtue and deserts are admitted of it, Companions even unto KINGS and PRINCES. Those therefore, which are joined together in so strict a bond of Unity, and made the same in a communion of all Noble qualities; far be it from my thoughts to take asunder: or to select Particulars, out of a General body, so united. The rather, because I now address myself unto You, in commendation of a Cause; wherein your whole Fraternity, is engaged jointly. It is almost Three hundred years, since that most excellent Order, never before adorned, at once, with such and so many Noble spirits; was by the Founder of it, Dedicated to St. GEORGE of CAPPADOCIA. A Saint, more than a Thousand years before that Institution, crowned with martyrdom: And ever since, continually famous in the Church of GOD. Only some few of late, on what authority I know not; have taken upon them to discharge him, both of his place in Heaven, and reputation in the Church. In which, though their opinions are so contrary, that possibly there can be no agreement made between them: yet they agree together to disgrace that holy Martyr: For by the first rank of them, it is undoubtedly affirmed, that GEORGE the Martyr, so much honoured in the Christian world, is but a Counterfeit, a Larva; only some strange Chimaera, the issue of an idle brain; one that had never any being on the Earth. The others, as unquestionably, have made him in his life, a dangerous and bloody Heretic: and since his death, a wretched Soul amongst the damned. On both sides, Satis pro imperio. For this cause, it hath often been one of my chiefest wishes, that some of those, whose names are great for learning, and eminent in point of knowledge; would undertake the vindicating of this injured Saint. But finding none, that have as yet adventured in it: I rather chose to put myself upon the task, than that Saint GEORGE should longer suffer in his honour, and this Realm in him. The work, such as it is, next under his most sacred Majesty, I consecreate to you (most excellent Kings, Princes, and Peers) and to the honour of that most noble Order, whereof you are; and in defence of which you were all engaged, at your several Installations. You celebrate St. GEORGE'S Feast, with many stately and magnificent Ceremonies: you wear his image and representation as your chiefest Ornament; you count it an especial honour, to be called his Knights. I doubt not therefore, but St. GEORGE thus vindicated from the pens and stomach of his Enemies, will find a gracious welcome to you: and that you will be pleased for St. GEORGE'S sake, to entertain a favourable opinion both of the Work and of the Author. In a full hope whereof, I do with all Humility and Reverence, subscribe myself  
The most unfeignedly devoted unto your Noble and Heroic Order, PET. HEYLYN.   

Errata.  
PAge, 18. line, 19 for all, read, almost all. Twice in the book, for See Vsum Sarum, r. Sec. Vsum Sarum. Pag. 213. In the beginning of the Chapter, blot out, Of the bodies of the Dead. Pag. 240. l. ult. for 30000. r. 300000. And lastly, whereas it is reckoned (p. 314. l. 4.) as an ordinary habit of the most noble Order of the Garter, to wear a Cloak with the Sun on the left shoulder of it, in his full glory: Let the mistake be thus amended; A Cloak with a device upon the left shoulder of it, compassing round the Garter, and St. GEORGE'S Crosse. Such other literal Errors as occur in it, the Reader may correct and pardon: these are the principal.   

SYLLABUS CAPITUM.  

PART. I.  

The Preface.  
(1) THe nature of Curiosity: (2) And proneness of the present Age, to new fancies. (3) The opening of the cause in hand. (4) The Reasons which induced the Author, to undertake the Patronage of St. George's Cause, and History. (5) His resolution in it; and the manner of his proceeding. (6) The method of the whole. (7) The Author's free submission of himself, and his performance, to the wise and learned.   

CHAP. I.  
1. Three kinds of Imposture. 2. The first Author of Scholastical or fabulous Hi●●●rie. 3. The three ages of the Church in these later times. 4. jacobus de Voragine, the Author of the Golden Legend: his time and quality. 5. His fiction of St. George's killing of the Dragon. 6. The remainder of that Legend, continued out of Ovid. 7. The fable of St. George's Birth in England: 8. Poetically countenanced by Edm. Spencer. 9 The Legend of the Dragon rejected by the learned Romanists. 10. Defended by Geo. Wicelius. 11. The Scene thereof removed from Africa, into Asia.   

CHAP. II.  
1. Of Heretics and their Original. 2. Their early practices to corrupt the Gospel. 3. Their arts to countenance their cause. 4. Their plots discovered, and condemned; by Counsels, and by Fathers. 5. The injury done by Heretics, unto the History of St. George. 6. St. Athanasius accused for Magic by the Arians. 7. Of Alexandra, Diocletians wife in the Arian Legend. 8. The indiscretion of some Church-Historians, in their choice of Argument.   

CHAH. III.  
1. A proposition of the two contrary opinions. 2. Calvin the first that ever bid defiance to St. George. 3. Melanchthon misreported by the Papists. 4. Calvins' opinion in it, by whom seconded. 5. Saint George by whom first made an Arian Bishop. 6. The principal abettors of this last opinion. 7. No enemy more dangerous to the Truth, than a great man's error. 8. An examination of the Arguments drawn from the Canon of P. Gelasius. 9 And the Authority of Cardinal Baronius.   

CHAP. FOUR  
1. A conjecture at those reasons which may make the History of St. George suspected. 2. The Church of Rome too prodigal, in bestowing Divine honours. 3. False Saints no prejudice unto the true. 4. The lives of Saints, how fabulously and vainly written. 5. What might induce the Church-Historians, to that vein of writing. 6. The undertaking of Aloysius Lippomanus, how well performed. 7. The intermixture of vain Fables, no prejudice to truth of Story. 8. Of Arthur, Guy of Warwick, and Sir Bevis. 9 Haereticall dreams and practices, not able to bear down the truth. 10. An application of the whole unto St. George.   

CHAP. V.  
(1) Undoubted truths the ground of fabulous reports. (2) The privilege of two French Churches, and the Fables thence arising. (3) The Baron's case of Gascoigne. (4) St. George's killing of the Dragon, how far it may be justified. (5) The Portraiture of Constantine. (6) The Order of the Dragon, and of St. Michael. (7) St. George how pictured commonly: and what it signifieth. (8) The memorable story of St. George's his Horse. (9) The picture of St. George, how made a Fable: and by whom. (10) The entertainment of it in the Church of Rome. (11) The Reformation of the Missal. (12) A final answer to all those on the part of Calvin.   

CHAP. VI  
(1) The whole story of George the Arian Bishop. (2) George Bishop of Alexandria, not proved by Doctor Reynolds to be a Cappadocian. (3) The Cappadocians infamous for their lewdness. (4) The life of George before he was appointed Bishop. (5) His Butcherly behaviour in that holy Dignity. (6) Degraded in the Counsels of Sardica, and Seleucia, (7) An 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Drusius, in making George the Laodicean, to be the same with him of Alexandria. (8) The strange effects of fancy and preconceipt. (9) George's return to Alexandria: and the manner of his death. (10) George Bishop of Alexandria, never reputed for a Martyr. (11) Shreds of the Arrian Legend, by whom patched on, upon St. George's Cloak. (12) Sr. W. Raleighs' resolution, in received opinions. (13) A transition to the examination of Witnesses on St. George's side.    

The second Part.  

CHAP. I.  
(1) THe Name and Etymology of GEORGE. (2) The Story of St. George by Metaphrastes. (3) The time of that Author: and the reason of his name. (4) The opinion of him in the Greeke-Church. (5) This Metaphrastes not the same with Simeon the Schoolmaster. (6) The Country, Parentage, and first fortunes of St. George. (7) The State of the Roman Empire at that time: and Persecution than beginning. (8) The speech of George unto the tyrants: his torments, and his death. (9) The manner of his death according to Friar Anselm; and the English Story. (10) Fabulous histories of that nature, of what profit to the reader. (11) A rejection of the residue in Metaphrastes. (12) Arguments Ab autoritate negative, of what credit in the Schools.   

CHAP. II.  
(1) Magnentius mentioned in the former Story, what he was. (2) Vestem exuere militarem, the meaning of it; and when used. (3) Lydda the Scene of this great action; now called St. George's. (4) Malmesbury reconciled with other Authors. (5) No executions permitted by the Ancients, within their Cities. (6) The former Story justified, most of it, by Eusebius. (7) St. Ambrose testimony of St. George, how certain to be his. (8) The time and Canon of P. Gelasius. (9) The Story of St. George, why reckoned as Apocryphal. (10) The meaning of Gelasius not to explode the Martyr with his History. (11) The Arrian George not likely in so small a tract of time to be reputed as a Martyr. (12) A Catalogue of the Authors cited in this book, which have made honourable mention of Saint George; as also of those Princes, Peers, and Prelates, which have done him honour: digested in their times and ages.   

CHAP. III.  
(1) The state of learning in the Church, divided into two natural days. (2) The time and learning of Venerable Bede. (3) His testimonies of St. George. (4) Of Dacianus King of Persia, and who he was. (5) Persia taken, in some Authors, for the Eastern Countries. (6) A reconcilement of the other doubts, touching this Dacianus. (7) The Martyrologies of Vsuardus, Rabanus Maurus, and Notgerus. (8) St. George how said to have converted many people. (9) The witness of Vincentius, jacobus, and Antoninus Florent. (10) Nicephorus Callistus; and his evidence. (11) The suffrage of Sabellicus, Schedell, Bergomensis, and Volaterran. (12) Of the Magdeburgians, and some other Protestant Divines. (13) A recollection and application of the whole proofs.   

CHAP. FOUR  
(1) Four several ways used by the Church, to keep alive the memory of the Martyrs. (2) The way of Martyrologies, how ancient. (3) The Roman martyrology: and what it testifieth of St. George. (4) Natale what it is, in the construction of the Church. (5) The testimony given unto St. George in the Greek Church. (6) St. George, why called Tropaeophorus. (7) Commemoration of the Dead, how used in the Church primitive. (8) The depravation of the ancient use of it in the Church of Rome. (9) The public service of that Church on St. George's day. (10) Arguments drawn from the Church service, of what validity. (11) Saint George continually famous in the Church Christian. (12) And among the Turks.   

CHAP. V.  
(1) The honour done unto the Dead, in the decent burial of their bodies. (2) The relics of the Saints, of what esteem in the Church primitive. (3) The care of Gregory of Tours to preserve his writings: and what he testifieth of St. George's relics. (4) What mention there is made of them in Aymonius, and others. (5) Churches distinguished anciently by the names of Saints: and for what reason. (6) St. George's Churches in Lydda, and in Ramula; made afterwards a Bishops' Seat. (7) St. George's Church built by Sidonius Archbishop of Mentz. (8) That mentioned in St. Gregory's Epistles. (9) St. George's Church in Rome; the title of a Cardinal. (10) Churches erected to St. George in Alexandria, and elsewhere. (11) Of Faustus Rhegiensis. (12) And the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulpitius. (13) An application of the rule in Lerinensis, unto the business now in hand.   

CHAP. VI  
(1) St. George how he became to be accounted the chief Saint of Soldiers. (2) St. George when first esteemed a chief Patron of Christianity. (3) The expedition of the Western Princes to the Holy Land. (4) The Story of the succours brought unto their Army by St. George. (5) Second apparition to them at the Leaguer of Jerusalem. (6) The probability of the former miracle, disputed. (8) An essay of the famous battle of Antiochia, by way of Poem.   

CHAP. VII.  
(1) The honours done by Kings, to others; of what reckoning. (2) Arguments used by the jews, in the defence of their Temple of Jerusalem. (3) Of Monasteries dedicated to St. George. (4) St. George's Canons; a Religious order. (5) St. George by what Kings honoured anciently, as a chief Saint of soldiery. (6) The military Order of St. George, in Austria. (7) The Germane or Dutch Order, called Sanct Georgen Schilts. (8) St. George's bank in Genoa. (9) And his band, in Italy. (10) The Georgians why so called: and of the honour done by them to our Martyr. (11) A view of several places denominated of St. George. (12) A recollection of the Arguments before used in the present business.   

CHAP. VIII.  
(1) St. George not anciently esteemed the Patron of the English. (2) Churches erected to him here in England. (3) His apparition to King Richard, in the Holy Land. (4) What may be thought in general touching the apparition of the Saints. (5) And what in this particular. (6) St. George when he began to be entitled particularly to the English. (7) The honours done him here, and among the Irish. (8) The institution of the Noble Order of the Garter. (9) A brief view of the chief Statutes of the Order. (10) St. George the Patron of it. (11) Sr. W. Raleighs' opinion touching the kill of the Dragon. (12) And of them also, which desire to have the George Symbolical. (13) A Catalogue of all St. George's Knights of that most noble Order; until this present. (14) The Conclusion of the whole.     

THE HISTORY OF That most famous Saint and Soldier of CHRIST JESUS, St. GEORGE of CAPPADOCIA; Asserted from the Fictions of the middle Ages of the Church, and opposition of the present.  

THE PREFACE.  
(1) The nature of Curiosity: (2) And proneness of the present Age, to new fancies. (3) The opening of the cause in hand. (4) The Reasons which induced the Author, to undertake the Patronage of St. George's Cause, and History. (5) His resolution in it; and the manner of his proceeding. (6) The method of the whole. (7) The Author's free submission of himself, and his performance, to the wise and learned.  
(1) IT is a sad Complaint of Melchior Canus, that many of us in this more neat and curious Age, do peevishly (to say no worse) reject those ancient Stories, which are commended to us in the best and gravest Authors. Plerique nostra hac aetate, 
Lib. 11. Cap 4.  perversè, ne dicam impudenter, res, quas esse gestas gravissimi autores testati sunt, in dubium vocant. So he; and certainly, he spoke it not at random: but as a man which well foresaw to what extremities, that restless humour of leaving nothing undiscussed; and not so only, but leaving nothing in the state we found it; at the last would bring us. For such the nature is of Curiosity, especially if once attended with Self-love, and that unquiet spirit of Opposition: that we are always watchful to pry into the passages of former Times and Authors; and leave no path untrodden, how crooked and indirect soever, which may conduce to the advancement either of our cause or credit. By means whereof, as sometimes happily we do good service to the Commonwealth of Learning, in the correcting of an Error: so for the most part, we involve it in uncertainties, or broach new errors under a pretence of canvasing the Old; or by denying credit to Antiquity, we only teach posterity, how little credit may be due unto ourselves.  
(2) I say not this, to blunt the edge of any virtuous endeavours; nor to the prejudice of those heroic spirits, by whom so many of the ancient Writers, which had been buried in their own dust, and made a prey to moths and cobwebs, have been restored unto themselves. Ill may I prosper in my Studies, if I deny the least of due respects to them, to whose most fortunate and painful travails, we owe no less than to the Authors. Nor would I gladly be esteemed a Patron, either of lazy ignorance, or of dull credulity: nor willingly be thought to countenance those of the vulgar Herd, who run into received opinions, as Calderinus, in Ludovic Vives, did to Mass. Eamus ergo (said he) quia sic placet, in communes errores. Not so. I know it argue's a degenerous and ignoble mind; barely and simply to submit itself unto the tyranny of popular fames, or old traditions: not daring once to search into them, to see at least some show of reason in our bondage. Much like those noble Housekeepers, so much commended in the Country; who rather choose to have their judgements questioned in giving entertainment unto all; than that their Hospitality should be accused, in excluding any. Only I said it, a little to take down, if possible; that height of self-conceit and stomach, wherewith too many of us do affront those Worthies of the former days, and set ourselves against our Fathers. Which humour if it once possess us, in spite of him that told us, nihil novum est sub sole; without regard of him that said it, quia vetus est melius; we must have every thing as new and modern, as ourselves: new Organa for Logic, new models of Divinity; scarce any thing which hath been hitherto resolved, either in philological Theology, or in Philosophy, no not in Ecclesiastical or civil History; not new, not altered. The tendries and decisions of our Ancestors, grown as unfashionable, as their garments: and if we please ourselves in any thing, it must be somewhat which is done according to the newest Cut: So, that were Martial now alive, 
Epigr. l. 5.10.  he might with good applause correct himself in that one passage of his Epigram to Regulus; where he complaines how much the latter wits were disrespected, compared unto the former: he might I say, correct himself, and read it thus: 
High sunt invidiae nimirum Regule mores,  
Praeferat antiquis semper ut illa nova.  
Such is the envy of the present days,  
That only new conceits are worthy praise.   
(3) That so it is, is more than manifest: how justly, and with what disadvantage to reverend and sacred truth, might soon be made apparent by looking over the particulars. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the words of Aristotle. To scan them over all, 
Ethics l. 1. c. 4.  as it were infinite in itself; so were it nothing to the business now in hand: unless to show, how much the truth hath suffered, not only in our present Argument, but in those also. Let those, whose full abilities in all the rarities of Learning, h●ue fitted them for undertake of this noble nature; adventure in this work: to make those ancient friends, Antiquity and Verity, shake hands, and live again together. It is a burden worthy of their shoulders only, and to them I leave it. For me it is enough, if in the least degree I may be serviceable in this kind: to free one only captivated truth, out of the Dungeons where of late it was imprisoned: if forth ' encouragement of others, I make it evident in this, quam magna veritas, how great the truth is, and how mightily it will prevail. Not to stand longer in the entrance, my purpose is to write in brief, the Story of that most blessed Saint and Soldier of CHRIST JESUS, St. George of Cappadocia: and to produce such testimonies in defence thereof, as all the Ages of the Church successively have given him. No Saint in all the Calendar, the glorious Company of the Apostles excepted only; scarce any of the Noble Army of the Martyrs, able to show a clearer title to the Crown of martyrdom, or to produce more evidence to justify his right unto that honour: and yet not any of that goodly Fellowship, more ignobly handled; more shamefully discarded. For having in the general vouch and confession of the Church, been reckoned with the Saints departed; a Festival allotted to his memory, and Temples consecrated by his name: for, having in the latter Ages of the world, been honoured as a Patron of Christianity; and of special credit and opinion with us here in England: we now are taught a Lesson so exactly contrary, that fire and water cannot be at greater difference. St. George, if they may be believed which say it, must now no longer be conceived, as one that ever lived, or moved or had any being: or if a man at all, a wicked man, an Arian. This they affirm for certain, and they affirm it with such confidence: as if they meant to leav● us nothing, but this miserable choice; of two such fatal mischiefs, both dangerous and extreme to choose the least. 
Pudet haec opprobria, nobis  
Et dici potuisse, & non potuisse refelli.  Fowl shame it were, should they St. George defy; And we stand mute, not able to reply.  
(4) A thing as I conceive it, dishonourable unto God, that those of his retinue in the Heaven of Heavens, should at the suit of Curious and unquiet men, be thus put under an Arrest, and so laid up for ever, in the Gaol of utter dark●nesse, or at the best, bound over to eternal silence & oblivion. A thing, as I conceive it, injurious to the new jerusalem; made poorer by the loss of such a great & glorious Citizen: & to that blessed Corporation of the Saints themselves, so to be baffled of their rights and ancient liberties. Nor is it less to the dishonour of the holy Church, which hitherto hath reckoned him among the Saints; and as a Saint, given him the honour due unto his name: nor to the Princes of this Kingdom, which have elected him the Patron of their most noble Order of the Garter: or to those famous Peers, his Knights, which every year do solemnize his Festival with many noble Ceremonies; nor lastly, is it less to the dishonour of that High Court of Parliament, who since the Reformation hath thought it no impiety, to entitle him S. George the Martyr. For in the first of Edward the 6. Cap. 14. etc. we find a mention of the free Chapel of S. George the Martyr, situate in the Castle of Windsor: and in the 5. of Queen Elizabeth, Cap. 2. the Feast of S. George the Martyr is expressly mentioned; to inquire no further. Quod itaque felix faustumque sit, etc. In the fear therefore of Almighty God, and to the honour of the Saints, his blessed Courtiers; I have adventured to restore this glorious Martyr to his place: not in the Heavens, from whence the powers of man were never able to remove him; but in the good opinions of us men, from which we have of late displaced him. And as my duty binds me next, in honour of the Holy Church throughout the World, and to the glory of my gracious Lord and Master, the service of my Country, the satisfaction of my Brethren; and for the full content of that most noble Order, which I am sure hate nothing more, than Superstitious Vanities: I have endeavoured, that neither we become ashamed of our St. George; nor he of us: Dij coepris aspirate meis.  
(5) I know that in the prosecution of this Argument, I cannot choose but meet with many prejudices: the names and dictates etc. of those reverend and famous men, which have affirmed the contrary; the censures and rebukes of such, who would have all things pass for currant, which are found extant in their Writings. But in the search of truth, we must not be afraid of names, or censures. Luther had never ventured on the reformation of Religion: had he been either frighted by the Names of Schoolmen, or terrified by any of the Bulls from Rome, or otherwise afraid of Opinion. Nor can I think it, more unpardonable in me, to descent from them; than first it was in them, to differ from Antiquity. It was a noble saying of the great Philosopher, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
●th. lib. 1. Cap. 6  That when we make a search for truth, we must have no respect of persons: and thereupon we use it for a Proverb, Amicus Socrates, amicus Plato, magis amica veritas. Truth is the main of my enquiry, I have Antiquity to friend, and the tradition of the Church, my Sanctuary. What should I fear in such a cause, and so well seconded? Besides I cannot think, that ever those most blessed Spirits now with GOD, to whom we stand indebted for so many helps in Piety and Learning: did ever hope to have their writings reckoned, as unquestionable. Sic institu●re maiores, 
Tat. de Mor. Germ.  posteri imitantur: This only was a privilege of the Apostles; that as they Preached, so we also should bele●ue. If so, then as it is no injury unto them, that we join with them, in an enquiry after Truth; which with such diligence they sought: so neither, if we take another and a nearer way unto it; when we perceive them, either through error, or infirmity, to have gone aside. Their Names as oft as I have cause to use them, I shall not mention without honour: their words I shall lay down ingenuously, and as I find them; without censure: Their reasons I shall examine modestly, and with due regard; such as their persons do deserve. Those Authors, with whose weapons I have made choice to fight this battle; I shall use also in the same manner: assigning every man his time, giving to every one his due; not sparing those which make most for me, if I find them faulty.  
(6) My method shall be this. I know the Church of Rome too full of liberty in framing of the Legends, by mixing Truths with Fictions, and suffering the corrupt and dangerous tales of Heretics, to be wrought in, with both: hath given the chief occasion, that this our Saint, with others, have in these latter days been brought unto their trial. First therefore, I shall make a short relation of such unwarrantable tales, as are found of him in the Legend, or set abroad by some late Fablers of our own; or obtruded on the Church by heretics. That done, I shall report in their own words, the several conceits of them; who have endeavoured to persuade us, that there was never such a man, as our St. George: and next, of them, who have been diligent to prove our Saint, 
V. Chap. 3 §. 6.  to be an Arian Bishop; a bloody Butcher (as one calls him) of the true Christians. Not that I shall produce them all; but some only of the chiefest: some five or six perhaps, of each of the opinions; Et magna partium momenta, the founders and abettors. Their arguments, which are not many, I shall quickly answer▪ proceeding so to such records, as yield most testimony to our Saint: the time and manner of his Death, the honour done unto his Relics, to his memory; not only by the Church, but by the greatest Kings and Princes of the Christian world. In which, I shall adhere especially to the plain words and meanings of those Authors, whose authorities I urge, not wresting them aside, or stopping of their mouths, when they speak not to my purpose. My study is for truth, not faction. And if at any time, which is but seldom, I shall take liberty to use conjectures in the explaining of some passage, which else might give occasion of exception: I hope it will be said, that I am only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ingenuously bold, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, audaciously presumptuous.  
(7) The whole work, as it is consecrated, next under GOD, unto the service of his most excellent Majesty, and of this flourishing Church whereof we are; both which are principally interessed in this cause, by reason of the Honours which they have conferred upon our Martyr: so from them chiefly, I expect my censure; yet so, that I submit it also to the censure of all honest, learned, and religious men; whom I beseech with all respective reverence, to pardon such mistakes, if any be, which their more able knowledge shall discover to them: and though they think not fit, to approve the work; to commend my purpose. Those self-conceited ones, which are so stiff (as King Harry used to say) in their new Sumpsimus; and whose opinions hang upon another's sleeve, not to be taken off with reason: I leave unto the jolly humour of their singularities. Against such men, I am resolved to entertain the resolution of Mimnermus, as he hath thus expressed it: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Rejoice my Soul: though some offended be  
And speak thee foul; others will cherish thee.   
(6) I cannot but be conscious to myself, that there are many things omitted, in this following Discourse; which might add further lustre to the cause, and vindicate St. George's honour with the more applause, and satisfaction. Yet I must say withal, that nothing is omitted in it, which either my memory could prompt unto me, or which by diligent enquiry into all kind of Authors, which I thought likely to afford me any helps; might possibly be met with. If any one, who shall vouch safe to cast his eye upon it, will please to let me know wherein I am defective; and give me such directions, as may be serviceable to the perfection of this work: I shall with joy and thankfulness accept them; and willingly make known, by whom I profit. Which if they do; and that they would be pleased so far to grace me, is in the chief of my desires: I doubt not but St. George will be again as high in our opinion, as in the Times before us, most affected to his memory. This, as I then should happily presume of; so I despair not of it now: submitting, as before I said, myself and my performance, unto all honest, learned, and religious men; and to them only. As for the rest, 
O di profanum vulgus, & arceo.    

CHAP. I.  
(1) Three kinds of Imposture. (2) The first Author of Scholastical or fabulous History. (3) The three ages of the Church in these later times. (4) jacobus de Voragine, the Author of the Golden Legend: his time and quality. (5) His fiction of St. George's killing of the Dragon. (6) The remainder of the Legend, continued out of Ovid. (7) The fable of St. George's Birth in England: (8) Poetically countenanced by Edm. Spencer. (9) The Legend of the Dragon, rejected by the learned Romanists. (10) Defended by Geo. Wicelius. (11) The Scene thereof removed from Africa, into Asia.  
(1) THat excellent though unfortunate Sir FRANCIS BACON, created afterwards Lord Verulam, and Viscount St. Albon; in his religious Essays, thus informs us. There are (saith he) three forms of speaking, which are, as it were, the style and phrase of imposture: By the first kind of which, the capacity and wit of man is fertered and entangled; by the second, it is trained on, and inveigled; and by the third, astonished and enchanted. The first of these, he attributes unto the Schoolmen: the last, to those which trade in mysteries and parables. The second is, of them, who out of the vanity of their wit, (as Church-Poets) do make and devise all variety of Tales, Stories, and examples; whereby men's minds may be led into belief: from whence grow the Legends, and the infinite and fabulous inventions and dreams of the ancient Heretics. So that we see two several diseases, or corruptions of Story rather, to proceed from one and the same Fountain, Vanity of Wit. though after, they have divers ends, and different purposes: the purpose of the Legend, being to advance the reputation of the Saint; the project of the Heretic, to make the Saint a countenance and Patron to his Cause. With each of these diseases, the Story of our Saint, and many others also of that glorious Company, are deeply tainted: the Heretics, inserting such passages into their Histories, as might persuade the world to think them of their party; the others labouring so to describe their lives and passions, as might procure unto their shrines, a greater measure of Devotion and attendance. The one of these, an effect only of a superstitious Piety, the other a design of a malicious cunning.  
(2) And first beginning with the Legendaries, which of these two Impostors are the last in time, and least in danger; they took beginning from one Peter, surnamed Comestor: the Author, as his friends do style him, and as himself inscribe's his work; of the Scholastical History. But they which look upon his Writings with the eye of judgement, and not of blind Affection; have thought it fitter to bestow upon him that Character, which I have somewhere read of Herodotus: and to entitle him, Fabulosae Historiae Patrem, the Father and Original of all those fabulous Tales and Legends, which at this day are so frequent in the Roman Church. Sure I am, that Bellarmine hath given him this Censure, that he inserted into the sacred Stories of the Bible, many things out of vulgar glosses, and profane Authors; not rarely mingling with it uncertain and unprofitable Fables. 
De Script. Eccles.  Scripsit autem (saith he) inserens verbis sacris multa ex glossis, & ex prophanis Auctoribus; & non rarò admiscens incertas Historias. He lived and writ about the year 1150. which Age, with that that followed, may most deservedly be entitled Fabulous.  
(3) For as the learned Varro called the first Ages of the world, before the Flood, (conceive it of Deucalion) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obscure, because of the ignorance thereof; and those which were before the first Olympiad, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fabulous, because of those so frequent Fables of the Gods and Goddesses, in them delivered; but those that next succeeded them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Historical, the writings of it beginning now to be worthy credit: so is it also in these latter Ages of the Church. There was a time, 
In Chronol.  which Bellarmine doth call Infelix seculum, a time of ignorance and darkness: which lasted from the year 900. unto the year 1100. or thereabouts. There also was a time, which we may properly call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of Fabulous; delighted only in the miracles & apparitions of the Saints; with other matters of that nature: the fruits of superstitious fancies. And last of all, when learning was revived by Petrarch, and his endeavours seconded by Fl. Blondus, Aeneas Silvius, Picus Mirandula, and others of that time and Country; the Church may justly style her Acts and Monuments, Historical, and true: the knowledge of the present times, having expelled the ignorance of the first Ages; and discovered the fabulous vanities of the other.  
(4) Not to search further in this Argument, let it suffice that we have found the first Father of the Legendaries, in the Western Churches: nor is it to be doubted, but that he had a fruitful issue, in an age so prone to Superstition. Of these, the man of greatest Fame, was james Archbishop of Genoa, in Italy; a native of that Country: his surname, De Voragine, so called in the opinion of Helvicus, quasi Vorago esset Bibliorum, propter crebras allegationes; because he was so great a Student in the Holy Scriptures, so frequent in quotations. Philippus Bergomensis, and Possevin since him, will rather have it to be de Viragine, a little Village in the territory of Genoa, the place of his Nativity. Oraeus, in his Nomenclator, placeth him, ad Annum 1278. Helvicus, in the year 1280. And Bergo●mensis ten years after, Anno 1290. None of them differing from the truth, though from themselves. The last of these, give's him the commendation both of Eloquence and Learning: and Vossius makes him, in his work de Latinis Historicis, to be the first Translator of the Bible into the Italian language. His works were many, and of good opinion in the Church: but none of equal credit with the History, which he collected of the lives of Saints. Himself entitleth it, Historia Lombardica; called by the people, for the excellency thereof, (as it was then conceived) the Golden Legend. A book in the esteem and judgement of those times, of high desert: how ever now the learned Papists have rejected it with shame enough. 
L. 4. ad Pag. 131 Pag. 251. b.  There is (saith Master Harding in his Detection) an old Moathe-eaten book, wherein Saints lives are said to be contained; certain it is, that among some true stories, are many vain fables written. 
De Tradend. discipl. l. 2.  And Lud. Vives give's him this censure for a farewell, that he was homo ferrei oris, plumbei Cordis; some also add, Animi certè parùm prudentis & severi; a man of litlewit, and less judgement, a leaden heart, and a brazen forehead.  
(6) Of him, 
V. Chapt. 5. §. 9.10.  and of his Legend, more hereafter: and for the present, let us look upon him, in his so memorated Story of St. George, and of th● Dragon. He begins it thus. Georgius Tribunus, genere Cappadox, pervenit quadam vice in Provinciam Lybiae, in civitatem quae dicitur Silena: iuxta quam Civitatens erat stagnum instar Maris, in quo Draco pestifer latitabat; flatuque suo ad muros civitatis accedens, omnes inficiebat: quapropter compulsi cives duas oves quotidiè ' sibi dabant, ut eius furorem sedarent. Cum ergo iam oves pene deficerent, inito consilio ovem cum adiuncto homine tribuebant. Cum igitur sorte omnium filij & filiae consumpti essent, quadam vice, filia Regis unica sorte est deprehensa, & Draconi adiudicata, etc. Once on a time (for so we will begin it) St. George of Cappadocia, a Colonel or a Tribune of the Soldiers at that time, came to the Country of Lybia, and to the City of Sisena, (A City, as Don Quixote said of his Kingdom errant, that is not to be found in all the Map.) near to this Town, there whs a Lake as big as any Sea, God bless us; and in that Lake a deadly Dragon, which with his breath did poison all the Country round about him: and therefore the poor people were compelled, God help 'em, to give him every day two sheep, to keep him quiet. At last, when all their sheep were spent, alas poor people, they were compelled to give him every day one sheep, and one man or one woman with it, to make up the number. And then when almost all their Sons and Daughters had been eaten, at length the cruel and unlucky lot fell upon the King's Daughter, her Father's only Child, and her mother's blessing. It was a sorry house I warrant you, but who could help it, the poor Lady was drawn forth into the Fields, and stripped of all her gay attire, and bound unto a stake, and ready for the foul Fiend that was to eat her. etc.  
(6) So far the Story, or the Tale rather in the Legend: the rest of it for the more variety, we will make bold to borrow out of Ovid's Metamorph. who in his Perseus and Andromeda, hath very perfectly expressed the Progress of the fiction, so perfectly, that were the names changed, and the occasion altered; we might with good reason affirm it for the same, as indeed it is. But thus the Poet: 
Quam simul ad duras religatam brachia cantes  
Vidit Abantiades; 
Metamorph. l. 1.  nisi quòd levis aura capillos  
Moverat, & tepido manabant lumina fletu,  
Marmoreum ratus esset opus, etc.   
This, and the rest that follows, thus rendered by Sir George Sandys, by whom this Author is translated, even to the wonder and the envy of his Reader.  
Whom when the Heros saw to hard Rocks chained,  
But that warm tears from charged eye-springs drained,  
And light winds gently fanned her fluent hair,  
He would have thought her Marble. Ere aware  
He fire attracteth; and astonished by  
Her beauty, had almost forgot to fly.  
Who lighting said, O fairest of thy kind,  
More worthy of those bands which Lovers bind,  
Than these rude gyves; the Land by thee renowned  
Thy name, thy birth declare, and why thus bound.  
At first the silent Virgin was ●fraid  
To speak t● a man, and modestly had made  
A vizard of her hands; but they were tied:  
And yet abortive tears their Fountains hide.  
Still urged, lest she should wrong her innocence,  
As if ashamed to utter her offence;  
Her Country she discover's, and her name,  
Her beauteous mother's confidence and blame, etc.  
When, as a Galley with fore-fixed prow  
Rowed by the sweats of slaves, the Sea doth plough:  
Even so the Monster furroweth with his breast  
The foaming Flood, and to the near Rock pressed;  
Not farther distant than a man might fling,  
A way-inforcing Bullet from a sling.  
Forthwith the youthful issue of rich showers,  
Earth pushing from him, to the blue sky towre's.  
And as Jove's bird, when she from high survaie's  
A Dragon basking in Apollo's Rays,  
Descend's unseen; and through his necks blue scales  
(To shun his deadly teeth) her talons nails:  
So swiftly stoops high pitched Inachides  
Through singing air; then on his back doth seize;  
And near his right sin sheaths his crooked sword  
Up to the hilts; who deeply wounded, roared.  
Now caper's in the air, now dives below  
The troubled Waves, now turns upon his foe:  
Much like a chafed Boar, whom eager hounds  
Have at a Bay, and terrify with sounds.  
He with swift wings his greedy chaps avoydes,  
Now with his Fawchion wounds his scaly sides.  
Now his shell-rough-cast back; now where the tail  
Ends in a Fish, or parts exposed t'assail.  
A stream mixed with his blood the monster flings  
From his wide throat; which wets his heavy wings.  
Nor longer dares the weary Youth rely  
On their support. He sees a Rock hard by;  
There light's: and holding by the Rocks extent,  
His oft-thrust sword into his bowels sent.  
The shore rings with th'applause that fills the sky.  
Then came the aged King and Queen with joy  
To greet him Conqueror, whom now they call  
The Saviour of their house, and of them all.  
And up the Lady came freed from her chains;  
The cause, and recompense of all his pains.  
So far the story out of Ovid. The rest that follows in the Legend, is the baptising of this King, his redeemed Daughter, and his people: which done, and some instructions left among them, for their better progress in the faith; he commended them to God.  
(7) This Fable of the Dragon, as it was very gracious with the people of those times; so did it quickly spread abroad: and in the close, when others did neglect it, became a principal Pageant in that doughty History of the seven Champions. The Author of which Pamphlet, to the no small advancement, as he takes it, of the English name; hath made him to be borne of English Parentage, and of the royal blood. His Father, the Lord Albert, Lord Steward of the Kingdom; his Mother Daughter to the King; his birthplace, Coventrey: this last most probable, for like a Coventrey man, he did his best at first; in his so dangerous an encounter with a burning Dragon in the Land of Egypt. Marked at his birth (forsooth) with a red bloody Cross, on his right hand; a golden Garter, on his left leg; and a red Dragon on his breast: but even as soon as borne, conveied from thence by Caleb, an Enchantress of the Woods, and there I leave him.  
(8) To this Relation, of his being borne of English Parentage, our admired Spencer, although poëtically, doth seem to give some countenance: where he brings in his holy Hermit, heavenly Contemplation, thus laying to St. George, the Red-crosse Knight, his Parentage and Country.  

65.  
I wot (quoth he) thou spring'st from ancient race  

Fairy Qu. l. 1. cant. 10.  Of Saxon Kings, that have with mighty hand,  
And many bloody battles fought in place,  
High reared their royal Throne in Britain land;  
And vanquished them unable to withstand.  
From thence a Fairy thee unwitting re●t,  
There as thou stepst in tender swaddling band:  
And her base Elfin brood, there for thee left,  
Such men do changelings call, so changed by Fairy's theft.   

66.  
Thence she thee brought into this Fairy Lond,  
And in an heaped furrow did thee hide;  
Where thee a Ploughman all unwitting fond,  
As he his toil some team that way did guide;  
And brought thee up in Ploughman's state to bide,  
Whereof Georgos he thee gave to name:  
Till pricked with courage, and thy forces pride,  
To Fairy Court thou comest to seek for fame;  
And prove thy puissant arms, as seems thee best became.   
(9) But to return again unto the Legend, according as in those times it was commonly received; we have it almost word for word in Antoninus Florentinus. 
Summa Histor. part. 1. tit. 8. §. 23.  Who though in other of his stories, he is conceived to give too much credit to popular reports: in this particular he hath played the part of a Relatour only, not 〈◊〉 approover of the Fable. For in the Close he tells us, that this the Legend of St. George, is reckoned by Gelasius inter apocryphas Scripturas; For many passages therein which may well be doubted, ut de Dracone interfecto, & filia Regis per eum liberata, etc. as for example, this his encounter with the Dragon. Much also to this purpose Raphael Volaterran, who flourished in the time of Pope julio the second, (anno viz. 1506.) to whom his Work is dedicated. S. Georgius Martyr, genere Cappadox, Tribunus Militum sub Diocletiano merebat. Draconem maximum in Africa exercitum terrentem, solus Deo ●retus dicitur interemisse: quae tamen Historia in Niceno Concilio, inter Apocrypha est habita. St. George the Martyr, by birth a Cappadocian, was under Diocletian, one of the Tribunes of the Soldiers. It is reported of him, that he killed a great and dreadful Dragon in the Land of Africa: which Story notwithstanding, is in the Nicene Council (he means the Canon of Gelasius, made in a Council of 72. Bishops') reputed as Apocryphal. Where we may note, that only his so memorated conflict with the Dragon is exploded, but not his martyrdom, or being.  
(10) Only Wicelius, of as many as I have seen, endeavours to make good the Tale, by reason. A man of good abilities in Learning, and, as we may conjecture by his writings, no furious Papist: however it hath pleased Balaeus, 
Cont. 3. c. 38.  to give him that unworthy ●itle, of Papisticus adulator, a Popish Parasite. He in his Hagiographie or History of the Saints, written, as it appears by his Epistle Ded. in the year 1541. doth argue thus. Gentilitas persuasa fabulis poeticis, credidit quicquid fingebatur de tauro Marathronio, & apro Caledonio, belluis terrae exitiosissimis. Verù quando nos omnipotentiae divinae fortitèr gesta omnia religiosè adsoribimus; nil erit absurdum, Draconem Lybicum abs Deo per dextram Christiani equitu è medio sublatum, ne plus damni inferret miseris mortalibus. 
In Georgio.  The Gentiles (saith he) induced thereunto by poëticall fictions only did willingly believe the stories told unto them, of the Caledonian Boar, destroyed by Meleager; & of the Marathronian Bull, which was slain by Hercules. What error is it then, or what absurdity, if we which attribute all noble Acts unto the mighty hand of God; if we (I say) believe, that God destroyed this Lybian Dragon, by the valour of a Christian Champion? So he. His argument, we see; is drawn à posse Dei, from the power of God, which no man questioned; and wherein the business is mistaken; the scruple being, not what might possibly be done by God, in the extent of power; but what was done in truth of Story. Sr. W. Raleigh, 
V. part. 2 Ch. 8. §. 10.  in his most excellent History of the World, seems somewhat to incline this way, but of him and his conceit, in a place more proper.  
(11) Thus have we spoken hitherto, of an African, or Lybian Dragon; for so it is reported in the Legend, and in those other Authors whose testimonies we have used: but we must now remove our Scene, and carry the whole story with us into Asia. How this was done, or by what means, I am not able to determine: unless perhaps those Spirits, (for I dare not call them Angels) which translated the dwelling house of the blessed Virgin, out of Asia into Eurpe; to make some satisfaction for that injury, conveied the story of this Dragon, out of afric into Asia. Sure I am, that they of Syria and Palestine, are very confident, that the Dragon was their Countryman; and that St. George encountered him in the Plains of Libanus, near unto Berytus, now Barutti, a chief Town of Syro. Phoenicia. Thus witnesseth Ludou. Patritius, 
Cap. 3.  in the first book of his own Travels, speaking of this Berytus. Nihil ibi memoratu dignum praeter id quod incolae memorant, locum viz. vetustate exesum, squalentemque ubi autumant D. Georgium Regis filiam ab immanissimo Dracone asseruisse, etc. We found there nothing worthy note, but an old ruinous Chapel, built in the place, where, as they say, St. George redeemed the King's Daughter, out of the very jaws of a dreadful Dragon. So he: and he begun his journey anno 1504 or thereabouts, during the Reign of EMANVELL King of Portugal; to whom, at his return to Lisbon, he addressed himself. Adrichomius in his Description of the holy Land, anno 1589. goeth more particularly to work, and makes the place to be, as before we said, the Fields of Libanus, between the Rivers of Zidon and Adonis. Where in his Map of Aser, we have the pictures of the Dragon and the Knight, in a fearful skirmish: and in his text he tells us, that the place is by the Natives called by the name of Cappadocia (it being, we must think, the birthplace of S. George's glories:) and that St. George there killed the Dragon. 
Num. 9  In hoc loco, qui ab incolis Cappadocia appellatur, non longè a Beryto, memorant inclytum Christi militem D. Georgium, Regis filiam, etc. as he there hath it. In memory of which exploit, there was a Castle, & an Oratory, built after in the same place, being consecrated to Saint George: and the whole Country thereabouts, to this day called St. George's Valley. If this suffice not for the removing of it into Asia, 
Pag. 68  we may read in Mr. Seldens' notes on the Polyolbion, that he is pictured in his Knightly form at Beryth a City of Cyprus (he means questionless of Syria) with a Dragon under him, and a young Maid kneeling to him. An Argument no doubt, whereby the people make themselves believe, that the great Dragon was killed within their borders: even as to justify the Tale of our Sir Bevis, and his Page the Giant Ascapart; the people of Southampton, have placed their portraitures upon their gate.  
But of the Legend, and those unwarrantable Fables thence arising, we have spoke enough. Only me thinks this their exact and punctual pointing out the place, of this great duel, brings in my mind, what I have somewhere read of the blind Senator Montanus. Who being once at Supper with the Emperor Tiberius, highly commended the great Mullet, which he heard say, was set before them on the Table; and showed how fair it was, how fat, how it filled the Charger, how it lay: and ever as he spoke, he turned his face, and pointed with his finger to the higher end of the Table; whereas indeed, the Mullet was a great deal below him.   

CHAP. II.  
(1) Of Heretics and their Original. (2) Their early pract●ce● to corrupt the Gospel. (3) Their arts to countenance their cause. 4. Their plots discovered, and condemned; by Counsels, and by Fathers. (5) The injury done by Heretics, unto the History of St. George. (6) St. Athanasius accused for Magic by the Arians. (7) Of Alexandra, Diocletians wife in the Arian Legend. (8) The indiscretion of some Church-Historians in their choice of Argument.  
(1) I Have now done with the first kind of Imposture, conversant about the History and lives of Saints, the last, as before I said, in time, and the least in danger. That only did intend, to dispose the mind to entertain ungrounded Fables, doubtful traditions, and unwarrantable fictions; whereby it might be raised unto a constant liking of those parties, commended to it in those Fables, fictions and traditions. But this that follows, endeavours principally to infect the understanding, and to prepare the will, to countenance that cause which themselves support: infusing into every part and Section of their writings, some secret venom, which the unheedful Reader may swallow unawares. That (as I said before) an effect only of superstitious Piety: but this, a treacherous design of malicious cunning. A cunning even as old as Heresy itself: Heresy I mean as now we take the word, for a malicious and stubborn opposition to the truth, delivered to us in the holy Gospel. I say as now we take the word, for if we take it accordingly as it hath been used in ancient Authors, we have not only Heresies in Christianity, but even in judaism, in the Law of Mahomet, & in Philosophy both natural & moral But take it as it is at this time used, and we refer the first original thereof, to Simon Magus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first begotten of the Devil, 
Epistol. ad Tral.  as Ignatius calls him. Out of his mouth came those unclean and filthy spirits, like to the Frogs in the Apocal. which came out of the mouth of the Dragon, and out of the mouth of the Beast, and out of the mouth of the false Prophets: even the spirits of Devils working miracles.  
(2) No sooner came this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Generation of Vipers forth into the world; but they presently began to do the will of him that sent them: making as many as they could, which went upright in the way of God's Commandments; at first to halt and stagger between two opinions; and at the last, to forsake the living God, and turn to Baal. The Devil when he was his own Agent, in his attempt to seduce our Saviour; assaulted him with Scripture, saying, It is written: and these his children must needs also have a Scriptum est, the better to set off and relish their temptations. Only the Devil of the two was the more ingenuous: for he produced the words of Scripture, as they were in the sacred Covenant, though with an ill intention: but these besides an ill intention to seduce, will both corrupt that Scripture which they had amongst them, and devise a new. In their attempts to corrupt the Scripture, they proceeded somewhat leisurely; yet with more haste, as the saying is, than with good speed: for such a vigilant eye the watchmen of the Church did keep upon them, that they were instantly discovered. Martion, as Epp●hanius tells us, 
Har. 42.  had altered and perverted some passages of holy Writ; but all observed by that good Father. So had the Arians corrupted in one place the Gospel of St. john, to make it serve their purpose: 
L. de S. Sp. c. 11.  but this was noted (as himself informs us) and restored by Ambrose. In their designs to devise new Scripture, they began more early, but with like success: so early and so impudently, that they obtruded their most damnable inventions upon the Church; during the lives, and some of them, under the names of the Apostles. Of which sort among others, were the Prophecies of Enoch, whereof and of the rest, St. Austin gives this censure: 
De Civ. Dei, 〈◊〉. 15.  Vnde illaqua sub eius nomine proferuntur etc. rectè à prudentibus iudicantur non ipsius esse credenda; sicut multa sub nomibus & aliorum Prophet arum, & recentiora sub nominibus Apostolorum, ab haereticis proferuntur, quae omnia sub nomine Apocryphorum, etc. Of this sort also were the Gospels of Bartholomew, and Nicodemus; the Protoevangelium, attributed to Saint james; the Preaching and itinerary of St. Peter, the travails of St. Paul and Thecla; with others of that rank and quality: not to say any thing of Barchabas and Barchob, and other Prophets of that nature, added unto the old Testament by the Heretic Basilides. All these, and their associates of the same making, by the decretal of Pope Leo, of that name the first, not only forbidden to be read, but sentenced to be abolished, and adjudged unto the fire. Apocryphae Scripturae quae sub nomine Apostolorum multarum habent seminarium falsitatum, non solùm interdicendae, sed etiam penitus auferendae, atque ignibus tradendae sunt. So he, Can. 15.  
(3) Nor were these ancient Heretics excellent only in their stratagems to deface and falsify the ancient writers; but also in those more neat and subtle projects which they had among them to countenance and enlarge their cause. For certainly we may affirm it of the Heretics, that as they are the Children of this World; so they are wiser in their ways than the Children of Light. A clear example of which Aphorism, we have in those of the Arian Faction, which holding longer, than any other of that dangerous nature in the Church; could not but be supported with a greater cunning. Of this kind was their accusing of their Contraries of Magic, and Sabellianisme; their strict Confederacies and Combinations, to ruin those that held against them; their artificial plots to draw on others, to maintain their party; their curious choice of instruments, whereby to compass their intents. Thus did they join together, in the several Counsels of Antioch and Tyre, 
Secrat. Hist. Eccl. l. 1. cap. 19  to destroy the Orthodox Professors. Thus did they win upon Constantia (a woman of no kindred with her name) by one of special sanctity in the appearance: and by her means, 
Ib. ●●p. ult.  prevailed upon the noble nature of her Brother Constantine. And thus by sending Post the same engine, which had wrought upon that Lady, to signify the Emperor's death unto the eldest of his Sons; and to deliver him his Father's Testament, which was committed to their trust: they did not only work upon him to support their cause; but to stickle in it. So true is that of Canus, (although it may be truly verified of him and his: 
●. 11. c 5. ) Haereticorum diligentiam & industriam mirari satis non quco. Omnia quippe illi susque deque miscent, ut viri pictate insignes, praesertim si Reges & Imperatores sint, ipsorum partes f●visse videantur.  
(4) But to proceed, what luck soever the Heretics of former ages had in their plots and stratagems upon great persons; they found it otherwise in such other of their courses, as came within the cognisance and censure of the Church. They had as we have said already, divulged their damnable errors, under the Names of the Apostles; but this discovered, and their writings judged unto the fire, by Leo. The Manichees had many Dreams and devilish fancies of their own, which they imputed also to some one or other of those blessed Spirits: but this detected by St. Austin. Ipsi antem (viz. Manichaei) legunt Scipturas apocryphas, quas etiam incorruptiss●imas esse dicunt, etc. So he, in his discourse against Adimantus. Nor did they only labour to corrupt the Doctrine of the Church: but the Stories also of those times and of the former, were made to speak such language, as might be most available unto their cause and purpose. And not so only, but by confounding the false Legends of their partisans, with such as had been Saints indeed: they gave occasion to the Church, that either by suppressing of their Stories, the memory of the holy Martyrs might be ruined with them; or else, out of a pious care to preserve the one, the memory of the other might likewise be continued▪ But herein their device miscarried also: the Fathers of the Church, distinguishing as well as possibly they could, the Tares and Wheat; gathered the one into their Barn, and left the other to the mercy of the flames. Thus the sixth Synod holden in the year 680. at Constantinople. 
Can. 63.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Viz. The holy Synod doth ordain, that those false Martyrologies which have been written by the enemies of our Religion, be no more published in the Churches; but that they be delivered over to the fire, as dangerous writings, which disgrace the Saints of GOD, and lead men over to Infidelity. And as for those which either entertain them, or conceive them to be true; let them be Anthema. So far the Synod.  
(5) We have been busied all this while, in laying our foundation: It is now time that we proceed unto the building. A matter with the which I could not well go forward, till I had shown in general how diligent the Heretics of all ages; and in particular the Arians, have always been in gaining credit to their cause. Of which a clearer instance cannot easily be found, than their depraving of the story of our blessed Saint, St. George the Martyr: by mingling with it, some passages of special note, occurring in the life of an Arian Bishop of that name, their George of Alexandria. A thing that we affirm not casually and upon conjecture; but by such Arguments as are well able to evict it. For in a Council of 72. Bishops held in Rome, 
Concil. come 1 edit. Pet. Crabbe. p. 993.  under Pope Gelasius (he began his Popedom in the year 492.) it was complained, that the Acts and Monuments of the holy Martyrs, ●b infidelibus aut dicta superfluè aut minus aptè scripta essent, quam rei ordo postulat: had been collected by Infidels or Misbelievers, with less integrity than so great a business did require. And after in particular it was determined, that the death and martyrdom of one Quiriacus and his Mother julitta, St. George, and diverse others, had been writ by Heretics. Quiriaci cuiusdam, & julittae Matris eius, Georgij item, aliorumque buiusmodi passiones, ab Haereticis conscriptas perhiberi. Of all which Histories, both of the latter, which particularly are expressed; and of the others, intimated at large and in general terms; it was then resolved, that they were not to be read in Churches: Ne vel levius subsannandi occasio oriretur, that so there might be no occasion in the Church of contempt and laughter.  
(6) One special circumstance which might persuade those Reverend fathers there assembled, to conceive thus of it; and which may well confirm us in that sentence; is a great conflict which our Martyr is reported to have had, in the Arian Legend, with a most notable Conjurer or Magician. His name was Athanasius; and his undertaking, this; according as we have it in Vincentius. Tunc videns Dacianus, 
Sp●●. Mist. l. 12. Cap. 128.  quòd eum poenis superare non posset, diu quaesito, & tandem invento cuidam Mago, dixit, Christiani magicis artibus tormenta ludisicant. Respondet Athanasius Magus, si artes eius superare nequivero, reus ero capitis. Educto ergo de carc●re, dedit ei calicem plenum veneno, etc. When after several torments, which had been cruelly applied unto St. George, the Precedent (or Proconsul) Dacianus, saw that he was not able to make him yield to his desires; nor yet deprive him of his life; he called unto him a certain Magician whose name was Athanasius, and said unto him, that sure the Christians had some arts to delude their torments: who presently replied▪ that he would undertake upon the forfeit of his head, to over-match him in his own cunning. This said, and the blessed man of GOD brought out of Prison, he gave unto him, a Mazer full of deadly poison: which instantly St. George (not yet a Martyr) making the sign of the Cross upon the Cup, drank it off without further danger. Upon a second experiment in this kind, but of a more dispatching mixture; the fond Magician gives him over, and is accordingly beheaded. This is in brief, the substance of the story in this passage: in which who is so blind that seeth not, a full description (though in Clouds and shadows according to the use of Heretics) of that great trial which Athanasius had against the Arian George of Alexandria? For we are perfectly informed by all the Ecclesiastical Historians of those times, that holy Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, being by violence degraded from his See; and George the Arian succeeding in his place: there was a Combination of that party, to establish the possession of the one, in the death and ruin of the other. For the facilitating of which great design; it was resolved that Athanasius, in a Council to be held at Tyre, should be accused of Sorcery: as also for the murder of one Arsenius (whom they had hid out of the way;) and for the cutting off his arm, to use it in his Magical and devilish Incantations. By means whereof, (however it pleased GOD that Athanasius did marvailously acquit himself of both the crimes:) I say by means whereof, this just and innocent man, hath been traduced in Heathen writers, for a Magician, and for a man exceeding skilful in their Art of Augury. 
Ammian, Marcel. l. 15. c. ●.  Dicebatur●n. (viz. Athanasius) fatidicarum sortium fidem, quaeve augurales portenderunt alites, scientissimè callens, aliquoties praedixisse futura. So Amm. Marcellinus.  
(7) Of the same medley is their Tale of Alexandra, Dioeletians Lady, though in itself a little more perplexed; & not so easy to unriddle. The story is at large reported by Simeon Metaphrastes, towards the end of his History of George; and is this in substance. At such time as St. George had suffered many of their torments, and even wearied his Executioners; this Lady Alexandra (like pilate's wife in the holy Gospel) persuaded with her Husband, not to have any more to do with that Righteous man. This drew her into suspicion with the jealous Tyrant, as one that favoured somewhat of Christianity: and thereupon she was committed. But after, seeing with what a noble constancy, that blessed Saint continued in the profession of his Faith; she declared herself a Christian, and was forthwith had out of Prison, to her Execution. Our venerable Bede reflects a little upon this Fable in his martyrology, 
T●m 3. p. 408.  where speaking of our Martyr, he tells us this of him, Plurimos etiam ad fidem Christi convertit, simul & Alexandriam uxorem ipsius Datiani (for so he calls him) usque ad Martyrium confortavit. Nicephorus Callistus, reports this passage differently from those before him; 
L. 7. Cap. 15.  as viz. that by his earnest prayers to God, he restored the Empress Alexandra, which had long been dead, from the powers of Hell and of the grave. Reginamque Alexandram iamdudum defunctam oratione sola; ab inferis revocavit. What this should aim at, is as before I said, not altogether so easy to unriddle, as the former. I read indeed, that Alexandria one of the principal Cities of the Roman Empire, and at that time the Queen of Africa, revolted from that State (prompted unto it by the factious plots of one Achilles) at the first entrance of Diocletian on the Throne. For which, as many of the chiefest of them were deservedly put to death; so was the whole City in no small danger to be utterly destroyed. So witnesseth Eusebius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This I have read I say, and this may well agree with Diocletians putting his Lady Alexandra to the sword: but than it hath no reference unto our Martyr, who had not any intercourse with the affairs of that tumultuous City. We therefore must conceive it, that under this Cloud and Parable, the Arians have involved the state of Alexandria, under George their Bishop. A City which he found devoted to the memory of their godly Prelate, Athanasius, and therefore dead to him, and to the Arian party: This City he restored (as they would have us think) unto a right and lively faith; by his continual prayers and preaching. A City, which when himself was by the fury of the people, led unto his death; he boldly comforted, and established in the grounds of saving knowledge: so far, that for Religion's sake, they were even ready to render up their lives, and to suffer with him. The first of these reflects upon the Fable, as it is related by Nicephorus; the later, as it is intimated in the words of Bede. As for the execution done upon that Lady, in the report of Metaphrastes, it hath relation questionless, to that great wrath conceived against this City by julian the Apostata, for their tumultuous kill of their Bishop whom he greatly favoured. A wrath so deeply rooted, that had he come with life and honour from his Persian expedition; he might perhaps have turned his forces upon them.  
(8) This I conceive to be the meaning of the Arian Legends in this passage: wherein (as also in the former) I could have gladly wished, that those who have delivered to us the lives and stories of the Saints; had saved me harmless, from the least occasion of conjecture. I mean, if those which have committed unto memory the sacred Monuments of the Christian Church; had not so mingled truth with falsehood, light with darkness, unwarrantable Tales, with Stories undeniable: and in a word, confounded, as it were into one mass, the Temple of the living God with Idols. It therefore was an excellent caveat of Melchior Canus to his Historian, 
Lib 11. cap. 3.  that he should neither canvasse over idle Pamphlets, nor give belief to old wives Fables: Nec prius lecta auditave describat, quàmea prudenti atque accurato iudicio expenderet ac seligeret; nor put down any thing into the body of his History, before he had examined it, whether or no it were agreeable to truth. For the defect of which, both judgement in the choice, and industry in the examining; as he doth seem to touch a little at Beda, in his English History, and Gregory in his Dialogues: so doth he fall more freely on Vincentius and on Antoninus Florentinus. Vtrumque horum non tam dedisse operam ut res vera● certasque describerent, 
Ip. l. 11. cap. 6.  qu●m ne nihil omnino praeterirent, quod scriptum in schedulis qubuslibet reperiretur. It seems (saith he) to be the chief design of those two Authors, not so much to register things true and certain; as not to leave out any thing which they had seen recorded. As for jacobus in his Legend, wherein the Arian fable of the Magician Athanasius, and that old weatherbeaten fiction of the Dragon; are made up together: we may affirm with reason; that he concluded with himself, to set down nothing faithfully in the whole Story of St. George, but his name and Country.   

CHAP. III.  
(1) A proposition of the two contrary opinions. (2) Calvin the first that ever bid defiance to St. George. (3) Melanchthon mis-reported by the Papists. (4) Calvins' opinion in it, by whom seconded. (5) Saint George by whom first made an Arian Bishop. (6) The principal abettors of this last opinion. (7) No enemy more dangerous to the Truth, than a great man's error. (8) An examination of the Arguments drawn from the Canon of Pope Gelasius. (9) And the Authority of Cardinal Baronius.  
(1) THus have we shown, how St. George hath suffered even a second Persecution: how he is made a Martyr, not in his person only, but in his History. Yet all that hath been spoken of him hitherto, is but an easy Purgatory; in reference to that Hell which is to follow. For if the Legend did belie him, it only was (as they conceived it) to his greater credit: or if the Arians mingled any of their leaven with his story, it was to keep alive in him the memory of a stout Champion of their own; to shroud him under the protection of our blessed Martyr. But now St. George must either post away unto the Land of Fairies; and there remain for ever, with other the Chimeras of an idle head: or which is worse, be laid for all eternity in the pit of horror, with Heretics and Atheists. The only favour which this our curious and quicksighted age, can possibly vouchsafe him; is to affirm it by his friends, that he had never any being on the earth; for if he stand to that, it is concluded by his enemies, that without hope of Bail▪ or any mercy of mainprize; he must be in Hell. Durus est hic sermo. This is a hard saying, who can bear it?  
(2) And first beginning with those enemies of his, which are most favourable to him; we find how they resolve it, that there was never any such man, as St. George the Martyr. I say which are most favourable: for as it is far better to be well, than simply to be; so is it a more fortunate and blessed state, not to be at all, than to be always miserable. A founder this opinion had of as large abilities, as ever the French Church enjoyed, since the time it enjoyed him. So saith incomparable Hooker. A man whose bare assertion is by some thought of greater credit than proofs and reason in an other. But we that are not sworn unto him, exempt him not from possibility of error. This were not to cry down the pretended privilege of St. Peter's Chair; the cause of so much mischief in Christian Church: but to translate it to Geneva. He in his third book of the Institutes of Christian Religion, doth justly and with good reason tax the Papists, for attributing to the Saints those honours, which are due only unto CHRIST. In which abuse (saith he) they have so far proceeded, that now our Saviour's Intercession is conceived unprofitable; unless Hippolytus, 
Ch.. ●0. §. 27.  or George, or such like counterfeits, concur with him. Nil eos Christo reliquum facere, qui pro nihilo ducunt eius intercessionem, nisi accedant Georgius, aut Hippolytus, aut similes larvae. So he, and this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great deal of resolution in a little Language. Now lest we should mistake ourselves in this word Larva; the learned Doctor Raynolds tells us, 
De Idol. Eccl. ● l. 1. c, 5▪ s. 20.  that his meaning in it is, Georgium similesque nunquam extitisse, that neither George nor other Saints of that condition, had ever any being. And this construction he affirms out of Canisius the jesuit, in his fifth Book de Maria Virgin. where he upbraids it unto Luther, Calvin, and Melanchthon, that they had left St. George no place nor room in nature. Certè Canisius jesuita agnoscit hanc fuisse Calvini mentem, in Larvarum nomine, quum ait, Nobilissimo Martyri Georgio, Lutherus, Calvinus, Melancthon alijque Sectarij, nec inter homines, nec in rerum natura locum reliquum faciunt. So far the Doctors Commentary upon Calvins' text.  
(3) But here I must digress a little, to remove a block which else would trouble me. For if that Luther and Melancthon, as by Canisius it appears, and Bellarmine doth also say, were of this opinion: then have we done them wrong, to cast the honour of their voyage and discovery, upon another. A thing in which I think the Iesu●tes misreport them of set purpose: that so their victory, in case they could obtain it, might be thought the greater. In Luther I can meet with nothing in this Argument at all: and in Melancthon as good as nothing to the purpose. All he affirms is this, that they (the Papists) have in an imitation of the Gentiles, assigned unto particular Saints, particular employments: making St. Anne (she was the Mother of our Lady) the Patroness of Riches, and St. George the GOD of Soldiers. Haeret & hic error apud doctos, 
Apol. Aug. ●ōf. art. de Invoc. S.  (these are his words) quòd singulis Sanctis certae procurationes commissae sunt; ita ut Anna divitias largiatur, Georgius tu●atur equites, etc. Haepersuasiones planè ortae sunt ex ethnicis exemplis. This is all, and this I verily believe the learned Papists, will not stick at: sure I am, the Church of England, no enemy unto St. George, hath said as much, and was never quarrelled for it; in the most excellent Homily, against the peril of Idolatry. What (saith the Homily) I pray you, be such Saints with us, to whom we attribute the defence of certain Countries, but dij tutelares of the Gentiles, etc. Yea every Artificer and Profession hath his special Saint, as a particular God: as for example, Scholars have St. Nicholas, and St. Gregory; Painters, St. Luke, etc. Neither lack Soldiers their Mars, and so forth. Thus are the Romanists affected towards Luther and Melancthon; as old Rome was to Carthage: apt to believe what ever gulls were raised upon them, 
Vellcius Patere. lib. 2.  though in themselves unworthy credit. Idque magis quia volebant Romani quicquid de Carthaginiensibus diceretur, credere; quam quia credenda afferebantur. So the Historian.  
(4) But to proceed, the next of special note which hath rejected this our Martyr, is Chemnitius; by birth, a Germane; by profession, a Lutheran: who in his examination of the Trent doctrine, (writ in the year 1565.) and in his scanning of the 25. Session of that Council, 
Pag. 140.  entitled, the veneratione Sanctorum, thus hath it. Quin etiam multos Pontificij Sanctos venerantur, qui nunquam vel vixerunt, vel in rerum natura fuerunt, ut Georgium, etc. viz, that those of Rome do worship many Saints, which never lived upon the Earth; as George and others. So he, and so Chamier a French man, in his first Tome of Controversies lately published. Who in his Index points us unto his second book, and sixteenth Chapter, with these words; Georgius Cappadox fictitius; 
Tom. 1 l. ●. cap. 16. §. 25.  St. George of Cappadocia, a feigned person. And in his text he tells us, that the Papists have transformed the faith of CHRIST, into the superstitions of the Gentiles: appointing Catharine, in the room of Pallas; St. Christopher, for Atlas; and St. George, for Perseus. Papistas' Christianam pietatem in Ethnicam Idololatriam transformasse, remque ipsam servasse mutatis nominibus: Catharinam viz. pro Pallade, Christophorum pro Atlante, Georgium pro Perseo nominantes. To which three foreigners, we will adjoin three of our own; all of them able men, and of great credit in their several ages. And first I will begin with Mr. Perkins, who affirms it thus. 
Idol. of the last times, vol. 1. p. 682.  St. George on Horseback, was in former times a representation of our Saviour, who vanquished the Devil for the delivery of his Church. Now this, and the like pictures of mysteries, were in process of time reputed pictures of Saints: and are worshipped at this day of many, as they have formerly been, for the Images of Saints indeed. To which assertion of our Perkins, 
In Le●ico poetico  it may be Stephanus alludeth, saying; Theologi nonnulli existimant fictitium esse nomen (Georgium) sub quo veteres Christi, Ecclesiam à Satanae tyranide liberantis, imaginem, & passionis meritum proposuerunt. The next in course of time (for so I have of purpose ranked them) is the Reverend Doctor Boys, 
Gosp. on the a Sunday in Lent  late Deane of Canterbury. The Romish Church (saith he) hath Canonised many for Saints, who can be no better than Devils, etc. So the Papists adore Papias a Millenarian Heretic; Becket, a great traitor; Sanders, an open Rebel: and others who were neither Saints in Heaven, nor men on earth, as St. Christopher, St. George, etc. And in another place.— For it is doubted, and by Papists of best note, whether there were any St. George, St. Christoper, 
5 Sunday after Easter.  St. Catharine; Cardinal Bellarmine confessing, that the Legends of these three Saints are uncertain and Apocryphal, according to the censure of Pope Gelasius. And last of all, in a Sermon of his on the fifth day of November, — An Idol, as St. Paul affirms 1. Cor. 8. is nothing: ergo, the Papists in worshipping St. George, which is nothing, commit abominable Idolatry. To make an end, we will conclude and shut up all with that of Dr. Cracanthorpe, in his defence of the Church of England, against the calunnies of that desperate Renegado, M. Antonio de Dominis: who speaking of the gross and palpable idolatries of Rome, agreeth in this particular, with those that went before him; though in a different language. Nihil de eo dico, 
Cap. 60. §. 10.  quòd pro Sanctis figmenta saepenumero vestra colitis, & invocatis S. Georgium, S. Christophorum. Mihi vide. Non Sancti, non vel homines isti fuere, sed allegoriae, & symbola. They were not men (saith he) but allegories, as it were, and symbols. Which last he labours to confirm, out of the testimony of Baronius; where he defends against jacobus de Voragine, 
Annot. in Rom. Apr. 2,  that our St. George, as he is commonly described in picture, is to be counted rather Symbolical, than Historical. Picturam illam S. Georgij, qua eques armatus effingitur, etc. symboli potius, quam Historiae alicuius opinor esse expressam imaginem. Thus the Cardinal.  
(5) Thus have we showed, how, and by whom, St. George, whom for so many Ages the whole Church reckoned for a Saint: is accounted no body! And well it were, had not the Church more shamefully deceived herself, and hers; than in the placing of an Idol in their Rood-lofts, for the people to fall down and worship. But in the next place, we shall see it laid unto her charge; that she hath made them worship, not an Idol, not a vain fiction; but even a wicked Tyrant, a most damnable and bloody Heretic. Calvin at first took an occasion to except against St. George: and there was presently enough of those who out of reverend affection which they bore unto the man; did without more ado, concur with him in the same opinion. And so it stood until the year 1596. when Doctor Raynolds published his so learned and celebrated work, entitled De Idololatria Ecclesiae Romanae. A man, to speak no less of him, than in truth and verity he hath deserved, of rare abilities, a walking Library; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the words of Aristotle, and absolutely accomplished in all the parts and ways of learning. This great and famous Scholar, considering with himself, how little likelihood there was, that the whole Church should be so generally well devoted unto the memory of one, that had no being; especially so many Authors, of which his infinite reading could inform him, concurring in the mention and report of such a Martyr: could not see well, how that conceit of Calvins' might any longer be supported. Yet loath withal, to lose that excellent advantage, which might accrue unto the main of his Design, from that Imposture; if it should fall out to be so: he rather chose to make Saint George an Arian Bishop, in which devise he thought he should receive good countenance from Antiquity; than fall upon the former course, which he conceived unwarrantable. His reasons are derived first from the reverend authority of Athanasius and Greg. Nazianzen, 
L. 1. ca 5. §. 20.  by whom it is reported, how George by birth a Cappadocian, and an Arian by profession, was by Constantius the Emperor, installed Bishop of Alexandria: and being slain in a Commotion or uproar of the people, was by some afterwards reputed as a Martyr, though undeservedly; as it appears (saith he) in Epiphanius. His words are these. Namque 
a Apol. de fuga, & Apol. ●. Ep. adsoiitar vit. ageutes, & ad ubique Orthod.  Athanasius & 
b Ora. in laud. Ath.  Greg. Nazianz. testantur Georgium Cappadocem, hominem improbum, haereticum Arianum, malum genere, peiorem animo, cum militari manu & satellitibus Alexandriam, à Constantio missum pro Episcopo eius urbis se gessisse. 
c Amm. Marc. lib 22.  Qui cum ab Ethnicis crudelissimè sub Iuliano Apostata, peremptus esset, cadaverque eius igne crematum, & cineres in mare proiceti, ne honorifice tanquam Martyr a Christianis sepeliretur à nonnullis postea pro Martyre coli coepit, immerito, ut eos redarguens docet 
d Haeres. 76.  Epiphanius. vertumamen coli coepit. After (saith he) his Acts and passion, being composed and published by his Sectaries, found such applause and entertainment: that the whole Church both E●st and West thus trumped and baffled by the Heretics; assumed their George into the number of the holy Martyrs. Immò si accuratiùs animadvertatur, etc. patebit universalem Ecclesiam, id est, orientalem & occidentalem, ab Arianis delusam, Georgium Arianum pro Martyre coluisse. For further proof of this, he tells us of Pasicrates 
e Apud Surium de probat. S. Hist. Tom. 2,  and Metaphrastes, of 
f Hist. part. 1. tit. 8. c. 1. §. 23.  Antoninus, and 
g Specul. Histor. l. 22. c. 131.  Vincentius, that they make mention all of them, of that great skirmish which our Martyr had with Athanasius a Magician: and that he is, by them and others, said to be borne in Cappadocia; 
h In Martyrol. 9 Cal. Maij.  as was also George the Arian. Add hereunto, that Beda makes him suffer under Dacianus King of Persia, a Prince that had no less than seventy Kings at his Command; and that the Arian Legend cited in Baronius, doth also report it, save that the under Princes are there numbered to be seventy five: Sed unum est idemque somnium; but this (saith he) is but the selfsame Dream, a little altered in the telling.  
(6) The way thus opened by a man of that esteem, as Doctor Reynolds always carried; and the opinion countenanced by such variety of learning, such multiplicity of allegations: no marvel, if without further question, it found a willing entertainment: Not at home only, but in all parts abroad, where the Idolatries of Rome were talked of, 
L. 9 Cap. 21.  and disproved. And first, we have Polanus, in his Syntagma Theologicum, printed anno 1606. so well affected in the cause, so well devoted to the judgement of that learned Doctor, that he is loath to change the words: for thus he hath it. 
Lib. 9 cap. 21.  Georgius ille Cappadox, quem Romanenses pro Sancto colunt, fuit homo improbus, haereticus Arianus, malus genere, pejor animo, qui cum militari manu & satellitibus Alexandriam à Constantio missus, pro Episcopo cius urbis se gessit. Qui cum ab Ethnicis sub Iuliano Apostata crudelissimè peremptus esset, cadaverque eius igne crematum, & cineres in mare proiecti; à nonnullis postea pro Martyre coli coepit, sed immeritò: ut eos redarguens docet Epiphanius. This he, and this the very same with that which was before recited. Which in almost the selfsame words, was before him repeated by the learned junius in his Animadversions on the Cardinal; published in the year 1600. both of them drawing from the same Fountain. The next in course of time, the Reverend Peter Moulin, late Preacher to the Church in Paris. He in his answer unto Card. Peron, in the defence of our most excellent Sovereign now with God; hath one whole Chapter with this title: viz. Quelle asseurance l' eglise Roman a que les Saincts qu' elle invoque sont urayement Saints; 
L. 9 C. 5.  What good assurance those of Rome can have of this, that those Saints which commonly they worship, were Saints indeed. And there we read it, Combien absurde est la fable de St. George combatant a cheval country un Dragon? Chacun scait que les ennemis de St. Athanase l' accusoyent d'estre Magitien, et que son ennemi capital fut George Arien, lequel empiera son siege. Don't apert que ce George estoit un Heretic Arien. How foolish and ridiculous (saith he) is that old Fable of St. George on Horseback, encountering with the Dragon. Every man knoweth that the enemies of St. Athanasius accused him of Sorcery and Magic; and that his capital enemy was George the Arian, which intruded himself into the Church of Alexandria: whence it is evident, that this their George can be no other, than that Arian Heretic. The reason is, Car sa vie dit qu' ill a eu des grands combats country le Magitien Athanase: because his Legend tells us, that he had many bicker with the Magician Athanasius. After him follows Dr. Primrose: who in a Letter to my Lord of Exeter now being, and extant in a little book entitled the Reconciler, touching the visibility and being of the Roman Church; doth thus express himself, and in these words. Nay as Calvin said truly, CHRIST, in the Roman Church, is hardly known amongst the Saints: of whom some be in Heaven, as the Apostles, etc. and some in Hell, as St. George an Arian Heretic, and bloody Butcher of true Christians. So he: and this is contrary to the proverb, short and sour. We will conclude this rank with Dr. Hakewell, in his Examination of the common error, touching the decay of nature. The first whole Chapter of which work is employed in this, that there are many of those opinions which are commonly received both in ordinary speech, and in the writings of learned men; which notwithstanding are by others either manifestly convinced of falsehood, or at leastwise suspected justly of it. And in particular. In History Ecclesiastical (saith he) it is commonly received, 
Sect. 3. §. 3.  that St. George was an holy Martyr, and that he conquered the Dragon: whereas Dr. Raynolds proves him to have been both a wicked man, and an Arian, by the testimony of Epiphanius, Athanasius, & Greg. Nazianzen. And Baronius himself in plain terms affirmeth, Apparet totam illam de Actis Georgij fabulam, fuisse commentum Arianorum; It appears that the whole story of St. George is nothing else but a forgery of the Arians. Yet was he received (as we know) as a canonised Saint through Christendom; and to be the Patron, both of our nation, and of the most honourable Order of Knighthood in the world.  
(7) So far the Doctor, who in the entrance of his Work, and almost the first words of it, hath given us an especial Item out of Pliny: which and the words that follow, I shall here transcribe, that so his own sword may be turned against him, and against those also, both of the same and the other party. Thus he begins. Nec alius pronior fidei lapsus, quam ubi rei falsae gravis Author exttiit, saith Pliny, Men do not any where more easily err, than where they follow a guide, whom they presume they may safely trust. They cannot quickly be persuaded, that he who is in reputation for knowledge and wisdom, and whose Doctrine is admired in weighty matters; should mistake in points of lesser consequence: the greatest part of the world being fed rather with the names of their Masters, and with the reverend respect they bear their persons or memories; than with the soundness and truth of the things they teach. Wherein that of Vadianus, is, and ever will be verified, Magnos errores, magnorum virorum autoritate persuasi, transmittimus; We deliver over, as it were by tradition and from hand to hand, great Errors, being thereunto induced by the authority of great men. So he; and certainly there could not any thing be spoken more unto the disadvantage of himself, and of all those also which have declared themselves against St. George; the Leaders of each several side excepted only. Calvin, a reverend man, a man whose Doctrine we admire in weighty matters: and shall we think he is mistaken in points of lesser consequence? Reynolds, a learned man, a man in Reputation both for Knowledge and for Wisdom; and can he also be mistaken? Nothing less. Honesta potius esse vitia, quam turpem Catonem: We rather must believe that truth is falsehood, than that such able men, so much advanced in the opinion of the world, should maintain an Error. So dangerous a matter is it, for men of great esteem and credit in the ways of learning, to maintain an Error; because their affirmavits, are by the greater part of men, received without examination.  
(8) But it is now time, that we return unto St. George, whom we have left alone to make good his party, against these several Squadrons: both which already have defied him, and are now very eager for the battle. And questionless, we might expect a bloody day, could they agree among themselves: for here is Ephraim against Manasses, and Manasses against Ephraim; but both together against judah. And though we might according to the ordinary course of War, preserve ourselves entire, and lie aloof in expectation of the issue; while they contend and fight it out among themselves: yet we will do our best to give each party satisfaction, though we despair to make them friends. I say to give each party satisfaction, which may soon be done: there being but one argument, more than the credit of their Leaders, alleged on either party. Of these the one is brought on the behalf of those, which hold St. George to be a fiction, or non ens; out of the Canon and Decree of Pope Gelasius: the other, on their side which make our S. an Arian Bishop, out of the writings of the famous Cardinal Baronius. These we will answer first, reserving such as may be urged on the behalf of Calvin; and have already been alleged by Doctor Reynolds; to their several times and places. And first it is alleged by the late Reverend Doctor B●ys, that Bellarmine confesseth that the Legend of St. George is uncertain and Apocryphal, according to the censure of Pope Gelasius. In this I will not take upon me to be Bellarmine's Attorney. 
●●de 〈◊〉 Sanct. c. 20.  Aetatem habet, he is old enough: Let him in God's name be his own Advocate, and answer for himself. A thing to which he may be easily entreated, and therefore makes reply, that true it is, some of the stories of the Saints are both uncertain and Apocryphal. What then? Yet notwithstanding it doth not follow thereupon, that therefore there were no such Saints. Resp. Sanctorum quorundam historias Apocryphas esse, & incertas; non tamen propterea Sanctos ipsos nunquam fuisse. As for the censure of Pope Gelasius, we grant indeed (saith he) that he hath noted, the story of St. George which was then extant, to be Apocryphal: but we must also tell you, that in the very same Decree and Canon, he doth afford Saint George all due and pious honours. Quocirca Gelasins Pontifex Historiam Georgij (quae tune exstabat) inter Apocryphas numerat; & tamen ipsum S. Georgium colendum esse affirmat. So Bellarmine: and how this testimony of his, out of the Canon of Gelasius, may be produced to the discredit of Saint George; 
V part. 2. chap. ●. §. 8.9.10.11.  is, I confess, above my reason. But of Gelasius, and his Canon, more hereafter; when we produce them on our party.  
(9) The other argument, is on their part, who make St. George an Arian Bishop; drawn from Baronius, in his Annotations on the Roman martyrology, Apr. 23. And I may well say it is drawn from him, for even a blind man may perceive, that it came not from him willingly, no nor naturally neither. Baronius himself (saith Doctor Hakewell) in plain terms affirmeth, Apparet totam illam de Actis Georgij fabulam fuisse commentum Arianorum, It appears that the whole story of George, is nothing else but a forgery of the Arians. What then? Might not Baronius himself be deceived? And shall we cast away a Saint to please a Cardinal? For granting that Baronius himself said it, yet was it only the opinion of Baronius; and other men, as good as he, have said the contrary. But certainly Baronius himself tells us no such matter: I am sure he means it not. Not means it I am sure: for had he thought the whole story of St. George, only to be a forgery of the Arians; he would not then have taken such pains, to reckon up so many Authors (as he there doth) in whom there is such honourable mention made of our blessed Martyr: Nor doth Baronius himself say so, absolutely, and with relation to the whole story of Saint George: but only relatively, in reference to one particular passage, inserted by the Arians into his History. The process of the whole is this. The Cardinal makes mention of the Decree & Canon of Gelasius, wherein the History of George the Martyr is reckoned as Apocryphal: and thereupon goeth on to tell us, what pains himself had taked in search of that exploded story so branded by Gelasius. At last (saith he) tumbling about the Vatican, I found a certain History of St. George full of prodigious lies, and such as have not any likeliness with other miracles. 
Annotat. in R. Martyrol. Apr. 23.  Insunt praeterea illic quaedam accepta ab haereticis atque Gentilibus; ut conflictus ille Georgij cum Athanasio Mago. Alludit nimirum impius author ad Georgium Arianum Episcopum invasorem sedis Alexandria, etc. Athanasium enim Magum ab Arianis appellatum, Acta conciliabuli Tyrij satis docent. Besides (saith he) there are some passages therein, borrowed no question from the Heretics, as how that George should have great bicker with the Magician Athanasius: the impious Author questionless alluding unto George of Alexandria, and that extreme hatred which he bore to holy Athanasius; whom in the Conventicle of Tyre, they accused of Sorcery. Thereupon he infers, ex quibus sanè apparet totam illam fabulam de actis Georgij fuisse commentum Arianorum. Construe me this, and we shall find Baronius himself no enemy unto St. George; but only to the Arian Legend, which was extant of him. Thus have we seen how much Baronius himself hath affirmed; though not in such plain terms, as we expected: what Dr. Reynolds proves we shall see hereafter.   

CHAP. FOUR  
(1) A Conjecture at those reasons which may make the History of St. George suspected. (2) The Church of Rome too prodigal, in the bestowing Divine honours. (3) False Saints no prejudice unto the true. (4) The lives of Saints, how fabulously and vainly written. (5) What might induce the Church-Historians, to that vein of writing. (6) The undertaking of Aloysius Lippomanus: and how well performed. (7) The intermixture of vain Fables, no prejudice to truth of Story. (8) Of Arthur, Guy of Warwick, and Sir Bevis. (9) Haereticall dreams and practices, not able to bear down the Truth. (10) An application of the whole unto St. George.  
(1) THus are we come at last to the main shock and fury of the battle: wherein if our success be answerable to the beginnings, we need not doubt, but that St George may keep his place in the heaven of glories. A matter which I have less cause to fear, because I find not here, in the first place, either authorities or reasons, set to charge upon me. Only a single name, and a bare assertion, stand ready to defend itself, and make good the day: as Scaeva once opposed himself in the defence of Caesar's trenches, against the whole force of the Pompeians. A name, I must confess, which I gladly honour: and doubt not but there was, as he conceived it, reason enough to justify and confirm his saying; although he pleased not to express it. Yet give me leave to say, that it is Reason and Proof chiefly, which ennobleth and commends an Author: and not the greatness of his Name, or confidence of affirmation. Et quanquam in autore satis rationis est, ratio tamen quemlibet magnum autorem facit; as we read it in Velleius. I say, I doubt not, but that Reverend and famous man who first declared himself openly, and in terms express, against our blessed Saint and Martyr: did not oppose himself against an History so generally received, as this; without some reasons, which might incline and move him to it. Which reasons since it hath not pleased him to deliver to us in his writings: we will make bold, as near as possibly we can; to conjecture at them. A work of no great difficulty unto any, who hath the least acquaintance with the affairs and passages of the Roman Church, as they then stood; when first the Story of St. George was called in question. I conceive it thus. The Romish Legends, and not those only, but even the public service of that Church, had made St. George, just like to Perseus in the Poet, in killing of a monstrous Dragon; and freeing of a Lady, sole Daughter to a King, from his unmerciful cruelty. Those stories also, which reported of his Death and martyrdom, had in them (as it might be thought) many gross and notable absurdities: as that he suffered under I know not what Dacianus, King of Persia, a Monarch that had under him no less than 70. tributary Princes, though others have it, under the Emperor Diocletian, this Dacianus being then Precedent, or (as it were) Proconsul. Now being so that they agreed not with themselves; and that there never was, at or about that time, a King of Persia of that name, and greatness of command; nor any such like action to be found in true antiquity, as his encounter with the Dragon: This might occasion, and not without good reason, that the whole History became suspected; and therefore that S. George might fairly be dismissed out of the Calendar. Add unto this, that shameful liberty which the Man of Rome had taken unto himself, of Canonising Saints, and ordering the dignities and powers of Heaven; and that profuse and lavish prodigality, wherewith he did confer the divinest honours on unworthy persons, and sometimes such as had no being: and we shall quickly see, that Calvin had some reason, why he reputed our St. George among his Counterfeits or Larva's; though, as before I said, it did not please him to express it. These are, as I conceive it, the reasons of especial moment: and these we can as easily conjure down, as we raised them up.  
(2) And first, not to say any thing of that arrogant liberty assumed by them of Rome, in making Saints; nor of those many Ceremonies, which they use in that solemnity; both of them borrowed from that so famous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of heathen Rome, whereby their Emperors were enrolled among their Gods: not to say any thing of these, it is not to be questioned, but that the Church of Rome hath been exceeding prodigal of that greatest and most heavenly honour. We (know indeed) that innocent and pious Christianity in the first times, registered those as Saints, and those only, which had confessed their Faith in CHRIST, even to the death; and lost their Lives in testimony of a good Conscience: or else had otherwise nobly deserved of their common Mother, by their pains in writing, or assiduity in Preaching; in the defence of Sacred truth against the growth of Heresy. But afterwards the Church of Rome, advanced into the room of Christ; and equal in her own conceit, unto all that was called God, if not above: proclaimed them also to be Saints, which had contested in her quarrels, how unjust and treacherous soever. So that the most rebellious sort of Subjects, became at last most capable of this high Honour; the greatest which that Church could possibly usurp: if at the least, their opposition which they made against their Prince, might seem to tend to the advancement of Ecclesiastical liberty. Of which strange rank of Saints, (not to name Anselm, Dunstan, or the rest before them) was that stout Rebel Becket, in the former times: Clement, that killed the King of France, and Garnet of the Powder-plot; both Sainted, though not solemnly, in the present. Nor was the Church of Rome excessive only in this kind, to such as might plead merit in the Catholic cause, forsooth: but even to those, of whose existence any time upon the earth, there is not any the least ground or possibility. Witness St. Longesse or Longinus, the name (as they persuade us) of that Soldier, that pierced our Saviour's side: which is indeed not any thing but a very Spear, (in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) composed into a name. And next to him, St. Loy, the Patron, if you please, of Cat-tail; which is indeed, only two nails, (the name derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) two of those nails conceived to have been used about our Saviour's crucifying.  
(3) All this we grant, and this is nothing to the prejudice of our St. George. The Popes have been too prodigal in bestowing that divine and heavenly title. What then? Therefore shall they which were exalted to that honour, in the common suffrage of the Church, before the Pope's usurped this power; be presently degraded? This were no equity. far be it from us to do after this manner, to slay the righteous with the wicked: and that the righteous should be as the wicked, that be (I say) far from us. This was the Argument of Abraham in the behalf of those few good and godly men which were in Sodom: and such an argument it was, that God Almighty (could not, I will not say, but sure I am he) did not answer; but by yeeelding to it. Hector Boetius, and the Author of the British History, have made a Catalogue of diverse Kings, which I persuade myself had never any being, unless in their conceits that made them: and yet it cannot be denied, but there are many passages in both those stories worthy credit; and many Kings, whose acts and beings are not questioned. It was an Heavenly justice in Almighty God, not to destroy the righteous with the wicked: but to be willing to reprieve that great and populous City of Sodom, from destruction; for the sake only of ten just and virtuous persons. How unjust therefore were our judgement, only because of some few Larva's, counterfeit Saints, as we may call them: to prejudice so many of the true and real, as curiosity or spleen may call in question.  
(4) A second circumstance which makes the story of St George suspected, is, that his life hath in it many vain and gross absurdities; and some such actions fathered on him, as might far better in appearance, sort with a Saint in Ovid, than in the credit and belief of holy Church. An accusation, which we will not plead to, unless in saying guilty; nor will the learned Papists traverse the indictment: So that we have on all parts, confitentem reum, 
Detradend Discipl. L. 5.  a plain confession of the fact. The learned and judicious Vives plainly tells us, with what great grief and sorrow he did commonly complain unto himself; when he considered with what care and faithfulness the acts of Hannibal and Alexander were committed to posterity. At verò Apostolorum, Martyrum, denique Divorum nostrae religionis, maximis tenebris fere ignorari: When in the mean time, the Acts of the Apostles (understand those written by Abdias Babylonius,) those also of the Martyrs, and other Saints acknowledged in the Christian Church, were even quite lost amidst the dark and cloudy fogs of ignorant Superstition. Much also to this purpose the Complaint of Melchior Canus; 
L. 11. Cap. 6.  an honest man as I conjecture, if ever any was of the Dominicks Order. Dolenter hoe dico, multo severius à Laertio vitas Philosophorum Scriptas, quam à Christianis vitas Sanctorum; longeque in corruptius & integrius Sueto nium res Caesarum exposuisse, quam exposuerint Catholici, non res dico Imperatorum, sed Martyrum, Virginum, & Confessorum. I speak it to my grief (saith he) that the Philosophers have had their lives more perfectly digested by Laertius; than the Saints theirs, by Christians: and that Suetonius hath recorded the lives and actions of the Caesars, with more integrity; than we have put in writing, I say not those of Princes, but even of Martyrs, Confessors, a●d sacred Virgins. Nor doth he stop here, but tells us presently of those fabulous and idle writers; Ecclesiae Christi cum nihil utilitatis attulisse, tum incommodationis plurimum: That they not only brought no profit to the Church; but a full measure of discredit. A thing which might be easily exemplified in their St. Christopher, St. Dennis, Hippolytus the Martyr whom before we spoke of; and in whom not, that ever fell into the hands of any of the Legends: but what need further proof when we have confession?  
(5) Three things there were, which might induce the writers of these dark and superstitious times, to prosecute this vein of writing: not to say any thing of that which is objected commonly, viz. that they intended only, aut quaestum, aut errorem, either their own profit, or the people's ignorance. Of these, the first might be a purpose, pious in the opinion of that age, by setting out the Histories of the Saints, with feigned miracles, and wonders which they never did: to gain unto their shrines more multitudes of people, and a greater credit, and perhaps a noble emulation. And this in imitation of those ancient Heroes among the Gentiles, who therefore did derive their pedigree from Heaven, that so they might more constantly be prompted to Heroic undertake. Vt eo modus animus humanus veluti divinae stirpis fiduciam gerens, 
De civet. Dei lib. 3. cap. 4.  res magnas aggrediendas praesumat audacius, etc. As St. Austin hath it out of Varro. Possessed with which conceit, they so composed the lives and actions of the Saints, as Xenophon his Cyrus, or as Virgil his Aeneas; though somewhat more incongruously: not so much writing what they did; as what they thought most proper for such Saints to do, and what they wished were done. Nam quae de Sanctis Scripta sunt, 
De trad. D●scip lib. 5.  praeter pauca quaedam, multis foedat a sunt commentis, dum qui scribit affectui suo indulget; & non quae egit Divus, sed quae ille egisse eum vellet, exponit, &c, So Vives in the place before alleged. The second was a kind of indiscretion in the choice of argument; while such as only meddled in the Histories of the Church, chose rather to collect together, what ever fables or prodigious Acts had been reported: than that they would be thought to leave out any thing, which they had met with in discourse or reading. This we have touched at once already; nor will I more insist upon it, 
Loc. q. supr.  than in relating that of Canus: viz. Gravissimos aliquando viros, praesertim in prodigijs describendis sparsos rumores excepisse, & scriptis etiam ad posteros retulisse. The last might be a purpose, to relate such passages, with which they saw the common people well affected; and which had found already some good acceptance with the Vulgar: who for the most part are delighted with strange reports, and matters above ordinary apprehension. 
Canus loc. Com. lib. 11. cap. 6.  Signa itaque nonnulla & prodigia Sancti quoque memoriae prodiderunt, non quò ea libonter credidissent, sed ne deesse fidelium votis viderentur. And in the words immediately before, Quod vulgus sentiebant non tantum ea facile miracula credere, sed & impense flagitare. So that we may affirm it well of those Church-Historians, (Church-Poets, as my Lord of St. Albon's rightly called them) what the Commedian tells us in his Prologue, of himself.  

Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit  

Terence in Andria.  Id sibi negotij credidit solum dari;  
Populo ut placerent, quas fecisset fabulas.   

Thus Poets when they first their minds apply,  
In loo●er verse to frame a Comedy.  
Think there is nothing more for them to do,  
Than please the people which they speak unto.   
There is another reason, which perhaps might well be added; which is, these large and eloquent Orations made in the annual commemoration of the Saints departed: 
Decad. 1. l. 8.  whereby their Acts and virtues were set forth by all the strength of Oratory. This Livy makes to be a cause, why the precedent acts of the noblest Romen came so corrupted to his hands: and this we may apply in our present argument. Vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor, falsisque imaginum titulis; dum familia ad sequaeque famam rerum gestarum, honorumque, fallente mendacio trahunt. Where we may note, that one occasion also was, false images, or rather false inscriptions on their Images: the flattering deceits of Pictures and the Carver: Ind certè singulorum gesta, & publica monumenta rerum confusa, nec quisquam aequalis temporibus illis scriptor, quo satis certo autore stetur. So the Historian.  
(6) To remedy this mischief, in which the Church and Saints had so long suffered; it was given out, by Aloysius Lippomanus then Bishop of Verona, that he would undertake the lives and stories of the Saints; and write them so, as both the Church and they might be free from scandal. 
L. 11. C. 6.  This Canus tells us, was exceeding hotly talked of at the Trent Council: but withal he tells us this, Sed hanc m●hi adhuc videre non licuit, That it never was his luck to see it. Had he been yet alive; he might perchance have seen what Lippomanus hath performed: but how far short of his own boasts, and the great expectation of the world; is easy to be seen by any of his readers. He hath indeed done somewhat in it; 
De Script. Eccl. in presb. Ach.  and Bellarmine his friend, (who styles him vir gravissimus, a Reverend man) affirms that he hath done it ex probatis aut horibus, out of approved and trusty Authors. But certainly Chemnitius hath more nearly hit the mark than any other: by whom we are informed, that all whjch had been done by Lippomanus in this argument, 
Exam. Conc. Trid. Sess. 25.  was but the publishing of the former Fables of the Legend, under the names of ancient writers; bestowing on them only a new dress, and a fairer Title-Page. Cumque aureae quondam Lombardica historiae fabellae, toti jam mundo foeleant; novo artificio sub praetextu quasi veterum & Graecorum, eadem fabula à Lippomano & Surio (this Surius hath scarce done any thing but bettered Lippomanus in his method) quam antea propter actores explosam putant, rursus in theatrum adfertur. So he; nor could the truth itself have spoke more truly.  
(7) By this we may perceive, how great a room uncertain, and sometimes profane relations, have taken up in Ecclesiastical History: that part thereof especially which treateth of the Lives and Acts of Saints and Martyrs. A thing which might the more be wondered at, if the affairs of State, and secular occurrences, had not a little also of the same leaven, 
In Proem.  moulded with them. Livy assures us, that the affairs of Italy, before the walls of Rome were laid, Poeticis magis decora fabulis, quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis tradebantur; Were more set out by fabulous traditions, than any warrantable evidence of truth. Gellius is bold to give Herodotus, whom Tully calls Historiae Patrem, 
Noct. Att. l. 3.  the style of Fabler, (Fabulator): Fl. Vopiscus more tartly, as more generally, neminem Historicorum non aliquid mentitum esse; that there was never any History without some falsehoods. What then? Is therefore all false which we find in Dionysius of the Kings of Alba? Or shall we think that Xerxes, and the other Persian Kings never made any expedition into Greece? Or that no credit may be given unto profane and civil stories? This were a course, not only to make question of the times before us, whether that we had Grandfathers or not, or any Ancestors: but also to instruct posterity to make like doubts of us, and of those public actions which are now upon the stage. Aeneas is not therefore to be thought a Knight of Fairy Land, the issue of an idle brain, a fiction or Non ens; because the Poets hath expressed him, with some additions more than real. Nor may we think, that there was never such a Town or Siege as that of Troy; no Priamus, no Agamemnon, no Achilles: because the Father of the Muses, Homer, hath made more of it in his most accomplished Poem; than may perhaps agree in all the parts and members of it, with the truth of story. It is reported by St. Gregory of Tours, 
Hist. l. 1. c. 30.  that Dionysius, Bishop of the Parisians, the now St. Denis of the Frenchmen, as I take it, did suffer martyrdom under Decius: B. Dionysius Parisiorum Episcopus, diversis pro Christi nomine affectus poenis, praesentem vitam gladio imminente finivit; as he there hath it. This I persuade myself we may believe without much danger, although we give at all no further credit to the Legend: where we are told how far he ran after his Execution, having his head between his hands. And we may well believe that Simon Eyre was Major of London; that Crispin and his brother Crispianus were both Martyrs, which is true in story: although we credit not those things which are reported of them, to the honour of the Gentle-craft forsooth, in idle Pamplets. But what need more be said? He that condemns the Histories and lives of Saints, because of some untruths which are extant in them: may by the same reason, call in question all antiquity; and make some scruple, whether or not; there ever was a time called Yesterday. Denomination according to the rules of Logic, takes after the more sound and excellent parts, of the thing to be denominated: and therefore we should rather judge those stories to be true, because of many certain truths; than reckon them as false, because of some suspected falsehoods, which are noted in them.  
(8) For proof of which, and that the intermixture of vain fables ought not to be a prejudice to the truth of story; we cannot meet with more fair instances, than here at home. Polydore tells us, that the British Bards and Chroniclers had made their Arthur, not much unlike Orlando, one of the twelve Peers so much talked of: the stories of them both, equally fabulous and foolish. De hoc (Arthuro) propter ingentes pariter corporis vires, 
Histor. Angl. l. 3  atque animi virtutes, posteritas ea ferme praedicavit, quae de Rolando memoriâ nostrâ apud Italos decantantur. And to that purpose Malmesbury, Hic ille est Arthurus de quo Britonum nugae hodicque delirant. Caxton hath made a volume of his noble Acts, 
L. 1. de gestis Angl.  and of the Acts of his so memorated Knights of the Round Table; collected out of all the vain reports which the world made of him. And in the Spanish Romances it is delivered, that after his great battle fought with Mordred, he was turned into a Crow, and that he is expected daily by his people: and that for this cause England is so full of Crows; it being of a truth (say they) that since that time no Englishmen durst ever kill them. What then? Shall we conclude that therefore there is nothing true of Arthur; that therefore there was no such man? This were to vilify the credit of our best Historians, who tell us of twelve notable and famous overthrows which he gave the Saxons. This were to frustrate altogether that ample testimony given of him by the Monk of Malmesbury aforesaid; who calls him the support and stay of his expiring Nation. Dignus plane (saith he) quem non fallaces sominarent fabulae, 
Lot. ut sup.  sed veraces praedicarent historiae: quip qui labantem patriam diu sustinuerit, infractasque civium mentes ad bellum acuerit. The like may also be affirmed of Sr. Guy of Warwick, whom in our English Pamphlets we have made enamoured of a fair Lady named Phillis, for love of whom, (or rather upon whose displeasure) he became a Kt. adventurer; famous in foreign Countries for his brave exploits against the enemies of our Religion: not to say any thing of the Dun-Cow of Dunsmor●-heath; and others of that nature. And yet for certain, such a man as Guy there was, a noble Champion of the English, against their enemies the Danes: and of eternal memory for his fight and vanquishment of the Giant Colebrond. This Camden testifies, and with him others of our Antiquaries; no friends to fond traditions and ungrounded Fables. Thus have they also dealt with Beavoyse Earl of Southampton at the coming in of the Normans. 
Camden in Belgic▪  Vir bellica laude florentissimus, as Camden calls him, A man of rare abilities in the arts of war; and one that gave the Normans a great overthrow in the batta●le of Cardiff, anno 1070. Yet look upon him in those idle Rhythmes which are extant of him, his many victories upon the Saracens; his prosperous loves with the Lady josian the Sultan's Daughter; his fight with Ascapart, and entertaining of him for his Page; his good Horse Arundel, from whence the ancient Castle of that name, must need be called so; and other such like follies: and then what shall we find in the whole story but infinite absurdities? So true is that of Camden, Dum Monachi fabellis fictis, & commentitijs, [Beavo●ium hunc] sudarunt celebrare, fortissima eius facta crassis occultarunt tenebris. And to this purpose Milles, in the Catalogue of Honour. This is that Beavoys of Southampton, whose valour was so great, that the Monks thought they could not extol him sufficiently unless they besmeared his praises with fictions and Fables.  
(9) As little able are the vain dreams and practices of Heretics to bear down the truth; as are the fictions of the Legendaries, or such traditions as have found acceptance with the vulgar. It is conceived that Peter's travails, or the Itinerarium Petri ascribed to Clement, was composed by Heretics: certain it is, that it is branded in Gelasius Canon, for Apocryphal. Yet questionless this were an Argument not worthy any answer, but contempt and laughter; should any hence infer, that therefore St. Peter never crossed any Seas, or made any journeys, for the enlargement of the Faith. Pope Leo, the first and best of that roaring name, was by the Arians said to favour their opinions; and in the golden Legend it is reported of him, that indeed he was inclined, at least, unto that party: but I should reckon him of more Faith, than Charity, that would believe it on such weak and faulty grounds. In like manner. The Fathers of the sixth Council of Carthage, 
jewels answ. to the Reply. Art. 4. Sect. 6.  among whom was Saint Austin, found by much industry and search, that they of Rome, for the advancement of their pride and affected tyranny, had falsifyed the Canons of the great Council held at Nice. Should therefore they have publicly abjured that famous Council? Or judge the whole Heretical, because one passage of it was corrupted? This had been such a manner of proceeding, as might have made those Reverend Fathers, for ever odious; and their memories condemned in all public monuments. They therefore made enquiry at Alexandria, and Constantinople, for the true Canons of that Council: and having found them out, without impeaching in the least manner, the honour of that famous Synod; returned such answer to the Pope, as his fact deserved. This also ought to be our method in the examining of Stories; not to suspect, and much less to condemn the whole, because of some one part corrupted and unsavoury: but rather to cut off the part infected, and to cast it from us, ne pars sincera trahatur; that so it be no prejudice or danger to the rest of it, which continueth sound. So shall we perfectly make good that saying of St. Paul commended to us in this present business by Gelasius: viz. Omnia probate, etc. Try all things, but hold fast that only which is good.  
(10) To draw unto an end, and to apply this whole discourse unto the present argument; we conclude it thus. We grant St. Longesse and St. Loy to be false, and counterfeit, (not to say any thing of those, who are suspected only, but not so well convicted of the like intrusion:) and that the Pope hath been too prodigal of those Celestial honours, of which he hath usurped a disposing power. But this, as I conceive it, no prejudice unto St George, who was acknowledged for a Saint before the Pope's usurped that lawless power of doing any thing in Heaven: before those Counterfeits had any place, in the common Calendar. We grant that many of the lives of Saints, are fabulously and vainly written; and that scarce any of that sacred company hath suffered more extremely in the ordinary Legends, than our blessed Martyr. But yet we cannot yield, that therefore there was no such man, because his Acts are misreported. Were this an argument of force, we must not only empty Heaven of many of its Saints: but must correct our Chronicles, and raze out many of those famous Princes, which are mentioned in them. How much more equal is the resolution of Du Moulin, 
R●s●●. au. Card. Peron▪ lib. 7. c. 5.  touching St. Francis of Assize, in Italy, the Founder of the Friers-Minors, called vulgarly Franciscans: which is, that he doth verily believe that such a man there was, though in his Legend many things are attributed to him, void of sense. Nous ne doutoùs point, que Francoys d' Assize, inventeur et patron de l'ordre des Cordeliers, (so the French call them) n' ait es●é. Mais sa legend, et les Chroniques de St. Francoys, lui attribuent mille actions destitues de sens commun. So he, and these his words are next in order unto those, where he accuseth our St, George of Arianisme: from which, by this his own rule and (so soon did he forget himself) we may most easily acquit him. And last of all, we grant that many of the lives of Saints have been abused by Heretics; and that St. George hath suffered from them in his History, as much as any: but yet we must not yield, that therefore that is only true, which Heretics have trifled of him. It is confessed by Doctor Reynolds, one of the greatest adversaries of St. George, that many of the Saints had been thus injured; and that Gelasius therefore might more easily be cozened, in giving credit to the Story of this our Martyr. 
De Idol. R●m. lib. 1. cap. 5.  At verò progressu temporis passio Georgij à sectatoribus eius composita, multos sic fefellit, ut Gelasius etiam, tametsi fraudem hanc olfaceret, ipsum putaret nihil ominus sanctum fuisse Martyrem: nec sine probabili ratione, quandoquidem aliorum qui veri Sancti extitissent, passiones, similem in modum ab haereticis mendaciter scriptae essent. If so, then either was Gelasius a very dunce, that could not see so far into the couzinage of his own times, as Doctor Reynolds: or else St. George was most unlucky, to have his Story only questioned; and all the rest, no less suspected, pass for currant.   

CHAP. V.  
(1) Undoubted Truths the ground of fabulous reports. (2) The privilege of two French Churches, and the Fables thence arising. (3) The Baron's case of Gascoigne. (4) St. George's killing of the Dragon, how far it may be justified. (5) The Portraiture of Constantine. (6) The Order of the Dragon, and of St. Michael. (7) St. George how pictured commonly: and what it signifieth. (8) The memorable story of St. George's Horse. (9) The picture of St. George, how made a Fable: and by whom. (10) The entertainment of it in the Church of Rome. (11) The Reformation of the Missal. (12) A final answer to all those on the part of Calvin.  
(1) THus have we made reply to such general arguments, as might be urged on the behalf of Calvin, against the Story of St. George: as namely, the vain and fabulous tales which are frequent of him, and extant in his Legend; the dreams, and practices of heriticks, by which the lives of Saints have been corrupted; and that unlawful power which they of Rome have so abused, in filling of the Calendar, with wicked men, and feigned persons. We next descend to that particular exception, which is made against him; viz. That so much celebrated act of his encounter with the Dragon: which being not upon record in true antiquity, hath made some think, that Perseus in the Poet hath only changed his name; and by the change, possessed a place among the Saints. To this, we have already answered in the general: and in particular, reply; That true indeed it is, no such exploit of his, and the encounter with the Dragon, is to be found in true antiquity. Yet we must say withal, that true antiquity doth give us such a ground of this report: as may perhaps a little qualify the boldness of the Legendary, though not quite excuse it. The tale of Perseus, hath some good ground in truth of Story; although expressed Poetically, and with liberal additions: so also hath the Fable of Medusa, and her enchanting hairs; than which almost nothing less probable. What fiction more unlikely than the tale of Phaethon; and that great conflagration of the world by his presumptuous undertaking of his father's Chariot? Yet Bergomensis & other Authors of good credit do report; That under an Egyptian King so called, a great part of the world was destroyed by Fire, and such a general heat and drought upon the rest, 

Vt neque quas posset terris inducere, nubes,  
Tunc habuit; nec quos, coelo dimitteret imbres.   

That jove for wasted clouds did seek in vain,  
To shade, or cool the scorched earth with rain.    
In like manner, as dealt the ancient Poets with such passages of Story, as were most serviceable to their purpose: So dealt the Legendaries, which are Church-Poets, with the lives and history of the Saints. Some thing there was which they had heard of, which might occasion them to ramble from the truth; and please themselves in their own inventions: wherein as commonly the people reported fabulously of true matters; so they, the Legendaries, extolled those fables, as a truth.  
(2) Two fairer instances of which, we can hardly meet with, than two especial privileges of two Churches in the realm of France; and the vain Fables thence arising. At the first entrance of a new Bishop into the Bishopric of Orleans, he hath a privilege of setting free any one prisoner of the Gaol; for what great crime soever he doth stand committed. A privilege conferred upon them, (as Du Chesne hath told us) first in the person of St. Aignan once Bishop of this City; for his exceeding pains and care in the defence thereof against Attila the Hun. But if we will believe the people, and the ordinary Fables which are grounded on it; we must take it thus. At the first entrance of St. Aignan into the Town, he made request to Agrippinus then Governor, that for his sake he would set open all the Gaoles, and release the Prisoners: Vt omnes quos pro varijs criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos, insui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos; saith the latter story. Upon denial of this suit, a stone falls presently upon his head; from whence none knew: but as it was conceved, from Heaven: wounded and terrified wherewith he grants the Bishop his desire, is suddenly made whole; and ever since the Custom hath continued in full force and virtue. 
Andre du Chesne Antiq. l. 7. c. 2.  In like sort: the self same Privilege was granted by King Dagobert, the first (he began his reign, anno 632.) unto the Canons of the Church of Nostre Dame, in Rouen of Normandy: and since confirmed by his successors. A privilege confirmed upon them, (as that age and the rest that followed were prone to superstitious bounties) in memory of St. Romanus, whose Festival is here observed with all solemnity upon the 23. day of October; not long before, Archbishop of that City. But if we will believe the people, and the common fables, we must take it thus. There was a poisonous Dragon, which had done much harm unto this Province; whom they had tried by many means to make away, but none prospered. At last, St. Romain, than Archbishop of Rouen, accompanied with a Murderer and a Thief, whose lives were forfeit to the Law; undertakes the enterprise. Upon the first sight of the Dragon, the Thief according to his nature, stole away: the Murderer more hardened in his trade, goeth forwards with him. To make short work, the Dragon layeth aside his fury, and patiently submits himself unto that godly Praelate: who binding him about the neck with his stole (or tippet) delivereth him unto the murderer, and leads him prisoner unto Rouen. This wondrous accident is said to happen on an holy Thursday: and that St. Audoin or Owen who next succeeded in that Church, in memory thereof obtained this privilege, that from thence forwards the Chanoins of Our Ladies, should every holy Thursday have the releasing of any Murderer, (whom themselves would choose. I say of any Murderer, Thiefs not being capable at all of any mercy: because (say they) the Thief which was to have attended in that service, stole away.  
(3) So far the story, as I was told by mine Host at Rouen: but for the privilege it is still in practice, and famous by a great and memorable trial, not long since happening: related to me by a Gentleman of good account, and a practitioner in the Parliamentary Court in that City. The case is this. Not much above some twelve years since, a Nobleman of Gascoigne took occasion to kill his wife; which done he fled into Normandy: and having first acquainted the Canons of the Church of Nostre Dame with his desires; put himself to the sentence of the Court, & is adjudged unto the Wheel. Ascention day immediately coming on, the Canons challenged him for theirs: and the chief judges, according to the custom, caused him to be delivered. But on the other side, it was pleaded by the Normans, that the benefit of this privilege, belonged only to the Natives of that Province: and they pleaded with such violence, that the poor Baron was again committed to his irons; till the Qu. Mother had wooed and won the people, pro ea saltem vice, to admit of his reprivall.  
(4) This story of St. Romans Dragon, in which there is no passage true, conducts me on, unto St. George; of whose encounter with the Dragon there may be somewhat said, to qualify the matter; thought not to justify it altogether. For by the Dragon if we understand the Devil, that old malicious Serpent. 
Epistola ad Tral.  (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Ignatius calls him;) and the combat betwixt our blessed Martyr and that Monster, those many snares and baits, which by the Devil were provided to entrap him: we may soon find, how and in what respect, St George his fight with the Dragon may be justified. An exposition of that fabulous text occurring in the Legend, not forced unnaturally: but such as doth agree, as with the truth of story; so also with the words and meanings of some Authors, which have written of our Martyr. Certain I am that Metaphrastes in an Encomion or anniversary Oration, made in the memory and commendation of our Saint; doth not allude unto it only, but affirmeth it. For thus that Author, speaking of those several baits which had been laid for the inveigling of this blessed man of GDD; the Kingdoms of the world, and the glories of them, the frowns and anger of the Prince, the terrors both of Death and tortures: speaking I say of these, and how that all of them, and other the devises of that old Serpent, were by that noble Champion frustrate and deluded; he concludes it thus. Licebat igitur videre astutissimum Draconem, adversus carnem & sanguinem gloriari solitum, elatumque & sese efferentem; à juvene illo uno illusum, & ita despectum atque confusum, ut quid ageret non haberet. So he, and this may also seem to be intended by Hermannus Schedell, in his work entitled Chronica Chronicorum: where he doth join together the martyrdom of our St. George, and his encounter with the Dragon; both as it were one act or undertaking, Et velut alter Curtius Romanus, 
Aetes' sexta, Pag. 240.  vel Codrus Rex Atheniensium, pro patriae liberatione seize internecioni ad Draconis occisionem, & martyrij tolerantiam, dedit: as he there hath it.  
(5) For further proof of which, and that this exposition on that fabulous text, as before I called it, is not unnaturally forced, but suitable unto the truth of story; and in all likelihood agreeable to their intents, who gave the first hint, & occasion to the fables in the Legends: let us behold awhile the portraiture of Constantine the Great, erected in the same figure in a manner; and to the same intent and purpose. Of him we need not make report, how great a victory he had against that enemy of mankind, in his promoting of the faith; and ruining those Heathenish Temples, consecrated to impiety and the Devil. After which glorious conquest, 
Euseb. d● vita Constant. l. 3. c. 3  and the establishing of true Religion in all the quarters of his Empire; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. he caused his portraiture to be erected up on high, in a fair table for that purpose, and at the entrance of his Palace, that so it might be obvious to the eye of every Passenger. Over his head the Cross, that venerable sign of man's redemption: and underneath his feet, that great and working enemy of man, the Devil, cast down into the lowest deeps; under the figure of a Dragon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The reason why he caused himself so to be portraited, to show, no doubt, how great and notable an overthrow he had given the Devil: but why he made the Devil in the likeness of a Dragon, was in allusion questionless, unto the Scriptures, where he is called a Serpent; and in the Revelation, more particularly, a Dragon. So witnesseth Eusebius in the words immediately following, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (the Devil) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
(6) To the same purpose also, and on occasion not much different, at the least as he conceived it; did Sigismond the Emperor, an King of Hungary, erect and order of Knighthood, which he entitled, Of the Dragon. He had been fortunate in many several battles, against the greatest enemies of CHRIST, the Turks: and he had also laboured with much diligence to ruin and suppress the Hussites, the greatest enemies of the Roman Church then being; whereof he was Protector. This last not only by persecutions privately, and force of arms in public: but by procuring the two Counsels of Basil and Constance, to be assembled; where the poor Hussites were condemned, their cause unheard, and the chief Patrons of their cause adjudged unto the fire. Proud of his fortunate success in these great enterprises, he instituted this his military Order of the Dragon; so called because his Knights did bear for their Devise, a Dragon falling headlong: pour tesmoigner que par son moyen le Schisme et l' heresy, 
Page, 1460.  dragons devorans de la religion, avoyent' esté vaincus, et supplantez. And this (saith he that made the book entitled Les estats du Monde, translated since by Grimston) to testify that by his means, the Dragons of Heresy and Schism, which otherwise (no doubt) had destroyed religion and devoured the Church; were vanquished and suppressed. Much like to this in the Device, is the French Order dedicated to Saint Michael, instituted by King Lewis the 11. not long after, Anno viz. 1469. Unto the collar of which Order, there is fastened the picture of St. Michael the Archangel, combatting with the Dragon of the infernal Deeps: aureaque imagine S. Michaelis draconem infernalem prosternentis, 
De origi●e Monach. l. cap. 59  pectus insigniente. So saith Hospinian. But this in reference rather, to the encounter of St. Michael with the Dragon, in the Apocalypse.  
(7) With these the portraiture of Constantine abovementioned, and the two military Orders of St. Michael, and the Dragon: St. George, as he is commonly expressed in picture; holdeth good proportion and correspondence. His picture as in the present times, we use to draw it; but ab initio non fuit sic, it was not thus from the beginning. For I have read it in the life of Theodorus Syceotes, commonly called Archimandrita, or Chiefe-Abbot; borne in the time of the Emperor justinian: that then St. George was only pictured as a fair young man, richly arrayed, and of an hair somewhat inclining unto yellow. For so Elpidia doth describe him, in the relation of her dream, to this her Grandchild Theodorus: if at the least we may take this or any thing upon Surius word, 
Tom. ●. in vi●a Theod. Archim. p. 737.  who fathereth this discourse upon one George, a Priest, the Scholar of this Ahbot. Videbam, fili mi dulcissime (these are old Grandams words) adolescentem valde formosum, splendidis vestimentis ornatum, aureaque fulgentem coma; & illi similem, quem pro S. Georgio in eius historia cernimus. Thus was he pictured anciently. But in the middle times, he was presented to the common view, more like a man at arms, mounted upon a lusty Courser; a young maid kneeling by him, and a fierce Dragon thrust through with a Spear, gasping for life: just as we see him painted, (but there is no mention of the young maid) on our common Signposts. A picture which in the darker and more ignorant times, was thought to represent that story, which was then published in the Legend: & which, since it hath been otherwise resolved by the learned of both parties, that it did only represent some mystery or allegory; hath not a little exercised their wits and fancies. 
Chap. 3. §. 5.  Perkins will have it (as before we noted) to be in former times a representation of our Saviour, who vanquished the Devil for the deliverance of his Church: in which conceit of his, many Divines have closed in with him, which we then noted also out of Charles Stephanus. Baronius doth conceive it, to be the picture of some state or Country, petitioning (according to the custom of those times) the aid and helping-hand of so great a Saint, 
In Annot. ad Ro. Mart. Apr. ●3.  against the violence of the Devil. In virgino n. illa typus exprimitur (more maiorum) provinciae vel civitatis alicuius, quae adversus diaboli vires tanti martyris imploret auxilium. Villavincentius and Hyperius have applied it to the civil Magistrate, whose principal endeavours ought to aim at this; that they defend the Church, from the covetous tyranny of the Oppressor, the old Serpent. Dr. Reynolds, as he prefers this last conceit, before that of Baronius: so doth he seem to prise his own, both before this, or any other. With him, the meaning of the emblem (or picture Emblematical) must be this: that all true Christians whom the Apostle calls God's husbandry, might learn hereby how much it doth concern them to make war against the Dragon; and to destroy him with the sword of the Spirit. 
Praelec. in Apocr. 155.  Vt sciant omnes Christiani, quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei appellat Apostolus, 1. Cor. 3. militandum sibi adversus draconem Apocal. 12. eumque Dei gladio confodiendum. So he in his praelections on the Apocrypho: and the same words almost repeated in his book de Rom. Idololatria. 
L. 1. ●. 5. §. 22.  For my part, I rather choose (for why in such variety, may not I also assume the liberty of conjecture) to make it, at the least in part; historical: as being thus contrived of purpose, in those times, and by those men, which most affectionately were devoted to our Martyr; to publish to posterity how bravely he refelled the Devil, how constantly he persevered in the profession of his faith; the whole Church praying with him, and kneeling (like the Virgin, by him, in that holy action) that GOD would give him strength subdue that enemy, the Dragon.  
(8) How long the picture of St. George hath been commended to us in this Knightly form; I cannot easily determine: only I will be bold to say that it is not very modern, or of small standing in the Church; as may be gathered out of the History of Nicephorus Gregoras. This Author was by birth of Greece, 
Bellarm. de Script. Eccl.  and wrote the History of that declining Empire: beginning at the year 1200, and ending it anno 1344. about which time it is conceived, that he was gathered to his fathers. In the 8. book (he wrote eleven in all) there is a memorable story of St. George's Horse: which for the rareness of it, and that it is so proper to the cause in hand; it shall not grieve me to relate, nor any Reader to peruse. Primo quadragessimae Sabbato, cum postridie orthodoxorum Imperatorum & Patriarcharum proclamanda esset memoria; tum quoque Theodorus Logotheta generalis, à vespera ad nocturna sacrailla de more accessit. Media verò sub nocte, me astante & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 audiente, quidam ab Imperatore adest, novum illi nuncium apportans, etc. On the first Saturday in Lent, the Commemoration of such godly Emperors and Patriarches as had departed in the Faith, being the morrow after to be solemnised: it pleased the Lord high Chancellor Theodorus, (for so on the authority of Meursius in his Graeco-Barbara, I think good to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: I say it pleased him to be present with us, according to the custom at those night-watches. About the time of midnight, I standing near him; and harkening to divine Service; a Messenger in all the haste came to him from Andro▪ the Elder, than our Emperor; telling this strange news, and desiring his opinion. But now (saith he) when as the Soldiers of the Guard, [Milites Imperatorij] were going to their rest; there was a fearful neighing heard so upon the sudden, that it made all of us amazed; the rather, because there were not any Horses then about the Court; all of them carried in the evening far off, unto their Stables. This tumult not yet quieted, another noise of the same kind, but greater than the former; was heard unto the Emperor's Chamber; who presently dispatched a Servant to inquire into the matter. The servant did as was commanded, Sed nihil audivit aliud, nisi ab equo in quodam palatij pariete ante victricis deiparae sacellum, quem Paulus olimpictor praestantissimus effinxisset, D. Georgium pulcherrime sustinentem, esse editum, etc. The servant did as was commanded, but heard no other noise than what did seem to him, to issue from the picture of a certain horse, bearing St. George upon his back: which Paul the famous painter, had long since painted on that part of the pallace-wall, which is close by our Lady's Chapel. This is (saith he) the message which I am commanded to deliver; and to acquaint you also, that his Majesty desires your present counsel. Ad haec Logotheta iocatus, Gratulor tibi (inquit) Imperator futuros triumphos, etc. quibus auditis, At tu quidem inquit Imp. isto responso exhilarandi mei gratia usus, rem ignorare visus es: Ego autem dicam tibi. Nam ut patres nostri nobis tradiderunt, equus iste alias ad eundem modum hinnijt, cum Baldwinus Latinorum Princeps, a patre nostro pulsus, urbem amissurus esset. The Chancellor repairing upon these summons to the Emperor, found him exceedingly disquieted: and therefore sportively accosting him, I do my Liege said he, congratulate those noble triumphs, which the lusty neighing of St. George's horse portend unto you. To whom the Emperor replied, It seems my Lord, that you of purpose to compose my thoughts, and make me merry, will not take notice of the matter: but I am able to instruct you in it. For I have heard upon good credit, that this same picture of an Horse, neighed formerly, as now it did: just when that Baldwin Emp. of the Latins in Constantinople, was beleaguered by my Father; and the City taken. So far the story. All we will note from hence is this, that Baldwin mentioned in the History, began his Reign anno 1227. and that St. George, both in his time, and long before, was painted mounted on his Horse; which is as much as I desire for my present purpose.  
(9) Saint George thus pictured, either by way of Hieroglyphic, as some conceive it; or of Historical representation, as I rather should conjecture: it was not long before the vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristotle calls them; had improved it into a Fable. And now St. George must be ennobled for the kill of a Dragon, which he never saw; and ransoming of King Nemo's Daughter, for in the Legends there is nothing told us of his name. Just as upon the post-fact, the Normans framed that doughty tale of St. Romanus and the Dragon; or those of Orleans, the no less memorable story of Saint Aignans' Stone. Which being so, the people thus affected, by reason of those pictures, which did then commonly express Saint George; and the composers of the Legends willing to countenance those fictions, which were already of good credit with the people; it came to pass, that not these only of the vulgar; but even the best and wisest, as the times than were, ran headlong on the same Error. The rather, because the Author of the Legend then in most esteem, was not of ordinary rank: a man of special eminence for his Works and Learning; Archbishop of a chief City in Italy, and of good credit for a long time together in the Court of Rome! I mean jacobus de Voragine, whom in this case, the Cardinal Baronius justly blames, for making that an History, or a Fable rather; which was in all Antiquity, intended only for an emblem. In nullis enim quae recensuimus S. Georgij actis antiquis, 
Annotas in Rom. Mar. Apr. 23.  quicquam legitur eiusmodi, (viz. the kill of the Dragon, etc.) said a jacobo de Voragine absque ulla maiorum autoritate, ea ad historiam referuntur, quae potius in imagine illa typum exprimunt, etc. All I shall add is this (which may perchance be else objected) that De Voragine did frame his Legend, according to the common fame, and the expression of St. George in common Pictures: and not the pictures made according to the fancy and tradition of the Legend. For it appears out of Nicephorus abovementioned, that this our Martyr had been portrayed in this fashion, some space of time before the Latins were expulsed Constantinople; which happened in the year, 1260. Whereas jacobus de Voragine began to be of credit, at the soon, Anno 1278, and as it is conceived by others, not till the year 1290. which before we noted.  
(10) But to proceed, the Legend thus composed, and by such a man, and so agreeable unto the humour of the people; no marvel if it found a willing entertainment in the public service of the Church: so that in tract of time the Legend or historia Lombardica, for so the Author calls it; became a principal part in the Roman breviary. Bona Breviariorumpars, 
In Epist. Dedica●.  quod quidem ad lectiones matutinas attinet, ex L●mbardica desumpta est, licet verbis paululum immutatis. So saith Wicelius: and we well know how justly he might say it, as in the general, so also in the particular of St. George. For in an old Book, which I have long had in my custody, entitled Horae B. Mariae, Secundùm, usum Sarum: We have this History of St. George, and of his Dragon, thus framed into an Anthem: and as it there appeareth, appointed to be sung on his public Festival; the Anthem this.  

O Georgi Martyr inclyte,  
Te decet laus & gloria,  
Praedotatum militia;  
Per quem puella regia,  
(Existens in tristitia,  
Coram Dracone pessimo)  
Salvata est. Ex animo  
Terogamus corde intimo,  
Vt cunctis cum fidelibus  
Coeli iungamur civibus,  
Nostris ablutis sordibus:  
Et simul cum laetitia,  
Tecum simus in gloria;  
Nostraque reddant labia  
Laudes Christo cum gratia.  
Cui sit honos in secula.   

George, holy Martyr, praise and fame  
Attend upon thy glorious name;  
Advanced to Knightly dignity:  
The Daughter of a King, by thee  
(As she was making grievous moan,  
By a fierce Dragon, all alone)  
Was freed from death. Thee we entreat  
That we in Heaven may have a seat;  
And being washed from every stain,  
May there with all the Faithful reign:  
That we with thee together may  
Sing gladly many a sacred Lay;  
The gracious throne of Christ before,  
To whom be praise for evermore.   
(11) So was it in our Ladies horary, or horarium, according to the use of Sarum; and so no question in other of their public Service-Bookes: until the reformation of Religion, began in Germany by Luther, made those of Rome bethink themselves; and make some necessary reformation also, in such particulars as were most scandalous and offensive. A reformation not only of their manners, which since the difference began, have been strangely mended; nor of their Doctrine only, which since the opposition, hath been wondrously altered and refined: but also of their Breviaries, of their Missals, and other parts of their public Liturgies. A matter first attempted, at the beginning of the breach, by Pope Clement the seventh: who using in it the assistance of Franciscus Quignonius, 
Wicelius in Epist. dedicat.  (he was then Cardinal of Santa Croce) left in them only the histories of some few Saints of either sex, of which there was less scruple; cashiering all the rest, which gave occasion of offence. Vnde non imprudenter fecit Clemens [Sept.] Pont. Rom. adiutus opera Franc. Quignonij, qui historiolas Sanctorum utriusque sexus, cum Christo in paradiso conregnantium, succinctè iuxta & eruditè describi, ínque Rom. Breviarium inseri curavit: Omnem calumniantibus ansam amputans, qui fabulas non historias in Templis recitari clamitabant. As mine author hath it. Afterwards, a more exact and perfect reformation of the Missal and the breviary, was resolved upon in the Trent-Councell; together with an Index to be made, of all such Books, as were thought fit either to be prohibited; or noted, with a Deleatur. But by the hasty breaking up of that Conventicle, (for so the French King called it in his letters to the Prelates there assembled) the whole business was referred unto the Pope: by his unerring spirit to be determined and concluded. 
Sess. 25. Prope finem.  Praecepit S. Synodus, ut quicquid ab illis (to whom the matter was committed) praestitum esset, Sanctissimo Rom. Pont. exhibeatur: ut eius iudicio atque autoritate terminetur, & evulg●tur. So was it done accordingly: the Missals, Breviaries, Rituals, Pontificals, Catechisms, Diurnals, and all the several Horaries, Officiums', and such like Manuals belonging to our Lady's service; being corrected first by Pope Pius Quintus, and after recognized by Clement, of that name the Eight. By which we may perceive, that all things were not right in the Church of Rome; how ever they pretended that the Protestants did clamour of them without cause: they being at the last compelled, though with as little noise as might be, to make a Reformation both in Doctrine and in manners; as also in their common forms of public service and performance.  
(12) And now what is there else, which any one of Calvins' party, any of those which have denied St. George a being; can further question? It is alleged by Doctor Cracanthorpe, to prove St. George to be non ens, an idle Fiction; that even Baronius doth confess it: and for a further proof, Baronius is produced to tell us on his knowledge, Picturam Georgij qua eques armatus effingitur, etc. That viz. the ordinary pictures of Saint George have more in them of an emblem, than an History. What then? Baronius doth conceive St. George so pictured, as we see him commonly (and as we see him in full stature, with his brave Horse and the fierce Dragon, in St. Sepulchers in Paris;) to be an emblem, a Symbol, or an Hieroglyphic. But yet Baronius doth not think that St. George himself was an Hieroglyphic only, or an emblem. This is an argument, much like that other which we met withal before; wherein Baronius himself must testify against himself, that the whole story of St. George, was nothing else but a forgery of the Arians: whereas indeed he spoke it only of one passage of it, which by the Arians had been thrust into his History. And this may also be replied to Doctor Boys, who tells us twice for failing, how roundly Cardinal Baronius had taken up jacobus de Voragine, for his leaden Legend of St. George. If they or any other for them, have more to say; it is as I conceive it, that Article as yet not answered touching Dacianus; and the apparent contradictions which are between our witnesses, in this particular. Which argument or exception rather, we doubt not but to satisfy with as much case as these before it: when we have taken out our Commission for the examination of witnesses on our party, in whom such an apparent contradiction is suspected. In the mean time, I think we may with good assurance of these men's quietness hereafter; turn our whole strengths upon that adversary which hath done us greatest injury. Even upon them, who seem to censure Calvin as too meek and modestly disposed, in so great a quarrel: and think St. George not wronged enough in being thought No man, the issue of an idle brain; unless he rather be esteemed a wicked and ungodly man, a bloody Arian. Calvinus itaque moderatissime agit adversum Pontificios, ubi de Georgio quem invocant, ita loquitur, quasi nullus unquam, 
L. 1. cap. 5.  non quasi impius extitisset. Thus Dr. Reynolds, whose resolute assertion, and the proofs thereof, are next to be examined.   

CHAP. VI  
(1) The whole Story of George the Arian Bishop. (2) George Bishop of Alexandria, not proved by Doctor Reynolds to be a Cappadocian. (3) The Cappadocians infamous for their lewdness. (4) The life of George before he was appointed Bishop. (5) His Butcherly behaviour in that holy Dignity. (6) Degraded in the Counsels of Sardica, and Seleucia. (7) An 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Drusius, in making George the Laodicean, to be the same with him of Alexandria. (8) The strange effects of fancy and a preconceipt. (9) George's return to Alexandria, and the manner of his Death. (10) George Bishop of Alexandria, never reputed for a Martyr. (11) Shreds of the Arian Legends, by whom patched on upon St. George's Cloak. (12) Sir W. Raleighs' resolution in received opinions. (13) A transition to the examination of Witnesses on St. George's side.  
(1) IT was, as I conceive it, a wise and necessary course of Casca, a Roman Citizen, to publish by the common Crier, his Name and Pedigree: wherein he gave the people notice, that whereas Casca was the name of one of those, which had conspired the death of Caesar; for his part, he neither was the Traitor nor any of his kindred. The reason of which action, he thus gives in Dion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Hist. Rom. l. 44. Id. lib. 47.  Quòd Cinna nominis causa occideretur: The like device to this, is in the same Author, reported of one Varro: and this device must we also now make use of, in our present business. For such was the most barbarous demeanour of one George, once an intruding Bishop in the Church of Alexandria, a furious Arian, and bloody Butcher of the true Christians; and so extremely odious is his name become in the ears and hearts of all good people: that we which love St. George, must by the common Crier, and public Proclamation, make known his parentage, and acts, and sufferings. Otherwise it will be with him, as it was with Cinna; and he shall suffer for those impious sins and cruel misdemeanours, which were done many years after his transmigration to a better life. This therefore we resolve to do in St George's cause; but not this only. For we will first relate the whole History of George the Arian, his Country, his exploits, and manner of his Death; in which how little is there, which may have the least resemblance unto the Story of our Martyr. That done, and Doctor Reynolds sufficiently answered, as I hope it will appear, in the mere prosecution of the Story: we will proceed unto the Birth, and parentage, and constant sufferings of St. George; and to those testimonies after, which all the Ages of the Church, not one excepted, successively have given him.  
(2) And first we must begin with the Birth and Country of this Arian Bishop, which Doctor Reynolds doth affirm with greater confidence than proof, to be in Cappadocia. For thus he closeth up his Disputation in this present argument, Ceterum cum Georgius quem ecclesia Orientali● & Occidentalis pro Martyre colit, 
De Idol. Rom. Lib. 1. c. 5. §. 22  fuerit Cappadox; ne● ullius Georgij Cappadocis, ut Martyris, nisi Ariani, mentio ab ullo idoneo autore fiat: vel ista circumstantia demonstrat Georgium, non Sanctum, sed Arianum Martyrem fuisse. In which we have these two conclusions; first, that the Arian George was a Cappadocian; and next, that never any George of Cappadocia, was reputed for a Martyr, but George the Arian: both these, I say, with greater confidence than proof. For I persuade myself, that neither he, nor any else of his opinion, hath proved it hitherto, that George the Arian was by birth a Cappadocian: sure I am, that the testimonies of Athanasius, and St. Gregory Nazianzen, which are produced unto this purpose, do not prove it. Which that we may the better justify, we must take notice by way of anticipation, that George the Arian, was of a very fickle and fugitive condition: not fixed in any place, (as we shall see anon) until he was appointed for the See of Alexandria. This noted, we proceed unto the testimonies alleged from Athanasius, according as we are directed in the Doctor's margin: beginning first with that, in Apol. de fuga sua; 
Athan. Tom. 1. pag 704. Edit. gr. la.  where we read it thus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. About the time of Lent, (saith he) came George to Alexandria, sent for, by them which swayed the Court, out of Cappadocia: who here improved those vices, which he there had learned. This is I think no argument of any force, because that George was sent for out of Cappadocia, to prove that he was therefore borne there: and therefore on unto the next, which proves as little; save that the Latin is more favourable than the Greek. 
Pag. 944.  For in the Latin, translated by Pet. Nannius, we read it In Epistola ad ubique orthodoxos, thus: Et station praefectus Aegypti publicè literas proponit in speciem edicti, quibus declarabat, Georgium Cappadocem natione, pro successore mihi datum. But in the Greek, we find it only as before; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that George, new coming from Cappadocia, was by the Governor, declared his Successor: Thus do we read in his Epistle, Ad solitariam vitam agentes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
Pag. 860.  That Gregory was sent to Alexandria, and Auxentius unto Milan; both out of Cappadocia. Yet never was it thought, that therefore either of them were natives of that Country. In Apolog. secunda, which is a third place quoted in the margin, we meet with nothing to the purpose: only Pole julius complains in an Epistle to his fellow-Byshops, touching Athanasius, 
Pag. 748.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. That Gregory, an alien to the Town of Alexandria, and unknown amongst them, was made Bishop. The Latin here, in steed of Gregory, reads George; which cannot stand with truth of Story: Pope julius being dead almost six years, before this George was made the Bishop of that City. But let it be, that the Greek copies are corrupted, yet is it but a simple reason, to affirm that George was borne in Cappadocia, because he was an alien, or a stranger to the Alexandrians.  
(3) In that which follows, we have some show of proof, at least; which was not to be found in that before. For in the Epistle ad Solitariam vitam agentes, beforementioned, St. Athanasius calleth him, 
Pag. 861.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a man of Cappadocia: and Gregory of Nazianzum, that Countryman, Monstrum Cappadox, ex ultimis terrae nostrae finibus oriundum, A Cappadocian monster, borne in the furthest parts of all our Country. Indeed St. Gregory so calls him in the Latin copies, translated by Bilius; which makes the matter somewhat plain: but look upon the Author in his own language, and then it will appear, to be no such sufficient evidence, as was pretended. For there we read it thus, 
Orat. 21. p. 382. Edit. O. L.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Now this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is translated, Oriundum, Borne; and whereupon the proof, such as it is, is altogether founded; aught rather, and more agreeably, to the nature of the word, to be rendered, Impetu se ferens, running with haste and violence. For who so ignorant in the Greek tongue, but knows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be so construed; and that it is derived, ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, impetus: and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. must be only this; That George, a Cappadocian monster (as he calls him) came with a violent swinge, even from the furthest parts of all the world, to seize upon the Church of Alexandria. But notwithstanding this, yet he is here called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Cappadocian monster; and Athanasius calls him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a man of Cappadocia: this we confess, but so, that it affordeth as little to the proof in hand, as any of the former. For both those passages, are there spoken, as proverbial kind of speeches, then in use: the lewdness of the Cappodocians being so infamous, that it grew into a Proverb, to call a lewd and wicked man, a man of Cappadocia. Erasmus reckoneth Portentum Cappadocium, as a common Adage, Eò quòd Cappadocum gens improba & flagitiosa esset: and for a proof thereof, reflects upon this place of Gregory. Thus Cicero, speaking of Cesonius Calventius, 
Orat post reditum.  calls him, a Cappodocian; Elinguem, tardum, inhumanum, neglectum, Cappadocem, etc. And Freigius in his Annotations, gives this reason, Cappadoces enim malè audijsse, ostendit proverbium. The proverb which he mentions, in proof of such their infamy, is that in Suidas, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Id est, There are three Nations worse than others, beginning with the letter K. Cappadocians, Cretans, and Cilicians. And presently he adds, I know not whether to the same purpose, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same thing, 
Purch. Pilgrim. Lib. 3. c. 15.  by a Learned man of our own nation, thus noted, The lewdness of the Cappadocians grew into a Proverb. If any were enormiously wicked, he was therefore called a Cappadocian. So that the style of homo Cappadox, given him by Athanasius; and that of Monstrum Cappadox, repeated out of Gregory, by Socrates, and others; and out of them by Geo. Cedrenus: was fastened on him for his long abode in that Province, and immediate coming thence; especially, he having learned so much (as it appears by Athanasius) of their bad conditions. Nor is it strange, that Homo. Cappadox, & monstrum Cappadox, should be here used proverbially; rather to signify the bad conditions of the man, than his Birth or Country: considering that, fides Attica, and fides Punica, Gracum ingenium, & tenebrae Cymmeriae, with many others of that kind; are commonly so used, in the best Authors. Well then, it is not proved as yet by Dr. Reynolds, that George the Arian Bishop, was by birth a Cappadocian: whether there were no other George of Cappadocia acknowledged as a Martyr, but this George the Arian; we shall see hereafter.  
(4) But for his Country, not to waste longer time in it, 
L. 22. cap. 27.  it is affirmed for certain, by Amm. Marcellinus, who lived about those times, and whose report may well be taken in this case: I say it is affirmed by him, in express terms, that George of Alexandria was borne at Epiphania, in the Province of Cilicia. In Fullonio (the old Books read it in Fullio, and infulio, but mended by Gruterus, out of the autographon of Faucherius) natus ut ferebatur, apud Epiphaniam Ciliciae oppidum, auctusque in damna complurium, contra utilitatem suam, reique communis, episcopus Alexandriae est ordinatus. So Ammianus: and this is more express, than any thing that hath been hitherto produced, to make him borne a Cappadocian. For his conditions St. Gregory of Nazianzen tells us, 
Orat. 21.  that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a man of a bad kindred and worse qualities, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Not any way ennobled in his knowledge, nor affable in his Conversation; no not so much as making any show of godliness, or cloaking his impieties with fair and specious pretexts, but apt to any bold attempt; and a most proper iustrument to disturb the common peace. In his beginnings, a most base and servile Parasite, the common fly that sucked at every Table: so fitted for that office, that all his words and actions did seem to have no other end, than filling of his belly. His first preferment, was an Office of all others the most base and sordid, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Caterer forsooth, or Provisor general of Hogs-flesh for the army. In which, he bore himself so faithlesly, so much unto his own desire of filthy Lucre; that at the last even he was forced to take himself unto his heels: and as the custom is of Vagabonds, never to tarry long in any place; until at last he settled in the Church of Alexandria. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And here (saith Gregory) he left off his roaguing, and began his Villainies. But yet we must not think that he was made a Bishop per s●ltum, as the Lawyers say; not taking in his way, others, the inferior orders of the Church. For Athanasius tells us, 
Ap●●●l. de fuga ad Const. prope ●●nem.  that he had before been made a Priest; and that he so demeaned himself in that holy Calling, that he was forthwith deposed from the Ministry. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. But struggling in those factious and distracted times, against the Rulers of the Church, he was restored not long after. And being of the Emperor's Religion, who then was wholly addicted to the Arian party, and of a subtle head withal, for the dispatch of great affairs: he was conceived to be the fittest fellow, to succeed Gregory the Arian Bishop of Alexandria; who had before displanted Athanasius. So Sozomen relates, 
L. 3. ●. 6.  that he was settled in the room of Gregory, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As being active in his ways, and a stout Champion of the Sect.  
(5) George thus appointed Bishop, was put into possession of the Church of Alexandria by a choice band of Soldiers, sent by Constantius the Emperor for that purpose. His behaviour, answerable to his entrance, violent and bloody: and such as was not long dissembled. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as it is in Athanasius. He made his entrance in the holy time of Lent, 
Vbi supr. p. 704. Ed. gr. lat▪  and presently after the end of Easter-weeke, there was no other tidings to be heard in Alexandria, than violently casting of the sacred Virgins into prison, committing of the Suffragan Bishops unto the custody of the men of War, forcible spoiling of the Houses of Widows and of Orphans: and other misdemeanours of this barbarous and hostile nature. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. But in the Week immediately after Whitsuntide, the people [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] upon some solemn Fast, gathered themselves together in the Churchyard to their Devotions; not tarrying in the Church, because they had no heart to receive the holy mysteries, with George their Bishop. This coming to his knowledge, he presently sent out unto Sebastian, than Captain of the Garrison, and by Sect a Manichee; to arm his forces, and repair to his assistance. (Where by the way, I marvel, and that not a little, that they which made St. George, an Arian, because of the identity of names: have not made St. Sebastian also an Heretic of the Manichees, on the same reason.) Upon this message Sebastian hasted with his band, and even upon that sacred day (it was a Sunday) made an assault upon the people in the place. The professed Virgins were brought unto a flaming fire, and threatened death; in case they would not yield to the condemned Opinions of the Arian Heretics: Such of them as continued constant in the Faith, being immodestly despoiled of all their garments; and buffeted so cruelly upon the face, that long time after, it was a matter of some difficulty, to know who they were. No less than forty men were violently, and after a strange manner torn in pieces: the rest more mercifully dealt withal and banished. 
Athanas. ut supr.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. As for the bodies of the slain, they would not give them to their friends and kindred, that so they might be honestly buried; but kept them privately at home, the better to delight & satiate their eyes with that bloody spectacle. So true is that of Photius, that George had wrought such barbarous and horrid cruelties in that poor City: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
In Athanas.  That even the greatest persecution raised by the Gentiles, might in comparison hereof be reputed merciful.  
(6) Such being his behaviour both before & after; it is not to be wondered at, if the Church took special notice of it: the rather because of Athanasius, so unjustly dispossessed, and persecuted by the Arian party. Constans at that time Emperor of the West, and brother to Constantius; an Orthodox professor, and well inclined to holy Athanasius; summoned a Council of the Bishops of his Empire, at Sardica a City of Illyricum, anno 351. where among others, some Bishops of the Britaines were assembled. In this Council, the Nicene Creed being first verified and confirmed; the cause of Athanasius was debated: whom by their general suffrages they acquitted of all crime; and by definitive Sentence degraded among others, George the Arian, from the Dignity of Bishop. 
Apol▪ ut supr.  O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as in Athanasius. Not long after, followed another Synod; holden at Seleucia, a Town of Asia the less; anno 358, or thereabouts: wherein this Alexandrian George, was again degraded. The Fathers here assembled, intended, as it seems some mitigation in the points of Controversy then on foot, and therefore did declare our blessed Saviour, to be of a like Substance with the Father, though not the same. So that the difference now was only in a letter, though such a letter as made the difference but little less: The Nicene Creed pronouncing CHRIST to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the same Substance; and this affirming him, to be only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the like substance. To which decree, this George, a peremptory and stubborn Arian, would not yield: For which, with other matters proved against him, he was sentenced to be degraded. I say with other matters proved against him, because we read in Sozomen, that they of Egypt had accused him in the Council of rapine, and such other contumelious crimes: 
Lib. 3. cap. 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As that Author hath it.  
(7) In this Seleucian Synod, was present also another George, Bishop of Laodicea, a City of Syria: an Arian also, or one at lest which did not favour the Homousians, for so they called them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Socrat. lib. 1. Cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  So Socrates. But yet, it seemeth, a peaceable and quiet Arian: one who not only willingly subscribed unto the Canons of that Council; but also made himself head of a party against George of Alexandria, in the behalf and cause of Cyrill of Jerusalem. This Cyrill being a learned & a godly Bishop, 
Id. lib. 2. cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gr. 31. Lat.  had a cause dependant in that Synod; and those which were professed and peremptory Arians, did purpose to depo●e him: that so there might be room to settle in Jerusalem, a Prelate of their faction. But on the other side, there was no want of such, who though they loved him not for his Opinions, which were true, and Orthodox; did yet admire his learning, and respect his person: Hereupon the Council was divided into two parts or factions: whereof the one was governed by Acacuis Bishop of Caesarea, and George of Alexandria; the other, by this George Bishop of Laodicea, and Sophronius of Pompeiopolis. And after the determination of the Council, there is this mention of him in the same Author; that he did doubtfully declare himself in the points of Doctrine then questioned: sometimes abetting the Decrees of the Seleucian Synod; 
Ib. cap. 36. Lat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gr.  and sometimes more inclining to the opinions of the Arians: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which being so, I do the rather wonder at a strange mistake in the learned Drusius, who makes this George the Laodicean, to be the same with him of Alexandria. For in his Notes upon Sulpitius Severus, 
In Hist sacra.  ad Pag. 149. he hath it thus; Georgius Laodiceae Episcopus, Cappadox, Arianorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and afterwards, ad Pag. 156. Georgius Alexandria Episcopus à Constantio constitutus, cum prius fuisset Episcopus Laodecenus. Which words of his, first make the Laodicean George, to be of Cappadocia; and afterwards translate him to the Church of Alexandria: but neither rightly. An error, into which it is not possible almost, so great a Scholar should be drawn aside, by specious shows, and a similitude, or rather an identity of names.  
(8) But such for certain is the quality of fancy, and of preconceipt, that it doth frame and fashion all things like itself: just as those men, whose eyes are tainted with the yellow jaundice, conceive all Objects which they meet with, to be yellow. When once Pythagoras had form the apprehension of his Scholars, to entertain these principles, 
Diog. Laertius in Pythag.  viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. that unity was the beginning of all numbers; that numbers were the original of points, and lines, and plain figures; and these the Parents of the Elementary bodies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. out of which bodies, the whole world was animated and contrived: when he had form I say, their apprehensions to these principles, than which not any thing more foolish and absurd in nature; it was not possible to alter them in their opinions. And so affected also were the Epicurcans, unto those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Id. in. Epicut.  taught them by their Master, and out of which they were persuaded the whole world had been compacted. So is it also with these men, who having taken a conceit against George the Arian, and his butcherly proceedings: think presently that every George they meet with in discourse or reading, must be of Alexandria. On this conceit, first Dr. Reynolds confounded George the Arian, with St. George the Martyr: & after, Drusius confounded George the Laodicean, with George the Arian. There is another George B. of Alexandria too, 
Biblloth. c. 96.  mentioned in Photius, as the Author of a book concerning Chrysostom: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But who he was, (saith he) and in what time he lived, I am not certain. I wonder some or other hath not resolved the doubt, and made him also George the Arian: that so we might have had a whole mess of George's, and all but one.  
(9) But to return unto my story. No sooner was the Council of Seleucia ended, but George prepared himself for his return to Alexandria: notwithstanding that he stood degraded by the Sentence of that Synod. It seems he was a man, not to be daunted either with complaints or Censures: for presently on his return he fell upon his former courses; plaguing as well the Gentiles, as the Christians, 
Sozon. l. 4. c. 16.  which would not be in all points of his Opinion. By means whereof, and by his insolent carriage towards those of the better sort, he became at last to be generally hated: the rather, because he was suspected to be a Tale-teller, an Informer; and that he did ill Offices between them and the Emperor: 
L. 22. cap. 28.  Multos exinde accusans apud patulas aures Constantij, ut eius recalcitrantes imperijs, as in Marcellinus. The occasion of his death is diversely related. Our Ecclesiastical Historians agree jointly, that the Emperor had given him licence to convert the Temple of Mithras, or the Sun, which had been long time out of use, into a Christian Church; and that the Christians finding in it such heaps of slaughtered bodies, which had been offered to that Idol▪ exposed them to the public view, thereby to make the irreligion and impiety of the Gentiles the more odious. Nettled with which, they fell together on the Bishop, whom before they hated; and slew him in the place. By Ammianus Marcellinus it is thus related, that passing once by the goodly Temple dedicated to the Genius, it may be of the Roman Empire; with many of the people, according to the custom, waiting on him: Flexis ad adem ipsam luminibus, quamdiu (inquit) stabit ho● Sepulchrum; 
Vbi supr.  casting his eyes upon it after a scornful fashion, how long (said he) shall these old ruins continue undemolished. Upon report of which, the Gentiles furiously enraged, and hearing presently upon it, that their Governor was newly dead: they greedily apprehended both the occasion, and the opportunity, not quieting themselves, till they had torn the man so hated, into almost a thousand pieces. On both sides, it is well agreed of in the main and substance; though differing a little in the circumstance: both parties, as well the Christians as the Gentiles, testifying this; that as his life was bloody, so his death was shameful.  
(10) I have the more at large related, the whole History of this bloody tyrant; because we may the sooner see, how little probability there is in this, that he should ever steal into that credit in the Church, as to be reckoned for a Martyr. We do not doubt to make it evident anon, that our St. George was honoured as a Saint and Martyr, in the time of Pope Gelasius, it may be, during the life also of St. Ambrose. Suppose we then, that George the Arian suffered death, anuo 361. about which time St. Ambrose flourished, though not yet a Bishop; and that Gelasius entered upon the Church of Rome, anno 492. Let this I say be granted, or let it only be supposed: and shall we think it possible, that in so small a tract of time, if not the same time, the Church should be so much mistaken, to honour such a barbarous and bloody Tyrant for a Saint? This is, me thinks, not likely: and I must crave some longer time, before I dare believe it. But George (say they) was by the Arians reckoned for an ho●y Martyr. What if he were? Shall we conceive the Church to be so careless of herself, and in her purest times; as to afford him room in her common Calendar, and Martyrologies, upon the commendation of the Arian Heretics. I doubt it much. But what if we should make denial to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and say that George the Arian was not reputed for a Martyr; no not by those of the same party? If we should say so, I see not yet, what might be justly said against us. Certain I am, that Epiphanius saith, he was no Martyr, and he reasons thus. 
Haeres. 76. pag. 912. Ed. gr. lat.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; etc. But some perhaps will say, was not this George a Martyr, that suffered these things of the Gentiles? Yes verily saith he, had he endured those miseries in testimony of the Truth; or had that cruel death betid him, through the malice of the Heathen, for the confession of his Faith in JESUS CHRIST: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, than had he been indeed a Martyr, and that a chief one. Certain I also am, that Amm. Marcellinus hath recorded, that his accursed body being first torn in pieces, was afterwards consumed with fire: and all the ashes of it raked up together by the people, and cast into the Sea. And this they did, lest else they might be recollected, and a Temple built in honour of them: even as we see it done (saith he) to others of the Christian religion, who suffering grievous torments, and dying in a constant perseverance in their Faith; are by that Sect entitled Martyrs. Id metuens (saith he) ne collectis supremis, 
Lib. 22. c. 29.  aedes illis exsiruerentur, ut reliquis; qui deviare ● Religione compulsi pertulere cruciabiles poenas, ad usque gloriosam mortem intemerata fide progressi, & nunc Martyres appellantur. So then, it is affirmed by Epiphanius, that he was no Martyr; by Marcellinus that his ashes were all cast into the Sea, that so he might not be reputed as a Martyr: and therefore by what good authority it may be proved, hereafter, that he was reckoned for a Martyr; we are yet to seek. Which being so, I cannot choose but marvel, how Epiphanius is produced, by Doctor Reynolds first, and after by Polanus, as a reproover of I know not whom, some certain Quidams, for worshipping the Arian George as an holy Martyr. 
Haeres. 76.  For in the place alleged, that Reverend Father writing against the Anomaei, tells us this of them, that their Founder was one Aetius, promoted to the Dignity and Office of a Deacon, by that George of Alexandria, who was so cruelly torn in pieces by the people. Which told, he brings in that objection, which might perhaps be made in the defence of Aetius, by the Anomaei; that George by whom their founder was made Deacon, had suffered for the Gospel: and thereunto he makes that answer, which before you read. Not one word more than this, touching the Arian George his being reckoned à nonullis, for a Martyr: and therefore we must leave both this, and the Veruntamen coli coepit, which comes after, to his bare assertion.  
(11) The rest that followeth in that elaborate work of Doctor Reynolds, is a Collection of those several shreds of the old Arian Legend, which have been patched by diverse men, upon Saint George's Cloak. The conflict between him and Athanasius the Magician, extant (saith he) in Metaphrastes, and Pasicrates; as also in Vincentius and Antoninus: together with the Fable or the Persian Dacianus, first made a King by the Arian Legendaries; and after so reported in the martyrology of Bede. To this we have already answered, I mean unto the first part of it, in our third Chapter: Nor will we now repeat it. Only it may be not omitted, that there is nothing to be seen at all of Athanasius, in the Legend written by Pasicrates, who calls himself St. George's servant: and that Antoninus, however he relate the passage, somewhat briefly, doth not yet give that Reverend name unto the Sorcerer. Which modesty I also find, and I much wonder at it, in jacobus de Voragine. The other Tale of Dacianus, first taken up by Bede, and not unlikely out of some ancient Legend of the Arians; and after by Rhabanus Maurus, Notgerus, and with some difference, by Vincentius, de Voragine, and Antoninus: this tale I say, and what may be replied in their excuse by whom it is related, we shall defer until we come to produce such evidence, as speaks on our side. As for the Empress Alexandra, the wife of Diocletian, so say Pasicrates, and Metaphrastes; of Dacianus, as it is In Beda, Rhabanus Maurus, and Notgerus: seeing she is not brought to testify against us, and that already she hath been examined in our in our third Chapter; we do discharge her of the Court. If there be any thing behind unanswered, it is that all our Authors generally agree, that George our Martyr was by birth a Cappado●ian: huc accedit quòd suum utrique Georgium Cappadocem fuisse aiunt, 
De Idol. Rom. l. 1. cap. 5.22.  as he hath it in his arguments against ns. This we affirm. What then: Can any hereupon conclude, that therefore George the Martyr, must needs be George the Arian: because this latter is conceived (conceived I say, not proved) to be borne in Cappadocia?) Then either must all Cappadocians be of that sect, or else all GEORGE'S at the least, which were of Cappadocia; which were ridiculous to say, and no less foolish to believe: neither the name, nor Country heretofore accused, as more devoted to that Heresy; than any other of their fellow-names, or neighbour Nations So truly said Lactantius, Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita, ineptos habent exitus. But of this argument, if so it may be called; a little is sufficient.  
(12) To end this tedious disputation, (for I will borrow both the resolution and the words of Sir Walter Raleigh, 
Part. 1. l. 2. cap. 23. §. 5.  in a case of equal controversy,) I hold it a sure proof in examination of such opinions as have once gotten the credit of being general, so to deal, as Pacuvius did in Capua with the multitude, finding them desirous to put all the Senators to death. He locked the Senators up in the Statehouse, and offered their lives to the people's mercy, obtaining first thus much, that none of them should perish, before the Commonalty had elected a better in his place. As fast as any name was read, all of them cried out instantly, Let him die: but in the substituting of another, some notorious vice of the person, or baseness of his condition, or insufficiency of his quality; made each new one that was offered to be rejected. So that finding the worse and less choice, the further and the more they sought, it was finally agreed, that the old ones should be kept for lack of better. 
Melch. Canus l. 11. cap 5.  To which the resolution of an Englishman, we will adjoin this Caveat of a Spaniard: Sine ergo plebem, probabilissimam opinionem, praesertim quae penitus insedit & inveteravit, cum maioribus suis retinere.  
(13) Thus have we done our parts in the defence of St. George's History, so far as it concerned the beating down of that strong opposition which was made against him. Our next care is to justify his story, out of such monuments of Learning and Antiquity, as may for ever keep it free and fearless of the like assaults. In which I have directed my discourse, according to the observation of Lactantius, and the method of the Ancients. The observation of Lactantius, that in the search of knowledge, and pursuit of wisdom, we first do labour to discover that which is false; and after to instruct ourselves in that which is the truth. 
Instit. Divin. l. 1. cap. ult.  Primus sapientiae gradus est, falsa intelligere, secundus vera cognoscere: And as his observation was, so also was his method. For in his first of Institutions, having detected the vanity of the Gentiles, in their Idolatries, and impious worship of such a Herd of GOD'S: in the four last, he leads them in the way of Truth, the way of perfect Knowledge and true Religion. This also is Saint AUGUSTINE'S method, in his most excellent work De civitate Dei: a work of which we may affirm, that all the treasures of Learning both humane and divine, are amassed in it. Their reason is, ut refutatis iis, quae veritati videntur obstare, rectiùs asserere possimus veram religionem, & Dei cultum. This also is the method of ARISTOTLE, of AQVINAS, and of whom not? And thus it also is, in our present business. We have already satisfied such arguments, as were made against us, and thereby overthrown those Works and Ramparts razed by our Adversaries: We now proceed to strengthen and confirm our own. Or else we may be justly subject to that scoff, which by the same LACTANTIUS is put upon ARCESILAS; Nae rectè hic aliorum sustulit disciplinas, sed non rectè fundavit suam. Which that we may the better do, we will repose ourselves a little, till we have taken out Commission for the examination of Witnesses, on Saint GEORGE'S side: Concluding here the first and most adventurous Part of this Discourse, this partem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as they use to call it.   
The end of the first Part.   

THE HISTORY OF St. GEORGE, asserted, etc. The Second Part.  

CHAP. I.  
(1) The Name and Etymology of GEORGE. (2) The Story of St. George by Metaphrastes. (3) The time of that Author: and the reason of his Name. (4) The opinion of him in the Greeke-Church. (5) This Metaphrastes not the same with Simeon the Schoolmaster. (6) The Country, Parentage, and first fortunes of St. George. (7) The State of the Roman Empire at that time, and Persecution than beginning. (8) The speech of George unto the tyrants: the torments which he suffered, and his death. (9) The manner of his death according to Friar Anselm; and the English Story. (10) A rejection of the residue in Metaphrastes. (11) Arguments Ab autoritate negatiuè, of what credit in the Schools.  
(1) We are now come unto the latter part of St. George's History; a part wherein we shall find many friends, and few enemies: for now we are to deal with those, that speak for us; and will not stick to justify the Story of this blessed Martyr, upon their oaths. But first we will dilate a little on his Name, lest else mistaking there, we may perchance have all our process overthrown; and this we will the rather, because the name doth seem to carry with it, the Osse or Omen of good luck; and in a manner did presage him for a Martyr. The Name of GEORGE, not to proceed in it more Grammatically, is originally Greek: derived ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is; To till the Earth, or to play the Ploughman. It signifieth an Husbandman; and therefore Suidas doth expound the name by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a tiler, or labourer of the Earth. So Camden, in his Remains, George, gr. Husbandman, the same with Agricola: and thereunto the famous Spencer thus alludeth in the words before recited; 

Fairy Qu. l. 1. Canto. 10.  There thee a Ploughman all unwitting found,  
As he his toil some team that way did guide,  
And brought thee up in Ploughman's state to bide;  
Whereof GEORGOS he thee gave to Name, etc.   
To this the learned Doctor Reynolds hath alluded also, as before I noted; where he informs us, That all true Christian people, (Quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei appellat Apostolus, 1. Cor. 3.) whom the Apostle calls GOD'S Husbandry, aught to make war against the Dragon, mentioned in the Apocalypse. But this allusion or conceit, noted before him, by George Wicelius, 
In S. George.  in these words. Esto tu quicunq, censeris Christianus, Georgius; idque reipsa. Pater enim Coelestis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est, inquit Evangelista: Nos huius mystici Agricolae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sumus, sicut ait Apostolus. Be thou (saith he) whoever thou art that art called a Christian, be thou a GEORGE: and not in Name only, but in very deed. For as we have it in the Gospel, Our heavenly Father is an Husbandman: And we, as the Apostle tells us, are God's husbandry.  
(2) But of the Name enough. The Story of our Martyr, we have made choice to borrow out of Simeon Metaphrastes. For notwithstanding that we find the History set down at large, by others of the later times; and that not few of those that went before him both in time and learning, have touched at it: yet we have taken him to speak first for us, to open as it were, our Bill; reserving all the rest as seconds, to make good his assertions. I know we might with greater glory, and more seeming show of Antiquity, have cast this burden upon him, that calls himself Saint George's servant, Pasicrates by name: the first which did commit to writing, the Death and Actions of St. George; and one (if such a one there was) which might relate the Story with most assurance, as being always with him even unto his suffering. But since the credit of Pasicrates, and of the story written by him, dependeth only on the word of Metaphrastes, who ascribes it to him: We may as well immediately report it out of Metaphrastes; in whom there is not any thing omitted worth our reading, which is found extant in the other. Of whom, and of the time in which he lived, and that opinion which he carrieth in the world, we will speak a little: because we have made choice of him, to declare first for us; and it concerns us, not to have our business opened by a man suspected, by one of no esteem and credit with the learned. When that is done, we will not beg you to believe him any further; than in Sir Walter Raleigh's judgement, we may give credit unto Annius and his Authors: namely so far, as others writing on the same Argument, concur with him; and justify his words as warrantable and historical.  
(3) And first, the Age in which he lived, is diversely reported. Bellarmine on the credit of Baronius, 
Descrip. Eccl.  hath placed him in the middle of the ninth Centurie; john Vossius in his Book De Gr. Historicis, 
Lib. 2. cap. 26.  hath ranked him in the year 1060! Oraeus Volaterran, our learned jewel, and Helvicus, make him a babe of yesterday; a writer of the fourteenth Centurie, no older. Of this last computation more hereafter: the other two, being the worst of them, more probable than this; though but one true. These two both built upon the same ground, the time of Michael Psellus; and therefore if we can resolve upon his time, we have found the other. By Bellarmine it is affirmed that Psellus was alive, anno 850. Michael the third▪ together with his Mother Theodora, then ruling in the East: which Psellus made a funeral Oration in the praise of Metaphrastes. This last acknowledged to be true by Vossius; but then he tells us, and that upon the credit of Cedrenus, that Michael Psellus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as that Author calls him, was Tutor unto Constantinus Ducas, who began his Empire in the year 1061. But in the sifting of the business, it may perhaps appear, that Vossius is not led to this by any argument, more than his own opinion. Non negare possum (saith he) iis temporibus (viz. sub Mich. 3.) vixisse quendam Michael. Psellum; 
Iu●● quo supra.  nam id apertè testatur johannes Curopalates: sed nego istum nobilem illum esse Philosophum, cuius permulta hodieque supersunt. He cannot choose but grant, that Michael Psellus flourished in the time of Michael and Theodora: but that this was the Michael Psellus whose writings are still extant, this he denieth. So then, it being so far granted, that Michael Psellus was alive, according to the time assigned by Bellarmine; we will according to that computation resolve of Sim. Metaphrastes, that he flourished in the ninth Centurie. When we see better reason to enforce the contrary, we shall not think it any shame, to alter our opinion. As for the name of Metaphrastes, it was given our Author in reference unto a work of his, touching the Lives of Saints and Martyrs: which lives he had collected with indefatigable industry, out of several Authors, himself retaining the sense and matter of them, but otherwise delivering the Stories in words more proper and expressive. So witnesseth Aloysius Lippomanus in his Preface; Ideòque & Metaphrastae nomen fuisse adeptum: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim Graecè, Latinè est Scripturam aliquam dilucidioribus verbis, sensu tamen & materia retentis, interpretari.  
(4) This work thus brought together, became of good esteem and credit in the Eastern parts: the reputation of the Writer, and the opinion had of his good performance in that kind, concurring both together, to further the admission of it in their Churches. For of the man himself, it is affirmed by Lippomanus, 
In Praefac.  that by the Grecians he is honoured as a Saint: the 27. of November, being assigned him for his Feast-day. Psellus, a man of special quality himself, hath played the Panegyrist in his commendation: and therein added to the fame of Metaphrastes; Adeò bonum est laudari à laudato viro. And not he only, but all the Fathers of the great Council of Florence, the greatest in the later Ages of the Church; have magnified his Name, and extolled his Learning. For vouching him and his authority, in that great point, De filioque then debated; he is summoned thus: Imprimis ergo Sim. Metaphrastes vestris in Ecclesijs celebarrimus, 
Concil. Flor. Anno 1436.  accedat, etc. Sess. 7. But what need more be said than that of Theod. Balsamon, in his Commentaries on the Canons of the sixth Synod. For there was great complaint made in that Council, how hideously the lives of Saints were falsified by Heretics; 
§. 6.  which 63. Canon, together with the resolution of the Fathers, we have recited in the second Chapter of the former part of this Discourse. Hereupon Balsamon takes occasion to congratulate the felicity of the Church, in those latter times; and to commend withal, the pains and excellent performance of our Author, in that Argument. Magna itaque B. Metaphrastae agenda est gratia, qui martyricas pro veritate fossas, non sine multis laboribus & sudoribus repurgavit, & exornavit; ad Dei laudem, & S. Martyrum perennem gloriam. So he, or rather his Translator: for I have not the original now by me.  
(5) Bellarmine giveth this note of him, 
De Scrip. Eccl.  and the note is good: Videri aliquas historias Sanctorum, additas à posterioribus; That many Histories were added to the work of Metaphrastes, by some of lesser standing; those namely which were added to the Catalogue of Saints, after the death of the first Author. Which note of his, together with the testimonies of Balsamon, and Psellus, do most abundantly refel their error, which make him such a Puisné: and in part also satisfy it. The first of those, that did disparage thus our Author; Raphael Volaterran: and in him we read it thus. 
Lib 19 p. 234. lu. S.  Simeon Constantinopolitanus ludi magister, circiter annos abhinc 200. composuit Graecè Metaphrastas. Id est, Sanctorum vitas, quae singulis mensibus proprie leguntur, habenturque in Bibliotheca Vaticana. I thus translate it in the words of Bishop jewel, This Simeon Metaphrastes, whom Mr. Harding calleth a greek Writer, 
Art. 14.6.7.  was a poor Schoolmaster in Constantinople, and wrote Saints lives, which may well be called, The Legend of lies, and lived Two hundred years ago, and not above. Thus hath Helvicus placed his Simeon Constantinopolitanus, in the year 1306. which was two hundred years exactly, before the time of Volaterran: And so Oraeus in his Nomenclator, Simeon Metaphrastes, Constantinopolitanus, scripsit de vitis Sanctorum, Sec. 14. So they, but this can nothing prejudice our Simeon Metaphrastes, extolled so highly by Michael Psellus, who lived, in their account which speak the least, Anno 1060. so highly praised by Balsamon, who wrote about the year 1191. above an hundred years before this Schoolmaster was talked of. Likely it is, this Schoolmaster, might add those Lives unto the work of Metaphrastes; which by the Cardinal are noted to be of later date, and a less standing. And this I think the rather, because Nicephorus, who lived then with this Schoolmaster, if such there was; hath told us touching Simeon Stylites, the latter of that name, how that one Simeon Magister (Some Schoolmaster perhaps) had written of him; but not so learnedly as the occasion did require. 
Hist Eccles. Lib. 18. cap. 14.  Ea huc usque (de Sim. viz. Stylite) sermone omnium celebrantur; à Simeone Magistro, quanquam non ita doctè ut magnitudo rerum postulavit, conscripta. But be he what he will, and even as ignorant as a Pedant may be in nature, it is no matter: certain I am, he cannot be that Metaphrastes, so much famed by Psellus, Balsamon, and a whole Council; not that, whom we have chosen to report the story of St. George, and is now ready to relate it.  
(6) Of Metaphrastes hitherto. We now proceed unto the story, which he tell's us, thus. Georgius in Cappadocia, non obscuro loco, e Christianis parentibus natus; in vera pietate iam inde educatus fuerat. Hic cum ad pubertatem nondum pervenisset, patrem in certamine pietatis egregis pugnantem amisit; è Cappadociaque cum matre in Palestinam, unde erat oriunda, se contulit: ubi multae illi possessiones, et ingens erat haereditas. Ob generis igitur nobilitatem, cum iam et corporis pulchritudine et aetate ad militiam aptus esset; Tribunus militum est constitutus. Quo quidem in munere, cum virtutem suam in bellicis certaminibus, séque strenum militem ostendisset; Comes à Diocletiano constitutus est, antequàm christianus esse cognosceretur. Cum autem eo tempore matter é vita discessisset, maioris cupidus dignitatis, maximam e divitijs sibi relictis partem accipit, et ad Imperatorem profectus est. Tunc annum vicessimum aetatis annum impleverat. So far the words of Metaphrastes, which I have therefore here put down at large, because it is the ground work of the whole business. I translate it thus. St. George was borne in Cappadocia, of Christian parents, and those not of the meanest quality: by whom he was brought up in true Religion, and the fear of God. He was no sooner passed his Childhood, but he lost his father, bravely encountering with the enemies of Christ: and thereupon departed with his afflicted Mother into Palestine, whereof she was a native; and where great fortunes and a fair inheritance did fall unto him. Thus qualified in birth, and being also of an able body, and of an age fit for employment in the wars, he was made a Colonel. In which employment he gave such testimonies of his valour, and behaved himself so nobly: that forthwith Dioclesian, not knowing yet that he was a Christian, advanced him to the place and dignity of his Council for the wars: (for so on good authority, I have made bold to render Comes in this place and time) About this time his Mother died: and he augmenting the heroic resolutions of his mind, with the increase of his revenue, did presently apply himself unto the Court and service of his Prince; his twentieth year being even then complete and ended. This is the first part of St. George's history, according unto Metaphrastes. In affirmation of the which I will add only for the present, a roll or catalogue of such, which make St. George to be by birth a Cappadocian; which is the thing first doubted. As viz. The martyrology of the Greek Church, Vincentius Bellovacensis, Nicephorus Callistus, jacobus de Voragine, The breviary of the English Church, See Vsum Sarum, Edward the third of England, in his Charter of the Foundation of the Church in Windsor, Antoninus Florentinus, Hermannus Schedell, Phil. Bergomensis, Ralph Volaterran, the Magdeburgians, and Oraeus: twelve honest men, besides their foreman; and true most of them; besides all those of the Romish party also, which are peremptory in it. The several places, and the words therein alleged, unto this purpose; we shall see hereafter. Which being so, I cannot choose but wonder at the boldness of one Friar Anselm, 
Descript. terr. Sanct. apud. Cavis. antiq. lecti●.  of the Order of St. Francis; who makes St. GEORGE a Native of Palestine, or Syria: and tells us that the house in which he was borne, is still standing; and called commonly St. GEORGE'S De Acon versus orientem (these are his words) ad quinque Leucas occurrit Casale quoddam, quod S. Georgius dicitur; quia ibi natus fuit: & situm est inter montana in Valle. But more I marvel at Sir Walter Raleigh, that on such weak and shallow grounds should so report it. Five miles (saith he) from Ptolemais (which is the same with Acon) towards the East, is the Castle of St. GEORGE, where he was borne; the Valley adjoining bearing the same name. This last indeed we grant, that there is such a Valley, and that it is so called; and that there is a Castle and an Oratory in it, consecrated to our Martyr. Yet this, not in relation to his birth, which none besides themselves have thought on: but on as weak and faulty grounds, his conflict with the Dragon, said by the Natives to be slain by him in this place; which before we noted from PATRITIUS, and ADRICOMIUS, in the latter end of our first Chapter. 
§. ult.   
(7) Before we travail further in the Story of St. GEORGE, we must a little look upon the state of the Roman Empire: governed by Diocletian, in the East; and in the West by Maximinian, surnamed Herculius. For Diocletian being made Emperor by the Army, upon the death of Carus; and finding that the burden was too weighty for him to sustain alone; he joined unto him in that honour, one of his fellow-Soldiers, this Maximinian: reserving to himself the Eastern parts, at that time daily wasted by the neighbouring Persians; and sending his Copartner into the West, where the Barbarians of the North and Western Marches, were no less troublesome. But things not rightly yet succeeding to their wish; as well to keep in quiet that which was peaceable, as to regain such Provinces as had been lost: they took unto themselves two CAESARS (for so the next Successors were then called;) viz. Galerius Maximinianus, and Constantius Chlorus. Of these the latter was by his Parentage and birth, of Illyricum, and by AUGUSTUS MAXIMINIAN employed in Britain, which was then revolted: The other was of Dacia, a neighbour by his Country unto Diocletian; by whom he was sent out Commander of his Armies against the Persian. Those thus engaged in the common service of the State, and the affairs thereof in better order than before: the Emperors now out of action, converted all their force and fury on the Christians; whom they afflicted with the greatest and most savage Persecution of all others. For now not only some part or other of the Church, was harassed and depopulated; but all at once a prey unto the Sword and Tortures of the public Hangman: no corner of the Empire so far distant from the Seats Imperial, wherein there was not havoc made of Gods beloved. 
Hist. lib. 7.  Interea Diocletianus in Oriente, Maximinianus in Occidente, vastari Ecclesias, affligi, interficique Christianos praeceperunt: quae persecutio omnibus ferè anteactis diuturnior, & immanior fuit. So PAUL OROSIUS, briefly, according to his manner.  
(8) The Persecution thus resolved on, and begun already in the Court and Seats Imperial: and not so only, but warrants granted out unto the Officers and Rulers of the Provinces, to speed the Execution; and that done also in a frequent Senate, the Emperor DIOCLETIAN there himself in person: St. GEORGE, though not yet Sainted, could contain no longer, but thus exposed himself unto their fury, & his own glory. For thus it followeth in the Story. Cum igitur primo statim die tantam in Christianos' crudelitatem animadvertisset, &c Omnem pecuniam & vestem celeriter pauperibus distribuit, etc. & tertio Concilij die, qua Senatus decretum confirmandum er at, etc. ipsi omni foi midine reiecta, etc. in medio consessu ste tit, & in hunc modum locutus est. Quousque tandem O imperator, & vos Patres Conscripti, furorem vestrum in Christianos' augebitis▪ legesque adversus eos iniquas sancietis? etc. Eosque ad eam quam vos an vera sit religionem ignoratis, eos qui veram didicere compelletis? Haec Idola non sunt dij, non sunt inquam. Nolite per errorem falli. Christus solus Deus est, idemque solus Dominus in gloria Dei patris. Aut igitur vos item veram agnoscite religionem, aut certe eos, qui illam colunt, nolite per dementiam vestram perturbare. His verbis attoniti▪ & inopinata dicendi libertate perculsi, oculos ad Imperatorem omnes converterunt, audituri quidnam is ad ea responderet, etc. When therefore GEORGE, even in the first beginnings, had observed the extraordinary cruelty of these proceedings, he presently put off his military abiliments, and making dole of all his substance to the poor: on the third Session of the Senate, when the Imperial decree was to be verified, quite void of fear, he came inthe Senate-house, and spoke unto them in this manner. How long most noble Emperor, and you Conscript Fathers, will you augment your tyrannies against the Christians? How long will you enact unjust and cruel Laws against them? Compelling those which are aright instructed in the faith, to follow that Religion, of whose truth yourselves are doubtful. Your Idols are no Gods, and I am bold to say again, they are not. Be not you longer cozened in the same error. Our Christ alone is God, he only is the Lord, in the glory of the Father. Either do you therefore acknowledge that Religion which undoubtedly is true: or else disturb not them by your raging follies, which would willingly embrace it. This said, and all the Senate wonderfully amazed at the free speech and boldness of the man; they all of them turned their eyes upon the Emperor, expecting what he would reply: who beckoning to Magnentius, than Consul, and one of his special Favourites, to return an answer; he presently applied himself to satisfy his Prince's pleasure. Further we will not prosecute the story in our Author's words, which are long and full of needless conference: but briefly will declare the substance of it, which is this. Upon St. George's constant profession of his Faith, they wooed him first with promises of future honours, and more fair advancements: but finding him unmoveable, not to be wrought upon with words, they tried him next with torments; not sparing any thing which might express their cruelty, or ennoble his affliction. When they saw all was fruitless, at last the fatal Sentence was pronounced against him in this manner; that being had again to prison, he should the following day be drawn through the City, and beheaded. Reclusus ergo in carcere, 
Vincent. spec. Hist l. 12.128.  sequenti die tali sententia damnatur▪ ut per totam Civitatem detractus, demum capite puniretur. Which Sentence was accordingly performed, and GEORGE invested with the glorious Crown of martyrdom, upon the 23. day of April, Anno Domini nostri 290.  
(9) For this the year and day of S. GEORGE his death, we shall have proof enough hereafter; of the day chiefly in the Martyrologies, and of the year thereof in several Histories. Proof also store enough for this, that he was beheaded: in which particular, all Authors which have descended to particulars, agree jointly. Only the old Franciscan, Friar Anselm, whom I lately mentioned, will have him end his sufferings in a flaming fire, 
De script. terr. Sanct. ut supr.  at Rama in the Holy-Land. For so it followeth in his text. In Beryth autem occidit draconem: in Rama autem, quae distat à Hierusalem per 20 miliaria, fertur fuisse combustus. 'Tis well they are so linked together, his martyrdom by fire, and his encounter with the Dragon; being both of them of the same medley. I had almost forgot the doughty Author of the Seven Champions. Who as he makes the first achievement of Saint GEORGE, to be the kill of a burning Dragon in the Land of Egypt, whereby he saved from death the Princess Sabra: so doth he make his last, to be a dangerous combat, which he had with a poisonous Dragon upon Dunsmere Heath; wherein the Dragon lost his life, and the poor Knight returned to Coventrey, his own City, so extremely wounded, that he shortly after died. And yet the foolish Author tells us expressly in his Title, that there we have the true and certain manner of his Death. But as good luck would have it, he left behind him to comfort his afflicted people, no fewer than three Sons: and one of them, a matter of no common knowledge, was GVY that famous Earl of Warwick; the other two being preferred to place in Court.  
(10) To return then to METAPHRASTES, (for we will hear him speak no further of St. GEORGE:) we now dismiss him, to relate the rest that follows, unto them that dare believe him. We have already shown you, how hideously the Heretics had falsified the lives of Saints and Martyrs, to countenance their cause: and with what little choice of argument the Church-historians had compiled their Martyrologies, and Acts Ecclesiastical. Both observations verified in the story of our Martyr, and the collections of this Author. For in the rest that follows, we have the Arian tale of George and Athanasius the Magician; together with the strange Conversion of the Empress AREXANDRA: both which before have had my blessing. These intermingled with the horrible and most unsufferable torments which are there said to be applied unto our Martyr: so great, so far above the strength of nature to endure; that we must needs reject the very naming of them, as things so short of Truth, that in the greatest charity they may not be reputed possible. And for the close of all, a cheat or cozening trick of his, put by him on the Emperor: whom he persuaded after many of his torments, that he was now content to sacrifice unto the Roman Idols. Which done, the Church made trim, the Priests in readiness, and many of the people gathered there together to behold the alteration: he calls upon the LORD, and presently upon his prayers, down came a fire from Heaven; by which both Temple, Priests, and many of the people, were consumed. This last, accounted as an Error (or a Fable rather) in the common Legends, by Antoninus Florentinus: who guessing at some reasons for which the passion of St. GEORGE was judged Apocryphal, 
Summa histor. part. 1. tit. 8. §. 13.  makes this for One, Quòd Daciano dixerit, (for so he calls him) paratum se Sacrificare, si faceret populum ad Templum congregari; quo facto, oratione eius, igne coelesti totum Templum etc. concremavit. This last accounted also one of the principal excesses of this Writer, in the composition of his Stories; and for that noted by the Cardinal in his censure of him.  
(11) These passages in Metaphrastes we admit not in our Story; and therefore leave the proof thereof, to such as think they may believe them. But for the rest, we doubt not but to make it good by witnesses of special rank; and many of them of authority undeniable, in points Historical. The rest, I mean, which is of principal moment, and most necessary to the cause in hand; as viz. his Country, and martyrdom in general; the manner of his Death, the time and place of it: all these we doubt not to make good, by such variety of Evidence, and strength of testimony, as may suffice to make the Story free from all further question. But for the greatness of his Parentage and Fortunes, together with his Honourable place about the Emperor: this we will take upon the word of Metaphrastes, until we find some evidence not yet discovered, which can prove the contrary. Nor shall it be sufficient for any of the adverse party, to say, that no such circumstance may be found in Eusebius, who largely wrote the Story of that last and greatest Persecution: no nor in Bede which mentions him; nor in Vincentius or Antoninus, both which are large enough in the expression of his History. For we know well enough that Argumenta ab authoritate negatiuè, are shamefully exploded in the Schools of Logic: that the argument would be ridiculous, should any one conclude, that all the Silvian Kings reckoned in our Chronologies, are to be rejected; because so many Writers of the history of Rome, have spared to name them. I know indeed, in points of Faith and Moral duties, we may resolve it with the Fathers, Non credimus quia non legimus; and therefore I restrain myself to Cases of this quality: and that no further, till I see evidence of reason to convince me of an Error; where proof of testimony fails. Which ground thus laid, we will proceed unto the justification of the history in METAPHRASTES; so much thereof as we have taken, and is most material. But we will first make clear our passage, in the removing of one doubt, and commenting a little upon one memorable circumstance therein; the better to explain the meaning of the Author, and content the Reader: and having pointed out the scene of this great Action, descend unto our evidence.   

CHAP. II.  
(1) Magnentius mentioned in the former Story, what he was. (2) Vestem exuere militarem, the meaning of it; and when used. (3) Lydda the Scene of this great action; now called Saint George's. (4) Malmesbury reconciled with other Authors. (5) No executions permitted by the Ancients, within their Cities. (6) The former Story justified, most of it, by Eusebius. (7) St. Ambrose testimony of St. George, how certain to be his. (8) The time and Canon of Pope Gelasius. (9) The Story of Saint George, why reckoned as Apocryphal. (10) The meaning of Gelasius not to explode the Martyr, with his History. (11) The Arian George not likely in so small a tract of time to be reputed as a Martyr. (12) A Catalogue of the Authors cited in this Book, which have made honourable mention of Saint George; as also of those Princes, Peers, and Prelates, which have done him Honour: digested in their times and Ages.  
(1) THree things there are then, which are to be dispatched, before we come to the producing of further Evidence on our party: viz. A doubt to be removed, a notable circumstance to be explained; and the designment of the place or scene of this great Action. Of these the doubt to be removed, is that particular passage touching Magnentius, said then to be a principal Favourite of DIOCLETIAN, and at that time Consul: and this may well be called a doubt, because in all the Consular tables, which I have searched and seen; I cannot meet, during the whole Empire of Diocletian, a Consul of that Name. But if we can find out the man; I hope we shall agree with case enough about his being Consul: and for the finding out the man, we must make two inquiries. My first enquiry is, whether Magnentius there mentioned, might not be he, which afterwards slew Constans, Son unto Constantine the Great, and took unto himself that part of the Roman Empire, which Constans then commanded. To make this probable, (for we aspire no further) we must first understand, that Diocletian when he associated Maximinian in the Empire, did take unto himself the name from JUPITER; the other his from HERCULES: 
Aurel. Victor. de Caesar. c. 39 §. 2.  the one, being thenceforth called, Diocletianus jovius; the other Maximinianus Herculius. But not content with this, to make their memory in these adjuncts, more eternal; they raised two several Companies of selected Soldiers, whom they called jovij & Herculij. Of these selected Companies Magnentius was at that time Captain or Commander, (Comes Herculiorum & joviorum, he is called in the Latin story:) when he made slaughter of Prince Constans: and therefore not unlikely, but he may be the Favourite of Diocletian, mentioned in Metaphrastes; and by him raised unto this honour. If any thing may be objected against this, it is, that if Magnentius were at that time Consul, when Saint George was made a Martyr: either he had been dead, before the murder of the young Emperor Constans; or else too old to undertake such enterprises. Of his decease before that time, I think there can be nothing proved; unless by way of possible conjecture. And for his age, allowing him for twenty, anno 290. when our Martyr suffered, about which age, and sooner, many had been advanced upon special favour, to that Dignity: and it will then easily appear, that he could be no less than 80. years of age, at his usurping of the Empire. This I confess for true, but yet I must affirm withal, that age is hardly able to keep under, either ambitious desires, or noble resolutions. For Bretannion, who at the same time with this Magnentius, assumed the purple habit in the Countries of Pannonia, was exceeding ancient: and in the later days, Venieri, Admiral of the Venetian Fleet, in the great Battle of Lepanto, was close upon fourscore; yet of that haughty Spirit that he contested with Don john the Spanish Admiral, even to a Challenge for the Field, who then was in the prime and gallantry of his youth. A greater age than this, was that of Andreas Auria, Admiral to Charles the fifth; who lived till 94. no less: and held unto the last, a man of notable undertake, and of brave performance. And if we look on former times, we find that most of Alexander's great Commanders, attained unto the age of 80. years, or not much short of it; and yet contended with each other, even till their latest gasp of breath, for the sole Empire, and chief Sovereignty of Greece and Asia. So stirring is the fire of glory and ambition, that it will kindle and inflame the coldest appetite of age. Our next enquiry is, whether the name be not mistaken in the Author, or the Translatours, for Maxentius. Which if it may be granted, as the mistake is very easy: then will it be a matter of far less difficulty than before. For who so little conversant in the Histories of those times, but may remember, that Maximinianus Herculius had a son so named; and that upon the death of Constantius Chlorus, he was proclaimed Augustus, and saluted Emperor by the Praetorian bands at Rome. An honour he enjoyed not long; being first undermined by his own Father, the old tyrant; and after slain, with the discomfiture of his whole forces, at the Milvian bridge near Rome, by Constantine the Great. Now if it may be granted, that the name may possibly be mistaken; as we see daily worse mistakes, in the editions of the best Authors: how easy is it to believe, that this MAXENTIUS, the son of the one Emperor; might be made Consul, and in especial favour with the other? But than it is objected, that we meet not with his name in any of the Consular-Tables. This we affirm, and yet withal that notwithstanding this, Maxentius might be Consul. For besides the Consuls Ordinary, appointed for the year, whose names only occur in the public Tables: there was another sort of Consuls, called Consuls honourarie, appointed only for a Month, and sometimes longer, as it pleased the Emperors. Of this See Dion. A custom taken up, upon the end of the Civil Wars, Cum helli civilis praemia festinari coeperunt, as it is in Tacitus: when now the Emperors had many men to gratify, and could not speed them all in ordinary Course. Of the which kind of Consuls, Maxentius might be one; so also might Magnentius, though we find nothing of them in the common Calendars. Of this kind also might there be some other Consul of the latter name; although no further mention of him in the Histories of that age and time.  
(2) The circumstance to be explained, is that St. George before he came into the Senate, put off His military abiliments! A circumstance not expressed rightly in the Author, where we find only vestem pauperibus distribuit, that he distributed his garments to the poor; and therefore have rather chosen to express it in the words of Vincentius: where it is said, that having made a dole of all his riches, militarem vestem exuit, he put off his military habit, and so addressed himself to speak in the behalf of his poor brethren. Which putting off his military habiliments, is not, as I conceive it, only (nor perhaps at all) the disroabing of himself of his soldiers coat, or cassock: but rather the abandoning of his military or Knightly belt; the honorary mark of his well-deserving. For in the times of the Roman Empire, it was a custom of the Prince, to honour such which were of greatest merit, with a degree above the rest: which was performed by investing them with a military belt or girdle; the Ensign of a Knight. This was called, Cingulo militiae honestare: and hereunto it is alluded by St. chrusostom, in his 26. Homily on the Corinthians, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let none (saith he) which is an Officer, presume to come before the Prince, without his belt, and other military habiliments. This military belt thus given, was an engagement of the party so invested, unto the service of the Prince: and that in terms so near and close, that such as had received the faith, and made a conscience of their ways, used commonly to cast it from them; because of the incompatibility, that was between their holy profession, & that Knightly order. A matter frequent in the use of it, in the times of Persecution; in such especially, who could not patiently conceal their holy callings, and dissemble their Religion. The meaning than is this, that George no longer willing to continue in the service of the Emperor, unto the hazard of his Soul, enounced his order: and being so degraded, went up into the Senate; no longer now a Soldier of the Emperor; but of JESUS CHRIST.  
(3) As for the Scene, or Stage, on which this great and famous Tragedy of St. George was acted: it is generally said to be in Lydda, a Town of Palestine, in the Tribe of Ephraim. A Town made famous by St. Peter, who there, virtute Christi non sua, 
Acts, 9.33.  restored Aeneas to his health; Who had kept his Bed eight years, and was sick of the Palsy. Known also in the Writers both of former and of middle times, by the name Diospolis, or the Town of jupiter; because that Idoll-god was there worshipped. In this Town, that St. George received the Crown of martyrdom, is evident out of the testimonies of those several Authors, which have made mention of our Martyr: whose words I shall defer until the next Chapter, where they are produced at large. Two only proofs I have made choice of for the present. First, that his sacred body was there reverently entombed, by the devout and pious inhabitants thereof: his Sepulchre being there extant to be shown, even in the days of Will. of Tyre, 
Hist. bell. sacri, l. 7. cap. 22.  about the year 1180. For so he testifieth himself, In hac urbe (Lydda viz.) usque hodiè egregij Martyris Georgij gloriosum Sepulchrum ostenditur; in quo secundùm exteriorem hominem in Deo creditur conquiescore. Next, that in latter times, the Christians hereabouts, call it St. George's: the other names thereof not to be found unless in Authors, or old Maps. So witnesseth jacob. de Vitriaco, 
Hist. Hiorus. cap. 57  who lived about the year, 1240. that Lydda civitas, quondam Diospolis appellata, nunc ad S. Georgium nuncupatur. Both circumstances, that of his burial, and this other mentioned last, together, in old Friar Anselm: 
Des●ri●●. ●err. Sancta.  quarto miliario à Modyn est Lydda, civitas qu● Diospolis dicitur, in qua corpus B. Georgij testantur fuisse; & S. Georgius vulgo dicitur. Shall we have more? Roger de Hovenden in his Annals, 
Par● Post. in Richard. 1.  reciting there the names of such great personages, as died in the Christian Camp at the siege of Ptolemais; gives us among the rest three Bishops; viz. N●vus Episcopus de Acon, Episcopus de Baru●h, Episcopus de S. Georgio. For at that time, the Christians had made this Town a Bishops' Seat; 
V. cap. 5. §. 7.  as we shall see hereafter.  
(4) Only in such a general consent of Authors, Will▪ the Monk of Malmesbury doth seem to differ from the rest: who seemeth to make the Scene hereof to be Rama, 
Hist. de Reg. Angl. l. 4.  or Ramula, a little City not far distant. Ibi a dextra dimittentes maritima, pervenerunt Ramulam, civitatulam muro indigam, B. Georgij, si famae credimus, martyrij consciam: We came (saith he) leaving the Seashore on the right hand, to a little City, unwalled, known by the name of Ramula; guilty, if we may trust report, of St. GEORGE'S martyrdom And hereupon perhaps it is, 
Vt supr.  that Friar Anselm, who as before we noted, hath made St. GEORGE to end his days in a burning fire; hath chosen Rama for the place of Execution: his ashes being afterwards transferred (sd. he) to Lydda, & there buried. To reconcile which difference, we must conceive that these two: Cities were not very far asunder; and their Fields or Territories close together: so that an action done in one, without great error might be reported of the other. 
Cap. 8.28.  St. MATHEW in his holy Gospel, tells us of a miracle done by our Saviour, in the Country of the Gergezens: whereas St. LUKE and MARK affirm, that it was the Country of the Gadarens. Yet may it not be therefore thought, that the Holy Spirit is at difference with itself; God forbid: nor that we should conceive the Gadarens and Gergezens to be the same; which is not so. But rather we must reconcile the places thus, according to the truth of story, and the situation of the Country; that the two people mentioned in the Gospel were conterminous: their Towns at no great distance, and their fields bordering one upon another. Therefore that miracle, done in the fields between them both; might without any wrong or error, be made good of either.  
(5) To make the reconciliation more exact, and the case more parallel, we must also note, that with the ancients there was nothing more unlawful, than to put any man to death within their Cities. Thus in the state of Rome, the Vestal Virgin having committed fornication, was buried quick within the Campus Sceleratus; and other malefactors thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Rock: both situate without the Town. So also had the Thessalians a place of Execution, from the precipice of an Hill, which they called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Corvi: from whence arose the Proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Away with him to the Gallows. Thus the jews also, when they crucified our Saviour, led him out of their City to Mount Calvarie: and thus St. LUKE reports it in the Execution of St. STEPHEN, 
Act● 7.  that they cast him out of the City and stoned him. A custom which continued long, even till the times of Persecution were all past: and of the which, our public Gallows which we see every where without our Towns, are some remainders. Which being so, no execution in those times permitted in their Cities; it must needs be, that our St. GEORGE did suffer in the open fields. Which granted, it will then appear that Malmesbury might not unjustly say of Rama, or (as he calls it) Ramula, that it was guilty of, or rather had a hand in Saint George's death; though in the general voice of Writers, it be affirmed of Lydda: because the fields were common, or close adjoining, and the Towns but little distant.  
(6) These matters thus dispatched, we now proceed to verify the former Story out of the words of such as have concurred with Metaphrastes in the main and substance. And first we will attempt to justify the whole narration out of Eusebius; whose countenance herein, will I am sure be worth our seeking. And I would gladly know what part or circumstance there is in all our History, for the defence whereof, we may not use his testimony. 
L. 8. c. 21.24.  Is it, that any Cappadocian was adjudged to suffer for the Gospel? He tells us there, that one Seleucus, julian, and others of that Country, received the Crown of martyrdom, during the Persecution raised by Diocletian. 
L. 8. cap. 21.19.12. etc.  Or is it that the Persecution ever did extend to Palestine? He hath a Chapter at the least, of such as suffered in that Country. It is not, I am sure, that any of the military men abandoned their advancements, or yielded up their lives, to testify how little they esteemed them in comparisen of CHRIST. 
Hist. Eccles. l. 8. c. 4.7.  For this he hath expressly, that many of them, when the Persecution first began, did willingly forsake their honourable Offices; and some their lives: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nor can it be that that the Imperial edict did not extend to such as were of his retinue, and did belong immediately unto his person. For in the same book he mentions Dorotheus and Gorgonius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with many more of Caesar's household. We grant indeed, that no such name as that of George▪ occurs in all that Author: but we affirm withal that he confesseth it an infinite and tedious business, to recount the names of all that suffered, or capitulate those several torments they endured; and therefore purposely omits them. 
L. 8. ●. ●●6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as he there hath it. So then, Eusebius doth affirm that Cappadocia had its Martyrs, that the Persecution raged in Palestine, that it extended to the military men, and to those also that attended in the Palace; and lastly that it is impossible to tell the names of all that suffered. Put this together▪ and it will amount to this; that George one of those many Martyrs whom Eusebius could not name, a Cappadocian by his Country, a Soldier by profession, and one that waited in the Court; was put to death in Palestine by torments not to be expressed, because he constantly continued in the Faith of CHRIST.  
(7) In the next place we have the testimony of St. Ambrose, if at the least, the words be his: a Reverend Father of the Church, and a chief ornament thereof, who died about the year, 397. The words are these: Georgius Christi miles fidelissimus, dum Christianismi professio tegeretur, solus inter Christicolas intrepidus Dei filium confessus est: Cui tantam constantiam gratia divina concessit, ut & tyrannicae potestatis praecepta contemneret, & innumerabilium non formidaret tormenta poenarum. Id est. George the most faithful Soldier of JESUS CHRIST, when as Religion was else every where dissembled, adventured boldly to confess the name of GOD: to whom it pleased the Lord to give so much of Heavenly grace, that he not only scorned the tyrants, but contemned their torments. This I find cited by Hermanus Schedel, in his Chronica Chronicorum; and out of him by Bergomensis; since by Molanus in his Annotations upon Vsuards martyrology: jacobus de Voragine relieth also, in one passage, on the authority of Ambrose; so doth Vincentius, and Antoninus Florentinus. The treatise out of which his testimony is avouched, is by them called, Liber praefationum; 
In Georgio.  not now extant. Wicelius, who doth also build on the authority of this Reverend Father, saith that the book is long since perished▪ so perished, as it seems, that there is nothing left of it, but the name, and some scattered remnants. Whether St. Ambrose, were or not, the Author of that treatise; I cannot easily determine: because in Possevin, I find no mention of this tract, who yet hath taken upon him, to marshal all the Works of that excellent man, even those also which are lost. Yet on the other side, his testimony vouched by Authors of that antiquity, as those before recited; assure me at the least so far, that such a work was in their times, received as his. Add unto this, that Vossius reckoneth him with the Latin Historians, 
D●l●t Histor. part. 4. c. 3.  in his late book of that argument; as having writ the lives of many of the Saints: of Theodora namely, of St. Celsus and Nazarius, of St. Gervase and Protasius, and as the Papists say, of Agnes. Which being so, I must crave longer time, before I shall reject these words, ascribed unto him, or not esteem them true, and worthy to be credited: though not so fully, as to build upon them altogether.  
(8) But of our next witness, there is less doubt, and a larger testimony; though in his words we meet with somewhat which requires a Commentary. A witness which hath been examined on the adverse part already, where he was able to say nothing: I mean Gelasius Pope of Rome, and his so memorated Canon. This Pope began his Papacy, Anno 492. and died in 96. some four years after. About his time, and long before it; the Heretics had busily employed themselves to falsify the public Acts and writings of the Church: which thing they had effected so according to their wish, that now it was high time to have a careful eye upon them; or else it may be, they might have grown too potent to be easily suppressed. For this cause, Pope GELASIUS having assembled 72. of his neighbour Prelates unto Rome; did then and there, with their advice and by their diligent assistance; contrive a Catalogue of all such dangerous writings, as were thought fit to be rejected: giving to those which they accounted true & orthodox, the place and honour due unto them. Which Canon, since it is alleged against us, thereby to overthrow the History of our St. GEORGE; we will in this place bring into the open view, as much of it as concerns the business now in hand: that so we may encounter them with their own weapons. The Canon is as followeth. 
Pet. Crabbe. Conc. tom. 1, p. 993.  Gesta S. Martyrum qui multiplicibus tormentorum cruciatibus, & mirabilibus confessionum triumphis, irradiant; quis ita esse Catholicorum dubitet, & maiora eos in agonibus esse perpessos, nec suis viribus sed dei gratia & adiutorio universa tolerasse? Sed ideo secundùm consuetudinem antiquam, singulari cautela in Sancta Rom. Ecclesia non leguntur, quia eorum, qui scripsere, nomina penitus ignorantur; & ab infidelibus idiotis superfluè vel minus aptè, quam rei ordo fuerit, scripta esse putantur: Sicut cuiusdam Quiriaci, & julittae matris eius, sicut Georgij, aliorumque passiones huiusmodi, quae ab haereticis perhibentur conscriptae; propter quod (ut dictum est) ne vel levius subsannandi occasio oriretur, in S. Romana Ecclesiâ non leguntur. No● tamen cum praedicta Ecclesia, omnes Martyres atque eorum gloriosos agones, qui Deo magis quam hominibus noti sunt, cum omni devotione veneramur. So far the very words and letters of the Canon.  
(9) By this it doth appear, that as the Saints in general, so also particularly St. GEORGE, had been abused and counterfeited in his Story: in the close of the same Canon therefore, it is reckoned as Apocryphal; as were a great many others of the same temper. The reason why it was so reckoned, is by our latter writers diversely related. Raphael Volaterran makes it to be rejected, only so much of it, as concerns St. George's combat with the Dragon: which also is assigned by Antoninus, amongst other causes; but by neither rightly. For in those times, and many hundred years behind them, the fable of the Dragon was not so much as thought of in the Church Christian. 
Histor. Lomb. in S. Georgio.  jacobus de Voragine more nearly to the truth, Ex eo quòd Martyrium eius certam relationem non habet: because the story of his death is told us in most perplexed and uncertain manner. In Calendario n. Bedae, etc. For in the Calendar of Bede, we find (saith he) that he was martyred in Diospolis, a Town of Persia; in others, that he lieth buried in Diospolis not far from joppes: In some that he did suffer under Diocletian and Maximinian, Emperors; in others, under Diocletian King of the Persians; no less than 70. tributary King's being in presence. Somewhat, I say of this was rightly aimed at by this blind archer: but Bede is brought in by him somewhat too early, as being a Post-natus, scarce borne within two centuries of years succeeding. But what need more conjectures, or what use indeed is there of any: since the same Canon which hath decreed the History of George (then extant) to be Apocryphal; hath also told us, that it was generally believed to have been writ by Heretics. This is enough to make the History of any S. suspected▪ & Apocryphal: and that it was so written; may easily appear by that which was related in it touching Athanasius, and the Empress Alexandra; not to omit that terrible massacre which by a cheating trick, he made of many of the people, branded by ANTONINUS, as before we noted.  
(10) Hitherto have we spoken of GELASIUS Canon, and nothing all this while, which may redound from thence to St. GEORGE'S credit. Nothing indeed in that which hath been spoken hitherto, because we were to lay our ground, before we raised our building. But that now done, and the full meaning of the Canon duly pondered: it will appear for certain, that though Gelasius taxed the story of St. GEORGE as dangerous and Apocryphal; yet he hath done the Saint himself all due respects, and confirmed him to us. This I did note before ou● of the words of Bellarmine, 
V. chap. 3. §. 8.  in a reply to Dr. Boys; who needs would have both Bellarmine and Pope Gelasius speak for him, in making our St. GEORGE to be a mere Chimaera, or thing of nothing; which God knows they never meant. This I say, we did note before from Bellarmine: but now we note it out of Gelasius himself, and the very letter of his Canon. For having told us, that the actions of many of the Saints were writ by Infidels, or rather Misbelievers; and in particular that the passion of St. GEORGE was composed by Heretics; he states it thus: that notwithstanding this, he, and the Church with him, did reverence all those sacred Martyrs, and their glorious sufferings for the Truth; known better unto God, than any of his people. Nos tamen cum praedicta Ecclesia, omnes Martyrs, atque eorum gloriosos agones, qui Deo magis quam hominibus noti sunt, cum omni devotione veneramur: So saith Gelasius. So saith Gelasius, and that we do not misreport his meaning, is easy to be seen, by the concurrent suffrages of Beda, Antoninus, Hermannus Schedell, Bergomensis, Notgerus, and Vsuardus; all which, as we shall see in the next Chapter, do so conceive it. But we might well have said this labour. For Doctor Reynolds also cannot but acknowledge, 
Dr. Reyn. de Idol. Rom. l. 1. c. 5. §. 21.  that without further question, Gelasius did believe Saint GEORGE to be an holy Martyr; although he found the story had been writ by Heretics: Gelasius etiam, tamet si fraudem hanc olfaceret, ipsum putabat in hilominus sanctum fuisse Martyrem. If so, than I persuade myself it were much safer to give credit to Gelasius, who lived so near the time of St. GEORGE'S suffering; than any Doctor, of what eminent rank soever, above a thousand years below him. To bring the matter nearer home, Gelasius in that Canon, hath reckoned as Apocryphal, the itinerary of St. Peter, the Acts of Paul, and Thecla; the Recantation of Adam, Origen, and Cyprian; and many others. What then? Shall therefore we conclude, that Peter never travailed, or that there never was a woman of the name of Thecla; or that St. Cyprian, or Origen, or Adam never recanted their impieties and errors? Nay, we conclude from hence, that questionless St. George is to be reckoned as a Martyr; because the story only is condemned, and not the Saint; just as we may resolve that there was such a noble Prince as Arthur; because the Monk of Malmesburie hath told us, how much his famous deeds were overacted by his Country men, the Britons.  
(11) For certainly had there been any meaning in Gelasius to have exploded the Martyr, together with his History; he might as easily have done it, as have spoke the word. He might, I say, have done it with as much ease, as have spoke the word, by adding only this of Doctor Reynolds to the Canon; 
Loc. quo supr.  Fuit enim hic Georgius homo improbus, haereticus Arianus. This had for ever been enough, to have made his memory as odious, as his Story was suspected: and to have razed his name, not only out of the public Calendar, but out of the good opinion of all honest men. Nor is it to be thought, that George the Arian Heretic could be so cunningly inserted into the Calendar, and pass so currently among the Saints; so soon upon his most deserved, though cruel execution: the Church especially keeping an eye so watchful over them and their designs; that all their practices were as soon brought to light almost, as they were conceived. For from the death of George unto the Popedom of Gelasius, are but 130. years or thereabouts; too scant a time to have his Villainies forgotten, and himself reputed for a Martyr. Likely indeed it is, that if the Arians had prevailed, they would have given their George a principal habitatiion in the Heaven of glories; above Eusebius of Nicodemia, or Maris, or Theognis; and perhaps next unto their founder Arius himelfe. But that, the Christian Church should in so short and small a space, rank him among the Saints; this I can hardly be persuaded: unless perchance we may believe, that in the same times she could condemn the Heresy, and adore the Heretics. I know it was a frequent custom with the ancient Romans, to honour and adore the Gods of those many nations which themselves had vanquished; Religionibus servire victis, 
Minut. Felix.  & captivas eas post victorias adorare, as Octavius in the Dialogue. But this they did not on mistake, or any couzinage put upon them by the vanquished Nations. No. It was only on a superstitious conceit, that having in their City all the GOD'S whose people they subdued; and placing them in their most rich and sumptuous Temples: they might by their assistance, the better bring the residue of the world under their subjection. Sic dum universarum gentium sacra suscipiunt, etiam regnare meruerunt: So saith Cecilius in the same Author. Not to say more, I think it as impossible altogether, that in so small a tract of time, if at all ever, the Arian George should be reputed for a Saint, amongst the Orthodox Professors, now victorious: as that our Reverend Praelates Cramner, Latimer, and Ridley, should in an equal space of time, be taken into the Roman Martyrologies: or that their Henry Garnet, james Clement, or Nicholas Sanders, by them honoured, should be accounted Martyrs in the Church's Protestant; in case that either side prevail and suppress the other.  
(12) To bring this Chapter to an end, it is the last of Doctor Reynolds two Conclusions, Nullius Georgij Cappadocis ut Martyris, 
De Idol. Rom. l. 1. c. 5. §. 22.  nisi Ariani, mentionem ab ullo idoneo auto re fieri; that never any GEORGE of Cappadocia was reputed as a Martyr, in any Author worthy credit, but George the Arian. In general answer to which general challenge, I have thought good, before we further labour in particular proofs; to draw together in a Table, the names of all such Authors cited in this work: by all of which St. GEORGE is reckoned as a Martyr; by many of them said to be of Cappadocia. Most of them, I persuade myself worthy of credit: and the ornament of the age in which they lived. Yet lest, their affirma●●● should be questioned and controu'ld by our choicer judgements; I have taken care to mingle with them, such famous Princes, and Prelates celebrated for their goodness, as have done him public honours: all which I have digested according to their several times and ages, in the form that followeth.  

The Catalogue.  
374 SAint Ambrose, if at the least the work be his.  
492 Gelasius Pope of Rome.  
515 Childebertus R. Francorum.  
527 justinianus Imp. Procopius Caesariensis. Sidonius Archbishop of Mentz.  
570 Venantius Fortunatus.  
596 Gregorius Turonensis.  
600 Greg. 1. Pont. Rom.  
660 Hildericus R. Austrasiae.  
698 Cunibertus R. Longobard.  
730 Beda Venerabilis.  
752 Zacharias Pont. Rom.  
774 Paulus Diaconus.  
812 Vsuardus Monachus.  
835 Rabanus Maurus.  
837 Aimonius Monachus.  
850 Simeon Metaphrastes.  
912 Notgerus Monachus.  
963 Nicephorus Phocas Imp. Const.  
975 Tribunus Mevius, D. Venetorum.  
996 Hedinge, Ducissa Bavariae.  
1005 Henr. 2. Imp. Germ.  
1043 joh. Euchaites, Ep. Orient.  
1070 Geo. Cedrenus.  
1074 Rob. D' Oyley nob. Anglus.  
1098 Godfrey of Bovillon.  
1120 Robertus Monach.  
1130 Gulielm. Malmesburiens.  
1141 Gualt. Ep. Augustae Vindelicorum. vulgo Auspurg.  
1180 Gulielm. Tyrius.  
1250 Vincentius Belvacensis.  
1273 Radulphus Imp. Germ.  
1282 jacobus de Voragine.  
1305 Nicephorus Callistus.  
1330 Niceph. Gregoras.  
1344 Edwardus 3. R. Angl. Thomas de Walsingham.  
1354 joh. Contacuzenus Imp. Const. Idemque nob. Histor.  
1390 Froissard. Author Fasciculi temp. Anselmus Frat. Francisc.  
1410 justinianus Patr. Ven.  
1411 Sigismundus Imp. Germ.  
1445 Antoninus Florentinus.  
1448 Fredericus Imp. Germ.  
1472 Bapt. Platina.  
1484 Coccius Sabellicus.  
1488 Maximilianus 1. Imp,  
1490 Hermannus Schedell, author Chronicorum.  
1494 Phil. Bergomensis.  
1499 Bapt. Mantuanus.  
1506 Raphael Volaterranus. Ludovicus Patritius.  
1550 Seb. Munsterus. Polydorus Virgilius. Hist. Magdeburgica.  
1571 Michael ab Ysselt.  
1593. Comus Ep. Alexand. Suffragan unto the Patriarch Hospinian.   
All these, besides the public Martyrologies both Greek, and Roman: beside also the public Liturgies of those Churches; the learned men, all of them of the Romish party; and many of the Churches of the Reformation, whose names would fill a Catalogue. If among these we have not one of credit, neither Author in his relation, nor Prince nor Prelate in their actions: hard is our hap, and let the adversaries have the honour. But what one rank of these have said, and what the rest have done in St. George's honour: we shall now see, in their several places.   

CHAP. III.  
(1) The state of learning in the Church, divided into two natural days. (2) The time and learning of Venerable Beda. (3) His testimonies of St. George. (4) of Dacianus King of Persia, and who he was. (5) Persia in some Authors, taken for the Eastern Countries. (6) A reconcilement of the other doubts touching this Dacianus. (7) The Martyrologies of Vsuardus, Rabanus Maurus, and Notgerus. (8) St. George how said to have converted many people. (9) The witness of Vincentius, jacobus, and Antoninus Florent. (10) Nicephorus Callistus; and his evidence. (11) The suffrage of Sabellicus, Schedell, Bergomensis, and Volaterran. (12) Of the Magdeburgians, and some other Protestant Divines. (13) A recollection and application of the whole proofs.  
(1) THere is an old tradition that the world should last 6000. years, and no longer: two of them before the Law; two under it; and two, after. Which though it hath not been exactly true, of the two first, and that the third is doubtful: yet the conceit is tolerable; and for as much of it as is past, somewhat near the computation and account of time, recited in it. We will be therefore bold, to take for granted, that the Christian Church is of two thousand years' continuance: which granted or supposed, we will resemble it, or the state of learning rather in it, unto two natural days▪ each, of a thousand years, apiece: and this the rather, because the Lord hath said, that in his sight, a thousand years are but as one day. The first of these, we take to have begun even at the first rising of the Sun of Righteousness: and for the morning of it▪ allow the first three Centuries, even till the time of CONSTANTINE. The noonetide watch thereof, we make to be of three Centuries ensuing: of which, and especially the first, the Magdeburgians give this censure, 
Cent. 4. c. 4.  Habuit haec aetas si quae unquam alia, plurimos praestantes & illustres doctores. And certainly there never shined more glorious lights in the house of GOD, than in those ages: the Sun of learning being then in the very height, and Zenith of it. Long it continued not in that full glory, till it declined into an evening; to which we do allot the two next ages: when as the beams thereof grew low, and the light obscurer. And now at last we are benighted, even covered over with a Cimmerian darkness of ignorance; a darkness no less gross and palpable, than that of Egypt. 
Chronol.  Bellarmine calls it, Seculum infelix, in quo Scriptores illustres nulli, nulla Concilia; A most unhappy age, wherein were neither famous Writers, nor frequent Counsels. Sabellicus as rightly, 
Ennead. 9  mirum est, quanta omnium bonarum artium oblivio, per id tempus mortalium animos obrepserit: a prodigy it was to see, how general forgetfulness of all good literature, had at this time invaded and possessed the minds of men. Which night continued, till the year 1050. those writers which we meet with from the year 850. until then, as they were few, so were they but as a few smaller Stars in the darkest midnight. This night once past, the dawning of the second day at last appeared; and we extend the morning of it even to the first beginning of the last Centurie: in which there was at first a struggling between light and darkness; but afterwards the light of learning got the better, and by degrees made way to usher in the second noontide. Which second noontide we begin about the year 1500 and hitherto it hath continued: the light of learning never shining with more perfect glory, than at the present. How long it will continue thus, is above our knowledge: 
Praefat. in scho. Mathem.  but as it is, we may almost affirm with Ramus; Maiorem doctorum hominum & operum proventum, seculo uno vidimus, quam totis antea quatuordecem maiores nostri viderant. One age hath brought us forth more worthy works, and famous Writers, than all that went before us.  
(2) If it be asked, to what use serves this observation: we answer that it is to this. First, that it may appear, that never any age hath been so void of learned, or barren of good men; that is not able to produce some testimony of good credit, in the behalf of GEORGE the Martyr. Next, that in all times we expect not, either an equal number of witnesses; or equal parts, in such as are produced to give in evidence: but that we look for them, and judge of them, according to their times and ages. Already we are passed the noontide of the first of these two days: in which referring other of our witnesses to their proper places; we have made use of Ambrose only, and Pope GELASIUS. In the next place and time, we meet with Venerable Beda, who died about the year 734. A man that saw as clearly, as any whomsoever, that lived in any part of the whole evening: and one who for the excellency of his endowments, and piety, obtained that adjunct. Camden entitleth him, 
In Brigant.  the singular glory and ornament of England: and Malmesburie affirms more fully, that he was one, more fit to be admired than praised; who being borne in the extremest corner of the world, did yet enlighten all of it, with the beams of his learning. 
Hist. de regib. Angl. l. 1.  Vir erat (saith he) quem mirari faciliùs, quam dignè praedicare possis: qui in extremo natus orbis angulo, doctrinae corusco terras omnes perstrinxerat. Whom lest we should suspect, as partial in his praises, we have a Germane Poet thus speaking unto Britain.  

Camden. in Brit.  Quid? tibi divinumque Bedam (doctissimus olim  
Dum varias unus bene qui cognoverat arts)  
Debemus. The sense imperfect, but thus to be conceived▪ 
Britain to thee, divinest Bede we owe,  
Who did alone all parts of learning know.   
(3) The witness being such, his testimony will be taken with less scruple: the rather, because there is not any thing of his which hath been justly questioned, but his English History; as having in it more of the miracles so common in the people's mouths, than may be well allowed of. But even that piece also, 
Ganus l. 11. c. 6  modestè & circumspecto iudicio, is censured sparingly, and with great temper. His testimonies of St GEORGE are two: the one of them in his martyrology; the other in his Ephemerideses. 
Tom. 3.  First in his martyrology, on the 23. of April; or in the Latin Computation, on the 9 of the Calends of May, we read it thus. Natale S. Georgij Martyris, qui sub Daciano Rege Persarum potentissimo, qui dominabatur super 70. reges, multis miraculis claruit, plurimosque convertit ad fidem Christi: simul & Alexandram uxorem ipsius Daciani, usque ad Martyrium confortavit. Ipse verò novissime decollatus, martyrium complevit; quamvis gesta passionis eius inter Apocryphas connumerentur Scripturas. Id est. The Passion of St. GEORGE the Martyr, who under DACIANUS the most mighty King of Persia, Lord of no less than seaventy tributary Princes, was famous for his miracles, and for converting many to the faith of CHRIST; of which, the Empress Alexandra the wife of Dacianus, continued constant in it even unto the death. This GEORGE, at last beheaded, received the Crown of martyrdom: although the Story of his Passion be reckoned as Apocryphal. And in his Ephemerideses, on the same ninth of the May-Calends; thus: 

Nona docet Fortunatúmque & Achillea iunctos.  
Hac etiam invicto mundum qui sanguine temnis,  
Infinite a refers Georgi sancta Trophaea.   

This ninth day doth of Fortunatus tell,  
And of Achilles, joined together well.  
And of thee George who didst the world neglect,  
And holy trophies in thy blood erect.    
(4) The first of these two testimonies, as it affirms the Death and sufferings of St. GEORGE: so are there in it, some things which require a favourable Reader, and others which deserve to be rejected altogether. Of the last rank, there is the fable of the Empress ALEXANDRA; of which we have already spoken in the first part and second Chapter: an old remnant doubtless of the Arian Legend, exploded by Gelasius. That of her Husband Dacianus, if it encounter with a favourable reader, without offence may be admitted: although perhaps derived out of the same original. Derived (I say, out of the same original perhaps) because I find it in Baronius Annotations on the Roman martyrology, 
April, 2●.  that the Arian Legends made their George to suffer under Dacianus King of Persia: only the difference is, and that not much, that there the tributary Kings are five in number more, than here in venerable Bede. This Doctor Reynolds useth as a closing argument, to prove our Saint to be the Arian GEORGE of Alexandria: and this ourselves alleged in the behalf of Calvin, to show what cause he had, to make St. GEORGE a Counterfeit, or Larva. The process was, that there was never at or about that time a King of Persia of that name, and greatness of Command; and that this Dacianus is in other of our Authors, made to be Precedent or Proconsul, under DIOCLETIAN: therefore in likelihood, our Authors not agreeing, and no such King as he in nature; the whole Story of St. George is false and forged. This is the main of all that may be said against us, touching Dacianus: and this I say a favourable Reader may admit without offence. For proof of which, we must look back a little on the condition of the Roman Empire, at the time of Saint George's sufferings: The East parts of it governed, as before I said, by Diocletian; and the West by Maximinian. These two, the better to direct and manage the affairs of State, had taken unto themselves two Caesars: whereof the one was named Galerius Maximinianus, assumed by Diocletian; and under him Lieutenant General, or Lord Precedent of the Eastern Countries. Now this Galerius Caesar, was by birth a Dacian: and afterwards Successor unto Diocletian, in all those parts that he commanded. That he was borne in Dacia, is affirmed by St. Hieromes Latin copy of Euseb●us Chronicon; where thus we read it: Galerius in Dacia haud long à Sardica natus, that he was borne in Dacia not far from Sardica. That he succeeded Diocletian in the greatness and extent of his Command, (after that he and Maximinian had surrendered up the Empire;) is a thing so plain in Story: that no man conversant in the Historians of those times, but exactly knows it. Hereupon we infer, that probably this Dacianus mentioned in the Story, was that Galerius Maximinianus, who afterwards was Emperor; and had the Eastern parts, all of them, of that Empire, under his subjection. And this we do the rather fancy to be probable, because denominations taken from the birthplace of their Princes, were not accounted novelties among the Romans. For Adrianus, w●e well know assumed that name from Adria, a Town of Italy, where he was borne. 
Aurel. Victor. Ei●tome cap. 39  And not to seek for more examples, we find that Diocletian, borne in a Town of Dalmatia, called Dioclea; added this termination to the place of his Nativity: that so his name might be more plausible among the Romans, whose governance he had then undertaken. Add hereunto that this Galerius was always a most bitter enemy of the Church of CHRIST, which he had persecuted from● his youth: and then perhaps he may more easily be believed, to be this DACIANUS.  
(5) But here it may be questioned, how Dacianus, admitting that he were the same, with Galerius the Dacian, can be supposed to be a King of Persia: considering that the Persians had at that time, a Prince of their own royal stock, known by the name of Narses, who died about the year 307. To this we answer, that Venerable Beda spoke according to the manner of the times, in which he lived: wherein the Persians, having subdued the Roman forces, were, and had so been long before, the absolute masters, of almost all those Countries, which Galerius once commanded. Which being so, the East parts of the Roman Empire under the command of the Kings of Persia; and in particular, the Holy-Land, where Lydda is, being in their Dominions: those Countries did in common speech, pass by the name of Persia. Just as at this day we call those several parts of the Turkish Empire, once members of the Assyrian, Greek, and Roman Monarchies, by the common name of Turkey: or as we call all Eastern Churches, the Greeke-Church; because they have communion at this time, with the Patriarch of Constantinople. So Bellarmine doth call the Cardinal Bessarion, a Grecian, 
De script. Eccl.  borne at Trabezond; Bessarion, natione Graecus, patria Trapezuntius etc. as he there hath it: whereas the Town of Trabezond is far enough from Greece, in the heart of Cappadocia. So also William of Tyre, doth call all those within the Land of Palestine, were enemies unto the Faith, and then possessors of that Country; by the name of Persae. And so the Monk of Malmesbury, showing the difference between the East and Western Nations; hath told us, that the Occidentals being more stubborn and impatient of the yoke, have often changed their Masters: whereas the Eastern people being more dull and womanish, have been continually the Vassals of the Persians. 
Hist. de Reg. Angl. l▪ 4.  Romanum denique imperium prius apud Francos, postea ad Teutonas declinavit: Orientale semper (understand him of the latter times) apud Persas durat. Which note of his, could not be true, if taken of the Persians, as the inhabitants only of that Province commonly called Persis; the Saracens having before expelled the Persians, and themselves being in the time of Malmesbury, chased out of these Countries by the Turks: therefore we must conceive that the name of Persian, was a common appellation of the Eastern people. Add hereunto that Lydda or Diospolis, where St. GEORGE did suffer, is said in almost all our Authors, to be a Town of Persia; although well known to be within the Tribe of Ephraim, in the Land of Palestine: and there as we have found out Dacianus; so it may favourably be granted, that we have shown some reasons, why he is called King of Persia; or rather in the Author's Phrase, King of the Persians.  
(6) Let this be also granted; yet what can be replied to this, that Dacianus is there made the Lord of seaventy tributary Kings: or what can be produced to reconcile those Authors, which make him not an Emperor; to these which do affirm it? This I suppose we may make good, without much difficulty. We read in Scripture that Ahasuerus King of Persia, 
Esth, cap. 1.  had under his Dominion no fewer than 127. Provinces: most of which were first subjected by the greeks; and after by the Romans. We read also in Tacitus, how ordinary a thing it was, 
De vit. Agric.  in the height and pride of the Roman greatness; Habere servitutis instrumenta etiam & reges: to suffer Kings in many of the conquered nations, and to employ them as their engines, thereby to bring the people into greater bondage. Put this together, and we shall see no inconvenience to ensue, if we should peremptorily affirm, that under the command and empire of Galerius Dacianus, sole ruler of the Eastern Countries; there were no less than 70. tributary Kings and inferior Princes. As for the pretended disagreement, which i● observed between our Authors; we do thus reconcile it. viz. That those which make him Precedent, or Lieutenant general under Diocletian; speak of him, as he was at the time of our Martyr's suffering, Commander of the Imperial armies, and the designed successor; and a chief agent in the Persecution. But Venerable Bede and those which call him King, report him as he was in power, though not in title; or rather call him King by way of anticipation: just as the Italian shores in Virgil, are called Laviná littora, before that name was given unto them; because in short time after in honour of Lavinia, they were so denominated. Now, why the story should be written of Galerius, by the name of Dacianus; or why the sufferings of our Martyr, imputed▪ rather unto Dacianus, than to Diocletian: this I conceive to be the art of those, who even whilst both the tyrants lived, committed it to writing; that so they might decline the envy of their undertake, and not incur the high displeasure of the Persecutors. This, as I said before, may by a favourable Reader be admitted, without the least offence to truth; and much unto the credit of the Venerable Author. If any think the contrary, and that this passage of the Persian Dacianus, must needs be reckoned as a fragment of the Arian Legend: I shall not strive with any other force, than that of probable conjectures to persuade him to it. When I perceive no hope to make him otherwise conceited, I then must say to him, of Bede; as Bellarmine, of Damascenus, in the case of Falconilla: that he, though otherwise an understanding man, did take the passage upon trust▪ not much solicirous to dispute the grounds of it, or to search it throughly. Sed fieri potest, quamvis alioqui vir doctus & prudens, 
De script. Eo●l.  ut istis narrationibus facilem fidem habuerit, neque de veritate earum investiganda fuerit sollicitus. If any reason thus, the story is perplexed, and full of intricate difficulties, and therefore nothing in it true, or therefore there was no such Martyr: how infinite are the Saints that must be degraded, whose stories are no less perplexed than this of ours; though never quarrelled?  
(7) This difficulty over, we now proceed unto the further examination of our witnesses; beginning first with those which are the first in time. All of them Authors also of the same kind, viz. of Martyrologies; and two of them guilty of the same obscurity, or error, which we find in Beda: Quis enim viam rectam teneret errante Cicerone? as Lactantius hath it. The first of those is Vsuardus, one of the Scholars of Alcuinus, who flourished in the year 812. and at the suit of CHARLES the Great composed his Martyrologic. Martyrologium satis accuratum & celebre, qu● multae Ecclesiae usa sunt. A piece of good esteem, and great diligence, and therefore used in many Churches. So saith the Cardinal. 
Loc. quo supr.  The evidence which we receive from him, is this. 9 Cal. Maij. In Perside, civitate Diospoli; passio S. Georgij Martyris, gloriosi antesignani, clarique miraculis: cuius gesta passionis, et si inter Apocryphas numerentur Scripturas, tamen illustrissimum ei●s martyri●m inter coronas Martyrum Ecclesia Dei venerabiliter honorat. Upon the 23. of April St. GEORGE the Martyr, that glorions leader, but more famous by his miracles, did suffer in Diospolis, a Town of Persia: the story of whose Passion, though reckoned as Apocryphal, doth nothing prejudice the truth and glories of his martyrdom so celebrated in the Church. In the next place, we have the testimony of Rabanus Maurus, Archbishop of Mentz, who lived about the year 835. Vir aequè doctus & pius, A man (saith Bellarmine, and certainly his works affirm no less) both learned and religious. His testimony is the same with Venerable Bedes, viz. Nativitas S. Georgij Martyris, qui sub Daciano etc. Only he ends it thus, Cuius vitam & passionem scriptam legi, that he had seen the life and death of George in writing. What copy of his life and death this was, I cannot say: likely it is that it was one of those then common, which had been darkened and falsified by the Arians. In the next place we have the martyrology of one Notgerus, extant in the 6. Tom of Canisius Antiquae lectionis, as also was the former. The Author of it, died about the year 912. and was a Monk of Sengall, or Monasterij S. Galli, a place among the Swissers. His evidence compounded equally out of Bede, and Vsuard; the first part taken from the former; the conclusion, from the latter: himself inserting this only in the middle between both; that after many inexpressible torments, being at last beheaded, he perfected that glorious work, by the effusion of his blood. In Perside, civitate Diospoli passio S. Georgij Martyris, qui sub Daciano Rege Persarum potentissimo, qui dominabatur supra 70. Reges, multis miraculis claret, plurimosque convertit ad fidem Christi, etc. hitherto out of Bede. Ipse verò post multos & inauditos agones novissimè decollatus, Martyrium s●um sanguinis effusione consummavit. Then follows out of Vsuardus, Cuius gesta Passionis etsi inter Apocryphas, etc. as before we had it.  
(8) In these the testimonies of Bede, Rabanus Maurus, and Notgerus, we find it mentioned of St. GEORGE; Plurimosque ad fidem Christi convertit, That he converted many to the Faith of CHRIST. 
Specul. histor. lib. 12. c. 128.  And answerable hereunto, Vincentius Belvacensis, Ad eius praedicationem credidit. S. Vincentius; That by the Preaching of Saint George, St. Vincent who received the crown of martyrdom in Spain, received the Gospel. Which doubtless must be understood of private reasonings, and friendly conference, with those whose souls he chiefly tendered: not by the way of any public Ministry, wherein he never was entrusted. And certainly the Faithful of the times Primitive, especially during the heat of Persecution; did much promote the holy Gospel by such private and domestic means, if I may so call it: passing from house to house, and from man to man; so to bring Peace unto the one, Salvation to the other. Wherefore perhaps Cecilius calls the Christians generally, 
In Minutio.  Latebrosam & Lucifugam nationem, in publico mutam, in angulis garrulam: A sly and corner-creeping kind of people, active in private places, but still and quiet in the public. It seems, that some not well acquainted with the calling and condition of our Martyr, have made him very famous in the arts of Preaching: as one that first converted the Armenians and Iberi, now called Georgians. For Michael ab Ysselt a Low-Countrey-writer, telling what Honours by that people are afforded to St. George; relates it thus: Cur verò tanto in honore habeant D. illum Georgium, causam nonnulli afferunt, quòd ille primus ad fidem Christi Armenos Iberosque convertisset. 
〈◊〉. 1577.  But whosoever those nonnulli are, that so report it, they are no question in an error: there being in the Ecclesiastical historians, another and more likely means of their conversion; on which this Michael doth reflect in these words that follow; Licèt alij illud cuiusdam puellae miraculis & virtutibus tribuunt.  
(9) In the next place we have the suffrage of Vincentius, Bishop of Beau-vein in France, Anno 1250. A man of that deep learning, that the great Schoolman Thomas Aquinas is supposed (and Bellarmine can hardly save him harmless in it) to take a great part of his Prima secundae, and secunda secundae, word for word, out of the first and third books of this Vincents' speculum morale. He in the 12th. book of his speculum historiale, doth report the story, 
Cap. 128.  thus: Sub persecutione Daciani (in diverse passages before, he calls him Dacianus Praeses) venit de Cappadocia Georgius miles, Qui videns Christianorum augustias, erogatis omnibus quae habebat, militarem vestem exuit, et indutus veste Christianorum, in medium sacrificantium se obiecit; atque in conspectu omnium exclamavit dicens, Omnes dij gentium daemonia, Dominus autem coelos fecit. Cui statim Dacianus ira repletus, ait, Qua praesumptione vel dignitate hoc audes, ut deos nostros daemones esse dicas? Dic tamen unde es, et quomodo vocaris: qui respondit, Christianus sum, Georgius vocor, genere et militia Cappadocus: sed cuncta deserui, ut liberiùs Deo coeli servirem, etc. During the persecution raised by the Precedent or Lieutenant general, Dacianus; came George a Cappadocian Knight into the Court. Who seeing into what miserable straits the poor Christians were driven, making a dole of all he had, put off his military or Knightly habit; and manifesting that he was a Christian, he rushed into the midst of the Idolaters: and in the hearing of them all, cried out, that All the deities off the gentiles were but devils, and that it was the Lord only which had made the heavens. To whom the Precedent, With what presumption, or upon confidence of what high dignity, dost thou affirm, that our gods are devils? tell us thy name, and whence thou art. Who presently returned this answer: I am (saith he) a Christian; my name, George; my country, Cappadocia, and there of honourable rank: but I have willingly abandoned all, to serve the God of heaven with greater freedom, etc. And in the close of all, martyrizatus autem est in Perside, civitate Diospoli: he suffered in Diospolis, a city of the Persians, on the 23. of April. To this agrees in the main of it, jacobus de Voragine● Georgius tribunus, genere Cappadox, etc. George one of the Tribunes, by birth a Cappadocian, etc. The next that followeth, is that doughty story of the Lybian Dragon: which told he closeth in with the relation of Vincentius. The like doth also Antoninus Florentinus: 
Pars 1 tit. 8. §. 23.  of both which I have spoke already. Only the last hath noted, that the history of George is reckoned as Apocryphal; not that he was no Martyr, but that there are some passages there scarce worthy credit. Ponitur autem Legenda cius inter Apocryphas Scripturas, non quin verè Martyr fuerit pro confessione nominis Christi, sed propter quaedam quae notantur in ea de veritate dubia. 
V. Part 2. ch. 1. § 12. & chap. 2. §. 10.  Which passages, I also have observed already. To end this section, the book entitled Fasciculus temporum, written by a Carthusian Monk of the 14th. Centurie; and printed in the year 1476. by Conradus Hoemborche: ad Annum 291. pag. 33. doth rank our George among the Martyrs of that year, between Pantaleon, and justus.  
(10) The witness next to be examined is of Greece, Nicephorus Callistus: who lived about the year 1305. Andronicus the Elder, then reigning in Constantinople, to whom he dedicates his book. Who being sworn and examined, 
Hist. Eccl. lib. 7 cap. 15.  saith as followeth. Eisdem quoque temporibus (the time of DIOCLETIANS fury) Georgius ille magni inter ceriatores istos nominis, 
Hist. eccl●●. l. 7. cap. 15.  & agminis Martyrum Coryphaeus, laborum pro Christo toleratorum veros fruetus percepit. Hic in Cappadocia [natus,] adhu● adolescens, forma praestanti, & qui nondum primani produxisset lanuginem; fortissimè certaminibus pro Christo perferendis, martyrium obijt. Captus enim quòd in daemons acriter invectus esset, Imperatorumque impietatem derisisset; supra naturae captum perquam acerbos sustinuit cruciatus. Nam post carcerem & vincula, ungulae acutae cum excepare, mox calce ardenti est a●●stus: fidiculisque rursum d●stractus, mucronibus membratim disiectus, plurimisque aliis poenarum ma●hi●i● attritus; gener●sam animi constantiam, firmumque mentis suae propositum, satis declaravit. Ad ●aec etc. The rest that follows is of the Empress Alexandra; and of I know not what Glycerius and his Ox. Tandemque ut virum decet, gladio percussus, ex ha● vita migravit. About these times (saith he) the so much celebrated GEORGE, chief of the Martyrs of that age, received the recompense of all his sufferings for his Saviour. Who being borne in Cappadoce, (for so I read it) as yet exceeding young, of special beauty, and his beard scarce budding; did nobly undergo, the weight and pains of martyrdom. For being apprehended for inveighing against their Idols, and scoffing at the irreligion of the Emperors; he suffered such extremity of tortures▪ as was above the strength of nature to endure. After a long imprisonment, and his legs even cramped with irons, he was first pierced and harrowed, as it were with the sharpest nails. Afterwards being scorched with burning lime, and put upon the rack, and all his members severally hacked and hewed with swords: he perfectly declared his noble constancy, and invincible resolutions; and at the last, being beheaded, he departed out of this life into a better.  
(11) But to return unto the Latins, in the next place we meet with Coccius Sabellicus, Vir valde eruditus, a learned man (saith Bellarmine) a man of great integrity, saith Vives. He lived about the shutting in of the 15. Centurie, and gives this testimony of St. GEORGE, that he was Martyred at Diospolis, 
Ennead. 7. l. 8.  a City of the Persians, during the Persecution raised by Diocletian. Passus est eadem tempestate Georgius Martyr in Perside apud Diospolin. In the same time and age flourished Hermannus Schedell, Doctor of Physic in the University of Milan; the Author of the book entitled Chronica Chronicorum, printed at Norimberge anno 1493. 
Act. 6. p. 240.  His evidence is this. Georgius Cappadocus, Tribunus & verus Christi miles hoc tempore. Cum venisset de Cappadocia in Persiam, civitatem Diospolin, velut alter Curtius Romanus, & Codrus Rex Atheniensium pro patriae suae liberatione seize internecioni, ad draconis occisionem & martyrij tolerantiam, dedit. Quip interfecto Dracone, post eculei extensionem, totiusque corporis lacerationem, et viscerum effusionem, nec non aliorum tormentorum perpessionem, ad ultimum, martyrium capitis abscissione complevit. Cuius gesta &c: as before in Vsuardus. St. George of Cappadocia, a Tribune, and a faithful Soldier of JESUS CHRIST, about this time suffered: who coming out of Cappadocia into Diospolis, a City of the Persians, like Curtius in the state of Rome, or Codrus King of Athens, exposed himself to death, in the destroying of the Dragon, and his suffering of martyrdom. (of this see somewhat, Part. 1. Cap. 5. Sect. 4.) For having killed the Dragon, after he had been put upon the rack, his body torn in pieces, and the effusion of his bowels, with diverse other miserable tortures; at last he finished his course by the losing of his head. Philippus Berg●mensis, an Austin Friar, who lived about the sametime, and made a supplement unto this Chronica of Schedels', repeats the story in the same words: save that he adds et salis confricationem, the chase of his wounded body with salt, unto the residue of his torments. And in the last place Volaterran, of whom we have already spoken, affirms this for us, Georgius Martyr, genere Cappadox, Tribunus militum sub Diocletiano merebat: St. GEORGE the Martyr, a Cappadocian by his Country, served as a Tribune of the Soldiers under the Emperor DIOCLETIAN.  
(12) And now at last we come unto the Protestant Divines, from whom we may expect small favour; considering what leading men already have declared against us. Yet is St. GEORGE so confident of the exceeding truth and justice of his cause; that he despairs not to find friends, even amongst them. And first Illyricus, the founder of the stiff or rigid Lutherans, as they use to call them; and a chief Author of that Ecclesiastical History, which we call the Centuries; composed by him and other famous men of the City of Magdeburge, in Saxony: is fully for us. For in the 4. Centurie, and 3. Chapter which is de Persocutione, St. GEORGE is reckoned among other Martyrs of that time, out of Fasciculus temporum: and in the 12. Chapter of the same Century, entitled de Martyribus; more copiously thus. Celebris inter Martyres eius temporis, etiam Georgius fuit; natione Cappadox, adolescens in daemonas gentilium acriter invectus erat, etc. as it followeth in Nicephorus, whose words and testimony is there cited. A proof, as I conceive it, not to be questioned: considering, what bitter enemies the Authors of this History, do always show themselves against the Superstitions of Rome; how greedily they take occasion, as much as possibly they can, to advance their own cause, and cry down the Papist. What now, if to the Father of the stiff and peremptory Lutherans; I should here add Melancthon, the founder, as they call him, of the moderate, or Lutherani molles? Sure if I did, I should not misreport him, either in his words or meaning. For when he tells us, in the place before examined, 
V. Part. 1. c. 3. Sect. 3.  that the Papists make St. Anne the Patroness of Riches, St. GEORGE the GOD of Soldiers, and Sebastian a defence against the Plague; Vt nempè Georgius tueatur equites, Sebastianus pestem arceat; etc. he doth without all controversy, affirm St. GEORGE to be a Saint; no less than either St. Sebastian, or St. Anne; which neither Calvin, nor any one since him, have ever questioned. To draw unto an end, take here the testimony of Oraeus, in his Nomenclator; a Lutheran perhaps, but sure I am, no Papist: who rightly hath distinguished those three George's, which the so famous Doctors, Reynolds and Drusius have confounded. We read it thus. Georgius Episcop. Laodicenus, 
Lit. G. p. 64.  Arianus, secul. 4. Georgius Alexandrin. haeret. Arian. anno 356. and lastly Georgius Cappadox et Martyr, 289.  
(13) To sum up all, we have here proof sufficient, that GEORGE the Martyr, was by birth of Cappadocia: the thing affirmed to be so, by Metaphrastes, Vincentius, de Voragine, Antoninus, Hermannus Schedell, Bergomensis, and Volatterran, among the Latins; and by Nicephorus, of Greece; and by the Magdeburgians, and Oraeus, among the Protestants. More proof of which there is to follow. His suffering, for the time of it, generally is reported under Diocletian, as the chief Persecutor; in whose time he was made a Martyr; in terms express, by Metaphrastes, de Voragine, Volaterran, and the Greek martyrology as yet to come; implicitly and in ordinary count of time, by Nicephorus Callistus, Fasciculus temporum, Sabellicus, Hermanus Schedell, Bergomensis, the Magdeburgians, and Oraeus. And under DACIANUS, or GALERIUS rather, as a chief instrument of DIOCLETIANS cruelty; by Bede, Rab. Maurus, Notgerus, Vincentius, de Voragine, and Antoninus. The year thereof, limited more particularly, by the Fasciculus temporum, ad ann. 291. and by Oraeus, to the year 289. to which we will adjoin Baronius, who places it in his Annals, and so reports it in his Annot. on the Calendar; ad ann. 290. A difference not observable. And last of all, the day thereof assigned upon the 23. of April. (9 Kal. Maij.) by Venerable Bede, Rabanus, and Notgerus; as also by Vincentius, and Antoninus; and by the Martyrologies both Greek and Latin, not yet produced; the manner of his death being affirmed also, by the losing of his head, by Metaphrastes, Bede, Rabanus, and Notgerus; by Vincentius, de Voragine, Nicephorus, Antoninus, Schedell, and Bergomensis. Which being so; we may the better and with more justice, apply the old complaint of Canus, 
Lib. 11. cap. 4.  to the business now in hand, Si namque in duorum ore vel trium firmum stat omne verbum, cur adversus hanc legend, plurimis testibus rem tandem olim gestam contestantibus, fidem Theologus abnegabit? Since GOD (saith he) hath told us, that out of the mouth of two or three Witnesses every word shall be established; with what pretence of reason may a Divine oppose this Law, and not give credit unto many witnesses, affirming all together the same History. For our parts, so confident are we that our cause is just and true; that if the adversaries of St. GEORGE, are able to produce one single testimony, out of any ancient Author or out of any Author borne before the time of CALVIN, to make good their affirmavit: we will forsake our colours, and revolt to them. But I am bold to say, they cannot. For had the thing been possible, the learned Doctor Reynolds, who spared no labour in the search, would have produced it.   

CHAP. FOUR  
(1) Four several ways used by the Church, to keep alive the memory of the Martyrs. (2) The way of Martyrologies how ancient. (3) The Roman martyrology: and what it testifieth of St. George. (4) Natale what it is, in the construction of the Church. (5) The testimony given unto St. George in the Greek Church. (6) St. George, why called Tropaeophorus. (7) Commemoration of the Dead, how used in the Church primitive. (8) The depravation of the ancient use of it in the Church of Rome. (9) The public service of that Church on St. George's day. (10) Arguments drawn from the Church service, of what validity. (11) Saint George continually famous in the Church Christian. (12) And among the Turks.  
(1) THus have we drawn together the suffrages of such which either positively have affirmed, or Historically related any thing, of St. George the Martyr. In which we find sufficient proof, as of his Country, so of the time, and day, and manner of his death: and that so punctually, so agreeably both to their foreman and themselves, that never any jury agreed bett●r on a Verdict. This done, we now address ourselves, to make inquiry of the Church, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The pillar and the ground of Truth, as Saint Paul calls it: to learn of her, what she hath practically done in St. George's honour. For, to the positive affirmations of some men in St. George's cause, and the historical relations of some others; if we can also get the countenance and practise of the Church: we then may have some good assurance, that no man will hereafter stir against us. Now in the practice of the Church, we may observe four ways or courses, whereby she hath continually endeavoured to keep alive the memory of the blessed Martyrs: in none of which she hath been wanting (such is her tender care and respect of him) unto our St. George. The first of these, is the common martyrology, or Calendar; in which their Names and Passion, briefly, but unto all eternity, are registered. The second is, by giving them some special place in her public Liturgies: The third, by recollecting up their Relics, and laying them with all due honour, in some place fit for them. And last of all, the call of such Temples by the names of these most blessed Spirits; which she had solemnly erected to GOD'S special service, and Consecrated to his honour. How much the Church hath done in all and every one of these, to keep the memory of Saint GEORGE the Martyr, alive and flourishing; we shall best see by taking of them, every one in their several Order, and speaking of them in particulars.  
(2) Beginning with the first, we find it on Record in Tully, that in the very first beginnings of the Roman State, it was the Office of the chief Priest, or Pontifex Max. to keep a Register of all public occurrences; and to preserve them in some tables openly, that so the people might peruse them. Ab initio rerum Rom. (saith he) usque ad Publ. Mutium Pont. Max. res omnes singulorum annorum mandabat literis Pontifex Max. efferebatque in album, 
De Oratore lib. 2.  proponebatque tabulam domi, potestas ut esset populo cognoscendi. Which Office discontinued in the time of Publ. Mutius, was afterwards revived by julius Caesar, in his first Consulship, being at that time chief Bishop of the Romans. An institution of especial use & service in that state, as also in others: there being not a greater spur to virtue and Heroic undertake, than an assurance that the Fame of our achievements & well-deserving shall not be buried in the same grave with us, & perish with our bodies. For certainly the care both to live virtuously, and (if occasion so require) to dye nobly, must needs be much augmented in the minds of good and honest men: when once they know, that their performings shall not be folded up in silence; but openly presented to the eyes and ears of all the people. Upon which grounds, it was the custom of the faithful in the first times, and specially of those which were for place and power mo●● eminent amongst them; to commit to public memory, the sufferings of all them, which had confessed the faith of CHRIST in the midst of tortures; and continued constant in it even unto the death. Not that they thought, to add thereby unto their glories, who now were glorious in the Heavens: but by preserving in continual remembrance, their infinite indurances, for the truth and testimony of Religion; to make the remnant of God's people, yet alive, more apt to run that course; and so to run it, that at the last they might attain an equal guerdon. Of which kind of memorial or public Register, is the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna, extant in the fourth book of Eusebius History; that of the Lugdunenses and Viennoys in the fifth; and lastly, that also of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, in the sixth and seaventh of the same Author.  
(3) Of this kind specially (I mean in reference to the first times of Christian Religion) were the two public Martyrologies of the Greek and Latin Churches. The first original of which, not to look further, and perhaps fare worse; may be referred most probably unto Anterus, Bishop of Rome, about the year 238. at what time Maximinus, having first killed his master Alex. Severus; made havoc of the Church of GOD. Of him it is recorded, that he first caused the Acts and Passions of the blessed Martyrs to be diligently sought out, and enroled by the public Notaries in the common Registers of the Church: lest else their memory might be determined with their lives. Anterus primus statuit (saith Platina) ut res gestae Martyrum diligentèr exquisitae à notarijs scriberentur: conscriptas recondi in aerario Ecclesiae mandavit; ne unà cum vita, bene agentium memoria aboleretur. As for the Roman martyrology now extant, as we may well conclude, that it was built upon that groundwork or foundation of Anterus: So we can ill affirm for certain, by whom the whole structure, as we now see it, 
Epist. l. 7. cap. 29.  was raised and perfected. Only we find in one of Gregory's Epistles, that then the Roman Church had upon register, the names almost of all the Martyrs, and a memorial of their Sufferings; digested as the Martyrologies now are, according to their proper days: the time only of their passions, and the place thereof assigned in them; but little of the circumstance, and manner of their deaths. Nos penè omnium Martyrum, distinctis per dies singulos passionibus, collecta in uno codice nomina habemus, etc. Non tamen codem volumine, quis qualiter sit passus indicatur; sed tantùm dies & locus passionis ponitur. Which book or register here spoke of, as it hath much resemblance in the form and substance of it, with the Roman martyrology now being: so we may happily resolve, that it is the same; augmented only in the addition of such Saints, as in the times succeeding have had place, (and some of them unworthily) in the common Calendar. This martyrology, thus ancient, as it may be well supposed, upon the Three and twentieth day of April, gives us this testimony of our Martyr, viz. Natalis S. Georgij Martyris, cuius illustre martyrium Ecclesia Dei veneratur. The Passion of St. George the Martyr, whose blessed martyrdom is in the Church of GOD, in especial honour. And this briefly and in a word, according to the use and nature of a martyrology.  
(4) I have here rendered the Natalis in the Text, by the English word of Passion: because, as I conceive it, however it be used in other Authors, yet it must so be taken in the construction of the Church; which did not use to solemnize the Birth days of the Saints, but the days only of their departure. For they conceived it rightly, that the birthday of a Christian, was his entrance into Glory by the gate of Death: and that the worldly-minded man reputed that to be the day of his Nativity, by which he entered into life. And therefore Origen hath noted of the Christians of his time, and of the times before him; That they esteemed the day of Birth to be an entrance into anguish and temptation: but celebrated with a solemn Feast, the day wherein their friends and brethren were released from sin and bondage. Nunc nos (saith he) non Nativitatis diem celebramus, 
Lib. 3. in job.  cum sit dolorum atque tentationum introitus: Sed mortis diem celebramus, utpote omnium dolorum depositionem, atque omnium tent ationum effugationem. Nay in his eighth Homily upon Leviticus, he affirms for certain, that never any of the Saints did solemnize their Birthday with good chee●● and festivals: and not much after, Soli peccatores super huiusmodi Nativitate laetantur; That only wicked men did so observe it. Much also to this purpose that of St. Bernard, in his Epistle to and against the Canons of the Church of Lions▪ who had presumed to introduce into the Church a new festival, The Feast of the Conception of the blessed Vigin. The Church (saith he) hath by a special exception, 
Epist. 174.  kept as holy, the Birthday of our Saviour: of whom the Angels did affirm unto the Shepherds, that his Nativity was tidings of great joy unto all the people. Caeterorum autem non Nativitat●m sed mortem Sanctorum, i●dic●t & praedicat pret●o●am. But for the rest (saith he) the Church hath taught us, that not the Birthday of the Saints, but the day rather of their dissolution, is accounted precious. In which no doubt, he did allude to that of DAVID; Right precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints.  
(5) If we cross over into Greece, and ask what Honours they afford unto St. GEORGE, in their public registers: we find the Church there little less devoted to him, than it is at Rome. For thus Wicelius hath observed for us; Veteres Graecoes recensere in diario sub finem Aprilis, 
In Georg●●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: That the greeks anciently in their Diary or common Almanac, about the end of April, did celebrate the memory of St. GEORGE, and SABAS, as the Saints or Patrons of Military men. Which Saba (to note it by the way) hath a place also in the Roman martyrology, on the Four and twentieth of April: and is there called Ductor militum, a Captain or Commander. But not to stand alone upon the credit of Wicelius, we have the Greek Menologie, (for so they call it) thus speaking of him: and in the day agreeing with the Church of Rome. 
Baron. Annot. in Rome, Mart.  Memoria Sancti & Gloriosi & Magni Martyris Georgij ●●gnomento Tropelophori. Fuit genere Cappadox, passus sub Dioclet●an● Imper. Id est, This day is celebrated in memorial of that most holy, glorious and great Martyr, George; surnamed Tropelophorus; a Cappadocian by his Country: who suffered under Diocletian. In which we find two circumstances which add much unto him and his honour; a surname, and an adjunct. The adjunct is, that he is here styled Magnus' Martyr, the great Martyr: and not here only, but in diverse other passages of Greek writers. For Metaphrastes gives this title to the Story of him, Vita S. Georgij magni Martyris, The History of George the great Martyr: So also doth Pasicrates. So also Comus, the Suffragan of Amba Gabriel, Patriarch of Alexandria, doth call Saint GEORGE'S Church in that City, Ecclesiam S. Georgij magni Martyris, the Temple of George the Great Martyr. But of this Comus, more anon, in the next Chapter.  
(6) The surname added in the Greek Menologie, unto Saint GEORGE; is, as Baronius reads it, Tropelophorus: for which he is by Mr. Selden, in his Titles of Honour, 
Part. 2. cap. 11.  justly taxed; it being plain (saith he) that it should rather be, Tropaeophorus. For proof of which, he hath produced a testimony out of john Euchaites, who flourished in the time of Constantinus Monamachus the Greek Emperor, about the year 1043. Which Euchaites, being at that time a Bishop of the Greek Church, writing unto the Emperor abovenamed, thus calls St. George the Martyr: 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

The chief and Precedent of war; the same  
Who from an Ensign doth derive his Name.    
And in another place, speaking as to St. George; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Illustrious Standard-bearer: for so the word Tropaeophorus, properly doth signify. This name or adjunct if you will, noted before by George Wicelius also, 
In Georgio.  to have been attributed to Saint George, by the later Grecians; as well as that of the great Martyr. Et hodie D. Georgij celebritas apud Graecoes, prae caeteris perquam eximiae est; Appellant autem cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est. Vexillarium▪ or Antient. In reference to which, no question but he hath the title of Antesignanus, in the martyrology of Vsuardus? and that of Signifer in Monk Robert; and in Mich. of Ysselt; of which two last, we shall see more hereafter.  
(7) The second way or course, whereby the Church in ancient times endeavoured to preserve alive, the memory of the blessed Saints and Martyrs; is, as before we said, by giving them some special place in her public Liturgies. For since that CHRIST hath not been only manifested great in himself, but great also and glorious in his Saints; the days of whose departure are to the Church of CHRIST, as are th'inauguration days of Kings and Emperors, unto their people: therefore especial choice being first had of them, there were some certain times annually selected, to meditate upon our Saviour glorified in them; together with a form of praise and prayer, answerable to those times. In both which circumstances, both that of time selected for this service, and of the service destinate unto the time; the Church proceeded with exceeding tenderness of care, and soundness of advice. That so for every purpose, there might be a time and season: and that the office or devotions of the time, being fitted to it; it might be opus diei in die suo. This was the Commemoration of the Dead, in those pious times in use; before that commendable institution became defiled by superstition, and as it were polluted with Idolatry. Of which we have this testimony of St. AUSTIN: Honoramus sanè memorias eorum tanquam Sanctorum hominum Dei, 
De civitate Dei, l. 8. cap. 27.  qui usque ad mortem corporum pro veritate certarunt. Will you the reason of it? It is (saith he) that in the times of such solemnity, we may both glorify our GOD which hath given such gifts unto men; and by the annual reviving of their memories, we may the better be excited unto an imitation of their virtues. For so it followeth in the place, Vt ea celebritate Deo vero gratias de eorum victorijs agamus: & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum, eorum memoriae renovatione adhortemur. So than it seems the Church proposed unto herself, in her public Commemorations of the Dead, two several ends: one, that GOD might be praised in his Saints; the other, that the noble and pious actions of the Saints, may be a pattern unto us, to learn the better how to serve him in Righteousness and Holiness all the days of our lives. For if the life and death of the Saints is precious in the sight of God: how precious should it be accounted in the eyes of all God's people, that both the one and the other should be carefully remembered; especially upon the day and time most capable of such remembrances? And on the other side, how is it possible that the recital of their Christian lives & godly deaths, should be so often sounded in the ears of the more loose & dissolute men: and not provoke them at some time or other to cry out with Balaam, O that I might die the death of the Righteous, and that my end might be like his! Just so, the Trophies of Miltiades, startled such noble resolutions in Themistocles: and so did Alexander emulate the glories of Achilles, recited in the works of Homer. For which cause also, and thereby to endear the memory of the Saints departed, with and amongst God's servants: it was the custom of the Church, besides her public mention of them in her ordinary Liturgy; to suffer anniversary panegyrics to be made in praise of such of them, as had notably deserved it. Sic & defunctis praemium, & futuris dabatur exemplum; as Minutius hath it.  
(8) Afterwards, when the conceits of men, were raised unto a wonderful admiration of their virtues; and throughly possessed with this, how near a place they held in the opinion and esteem of Almighty GOD: it was not thought enough to commemorate their graces; unless we made some further use of their esteem with their Creator, in gracing our petitions. The rather, because the Church had generally, and truly taught, that these celestial Spirits now with God, did constantly commend unto him, the flourishing estate and safety of his Universal Church: yea and some also of the faithful in particular, so far as possibly by revelation from their GOD, or any other means what ever; they might be made acquainted with their several wants. Which once conceived, as many times an ill use may be made of a sound doctrine; it was supposed to be a solecism in the way of piety, not to commend our prayers and desires unto them. Until at last, as there is seldom any medium inter summa & praecipitia, no stop in tumbling down an Hill before we come unto the bottom: the Saints in Heaven against their wills, and besides their knowledge, became the only mediators between God and man, in point of intercession. And this the process of the Trent-Councell, in drawing up the Article of the Invocation of the Saints: Sanctos unà cum Christo regnantes orationes suas pro hominibus Deo offer; 
Sess. 25. cap. 2.  and therefore, bonum● atque utile esse simplicitèr eos invocare, & ob beneficia à Deo impetranda, etc. ad eorum orationes, opem, auxiliumque confugere. This said, we may more easily conjecture, what kind of Commemoration Saint GEORGE is like to find, in the Roman Liturgy.  
(9) Let us look then upon the Liturgy of the Church of Rome, and we shall find it very copious in St, GEORGE'S honour: the Liturgy of Rome as it is now corrected, and purged of almost all those Legendary Fables, which before gave occasion of offence and laughter. And herein certainly we find the Service very solemn; scarce any festival there celebrated with more variety of prayer and divine offices. I will touch only at some principal passages thereof: taking along with me yet the full course and method. The entrance or preparatory, this. Protexisti me Deus à conventu malignantium: Alleluiah. A multitudine operantium iniquitatem. Alleluiah. Thou hast defended me O GOD from the Congregation of the evil doers. Alleluiah: and from the multitude of them that work iniquity, etc. Then follows this Prayer. Deus qui nos B. Georgij Martyris tui & meritis & intercessione laetificas, concede propitius, ut qui tua per eum beneficia poscimus, dono tuae graiiae consequamur. O GOD, which by the merits and intercession of St. GEORGE thy blessed Martyr, dost rejoice our Souls, grant we beseech thee, that those benefits which by him we crave, may by the favour of thy grace be given unto us, through JESUS CHRIST our Lord. The Epistle taken out in part, out of the second unto Timothy, and the 3. Chapt. Where the Apostle telleth him, that he had known his doctrine, manner of life, purpose, faith, long suffering, charity, patience; Persecutions and afflictions, which came unto him at Antioch, at Iconium, at Lystra; out of all which, the LORD delivered him, etc. The Gospel taken out of the 15. Chapt. of St. JOHN, Ego sum vitis vera, I am the true Vine, etc. The close of all is this, after the whole Mass ended, which they call the Postcommunion: Supplices te rogamus omnipotens Deus, ut quos tuis reficis sacramentis, etc. Almighty GOD, we humbly beseech thee, that we which are refreshed by thy holy Sacraments, may by the intercession of thy blessed Martyr George, serve thee hereafter in all godly motions, etc. To which the Liturgy of the Church of Rome, I will here add a Collect of the old Missal, (See Vsum Sarum:) which piously interpreted, hath nothing in it savouring of Superstition; and is withal more proper to St. George's story. Viz. Offerimus tibi Domine solenne sacrificium pro veneranda S. Georgij mart. tui passione, deprecantes clementiam tuam, ut per haec S. S. mysteria antiqui hostis tentatamen te triumphante vincamus, et aeternae remunerationis praemium te largiente sequamur. We offer unto thee O LORD the solemn Sacrifice (of praise and Thanksgiving) for the death and passion of St. George thy Martyr; beseeching thy divine clemency, that by these holy mysteries, we may in thee subdue the manifold temptations of our old enemy the Devil, and be rewarded by thy grace with life eternal. The first of these two Prayers taken out of the Roman Missal, I find also in the breviary, the Diurnum, and the Officium B. Mariae Virgins: so copious is that Church in the memorial of our Martyr.  
(10) I doubt not but it will be here objected, that we are driven to hard shifts, when we are fain to repair to Rome; from thence to prove St. GEORGE'S Saint-ship. This we expect to hear of, and are ready to reply, that this is hardly worth objecting. For here we draw no argument to prove how lawfully St. GEORGE may be invoked; or that his intercession may be used, for the more quick dispatch of our affairs in the Court of Heaven. Only we note from hence, that anciently, and in the purer times of the Roman Church; St. GEORGE was constantly commemorated, and in his proper course; as a noble Martyr. Upon which ground, which in itself is good and commendable, if they have built, out of their own, Wood, and Hay, and Stubble; a dangerous and erroneous practice not warrantable in the Church: I hope, without offence, it may be lawful for me, or any else, to make the profitablest use out of their errors; and to verify the truth and goodness of the ancient practice in this case, out of the faulty and erroneous corruption of the present. For I persuade myself, that in points only of Historical faith, we may rely in part upon their public Liturgies: and that we may conclude, that surely such a Saint there was, as GEORGE, or MAURICE, or SEBASTIAN, or the rest there honoured; because I find them in the Missal, and the breviary; no man of this or any age, having as yet informed me, that they have lately been inserted into the books of Common-Service. Nay, as in nature, there must be first an habit, before we can admit of any privation: and that in things corrupted, we must suppose a true and real being of that thing, thus fallen into corruption: so we may well infer, upon a view of the corruptions in their Liturgies, that certainly there was some excellent use at first, of such a ceremony, or such an institution; how ever that the foul corruptions of the present have polluted and defiled it. I would not wish me thinks, an argument of more validity to prove the act of kneeling at the Lords Supper, to be of good Antiquity in the Church of Christ: than from the adoration of it (or of the Host rather as they call it) exacted in their Rituals; which is, no doubt, a superstitious, if not idolatrous corruption, of that ancient and reverend use of Kneeling. Nor would I choose a fairer way of disputation, to justify the honourable estate of the married Clergy, against the clamours of the Papists; than to return upon them, that in the public service of the Church of Rome, it is reputed commonly, though falsely, for a Sacrament: which false conceit of theirs, is a corruption only of the just and pious meaning of the Fathers; who therefore did extol it in the highest measure, the better to beat down those Heretics which had disgraced it. More might be said in affirmation of this manner of proceeding; had I now either place or leisure. At this time only this, that I should more rely in matters merely Historical of being, upon the Liturgy of Rome, which certainly is not contrived upon no other ground, than lies and Fables: than upon any man's bare word which saith the contrary; or such weak arguments as are not able to conclude the matter controverted. And so far I dare go with Canus; conceive me still in matters of this quality: 
Lib. 11, cap. 5.  Nullas huiusmodi rationes, ab antiqua patrum traditione quam communis ecclesiae consuetudo, in divin● officio, hymnis, antiphonisque confirmavit; potuisse me movere.  
(11) Which being so, and that St. GEORGE had anciently his proper time and place of Commemoration, how ever now that laudable and pious custom be degenerated: we may affirm more confidently, that he hath been continually in especial credit with the Church. In the Greek Church we find him on record in their public Calendar; where they have honoured him with the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the great Martyr. 
Annot. in R. Mart▪ Apr. 23.  Baronius tells us, that this Saint is very famous in the Countries of Galatia; In Galatia celebris fuit eiusdem Sancti memoria: more generally Wicelius, Celebritas D. Georgij apud Graecos prae caeteris perquam eximia est, that he is honoured more than any of the rest among the Grecians. joh. Euchaites a Greek Bishop hath given an honourable testimony of him: and Cyrus Theodorus, (of whose time and quality I am yet to seek) hath played the Epigrammatist, upon his portraiture cut in white stone; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the title hath it. Add hereunto Hierax, one of great power in the Greek Empire, upon his reconciliation with Contacuzenus; gave him in token of his future faith and loyalty, 
L. 3. cap. 91.  St. GEORGE his picture: Imaginem praeclari Mart. Christi, Georgij, fidei suae, sinceraeque erga Imperatorem voluntatis, pignus quoddam dedit. The thing related by the Emperor Contacuzenus himself, in his book of Histories, first published under the name of Christodulus. As for the Church of Rome, there is no question to be made of her good affection. Her Missals, and her testimony of him in the martyrology; expressly say it. Nor need there any more be added, unless perhaps it be worth noting, that Vergerius Bishop of justinople in the Seigneurie of Venice, was called in question for his life: 
Exam Conc. Trid. Sess. 25.  Eo quòd in Concilio Trident. Georgij Legendam sibi non per omnia probari ostenderet, as Chemnitius hath it; because he had declamed against some passages of the Story of Saint GEORGE, in the Trent Council. As for the Church's Protestant, we find the Lutheran Doctors many of them, very favourable; and how we stand affected to him here in England, we shall see hereafter. Which general agreement of the whole Church, and so many famous parts of it, in the honour of our Martyr; may well be used as a reply to Doctor Reynolds: 
De Idol. Rom. ●. 1. cap. 5. §. 21.  who makes this answer to the Cardinal, that George indeed may be accounted famous in the Church, and his memorial celebrated; but so as was the memory of Catiline, ab hominibus audacissimis, domesticisque host●bus, only by Ruffians, and by common enemies unto the State. If Bellarmine mean otherwise, in saying Georgij memoria semper fuit celeberrima; he tells him plainly that he lieth. But I will not meddle with their quarrels.  
(12) To go a little further yet, it will be found upon good search, that not the Christians only have had Saint George in special honour: but that the rude and barbarous Turks, seeing it seems, how much he was esteemed by them, conceive a like opinion of him? 
Title of honour, 2. part: cap. 11.  This Master Selden testifieth, that the Mahometans do honour him, as we, and that they call him Chederle: which name (saith he) one expresseth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. His Margin points us unto Contacuzenus, Apol. 3. Which I cannot meet with: and therefore take it upon credit. The rather, because I find in Master Sam. Purchas, 
Pilgrimage. lib 3. cap. 13.  out of Busbequius, that the Turks affirm their Chederle, to be the same with St. GEORGE: and that the Dervices (which are a kind of Turkish Monks) have a great Temple dedicated to his honour at Theke Thioy, not far from Amasia, the chief City of Cappadocia. And in the Turkish History we read that they have in Cairo of Egypt, a Temple dedicated to Saint Barbara, and another to Saint George; which amongst those nations are of great Fame. So Knolles in the life of Selimus. All I find of him in the rest of Contacuzenus, (I mean his History, is, that at his request, the Turkish Sultan did re-edify a ruinous Temple, consecrated to St. George's memory. 
Lib. 4. cap. 14.  Post haec petivit legatus vester (saith the Sultan in his Letter to that Greek Emperor) ut quoddam veteris templi ruinosum aedificium vicinum Romanis, S. Georgij, renovaretur: id etiam fecimus. So great and powerful is the truth, that it prevaileth even among Turks and Infidels.   

CHAP. V.  
(1) The honour done unto the Dead in the decent burial of their bodies. (2) The relics of the Saints of what esteem in the Church primitive. (3) The care of Gregory of Tours to preserve his writings: and what he testifieth of Saint George's relics. (4) What mention there is made of them in Aymonius, and others. (5) Churches distinguished anciently by the names of Saints: and for what reason. (6) St. George's Churches in Lydda, and in Ramula; made afterwards a Bishops See. (7) St. George's Church built by Sidonius Archbishop of Mentz. (8) That mentioned in St. Gregory's Epistles. (9) St, George's Church in Rome; the title of a Cardinal. (10 (Churches erected to St. George in Alexandria and elsewhere. (11) Of Faustus Rhegiensis. (12) And the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulpitius. An application of the rule in Lerinensis unto the business now in hand.  
(1) THis discourse of the bodies of the Dead, leads me directly to the third of those three courses, whereby the Church endeavoured to preserve alive the memory of the Saints and Martyrs: collecting of their Relics, and laying them with all due honours, in some place fit and worthy of them. Which piety of theirs, extended at the first, no further, than to the pious and devout interrement of their bodies: the tyranny of those which first made havoc of the Church, extending in those times, no further than to death. So read we of St. Stephen, the Protomartyr of the Church; that being stoned unto death, certain devout men carried him, (or his body rather, which was his Relic, all that was left of him) to the burial, and made great lamentation. But in succeeding times▪ as the Persecutions grew more violent; so also grew the Tyrants more unmerciful, and barbarously cruel: no longer now contented with the simple death of those that suffered; but tearing of their limbs asunder, and scattering abroad their bones, and casting forth their ashes into the wind, that so they might not have the honour of an honest burial. So witnesseth Lactantius of Diocletian, 
Divin▪ instit. l. 5. cap. 11.  under whom St. GEORGE was made a Martyr, Et non tantùm artus hominum dissipat (saith he) said & ossa ipsa comminuit, & in cineres furit, ne quis extet sepulturae locus. A desperate and raging tyrant, qui lucem vivis, terram mortuis denegabat; which neither would allow the benefit of life unto the living, nor burial to the dead. In these and such like barbarous and cruel times, it was the commendable custom of the Christians, to recollect those bones which by the Tyrants had been so scattered; and to inter them with due honour: that even the Bones also which were broken might rejoice; that so those precious Relics of their dear Brethren, which were to meet together in a joyful Resurrection, might not lie scattered, up and down the fields, a scorn and laughter to the Gentiles.  
(2) At length according as the minds and thoughts of men were raised unto an high esteem and admiration of the Martyrs: so did they with a greater zeal frequent their shrines; and set an higher price and estimate upon their Relics. Not careful only to afford them all due respects, because of those many miracles which it pleased GOD to work in and about those places where they were entombed: but in short time, ascribing some divine and secret virtue to them; whereof, Heaven knows, they were not guilty. It is recorded that the Turks in the Sack of Lyssa, finding the tomb of Scanderbag, did violently break it open, and take thence his bones; every one somewhat, more or less, as they could divide them: vainly conceiting, that they should never have the worse in any action, as long as any Relic of that victorious Soldier was about them. So also that opinion, which the people of those devout and pious times, had first upon good grounds conceived of any of the Martyrs; and that respect, which worthily at first, they bore unto their shrines and Relics: degenerated at the last so far, that they fell also into the same conceit and superstitious folly. Hereupon were the monuments and dormitories of the Saints again opened: their bodies translated, some of them entire, into new Sepulchers; and others dismembered piece by piece, and carried into far Countries: that Church or Nation being conceived most happy, which had procured any the least bone into their possession, of such especially of the Saints, which were in greatest credit and opinion with the people. So that now the cruelty of the barbarous tyrants in the height of persecution, might seem to be revived in the dawning of Superstition. Which notwithstanding, there might perchance be somewhat said in their excuse: as viz. that the Relics then by them so zealously affected, were most of them true and real; not counterfeited by any cheating Mountebank; and therefore worthy of all due respect and reverence. For who so cold in his affection to the Saints, that would not gladly give them honour, even in their dust? So much respect, no question, may be due unto the Relics of the Saints, if truly such; as by Pope Leo was afforded to a parcel of the cross, sent to him by the Bishop of Jerusalem: 
Epist. 72.  of which he tells that Prelate in an answer to him, Particulam dominica crucis, cum eulogijs dilectionis tuae veneranter accepi: That he received it with great reverence and thanks.  
(3) Not to descend more downward, we will look back into those former times, and therefore least corrupted; wherein we find first mention of the Relics of St. GEORGE. And in the first place we meet with Gregory of Tours, who flourished in the next age after Pope LEO abovenamed, and died about the year 596. A man of special quality, a Bishop by his calling; and as he testifieth himself, Author of many several books, 
Hist. Franc l. 9 prope finem▪  and treatises. Quos libros licet rusticiori stilo scripserim, etc. Which though he wrote in a more plain and homely style, yet he doth earnestly conjure all those, which should succeed him in that charge; per adventum Domini nostri, etc. Even by the coming of our Saviour CHRIST, and by the dreadful day of judgement; that neither they suppress them, or cause them to be unperfectly transcribed: Sed ut omnia vobiscum integra inlibataque permaneant, sicut à nobis relicta sunt; but that they be preserved as uncorrupted and entire, as they were left by him. Of these books, seven of them did especially concern the miracles of the Holy Martyrs: and in the first thereof, he tells us in the general, Multa de Georgio martyr miracula gesta cogn●vimus, 
De glor. Mart. cap. 101.  that he had known of many miracles done by Saint GEORGE. And in particular, habentur eius reliquiae in vico quodam Cennomannensi, ubi multa plerunque miracula visuntur: Some of his Relics also are in the Village of Le Maine, where oftentimes there were seen many miracles. There is a further passage in that Book and Chapter, which though I shall relate, yet I will hardly take upon me to defend it: it is briefly thus. Huius reliquiae cum reliquorum Sanctorum à quibusdam ferebantur, etc. Some certain men, that carried with them some of St. GEORGE'S Relics, and of others also of the Saints; came once unto a place in the frontiers of Lymosin: where a few Priests, having a little Chanterie or Oratory made of boards, did daily pour out their Devotions to the Lord. There, for that night, they begged for lodging; and were accordingly made welcome. The morning came, and they prepared to go forward in their journey; they were not able to remove their Knapsacks [capsulas,] out of the place wherein they laid them. Loath to depart without their Relics, it came at last into their minds, that sure it was the will of GOD, they should bestow some of them on their Hosts: which being done, the difficulty was removed, and they proceeded in their journey. This story, as before I said, I will not take upon me to defend. Only I note from hence, that in this Gregory's time, or before it rather, the Relics of St. George were in especial credit: and so by necessary consequence the Saint himself exceeding famous.  
(4) Not to say any thing here of St. George's head, and of the Temple built of purpose by Pope Zacharie, in honour of it; which we shall speak of presently, in a place more proper: we find the Relics of our Martyr mentioned with great honour in Aymonius. An Author of the middle times, anno 837. not long before the shutting in of the first day of learning, in the Christian Church: one of the Monks of St. GERMANE monastery, in the Suburbs of Paris; and public Notary thereof, for the time being. Before we come unto his testimony, we must first take notice, that Childebert Son of Clovis, the first Christian King of France, who began his reign about the year 515: did in the later of his time, anno 542. erect a Monastery near Paris, unto the honour of St. Vincent. This monastery thus founded, as he endowed it with many Lands, and large immunities: so he enriched it with the Relics of St. Vincent, and St. GEORGE, and part also of the Holy Cross; all which he brought with him out of Spain, whither he had before made two famous journeys. 
Hist. de ghost. Franc. l. 2. cap. 20.  Witness whereof the Charter of the Foundation, copied out by Aymonius: and is as much of it as concerns our purpose, this which followeth. Childebertus Rex Francorum, etc. In honorem S. Vincentij Martyris (this Vincent was converted by St. GEORGE as before is said) cuius reliquias de Spania apportavimus, ceu & sanctae crusis, & beatissimi Georgij, etc. quorum reliquiae ibi sunt consecratae, etc. In the same Author also, we have another story of St. George's arm, given by justinian the Emperor unto St GERMAN, 
L. 3. cap. 9  than Bishop of Paris; as he returned from his Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, by the way of Constantinople: Vnáque brachium D. Georgij Martyris, pro magno munere contulit, as mine Author hath it. Which Relic was afterwards by Saint GERRMAN, bestowed upon the Abbey of Saint Vincent; wherein he was interred: and which since then, hath been called St. GERMANE. Thus much I find recorded of the Relics of our Martyr (not to say any thing of his colours or his banner, preserved, as Schedell tells us, in Bamberge ● City of Germany; magna cum solennitate, with great Solemnity: and this enough to show, that even from the beginning, his Relics and himself, were always had in special honour.  
(5) And now at last, we come unto the last of those four ways or courses, whereby the Church endeavoured to preserve alive the memory of the Saints and Martyrs: viz. the calling of such Temples by the names of those blessed Spirits, which she had solemnly erected to GOD'S special service, and consecrated to his honour. A custom which she long had practised, even in the very times and heat of Persecution; when, as it was more dangerous unto the Church itself, and more unpleasing to the tyrants; so was it also more full of honour and respect unto the Martyr. Witness whereof those many Temples erected in the Empire of Severus, 
Euseb. l. 8. c. 1. l. 8. c. 8.  Gordian, Philip, and Galicnus; demolished after in the time of Diocletian: and reerected by the Decree and Licence of Maximinianus. Which Temples so erected, were consecrated, though in a second place, unto the memory of some or other of the more notable and famous of the Saints departed in those fiery times; as may appear by that which we have elsewhere cited out of Marcellinus: as viz. how the Alexandrian people had cast the ashes of their Arian Bishop, George, into the Sea, ne aedes illis ex struerentur ut reliquis, lest else they should be taken by the multitude for holy Martyrs; and Temples erected to them, as unto others of that rank, of which though falsely they conceived him. But in the time of CONSTANTINE, we find the practice of it very frequent in the Church: the Emperor himself dedicating one of his own building, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unto the blessed memory of the Apostles. As for his Mothe● the most illustrious Helena, we find of 〈…〉 cting, a Temple dedicated to the Virgin 〈◊〉, in the Town of Bethlehem, another to St. john the Baptist, in the Mountains of judaea; another to St. Peter, on Mount Zion. Nor were those blessed spirits the Apostles thought worthy only of these honours; but the rest also of the holy Martyrs and Confessors: the first of this rank which I have met with in my reading, being that of Dionysius in the City of Alexandria, whereof he once was Bishop, and there at first one of the Auditors of Origen. Built, as I do conceive it, in the time of Persecution, by the Gentiles, and burnt as the Historian tells us, in the time & tumults of the Arians: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (viz. Alexandria) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Sozomen. 
Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 5.  Now the reason why it pleased the Church, to give the names of Saints and Martyrs to their Temples, was not (as our incomparable Hooker hath observed rightly) either that they should serve unto the worship of those glorious spirits, or that those blessed spirits now made glorious, should take upon them the protection and patronage of those places: but partly in respect that by the ministry of those Saints, it pleased God there to show some rare effect of his Power; and partly in regard that by their deaths, which there the Saints did suffer for the testimony of the truth, the places where they died were made more venerable.  
(6) In these respects, St. George had many Churches built and consecrated, as to God's service principally; so, as before I said, in a second place unto his memory. The first, (for I will only touch upon a few of special note) the first I say, of those which hitherto I have observed; that in Diospolis or Lydda in the tribe of Ephraim: built by justinian Emp. who began his Empire Anno 527. over, or near the place of our Martyr's sepulchre. 
Hist. bell. sac. lib. 7. cap, 22.  Cuius ecclesiam, quam ad honorem eiusdem Martyris, pius et orthodoxus Princeps Rom. Augustus, illustris memoriae D. justinianus multo study et devotione prompta aedisicari praeceperat etc. So Gulielmus Tyrius speaking of this our Martyr. This Church, was by the Turks demolished, upon the coming of the armies of the Western Princes▪ for the conquest of Jerusalem: the Church which now standeth, being built, after, as the natives say, by a King of England. The cause which moved the Turks hereto, a fear, lest else the timber of it, which was large and m●ssie, might be converted to some engines, for the battery of that City: Timentes, ne trabes ecclesiae, quae multae proceritatis erant, in machinas ad expugnandam urbem vellent convertere. As that Author hath it. Nor far from Lydda is the little City of Rama, or Ramula, supposed to be the dwelling of joseph of Arimathea: where our St. George was honoured with another temple, defaced by the Turks also. Cuius ibi ab antiquo fundatam ecclesiam, Turci nonnihil deformaverant, in the words of Malmesburie. 
Lib. 4.  Hence I collect, that seeing one of these Churches is called ancient, ab antiquo; and that the timber of the other was large and massy: that certainly St. George was anciently honoured with a Temple; by the magnificence of which we may conjecture at the ●ame and credit of the Saint. These Churches were in times succeeding made by D. Godfrey, 
Gul. Tyrius lib. 7. cap. 22.  and the Christians of the West, a Bishops see; both Cities, and the villages adjoining, appointed for his diocese: Primitias laborum suorum cum omni devotione egregio Martyri dedicantes; those Noble princes so consecrating the first fruits of their victories, to our glorious Martyr. The first Bishop of them, was a Norman, of the Diocese of Rouen: his title, Bishop of St. GEORGE'S; of which see more in our second Chapter of this second Part; ¶. 4.  
The second Church of note, erected in Saint GEORGE'S honour, which I have met with hitherto, was founded by Sidonius, Archbishop of Mentz in Germany, who flourished in the year 556, and after: but whether in the Town of Mentz, or in some other place, I am not certain. Of this Venantius Fortunatus Bishop of Poitiers, florence doctrina & sanctitate, (saith the Cardinal,) famous for piety and learning, hath in his Sacra Carmina composed this Epigram. He lived about the year 570. 
●i●lioth. ●atrū●●m.   

In Basilicam S. Georgij quam aedificavit Sidonius Arch●ep. Moguntinus.   

Martyris egregij pollens micat aula Georgij,  
Cuius in hunc mundum spargitur altus honos.  
Carcere, caede, siti, vinclis, fame, frigore, flammis,  
Confessus Christum, duxit ad astracaput.  
Qui virtute potens, Orientis in axe sepultus,  
Ecce sub Occiduo cardine praebet opem.  
Ergo memento preces, & reddere vota, viator;  
Obtiner hic meritis, quod petit alma fides.  
Condidit Antistes Sidonius ista decenter:  
Profician● anima, qua nova Templa, suae.   

Upon St. GEORGE'S Church, built by Sidonius Archbishop of Mentz.  
St. GEORGE'S glorious Temple here behold,  
Whose noble Acts through all the world are told.  
Who in so many several torments tried,  
Confessed his Faith in CHRIST; confessing died.  
Who great in power, though buried in the East;  
Extends his wondrous graces to the West.  
Therefore pay here thy vows, who êre thou be;  
Where such a Saint is near, to join with thee.  
This goodly Temple did Sidonious build:  
Unto his Soul may it due comforts yield.   
(8) One Temple yet there is, ancienter, as I conceive, than any of the three yet mentioned; founded by whom, I cannot tell, nor in what place: but specified by Pope Gregory the first, in an Epistle to Maurinianus than an Abbot; with great care, and in these particulars. The superscription of it, Gregorius Mauriniano Abbati; the subject of it, De Ecclesia S. Georgij restauranda, touching the reparation of St. George's Church: the Letter, this as followeth. 
Epist. lib. 9 cap. 68  Quia Ecclesiam S. Georgij positam in loco qui Ad Sedem dicitur, minorem quam oportet diligentiam habere cognovimus: utile esse prospeximus, quoniam Monasterium tuum eidem Ecclesiae noscitur esse coniunctum, eius tibi curam committere: hortantes ut & sollicitudinem illic congruam studeas adhiberi, et Psalmodiae officium solenniter exhiberi facias. Et quia Ecclesiam istam reparatione certum est indigere, volumus ut quicquid illuc accedere potuerit, ipse accipere, atque in eius reparationem, ut praevideas, debeas erogare. St. GEORGE'S Church, situate Ad sedem, not being looked unto, with that diligence, which belongs unto it; & since it is so near your unto Monastery: we think it good to commit the care thereof unto you: Requesting that you would bestow your utmost diligence upon it: and have a care the Psalmody, or daily prayers, be solemnly performed. And since we have been credibly informed, that it is out of reparation; it is our pleasure, that you gather up the profits of it, and lay them out upon the work, so far as you think it fit. So far the letter. As for the writer of it; not to say any thing of his exceeding industry and learning, whereby he gained unto himself, the attribute of Magnus: he died about the year 604. before which time, the Temple of St. GEORGE was now grown old and ruinous; quite out of reparation. Which being so, considering what durable Materials, Churches are commonly composed of; and in what strong and lasting form compacted: I am almost persuaded, that the Church here mentioned, was built immediately upon the death and dissolution of our Martyr.  
(9) From Gregory, we will descend on one of his successors in the Chair of Rome, by name Pope Zacharie; who entered on that Dignity, Anno 742. the founder of St. George's Church in Velo Aureo; or as some others call it, in Velabro; a part of Rome. The chief occasion of the building, was our Martyr's head: which precious Relic was given unto him by the Venetians; and by him here enshrined in a Church built only for that purpose. Idem quoque (viz. Zacharias) Basilicam B. Georgij in Velabro condidit; eoque loci caput ipsius Sancti collocavit: So Platina affirmes it. I know indeed, that the later editions of that Author, read it B. Gregorij; but questionless they are misprinted. For in an old edition of this book, at Colen, anno 1529. & afterwards in that of Louvain, corrected by Oniphurius, anno 1572. it is B. Georgij, 
Chronica Chron. Aetas. 6. Pag. 240.  as before we read it. Herm. Schedell adds that besides the Church there was also built a Monastery; and that it did continue in great honour, even unto his times. 
Platina.  Huius inelyti Martyris caput, cum postmodum Venetijs delatum fuisset; in eius honorem Monasterium et Ecclesia erecta fuit, quod nunc usque maxima veneratione perseverat. A Church, it seems of great name and credit: such which of long hath been a title, of some Roman Cardinal. For in the life of Alexander 6. we have there mention of one Raphael Cardinal of St. George's, Camerarius S. Ecclesiae, High Chamberlain of the State Ecclesiastic. And in the 5. Tom of the Bibl. S. Patrum, we have attract de jubileo, written by james then Cardinal of St. GEORGE'S: jacobi S. Georgij ad velum aureum Diaconi Cardinalis, de jubileo, liber unus, as the title tells us. Which james was nephew to Pope Boniface the eighth, by him advanced unto that office, in his first call of Cardinals; anno 1295. So de la Bigne, the first collector of those Volumes, out of an ancient Manuscript of Alphonso Chicarelli.  
(10) Hitherto our enquiry hath been made, in Asia, and in Europe only; we will now cross over into Africa: that so it may appear, that every part of the known world (I mean known anciently) hath in it some memorial of our Saint and Martyr. In this, we will content ourselves with Alexandria, the Queen of Cities and Metropolis of Africa, as Sir George Sandys calls her: where we shall find an ancient Temple dedicated to St. GEORGE. For thus the Letter of joh. Comus, the Suffragan of Amba Gabriel, Patriarch of Alexandria, directed to Pope Clement 8. and dated on the 28. of December, anno 1593. Tres Alexandria sunt Ecclesiae Catholicae: una nomine principis Angelorum S. Michaelis; secunda S. Marci Evangelistae, ac tertia nomine Martyris magni S. Georgij, extra urbem, ad littus maris salsi: et omnes istae Ecclesiae indigent aedificatione, vestitu et impensis pauperum et egenorum. There are (saith he) three Christian Churches in Alexandria, St. Michael's the Archangel, St. Marks the Evangelist; and thirdly, that of St. George the great Martyr, without the City, and near unto the Sea; all which do stand in need of reparation, ornaments, and money for the entertainment of the poor. I know that Mr. Sam. Purchas doth account this Letter, 
Pilgrimage. l. 6. cap. 5. §. 5.  and the whole business handled by Baronius in his Corollary, ad Tom. 6. where this Letter is; to be forged, and counterfeit: as having in it, a submission of this Patriarch and the Church of Egypt, to the See of Rome; whereas indeed there was no such matter. But somewhat surely there was in it, which might occasion such an Embassy to Rome; and some dependence of the Christians of this Country upon the Pope: It being noted by G. Sandys, 
Rel. of his jorn. lib. 2. pag. 110.  that multitudes of late have been drawn to receive the Popish Religion, especially in Cairo, (the Seat of the Alexandrian Patriarch of the Cophties, or native Christians of that Country) by the industry of Friars; having had the Roman Liturgy sent them from Rome, together with the Bible, in the Arabic language. As for the thing itself, it is affirmed by Mr. Phurchas, that there are three Christian Churches in Alexandria; which is enough to confirm our purpose. Other Churches there also are, dedicated to St. George of good antiquity, though of less note; as viz. that of Cairo in Egypt; that of Beddi in the realm of Ethiopia: and lastly, that in Constantinople, built by justinian the Emperor: 
De aedif. Iust. lib. 1. orat. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As Procopious hath it. What Churches have been consecrated to his memory, with us, in England; we shall see hereafter.  
(11) If any thing may be objected, against aught that we have spoken in this present Chapter, and the last; it is in likelihood, the case of Faustus Rhegiensis, and the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulpitius Severus: both which were held for Martyrs, although the one of them was a Thief, and the other an Heretic. Of Faustus Rhegiensis, who in the opinion of the ancient Church, was reckoned for a Semi-Pelagian; it is affirmed by Doctor abbots, afterwards Lord Bishop of Salisbury, that he had place in the French Martyrologies, a Festival allotted to him on the 17. of january, and a Temple dedicated to him by the people of his own City. 
De veritat. & great. Ch. lec. 1.  Immò et in martyrology Gallicano inter Sanctos numeratum; eoque nomine, ab Ecclesia Rhegiensi, erecta nominis eius titulo insignita Basilicae; et die festo, jan. 17. honoratum, etc. It may be hence objected, that all which we have spoken hitherto, is of little value: those honours having been communicated even to Heretics; such as St. George is said to be by Doctor Reynolds. To this we answer, first, that this was only a particular Act, of the national Church of France: their Faustus never being received generally, as St. George was, in the Church-Catholique. And therefore it is said by my said Lord of Salisbury, that these honours were accumulated on him, spectante orbe Christiano, tacente Rom. Ecclesia, contradicente nemine: not by the approbation of the Church in general; but only a connivance at it, in regard of those of France. Secondly, that Faustus, though accounted for an Heretic abroad, might yet be otherwise an honest and religious man, and so reputed in his own City, where afterwards he had his Temple: For I have seen it somewhere cited out of chrusostom, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that even an Heretic may have a very fair and commendable conversation. And last of all, that Faustus was not such an Heretic, that his memorial should be blasted for it in all generations. Not such an Heretic, as aimed at the foundation of the Faith, as did the Arian; nor such as overthrew the virtue of God's grace, as did Pelagius. Only he is accused, that undertaking to confute the writings of Pelagius; he did not run a course quite contrary to the other; but in some tolerable manner, and in some points of less consequence; did seem to trench upon his tenets.  
(12) As for the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulp. Severus, 
Second sunday in Lent.  he is by Dr. Boys, brought in, to prove against the Papists, how much they have abused themselves & all the Church, in Canonising those for Saints, who could be no better than devils. And in the next words, the Papists adore others who were neither Saints in Heaven, nor men on earth, as St. Christopher, Saint George, etc. The cases here are Parallel: but sure it were a task too weighty, either for him, or any other, to prove this Pseudo-Martyr to have been Canonised a Saint; or that he was reputed one in the opinion of the Church. All which Sulpitius doth report is this; Not far from Tours, whereof St. Martin then was Bishop, there was a little Oratory much frequented by some simple people, upon opinion that some holy Martyr had been there buried. Saint Martin who suspected presently that there was some Imposture in it, repairs unto the Chapel: and calling upon GOD to manifest the truth, a certain shape passed by them, who confessed that he was once a Thief, but by the simple people reckoned as a Martyr; there being nothing in his life or death, to merit that opinion. Ille antem nomen edidit, 
Sulpit. Seve●. in vit. S. Martini. lib. 1.  de crimine confitetur, latronem se fuisse, ob scelera percussum; vulgi errore celebratum, sibi nihil cum Martyribus commune esse, cumillos gloria, se poena retineret. This is the whole: and then a few poor simple people must be reputed for the Church in general; or else this inference is nothing to the purpose.  
(13) There is a rule in Lerinensis, that that is to be counted true in the Church Catholic, which hath been so believed by all sorts of men, 
Advers. haer. cap. 3.  in all times, and in all places. In Ecclesia Catholica illud magnopere curandum est, ut teneamus id, quod ab omnibus, quod semper, quod ubique creditum est. 
Advers. haer. cap. 3.  Unless we can apply this rule unto the business now in hand; it is not our desire, that any man should think St. GEORGE to be a Martyr. And first, if we consult the testimonies of all sorts of men; we find St. George to be thus reckoned, both by Turks and Christians: by the West Churches, & the Eastern; by the Papist & the Protestant: by Princes, Prelates, and their people; by writers ancient, and by modern. If we expect the general consent herein of all the times and ages since his death and martyrdom: we have already made it plain by way of a Chronologie, that there hath been no age, no not that Seculum infelix, as it is called by Bellarmine; in which we have not plentiful assurance of our cause. And for the close of all, look into all parts of the world, and tell me which of all the three, hath not afforded honour to him, as an holy Martyr. His name commemorated in the Martyrologies of Rome, and Greece; his Relics reverenced in Spain, Constantinople, France and Germany: Temples erected to his honour, in Rome, Constantinople, Ramula, Diospolis, Alexandria, Cairo, and Aethiopia, and in other places; by Prelates, Popes, and Emperors. Temples in Asia, Europe, and in Africa. And in the principal Cities also of the East, and West, and Southern parts of the whole world. Then certainly we may affirm of our St. George, 
Datercul. l. 2.  as the Historian did of Pompey; Quot partes terrarum sunt, tot fecit monumenta victoriae suae. So then, the story of St. George, and the opinion of his being Martyr, having been entertained by all sorts of men, in all the ages of the Church, and all the quarters of the world: we may maintain, according to the rul of Lrinensis, that therefore it is to be counted true, 
De Idol. Rom. l. 1. c. 5. §. 22.  without more disputing. The one affirmed by Doctor Reynolds, Georgius, quem Orientalis & Occidentalis ecclesia pro martyre colit; and in another place, universalem ecclesiam, hoc est, Orientalem & Occidentalem Georgium pro Martyre coluisse out of which one so granted, we will without demanding leave, conclude the other.   

CHAP. VI  
(1) St. George how he became to be accounted the chief Saint of Soldiers. (2) St. George when first esteemed a chief Patron of Christianity. (3) The expedition of the Western Princes, to the Holy Land. (4) The story of the succours brought unto their Army by St. George. (5) His second apparition to them as the Leaguer of Jerusalem, (6) The Probability of the former miracle, disputed. (7) An essay of the famous battle of Antiochia, by way of Poem.  
(1) HItherto have we spoken of Saint GEORGE, according as he is esteemed and honoured as a Saint, in the general opinion of the Christian world; and of the public honours done unto him, in the Church of GOD, the ground and pillar of truth, as the Apostle calls it. Our method now doth lead us on, to marshal in those honours, which have been also done unto him, by the Kings and Princes of the earth: that so unto the testimony and suffrage of the Church, we may add also the full authority and power of the civil Magistrate. But since the honours done by them unto Saint George, consider him, some of them as a Saint in general; some, as a principal Patron of the affairs of Christendom; and others, as the tutelary Saint or Guardian of military men: we must in brief declare the reason, why he was made the tutelary Saint of Soldiers; & at what time he first began to be accounted, so principal a Patron of Christianity; before we can descend unto particulars. And first, if we demand how our Saint George became to be accounted the chief Saint of Soldiers: we answer, that he was himself a Soldier of chief rank and quality, and therefore in the superstitious times before us, conceived to be most worthy to countenance that calling. For which cause also, it pleased the Church of Rome, who then did what she listed; to join with him in commission, although perhaps not with equal power, St. Maurice, and St. Sebastian. So witnesseth Baronius out of the Roman Ceremonial De divinis officijs; 
Annot. in Rome Mart. 23. Apr.  Romanam ipsam Ecclesiam ad expugnandos fidei hosts, hos praecipuè martyres invocare consuevisse, Mauritium, Sebastianum, & Georgium. Which Maurice and Sebastian also, were both of them Soldiers of the same time with our St. George; and both of eminent place in their several Armies: 
Rom. Martyr. Sept. 22. & jan. 20.  MAURITIUS being one of the Chieftains of the Theban Legion, slaughtered by MAXIMINIANUS, in his expedition towards Britain; SEBASTIAN, a Commander of the first rank, [Princeps primae cohortis] under DIOCLETIAN. This was the reason why they were first selected, to take upon them the defence of military men: Saint GEORGE, as chief upon the earth in birth, and honours; so also generally reckoned by the men of War, to be of greater power, than either of the other, and therefore most devoutly prayed to. Hence is it, that the Poet MANTVAN calls him the MARS of Christians: MARS being at the first some notable swashbuckler himself; and afterwards the GOD of Soldiers, in the opinion of the Gentiles.  

Vt Martem Latij, sic nos, te Dive Georgi,  
Nunc colimus.   

As Rome did MARS; so we  
St. GEORGE, do honour thee.   
And in another place.  

Inclyte bellorum rector, quem nostra Inventu●  
Pro Mavorte colit.   

Thou famous Precedent of Wars,  
Whom we adore instead of MARS.   
(2) Nor was St. George only reckoned as a chief Saint of soldiers; but after, and before, the English took him to themselves, esteemed a principal patron of the affair of Christendom. For, as before I noted, the Christians used to call upon him (being so lessoned by their superstitious teachers) as an advocate of victory: and did implore his help, ad expugnandos fidei hosts, in all their Wars against the enemies of our religion; as they did also pray unto St. Maurice, and St. Sebastian, though not so generally. Hence is it that St. Mark, St. james, St. Davis, St. Andrew, and the rest, being once chosen the Protectors of particular States and Countries, were never importuned to take upon them the tuition and defence of any others. It may be, they were fastened unto those employments, as once the Tyrians chained the statue of Hercules, their especial Guardian, to their Altars: for fear he might be won to take part against them, and give succour to their enemies. But of St. George, we find not any such sufficient bond, by which he is obliged either unto particular places, or designs: as one whom they thought good to leave at large, that so he might the better succour the afflicted parts of Christendom. For which cause, howsoever in the latter days he was conceived, to be a special fautor of the English: yet have the Georgians, and the Genoese, always esteemed him as their Patron; and by the Germane Emperors, he hath been made Protector also of their military orders, 
V. Chapt. 7.  of which more hereafter. How, and on what occasion, he came to have the general patronage of Christianity conferred upon him; at the least as I conceive it, I am next to show: first making room for that which follows, by a short, but necessary digression.  
(3) After the year 600. the affairs of Christendom began in all places to decline: the Western parts beginning to be overspread by superstition; the Eastern made a prey unto the Saracens, who in their conquests laboured what they could to advance the sect of Mahomet. By this means, as they enlarged their Empire; so did they also propagate the infinite impieties of that Impostor: whose irreligion had the fortune, not only to be entertained by those poor wretches, whom the Saracens had conquered; but also to inveigle them, by whom they were subdued. For when the Turks, under the conduct of Tangrolipix, had made themselves masters of the Persian Empire; then in possession of the Saracens: they took upon them presently the Law of that seducer, as if Mahometanisme had been annexed inseparably unto the Diadem. Proud of this victory, and little able to contain their active spirits in an obedient Peace at home; they were employed in several Armies, and to several purposes: one of them, under Cutlu-Moses, who turned his forces on the Christian Empire; the other under Ducat and Melech, two kinsmen of the Persian Sultan, who bent their strength against the Saracens of Syria and Damascus. In this design, the issue proved so answerable to their hopes▪ that quickly they became possessed of almost all Armenia, Media, and the Lesser Asia, inhabited in most parts of them then by Christians: as of all Syria, the Holy Land, and therein of Jerusalem. So that in all the East, the Gospel of our Saviour was either utterly extinguished; or his name celebrated only in obscure and private places. Religion being in this state, the Christian Princes of the West most of them then in peace and amity with one another, jointly and joyfully resolve upon the freeing of the miserable East, from thraldom. Persuaded thereunto, piously, by a Reverend Hermit, whose name was Peter; who had been witness of those miseries which the Christians there endured: and cunningly by urban, of that name the second, Pope of Rome; who by employing such & so many Princes in those remote Countries, foresaw a way to bring the Roman Prelates to their so-much-expected greatness. The Princes of most note which put themselves into the action, were Robert Duke of Normandy, brother to Will. Rufus King of England; Hugh, brother to the King of France; Godfrey of Bovillon, Duke of Lorreine, with his two brethren Baldwin, and Eustace; Tancred, and Beomond, two noble Normans of the Kingdom of Naples: and he which for his spirit and magnanimity, might have been reckoned with the first; Ademar Bishop of La Puy en Velay, a little territory near unto Auvergne in France, the Pope's Legate. The Army which attended them, amounted to no less than 30000. fight men; the time of this their expedition, an. 1096. or thereabouts: their fortune so successful, that they expelled the Turks out of all Asia the less; compelling them into the Eastern parts of their dominions. Having no enemy at their backs, they passed the straits of Taurus: & entering into Syria which they quickly mastered; they sat them down at last, before the famous City of Antiochia. A place of chief importance for the assurance of their new conquests; and therefore very much desired.  
(4) This famous City after a long and painful siege, was at last rendered to them: and the defence thereof, together with a large and spacious territory, committed to Prince Bo●mund. But as they rested here for the refreshing of their troops extremely weakened in that tedious and lingering Leaguer; they were themselves besieged by an huge multitude of enemies: who though they came too late to raise the siege; were yet persuaded, that they came time enough to redeem the Town. This siege they kept so straight, that they within, not looking to be so invested, became in short space utterly disheartened: their store of corn, consumed; their horses dying every day for want of fodder; themselves continually diminished, and forespent, by want and sickness. No other means of safety left, they are resolved to put it all upon the fortune of a Battle: which battle had they lost, there had been then an end of all their undertake. But out they must; a few weak men, against a multitude of able Soldiers, well horsed, and full of lusty spirits. Suppose the battles joined, and we will tell the rest out of Robertus Monachus, 
De Che. pr●ncip. bello etc. lib. 7.  a Benedictine of the Monastery of Rheims, who flourished in the year 1120. and wrote the story of this war. Dum sic certatur (saith he) & tam longi certaminis prolixitas nostros fatigabat, nec numerus hostium videretur decrescere; Albatorum militum innumerabilis exercitus visus est de montibus descendere, quorum Signifer & duces esse dicuntur, Georgius, Mauritius, Demetrius: quos ut primùm vidlt Podiensis Episcopus, exclamavit magna voce, dicens, O milites, ecce vobis venit auxilium quod promisit Deus, etc. Our Soldiers being wearied with the long continuance of the battle; and seeing that the number of enemies decreased not, began to faint: when suddenly an infinite number of heavenly Soldiers all in white; descended from the Mountains; the leaders of them being St. George, St. Maurice, and St. Demetrius. Which when the Bishop of La Puy (and not of Podie as it is commonly translated) first beheld; he cried aloud unto his troops, These are (saith he) the succours, which in the name of God, I promised to you. The issue of the miracle was this, that presently the enemies did turn their backs, and lost the field: there being slain upon the place, and in the chase, 100000. horse, besides foot innumerable; and in their trenches, such infinite store of victuals and munition, that served not only to refresh the wearied Christians, but to confound the enemy. This memorable Field is generally reported to be fought upon Saint Peter's eve, Anno 1098.  
(5) If this may be believed, this were enough, for ever to entitle St. GEORGE unto the general patronage of Christianity: and yet there is one testimony yet to come. A testimony which I meet with, in jacobus de Voragine; whom though I dare not trust too far, on his own word; yet I dare give some leave unto him, to report another's. The evidence is this. 
Hist. Lombard in Georgio.  Legitur in Historia Antiochena, quòd cum Christiani pergerent ad obsidendum Jerusalem, quidam juvenis speciosissimus apparuit sacerdoti cuidam, qui S. Georgium ducem Christi se esse dicens▪ monuit ut eius reliquias secum in Jerusalem deportarent, & ipse cum iis esset. Cum autem Hierusalem obsedissent, & Saracenis resistentibus per scalas ascendere non auderent; B. Georgius armis albis indutus, et cruce rubra insignitus apparuit, innuens ut post se securi ascenderent, et civitatem obtinerent. Qui ex hoc animati, civitatem coeperunt, et Saracenos occidere. We read (saith he) in the Chronicles of Antioch, that as the Christian army marched unto Jerusalem, a beautiful young man appeared unto a certain Priest, saying that he was George, one of the Captains of Christ jesus; and telling him withal, that if they took along his Relics with them, they should not doubt of his assistance. After, when now they had besieged the Town, and that none of them durst attempt to scale the walls; St. George armed all in white, and a red cross upon his breast, appeared unto them: bidding them lay aside all fear, and follow him; which doing they possess the town, and put the foe unto the sword. Thus the old Legendary: But whether he report the passage, as he found it; or whether any such relation be at all, in the Chronicles of Antiochia: I am not able to determine. Likely it is, that this may be the same with the former story, a little altered in the telling.  
(6) To return therefore back again unto Robertus, or Rupertus, as some call him; and to his story of the succours brought unto the Christian army by St. George: I dare not take upon me the defence either of him, or his relation. William of Tyre, a learned man, and a good historian, who lived about the year 1180. and wrote at large the story of the holy wars; in the description of this battle, tell's us no such matter. Only we find, that at the joining of the armies, it pleased the Lord● to rain a sweet and gracious dew upon the Christians: by which, their horses, and themselves, were very much refreshed. Yet not to cast it off for altogether as a Monkish fable; we may discourse upon the possibility thereof, with divers arguments. As first, that Tyrius in his silence, is not to be alleged against another's affirmavit: and that, though silent in the present, he doth in other places make good mention of that miraculous assistance, which GOD sometimes vouchsafed the Christians in this war. Particularly, that when they lay before the Town of Antioch, and sent some Troops abroad for forage; 700. of them put an huge multitude of the enemies unto the sword: their handful seeming to the foe, 
Lib. 5. cap. 2.  to be a large and gallant Army. Factum est divinitùs (saith he) ut nostri qui vix essent s●ptinginta, infinita millia viderentur. He tells us also, that Prince Godfrey and the rest, erected Lydda famous for St. GEORGE'S Tomb, unto the dignity of an Episcopal See; 
Lib▪ 7. cap. 22.  Primitias laborum suorum, cum omni devo●●one, egregio martyri dedicantes, so consecrating with all due devotion the first fruits of their labours to that glorious Martyr. Which pious act of theirs, might have perhaps some reference to that assistance which before he brought them: as also might their calling of the Tower of the two Sisters, in the City of Antiochia, by the name of St. GEORGE'S Tower; mentioned in the Turkish History. William of Malmesburie, who lived about the same time with Ro. Monachus, and I persuade myself had never seen his Story of the Holy Wars, but learned it rather from some, who had commanded in that service; relateth also the same passage. For speaking of that slaughter, which beyond hope the Christian Army made of those that fought against them; he goes thus forwards. 
De gest. Angl▪ Reg. l. 4.  Persuadebantque sibi videre antiquos martyrs, qui olim milites fuissent, quique mortis pretio parassent vitae praemia; Georgium dico & Demetrium (this Demetrius was Proconsul under Maximinian, by whom at last he was made a Martyr) vexillis levatis à partibus montanis accurrere: jacula, in hosts; in se, auxilium vibrantes. They verily believed (saith he) that they beheld those ancient Martyrs, which had once been Soldiers, and were now possessed of glory, George viz. and Demetrius, to hasten from the Mountains with displayed ensigns: casting their darts against the enemy, and succouring the Christians. Nor doth he only tell the story, but doth justify the truth of it; and prove the possibility. Nec diffitendum est affuisse martyres Christianis, sicut quondam angelos Macchabaeis, simili duntaxat causa pugnantibus. For why (saith he) might not God send his Saints to assist the Christians, as once he sent his Angel to assist the Macchabees; both-fighting in the same quarrel? Doubtless the arm of God is never shortened; nor is his love unto the Christians, and his care of them, less than it was to them of jewrie. That God which by an Angel destroyed that infinite Host of 100085. men, which besieged Jerusalem; and by a noise of Horse and Chariots in the Air, did raise another: might not he also do as much in the defence of those, which fought against the enemies of their Redeemer? This might I say be urged, to prove the probability of that story related in Robertus; if any would assume unto himself the office of a Proctor in it: which I will not. Let it suffice, that on this ground, the Christian world being in those times throughly possessed with the truth of it, St. GEORGE became to be accounted a chief Patron of the affairs of Christendom: which was the matter to be proved.  
(7) If any shall conceive these stories of the apparitions of Saint GEORGE, rather to be Poetical, than Historical; I will not much contend with him. What may be thought, touching the apparition of the Saints departed, we shall see hereafter. But for the present, though I determine not, that it is simply Poetical; yet certainly I dare resolve it to be such, as may be made the ground of an excellent Poem: if any darling of the Muses would vouchsafe to undertake it; Cui mens divinior atque os Magna locuturum. For my part, rather to lead the way to others; than out of any hope to prove happy in this kind myself; I will make bold to venture on it, by way of trial, and essay: Tanquam si placet hic impetus, tametsi nondum recepit ultimam manum; as he in PETRONIUS.  
The battles ready were to join, when lo  
Lord Godfrey eager to assail the foe,  
Cheers up his men. My valiant host, said he,  
Which have thus long been wed to victory;  
Be not this day divorced. Maintain your right  
Got in so fair a love, by this day's sight.  
A day which if we win, we may secured  
From further Rivals, rest ourselves assured.  
Nor shall the haughty Persian ever dare  
To court her favours, or hereafter care  
How to disturb us more: instructed right  
That we prevail, as often as we fight.  
These forces overthrown, and what are they  
Poor heartless men, borne only to obey;  
Mustered in haste, never before in field,  
And brought of purpose, not to fight, but yield:  
These overthrown; the way will open be,  
As well for us to win; as them to flee.  
Nothing to stop our march, till we set down  
With all our troops, before the Holy Town:  
And then, how poor their forts, how weak their powers,  
To hinder, that the conquest be not ours.  
Jerusalem, the beauty of the East,  
More than all earthly habitations, blessed,  
In thy dread Lord: how happy shall we be  
When in thy glorious freedom we shall see,  
Where our Redeemer preached, and where he died;  
Where last he supped, and where his cause was tried.  
Or see the garden where he was betrayed,  
Or view the place in which the Lord was laid.  
Where we may see the Trophies of our God;  
And kiss the sacred pavements, where he trod.  
Thrice happy souls are we, whom he hath chose  
To free those honoured places from his foes:  
From them, which with unhallowed hands have made,  
A gain of godliness; his tomb, a trade:  
And either force the pious soul away,  
Or sell him his devotions, make him pay.  
This is the cause, Christ's cause; for which from far  
We took the Cross, and undertook the war.  
He leads us on, and he desires no more  
But we would do as we have done before:  
That we would conquer still; which never yet  
Knew what it was to fly, or to submit.  
Advance then, be as forward to subdue  
His foes, for him; as he to die for you.  
This said, the holy army kneeling down,  
With hands reared up; besought the Lord to crown  
The action with success, to show his might  
In them, whose greatest strength was will to fight.  
When straight a precious dew falls from above,  
A timely sign of God's regardful love;  
Upon the Host: which ready was before  
To faint for drought, and now had moisture store.  
Refreshed with this, they cry amain; why thus  
Do we permit these dogs to bark at us?  
Why stand we still? Why make we not our way  
Upon the bellies of our foes, say they?  
And saying so, as if anew inspired  
With heavenly vigour, never to be tired  
In length of fight, upon their foes they run:  
Each man an army, in himself. Begun  
Is now the deadly mixture: breast to breast,  
The armies meet; and crest opposed to crest.  
As when two Rams encounter on the downs,  
Both fierce, and jealous both; their horned crowns  
They rudely mingle, and full-fraught with ire,  
Each strives to make the other to retire:  
So they, thus met, and justling face to face,  
Each seeks to force the other from his place.  
Oh who can tell the horror of that day;  
The groans, the deaths, the flights, the disarray,  
Of either part: each, in their turns, oppressed;  
Both reinforced, when they expected lest.  
The Christians angry, that they now should find  
Resistance; which did elsewhere, like the wind,  
Sweep all before them: stomached it the more,  
And pressed upon them harder, than before.  
See how Duke Robert, with his English bands  
Even in the front of his battalion stands:  
Grasping a Sword well tried in many a jar,  
And lays about him like the God of War.  
More deaths he gives than strokes; and yet his blows  
Fall thick, like storms of hail, upon his foes.  
How happy had he been, if fight thus,  
He had there died; and not returned to us.  
See yonder, where Lord Godfrey roaves about  
In plates of sevenfold steel, well armed throughout.  
The soul of all the Camp; dispersing aid  
To all whose hearts were faint, or thoughts dismayed.  
What should I speak of noble Tancred's deeds;  
Of Eustace, Baldwin: or who both exceeds,  
Of warlike Bohemund; well known in field,  
And skilled in all things, but to fly, and yield.  
Or what of Ademare, whose only words  
(His words were prayers) did more, than they with swords.  
These raging thus, and every where the Plain  
Covered with blood, and heaps of Pagans slain:  
Behold a fresh supply of Turks, unseen  
Untouched as yet; come fiercely rushing in.  
And as a Reaper in a field well-grown,  
Doth with his hook; so they with swords, cut down  
All those which durst withstand: and so restore  
The fury of the day, even spent before.  
By this, the Christians weary waxed, and 'gan  
Full of despair to break their ranks: each man  
Shifting to save himself; not thinking so  
To make the whole a prey unto the foe.  
Nor could their noble Leaders make them stay  
The hazard of the War.  
Which spied, the Pagans made a hideous sound,  
And cried, down with them, down unto the ground.  
The day is ours: let us pursue the chase,  
And spare no more the noble, than the base.  
There is a place, but far above the sky,  
A place beyond all place; which mortal eye  
Never yet saw. A City all of gold,  
The walls of stones most precious to behold.  
The gates of pearl, each gate an entire mass:  
The streets of Crystal, and transparent glass.  
Where neither Sun nor Moon doth shine: yet light  
Perpetual there, a day without a night.  
Which, dared I be so bold, I might well call  
The Court of GOD, the King of Heavens Whitehall.  
There doth the judge of all the world, possess  
His glorious throne in endless happiness.  
His Saints and Angels, all, with one accord  
Chanting the praises o● their living Lord.  
Which, with eternal peace and comforts blessed,  
Know but one joy; yet are of all possessed.  
And standing all before his presence, be  
Equal in grace, though differing in degree.  
Here, all his Court about him, leaning on  
His dreadful Sceptre in an higher throne  
Than all the rest: darkness his secret place,  
And watery Clouds hiding his glorious face;  
He spoke unto them thus. And as he spoke  
He made th'earth tremble, & the mountains quake:  
His nostrils smoked; and thundering in his ire,  
Came from his mouth, hailstones and coals of fire.  
See how (quoth he) the faithless folk begin  
T'advance their heads, as if they meant to win  
The day, in spite of heaven: and would not know,  
That we, above, dispose of things below.  
But sooner shall the Sun forgo his light,  
And bury all the world in endless night:  
Sooner the beauties of the earth shall wither,  
And Parchment-like the Spheres rolled up together:  
Than I will fail my people▪ or permit  
Their foes to spoil them, till they me forget:  
Till they forget that God, who loves them best,  
And wallow in those sins, I so detest.  
This I have said, and if I say the word  
It is for ever said: I am the Lord.  
Go then, prepare yourselves, all you that were  
Soldiers beneath, and now are sainted here:  
Go succour your allies; that they may say  
You can as well fight when they need, as pray.  
My word, you know, would bring them all to ground:  
Or by mine Angels, I could soon confound  
Them, and their pride at once; were they far more  
Than stars in heaven, or sands upon the shore.  
But this my pleasure is, this my decree:  
Yours be the service, mine the honour be.  
This said, the heavenly armies low inclined  
At their Creators' feet: and those assigned  
To this employment, swiftly posted thence.  
The Saints chief virtue is obedience.  
Behind they quickly left the Crystalline;  
And the eight Sphere, where the fixed stars do shine:  
The several orbs, in which the Planets move;  
And in unequal courses, equal prove.  
The Heavens thus past, and spreading all abroad,  
Upon the wings of the swift winds they road:  
And gliding through the yielding air; did light  
Upon a Mountain near unto the fight.  
There they disposed their ranks. Mauritius lead  
The Theban Legion, all at once made dead;  
Of which, himself the chief: Demetrius, those  
Who to great office, and preferment rose.  
The rest, of common quality, by lot  
Fell to Sebastian; who refused them not.  
But yet the Chief, with supreme power possessed,  
Was wanting; he that should command the rest:  
Till by the common suffrage of them all,  
They chose St. George to be their General.  
St. George, in feats of War exactly tried:  
Who lived a Soldier, and a Martyr died.  
A blessed Saint, that lost, and suffered more;  
Than almost all the rest that went before.  
Things ordered thus, the Heavenly Soldiers fly,  
Swifter than thought upon the Enemy.  
And brandishing their flaming swords, make way  
For the damned souls, to leave their walls of clay.  
So fast they fell, that wearied Charon roared  
For help, to waft them o'er the Stygian ford.  
And Pluto feared, their numbers were so great,  
They came to dispossess him of his seat.  
In which distrust he rung the Larum-bell;  
Never before afraid to lose his Hell.  
Amazed the Persians stood, to see their men  
Fall down in heaps, there where no eye could ken  
An enemy at hand: for well they knew  
The Christians either fled, or backwards drew.  
As Niobe, a fruitful mother late,  
When she beheld her son's untimely fate;  
And viewed their wounds, and heard the bowstrings twang,  
Yet could not see from whence the mischief came:  
Stiff with amazement, stood astonished; and  
Doth, still a marble, in that posture stand:  
So they confounded stood; except, that none  
So happy was, as to be made a stone.  
Their ranks are broke, their Chieftains slaughtered be;  
But how, or by what hand, they could not see.  
Mean while th' Almighty from above the sky,  
Upon the Earth bend down his gracious eye:  
And saw his sacred troops, now ready bend  
To execute their Sovereign Lords intent.  
Which seen, he Michael called. Michael, said he  
Thou knowst how I committed unto thee  
The safety of my flock; next under him,  
Who with his precious blood did it redeem.  
How I elected thee, this style to have,  
The Angel Guardian of the Church: and gave  
Thee, power above the rest, my Lambs to keep,  
And cast the Dragon down into the deep.  
Go thou unto the Christian Host; take thence  
That cloud of flesh, with which their mortal sense  
Is darkened and obscured; that so they may  
Behold the glorious wonders of this day:  
And for a space, the light of Heaven sustain;  
And see my Saints, and view my armies, plain.  
At his Creators' feet, with reverence due  
The Angel bowed: and swift as lightning flew  
To do the business by his Lord assigned;  
Spreading his golden feathers to the Wind.  
Approaching near the host, he strait fulfilled  
His Maker's pleasure: as the Lord had willed,  
He did away the clouds which dimmed their sight,  
And let them see the heavenly armies fight  
In their defence: and his dispatch so done,  
He fixed his wings, and stood a looker on.  
By this, the almost vanquished Christians heard  
A tumult in the adverse host: yet feared  
To turn again, or learn what it might mean,  
Until the dreadful noise grew more extreme.  
At last they made a stand, and faced about,  
And saw the Pagan army all in rout:  
Their troops dispersed, their colours fall to ground,  
And with dead bulks the fields all covered round.  
And first they thought some former strife renewed  
Had made their hands with their own blood imbrued.  
Or that they saw the Christian troops recoil,  
And thought them lost, and quarrelled for the spoil.  
Thus they, for how could mortal man suppose,  
That God had armed his Saints, against his foes!  
When suddenly, their fancies thus perplexed;  
Appears a Comment which explained the Text:  
Their eyes, but how they knew not, opened were;  
Their sight before obscured, was now grown clear:  
So clear and piercing, that they durst abide  
To brave the Sun in his full height of pride;  
And saw, at noon, the stars where sixth they be,  
As if their eyes had brighter beams, than he.  
Lifting their pious heads up to the sky,  
As men amazed to see the orbs so nigh;  
They strait espied, what lest they thought to find,  
The glorious Angel hover in the Wind.  
And not far off, the Saints, those blessed sprights,  
(Ah how could sinful man deserve such sights!)  
Raging with bloodied swords, in their defence;  
All armed in white, the robe of innocence.  
As the Disciples full of care and dread;  
In their Lord's death, themselves as good as dead:  
When they beheld him entered in the place,  
Where they all stood; and viewed his sacred face,  
And heard his voice, (never was voice so sweet)  
Warbling this note, Behold my hands and feet;  
Believed not yet, their joys were so extreme,  
But thought it was a vision, or a dream:  
So stood the Christian Troops; and did not know,  
Whether the things they saw, were true, or no.  
At last, thus Ademare. Behold (he said)  
The host of Heaven assembled in our aid;  
Legions of Saints, by their Creators will  
Sent down to help us from his Holy Hill:  
Avenging us upon our foes, this day;  
As once the stars fought against Sisera.  
See how St. George, the Captain of the rest,  
Never in such a charge before, so blessed;  
See how he leads them on: how in one hand  
With wondrous strength he shakes his flaming brand;  
And in the other, valiantly doth wield,  
The colours of the Saints; a silver Feild  
Charged with a bloody Cross; and this the Word,  
The dear remembrance of our dying Lord.  
See how the Heavenly Legions following close  
Upon their Leader, execute their foes.  
What slaughter they have made upon the Plain,  
How many millions of the foes are slain:  
But see, blessed Soldiers see, the Saints have won  
A glorious day; and back to heaven are gone.  
They looked, and saw all true as he had said,  
The Saints departed, and the Pagans fled;  
And would have plied the chase, but Ademare,  
Told them the time was fitter far for prayer.  
So down upon the ground themselves they flung,  
And made a Temple, of the field; and sung  
Te deum to their God, upon the place:  
Sing Soldiers, sing; sing Soldiers, sing apace.  
For since the Angels carolled, credit me;  
Never had men more cause to sing, than ye.   

CHAP. VII.  
(1) The honour done by Kings, to others; of what reckoning. (2) Arguments used by the jews, in the defence of their Temple of Jerusalem. (3) Of Monasteries dedicated to St. George. (4) St. George's Canons: a Religious order. (5) St. George by what Kings honoured anciently, as the chief Saint of soldiery. (6) The military Order of St. George, in Austria. (7) The Germane or Dutch Order, called Sanct Georgen Schilts. (8) St. George's bank in Genoa. (9) And his band in Italy. (10) The Georgians why so called: and of the honour, done by them, to our Martyr. (11) A view of several places denominated of St. George. (12) A recollection of the Arguments before used, in the present business.  
(1) THe ground thus laid, we now proceed unto those public honours, which have been done unto our Martyr, by the Kings and Princes of the earth: of which, some of them, as before I said, reflect upon him, only as a Saint in general; some, as the principal Saint or Guardian of the military men; and others, as an especial Patron of the affairs of Christendom. With these, we shall upon occasion, intermingle such honours also, as have been afforded to him, by some few patriarchs and Prelates, Princes Ecclesiastical, chief Rulers of their several Churches. Which we shall do the rather, that so the pious actions of the King and civil Magistrate, may be abetted by the fair example of the Prelates: and the devout performances of the Prelates, may be defended by the power and countenance, of their Sovereign Princes. A matter questionless of chief importance to the business now in hand: the Sovereign Prince, as he alone is the original of Civil honour, and Political nobility; so also not a little to be regarded, in his demeanour towards those above, whom he may honour, though he cannot make them honourable. We take it kindly, when those of lower quality, give us that worship and respect that is due unto us: but if we find an extraordinary regard at the hands of those to whom the Lord hath made us subject; we then conceive ourselves, to be upon the very top and pinnacle, of all worldly happiness. It was a greater honour unto JOSEPH, 
Gen 41. V. 42.  that PHARAOH took a ring from his own hand, and put it upon Joseph's, arrayed him in vestures of fine linen, and put a gold chain about his neck; than if the whole, united suffrages of the Common people had decreed, 
V. 43.  to cry before him, bow the knee. 
Dan. 4, 8▪  More also did it add to the esteem of DANIEL that the great Emperor of the East, gave him the name of Belteshassar, 
Dan. 4, 8.  according to the name of one of his especial Gods: Than if that all his Subjects had studied to adorn him with the most glorious attributes, that possibly the wit of man could have invented. For if according unto ARISTOTLE'S affirmation, Honour is rather seated in those, 
Ethic. l. 1. c. 5.  which give it, than in them that do receive it; (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) Then certainly by how much greater and more excellent, the party is, who doth respect or honour us; by so much more may we conceive, that we are honoured and respected.  
For which cause, 
Hest. ch. 6. v. 6.  when King AHASVERUS, proposed this question unto HAMAN, What shall be done unto the man whom the King delighteth to honour: That proud and haughty Favourite conceived it rightly, that possibly a greater favour could not be done unto a Subject; and thereupon concluded in his own heart, thus; To whom should the King delight to do honour, more than to myself, so highly raised and settled in his good opinion. A false Conclusion, though the premises were true; I mean the Mayor, or the Proposition, as they call it. Popular spirits, are carried commonly about with popular reports; and, like a flock of silly sheep, are prone to take that way, which any better than themselves, have laid before them. But Kings have Kingly minds, and use not to rely upon uncertain rumours: more likely to deny respects, where they may be challenged; than to confer them upon those, that have not truly merited.  
(2) How much the honour done by Kings, aught to be valued; we may perceive in that which is related by JOSEPHUS, touching the Temple of Jerusalem. Those of Samaria, and some schismatics of jewrie with them, 
Antiqu. jud. l. 13. c. 7.  had built themselves a Temple on Mount Garizim: which Temple they contended, before Ptolemy Philometor King of Egypt, to be more ancient and more orthodox, than that so celebrated by the jews. A question hereupon arising; ANDRONICUS, a learned and religious jew, took on him the defence of the true Temple, as Advocate for those of judah: against Sabbaus, and Theodosius, Proctors for the Samaritans. The day of hearing come, and Ptolemy in presence, Andronicus had licence granted by his Adversaries; first, to proceed unto his proofs: themselves not yet resolved, so it appeared, what might be said in their own quarrel. He did so, and he proved his cause by three sorts of Arguments; first, from the letter of the Law, then from the constant and continual succession of the high Priests: and lastly, That the Kings of Asia had vouchsafed to Honour it with many costly presents, and rich offerings. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So far the Story. The application of it, this. We have already verified the Cause of our St. GEORGE, although not from the letter of the Law itself; yet from the practice of the Church, which is the fairest Commentary that was ever made upon that letter: and we have proved it, from the succession of so many several Authors, most of them Priests, and other public Monuments of antiquity; which since his time, the several ages of the Church successively have given us. It now remaineth, that we make mention of those Honours, which have been done unto him, by the Princes of the most parts of Christendom: That so there may be nothing wanting, by which Saint George may be restored unto his Honour, and his History asserted. The issue of the former business was this, that those of Counsel for the schismatics and Samaritans, had nothing to reply: and so the sentence was pronounced in favour of the jews. Our method is the same, our evidence as fair, our proofs as pregnant: and therefore we presume of equal favour, in the judgement. Namque aequum reor (as Tully hath it) ut qui in eadem causa fuerunt, 
Orat. pro M. Marcello.  in eadem etiam essent fortuna.  
(3) And first, not to say any thing of that which hath been said already, or shall be said hereafter, touching those Churches, which by several Kings and Princes have been erected to his Honour: We will begin with those particulars, of this last rank of proofs, which come most near it; and which reflect upon him only as a Saint. Of this kind are those many Monasteries, and Houses of religious persons, which have been founded partly to his Honour, and dedicated by his Name. The first of which, that built by Hildericus King of Lorreine, or Austrasia, Anno 660. founded Admetus deserta loca montis Vosagi, the mountainous parts of the Province of Alsatia: and dedicated to the blessed Virgin, the two Apostles Saint Peter, and Saint Paul, and to Saint George. Fundavit ibi (saith the learned and judicious Munster) Hildericus Rex Austrasiae, 
Cosmograph. l. 3.  Anno 660. monasterium & Abbatiam ordinis S. Benedicti, in honorem gloriosa virginis Mariae, & Apostolorum Petri & Pauli, atque S. Georgij. Yet notwithstanding, that such and so many blessed spirits were joined with him in the dedication; it seemeth that the greatest honour of it, was conferred upon St. GEORGE▪ the whole adjoining Country being called St. George's valley. Vnde et locus ille atque vallis, vo catus est vallis S. Georgij, as that Author hath it. 
Lib. 3. P. 589.  We read also in the same Munster of two other Monasteries of that Order, entitled by his name, and both in Germany; but the time of the Foundation not specified: one of them built by the Lord of Degernow; the other, by one WILLIAM, the Abbot of some other Convent of the same Order. The second Monastery which we meet with, dedicated unto Saint GEORGE, is that in Venice, 
De orig. Mon. l. 5. cap. 25.  erected (as HOSPINIAN tells us) by TRIBUNUS MEVIUS, once Duke of that State and City, Anno 975. In which HOSPINIAN also, and the same Book of his, we find Saint GEORGE'S Abbey, an house of Benedictine Monks, founded about the year 996. by the most excellent Princess, HEDINGE, Duchess of Bavaria: Anno 1005, ab Henrico secundo Steinam translatum etc. Which after, in the year 1005. was by the Emperor Henry of that name the second, translated from those unpeopled Mountains where before it was; and settled in Steinberg, a Town of Suevia. Another of Saint George's Abbeys, we read of also in the same Author; founded at Ausbourg a principal City of those parts of Germany, by Walter, Bishop of that City, anno 1142.  
(4) Nor did the fruitful devotion of those times, employ itself only in consecrating houses of Religious persons by his name, and to his memory: but sometimes the Religious folk themselves were dedicated to his name, and wore his livery. Of this kind were St. GEORGE'S Canons, an order of new Regulars, 
Bellarm. in Script. Eccl.  founded at Venice: called by the Cardinal in his Chronologie, Ordo S. Georgij de Alga; by Pol. Virgil, Canonici D. Georgij in Alga. The founder of them, Laurentius justinianus, a Venetian by birth, and the first Patriarch of that City: famous for long time, doctrina, sanctitate, & miraculis, for learning, sanctity, and miracles. Born in the year, 1381. and at the first a Canon Regular, as they use to call them, in opposition to those Canons which had forgot their name, and became Secular. Anno 1426. made Bishop of Venice: and after by Pope Nicholas the fifth, created, as before I said, the first Patriarch of that City, anno 1450. in which great dignity, he continued five years longer, and than died. By Bellarmine, the institution of this order, 
Id in Chronologia.  is referred ad annum 1410. when he was yet a private man: no less than sixteen years before his consecration. Pol. Virgil acquaints us with the founder of these new Regulars, in which the Cardinal is silent; 
De Invent. rerum, lib. 7. c. 3.  but tells us nothing of the time: and adds withal, that their habit is of blue or watchet. Canonici D. Georgij in Alga (saith he) Venctijs à Laurentio justiniano instituti, caeruleo utuntur habitu. Hospinian mentioneth two latter broods, 
Hespin. de orig. Monach. l. 6. c. 47.  of the same name and order: of which the one, candidus planè est, is distinguished by their white habit; the other, Extra monasterium atri coloris chlamydem assumit, is apparelled all in black. They are obliged to no profession. Their Order, I mean that founded by justinian, was ratified by john the 22th. or as Balaeus, by Gregory the 12th.  
(5) In the next place, we are to look upon the honours done unto our Martyr, as superstitiously conceived to be the Patron of the military men: the fight Saint, as Mr. Purchas, though little reverently, 
Pilgrimage, l. 3. cap. 1●.  calls him. Reges enim in militari conflictu S. Georgium invocare solitos, etc. For that the greatest Princes used to call upon Saint GEORGE in the day of Battle; Baronius labours to make good by two examples; the one of Cunibert, a King of Lombardie; the other, of Nicephorus, an Emperor of Constantinople. Whether these instances do prove sufficiently, the matter to be verified; we shall best see by looking on them: though I must needs say, that in the first, there is small hope of finding much to the purpose. PAULUS DIACONUS, who lived about the year 774. principal Secretary of State to DESIDERIUS King of the Lombard's; 
Hist. Longob. lib. 6. cap. 17.  reports it of King CUNIBERT, one of the Kings of that Nation: that in a place, where he had formerly vanquished the Alahis, a barbarous people, he built a Monastery to the honour of Saint GEORGE. In campo Coronatae, ubi bellum contra Alahis gessit, in honorem B. Georgij Monasterium construxit, saith the Author. Where by the way it is to be observed, That in the late Edition of this Author by Gruterus, we read not Georgij, but Gregorij; (which also is the error of the new editions of PLATINA, as before I noted:) but yet he tells us in his Annotations, that the old Books read it Georgij; himself, none of Saint GEORGE'S friends, it seems, not willing so to have it longer. Which brings into my mind, that memorable saying of old TIMON. Who being asked by Aratus, how he might get the works of Homer in the best Edition: returned this answer, That he must make enquiry after the most ancient Copies, and not for those which were last corrected. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Diogenes Làertius,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whether this passage of this Longobardìan King, may be sufficient proof for this, that he did call upon Saint George in the day of Battle; is next to be examined. For my part, I believe it cannot: though the particular circumstance of the place where, might unto one which were contentious so to have it, administer an argument of possibility. My reason is, because this CUNIBERT began his reign over the Lombard's, Anno 698. And I persuade myself, that in those early days, this superstitious invocation of Saint GEORGE, as a chief Advocate of Victory, was not in fashion. Let it suffice, that though it prove not throughly what BARONIUS did intend: yet, is proof sufficient, that Saint GEORGE was specially honoured among the Lombard's, as a Saint of more than common note; which is as much as I endeavour to make from it.  
In the next instance of NICEPHORUS, surnamed PHOCAS, Emperor of Constantinople; the proof, as I conceive it, is fair and pregnant: delivered thus, by GEORGIUS CEDRENUS, who flourished in and about the year One thousand and seventy, in his Compendium Historiarum.  
NICEPHORUS PHOCAS, (he began his reign, in the year Nine hundred sixty three,) had entered in a War against the Rossi, a Scythian or Sarmatian people bordering on his Empire: with whom encountering upon Saint GEORGE'S day, he gave them a memorable Overthrow. 
Edit. Gr. Lat. pag. 556.  And then it followeth; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Id est, The Emperor having paid his vows unto the most victorious Martyr, St. GEORGE, upon whose Festival he had discomfited his enemies; went the next morning with his Army, unto Dorostulum. The greek Phrase, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, used in the Author; is found often in Demosthenes, and other Writers of those more elegant times, of the Greek language: with whom it signifieth, Sacra facere ob partam victoriam, to sacrifice unto those Gods after the victory, whose ●avour they implored before it. I have here rendered it, the payment of his Vows, more proper to the use and meaning of the word, in the Christian Church: the meaning of the whole passage being this, that he had vowed some special honour to St. George, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he there calls him, in case he should obtain the victory: which afterwards according to the honour of his vow, he did religiously perform.  
(6) In our last sort of evidence, which is next to follow; we must reflect upon St. George, as a chief Patron of the affairs of Christendom: though even in some of these, we may consider him, as a chief Patron also of the men of War. Of this kind was that military Order of Saint George in Austria, first instituted by Radulphus Habspurgensis, Emperor of Germany, and first Duke of Austria of this family; for the defence of Hungary, 
Edit. Paris, pag. 1464.  Styria, and Carinthia. The Author des Estates du Monde thus hath it. Radolphe de Habspurg (he began his Empire anno 1273) pour defendre La hungry, lafoy Syrie, (he means Styria) et la Carinthie, country les armes de Turcs, institua l'ordre de St. Georges, etc. He also tells us, that he gave unto the Master of it, a Town of Carinthia, well built and situate, for his ordinary Seat: together with the Toparchie of Chranichberge, Trautmandorfe, Scharfeneich, and St. Patoville; for the revenue and maintenance of the Order. As also how he permitted the fellows of it, La croix rouge de St. George, dans les armoiries des leurs maisons; to bear St. George's cross in their own Arms, the Arms belonging to their houses. In most of this we may believe him: but where he tells us that this institution was intended country les armes de Turcs, against the forces of the Turk, in this we must be bold to tell him, that he is deceived. For in these times the Turkish Kingdom was suppressed and ruined by the Tartars: nor had they ever any footing in the Continent of Europe, until the year 1358. when under the conduct of Solyman the Son of Orcanes, they surprised Callipolis in Thrace.  
(7) In imitation of this Order, FREDERICK the third, Emperor of the Germans, and Duke of Austria, instituted the Order of Saint Georgen Schilts: if at the least, as BERNARD of Luxembourg conceives, it were not rather a restitution of the former Order then decayed. Of which thus Stumpsius in his history of the Swissers, 
Lib. 13. c. 21.  anno 1448, Caesar Fredericus communem fecit in Suevia pacem, omnium Ordinum confederatione, quae vocabutur St. Georgen Schilts. Nam omnes qui in ea comprehendebantur debebant gestare clypeum S. Georij, modò ex Nobilitate essent. The Emperor Frederick (saith he) anno 1448 established a firm Peace and League in Schwaben by a confederacy of all the States together. Which Order, had the name of Sanct Georgen Schilts; because it was permitted unto such as were comprehended in it, to bear an Escutcheon of Saint George in their own arms, (so I conceive it;) if they were nobly descended. Forty years after, a new League and Confederacy was set on foot under the old name, but for ten years only; at the request of MAXIMILIAN, son to the former Frederick, and afterwards his successor in the Germane Empire: the most potent of the Princes and Imperial Cities, being contained in it. 
Annal. Suevic. part. 3. l. 9 c. 1.  Anno 1488, (saith MARTIN CRUSIUS) Suevi impulsu Maximiliani ob tuendam mutuam pacem & quietem, foedus quoddam Nortbergae ineunt inter se decennale, foedus dictum Clypei Georgiane societatis: in quo foedere potentissimi quique Principes, non modò civitates Imperij fuerunt. So he.  
(8) We must now cross the Alps, and make over into Italy: where we shall find St. GEORGE to be conceived as great a Patron of the Commonwealth of Genoa; as of the peace of Germany. For as the Germans were secured from Wars without, and civil broils within; by the Confederacy and Order of Saint George's Shields: so are the Geneose protected, and the ancient dignity of that State preserved, by St. George's Bank or Treasury. The first beginnings of which Bank or Treasury, and the administration thereof; together with that benefit which redounds thereby unto the public: take here, according as it is related by that great Statesman, Machiavelli, in his History of Florence. Post diuturnum illud bellum quod Genuenses multis ab hinc annis cum Venetis gessere; 
Lib. 8.  cum pace iam inter eas respub. constituta, Genuenses civibus suis ob aes in bello concreditum, satisfacere non possent, etc. After that tedious War between the Genoese and the Venetians was now ended, anno 1381. and the Genoese perceived themselves unable to repay those moneys, which they had taken up of their private Citizens, for the maintaining of the War: they thought it best to assign over to them, their ordinary taxes, that so in tract of time, the whole debt might be satisfied; and for that purpose allotted them a common Hall, there to deliberate and determine of their affairs. These men thus made the masters of the public Taxes and Revenue elect amongst themselves, a common Council of an hundred; and over them, eight Officers of especial power, to order and direct the rest, and to dispose of the Intrado: Vniversam verò administrationem titulo S. Georgij insignivere, which Corporation so established, they entitused St. George's Bank. It happened afterwards that the Republic, wanting more moneys, was glad to have recourse unto St. George; who now grown wealthy by the just and orderly administration of his stock, was best able to relieve them: and as before they released their taxes, so now [ditionem suam oppignorare coepit] they mortgaged their domain. So that at last, St. George continually growing richer, and the State poorer: this Corporation became possessed of almost all the Towns and Territories belonging to that Signeurie; all which they govern by their own Magistrates, chosen by common suffrage from among themselves. It followed hereupon, that the common people respected less the public, and chiefly bend their favours, to the Corporation of St. George: this being always prudently and moderately governed; that, many times inclining unto tyranny: this never changing either their Officers, or form of government; that subject to the ambitious lusts of every proud Usurper, both Foreigner and Citizen. Insomuch, that when the potent families of the Fregosi, and the Adorni, contended for the Principality of that State; most of the people stood idle, looking upon them, as spectators of a quarrel, which did not any way concern them: St. George not meddling more in it, than to take oath of the prevailing faction to preserve his liberties. Rarissimo sanè exemplo, neque à tot Philosophis, imaginarijs istis in rebuspub. suis, unquam reperto, etc. A most excellent and rare thing (saith he) never found out by any of the Philosophers in their imaginary commonwealth; that in the same State, and the same people, we may see at once tyranny and liberty, justice and wrong-dealing, civility and rudeness: this only Corporation preserving in the State, the ancient beauty and orders of it. Nay he persuades himself, that if St. GEORGE should in the end become possessed of the remainders of the public demeans, quod omnino eventurum mihi persuasissimum est, of which he makes not any question: that certainly that State might not be only equalled with the State of Venice, but preferred before it.  
(9) From St. George's Bank or Treasury, let us proceed unto St. George's Band or Regiment; both instituted near about the same time, and much unto the same purpose: St. George's Bank, preserving the ancient dignity of that City; his Regiment or Band reviving the decayed repute and credit of the Italian Soldierie. The Author of it, one Ludovicus Conius; the occasion, this. After the Norman and Dutch lines in the Realm of Naples; the French and Arragonians became competitors for that Kingdom; the Popes of Rome, having at that time, sundry quarrels with the Emperors; and many of the Towns of Italy taking thereby occasion, to recover liberty. By means of which, the whole Country was in a manner overrun with foreign Soldiers: the States thereof all jealous of each other, and so not willing to employ their own people. So that all Italy did swarm with French, and Dutch and Spanish Soldiers: the English also flocking thither, under the conduct of Sir john Hawkwood, after the Peace made between our Edward the third, and the French King. At last, this Lodovicus Conius rightly considering, how ignominious and dishonourable a thing it was, that Italy should not be able with her own hands, to maintain her own quarrels; collected a choice band of Italian Soldiers, which he called St. Georg's Regiment: which shortly grew to such esteem, that they eclipsed the glory of the foreign Companies, and restored the ancient lustre, to their native forces. Is enim postea (saith the same MACHIAVELLI) ex Italo milite exercitum conscripsit, 
Hist. Florent. lib. 1.  sub titulo S. Georgij: cujus tanta fnit virtus & disciplina militaris, ut exiguo temporis intervallo, omnem gloriam militibus externis adimeret, suam Italis restitueret, eoque solo usi sunt deinceps Italiae Principes, si quod inter eos bellum gerebatur. So he; and we will only add thus much, that out of this so famous Seminary of St. GEORGE'S Regiment, came afterwards that Braccio, and Picennini, which had so much to do in the affairs of Italy: as also that Francisco Sforza, which made himself Duke of Milan, and left it to his Children.  
(10) Our next journey must be for Asia, where in the midland of it, we find a Country between Colchis and Albania, called anciently Iberia; but now Georgia: the reason of which new name is reported diversely. Michael ab Ysselt is confident that they took their appellation from Saint GEORGE; Georgiani verò vocantur à D. Georgio, etc. Others, with better reason, at the least in mine opinion, that they are called so from the Georgi, the ancient inhabitants of these tracts: which ancient Georgians, Sir Walter Raleigh makes to be denominated, quasi Gordians, from the Gordiaei, a Mountain people of the Hill-Countries; and Stephanus in his Thesaurus, quasi Georgici, Husbandmen. Georgij Asiae populi ab agricultura nomen sortiti, as he there hath it. Between these two, we have one indifferent, 
Pilgrimage, l. 4. c. 1. §. 2.  Master Samuel Purcha●, who saith that it is called Georgia, either from the honour of their Patron Saint GEORGE, or haply because they descended of those Georgi which PLINY nameth among the Caspian Inhabitants. Let it suffice, that though they take not their denomination from Saint GEORGE, yet they afford him more honour, than any other of the Saints: 
Ib. §. 5.  the same Author telling us, that when they go into a Church, they give mean respect to other Images; but that Saint George is so worshipped, (we will permit him to make merry with himself) that his Horses hooves are kissed of them. Michael ab Ysselt more seriously, 
Hist. sui temp. ad Ann. 1577.  though he err somewhat in the derivation. Georgiani verò vocantur à D. Georgio, quem velut patronum praecipuum, & in suis contra Paganos praelijs velut signiferum & propugnatorem ingenti honore venerantur. Quocunque enim tendunt, turmatim incedunt, vexillum D. Georgij insignitum circumferentes, cuius open & auxilio, in bello maximè se iuvari credunt. The Georgians (saith he) are so denominated from Saint GEORGE; whom as their principal Patron, and their Champion in their wars against the Pagans, they worship with especial honour. For which way soever they employ their Forces, they carry with them a fair Banner, with the picture of Saint George upon it; believing that by his assistance, they are much comforted and aided in their wars. So the Historian.  
(11) But howsoever, we dare not say with him, that this Asian people had their appellation from Saint George their Patron: yet we are confident of this, that many places both of Asia and Europe, have received denomination from him. For here in Asia, we find a large and spacious Valley, not far from Libanus, which is called St. George's Valley: and we have also noted, that the Town of Lydda or Diospolis, was by the Christians called Saint George's, and that there is in Europe, a St. George's Valley also, in the midst of Germany. Add hereunto, that the Thracian Chersonesse is now called commonly St. George's Arm: which is remembered by Maginus in his Geography; and hath been since observed by Sir George Sandys. The learned Munster, doth transfer this appellation from the Land, 
Cosmograph. lib. 4.  unto the Sea; from the Thracian Chersonesse, unto the narrow straight or Arm near to it, which they call Bosphorus: Porrò Bosphorus appellatur brachium S. Georgij, saith he; and like enough the name is fitted unto both. But why this Chersonesse was called Saint George's Arm, I cannot say: unless perhaps that Relic of Saint George was there in former times laid up; which after by justinian the Emperor was bestowed upon Saint German, as before I noted. Paulus Diaconus makes mention of Saint George's River, 
Hist. Miscell. l. 2●. cap. 29.  near to the Country of the Bulgarians: Coeterùm Aprili mense (saith he of Constantine the Son of Eirene) cum castra moveret contra Bulgares, venit ad castellum quod dicitur Probati, ad rivum D. Georgij. We read in our industrious CAMDEN also, that the Irish Ocean which runneth between Britain and Ireland, is called by Seamen at this day, Saint GEORGE'S Channel. And lest that any part of the old World, should not have some place in it of this name, 
Lib. 7. cap. ult.  PATRITIUS tells us in the book of his own Navigations, that one of the Azores, is called St. George's. Est & D. Georgij insula, etc.  
(12) To draw up that together, which hath been formerly alleged in Saint GEORGE'S cause; I hope it will appear, that there is no occasion, why he should either be reputed as an Arian, or a Counterfeit, a Larva: nay, why he should not be accounted, to have as high a place in immortality, as any of the other; those blessed Spirits the Apostles, excepted only. For if antiquity may be thought worthy of any credit; we have antiquity to friend: or if the common suffrages of so many famous and renowned writers, successively in every age, may be of any reckoning with us; Saint George may challenge as much interest in them, as any in the Calendar. However, put case that they have erred in their relations of Saint GEORGE; and that they took that evidence, which out of them we borrowed, on trust from one another: yet what shall be replied to this, that in the Church of God, he hath been hitherto reputed, as an holy Martyr. Shall we conceive the Church of God would be so careful to preserve his memory in the public Martyrologies; or give him place in their public Liturgies, or take such heed unto his Relics, or honour him with Temples: had he been such a damnable and bloody Heretic; or (which, they say, is better,) if he had never been at all. Or if he had been such, may it be thought, that both the Church, and all the learned members of it, for 1300, years almost, should be deluded; no man in all that time, able to see into the fraud: or that the Spirit of God, should quite abandon all the rest, and settle only on some two or three of later times; who though they kept amongst themselves the Band of Peace, had not, as it appears, the Spirit of Unity? Or, last of all, suppose the Monks and Friars should join together, to put a trick upon the world; and that they had prevailed upon the Church, to give countenance unto it: shall we conceive so poorly of the greatest Kings and Princes in the Christian world, that they were all of them abused; and drawn to do● such honours, to one which either never was a man, or was now a Devil? All this is hard to be digested. And we may well be counted easy of belief, if only on the ipse dixit of one man, and the conjectures of another, were they of greater reputation than they are; we should give faith unto their sayings: (to one of them I mean, for both are not to be believed together:) when such a Cloud of Witnesses affirm the contrary; Catalogus testium veritatis, a Catalogue of witnesses in all times and ages.  
If men may be believed upon their bare assertion, why may not they be credited, which say Saint George was once a Martyr, and is now a Saint; as well as they which say he was not? Or if we will not take up any thing on trust, without some reason for it: why rather should not they be worthy of belief which have good proof for what they say; than those that build upon conjectures, ill-grounded, and worse-raised? Lastly, if that may be believed most safely, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the words of Aristotle, which both the vulgar wits and more excellent spirits have agreed on jointly: still we are where we were, and still St. George must be a Martyr. But I am now for England; where I am sure to find as ample testimonies for St. George, as any other part of the world what ever.   

CHAP. VIII.  
(1) St. George not anciently esteemed the Patron of the English. (2) Churches erected to him here in England. (3) His apparition to King Richard in the Holy Land. (4) What may be thought in general touching the apparition of the Saints. (5) And what in this particular. (6) St. George when he began to be entitled particularly to the English. (7) The honours done him here, and among the Irish. (8) The institution of the noble Order of the Carter. (9) A brief view of the chief Statutes of the Order. (10) St. George the Patron of it. (11) Sir Walter Raleighs' opinion touching the kill of the Dragon. (12) And of them also, which desire to have the George Symbolical. (13) A Catalogue of all St. George's Knights, of that most noble Order, until this present. (14) The Conclusion of the whole.  
(1) Our course is now for England, divisos orbe Britannos, as the Poet hath it; divided from the other parts of the World, as in her situation, so in her felicities. Of which, and of the testimonies which she is able to afford unto Saint GEORGE, we shall speak in several; it being as the Panegyric and Solinus call it, another world: the rather, because in the latter days, he hath been reckoned as the especial Patron of this Nation; and as particular to us, as is Saint ANTONY to Italy, Saint DENIS unto France, or any of the other to their proper places. I say, in the later days only, for anciently we were not thought to have more right to him, than any other of our Neighbours: however it be said by some, that he hath always been the tutelary Saint and Guardian of our Nation. 
Dr. Reynolds, Idol. l. 1. cap. 5. §. 22.  For if we will believe our English Fugitives, we may behold the picture of Saint GEORGE in their Church at Rome, with this inscription: Georgium Cappadocem Anglia sibi protectorem elegit, & maximis beneficijs tùm pace tùm bello receptis, semper religiosissimè coluit. Id est: This GEORGE of Cappadocia, the English chose to be their Patron, and for the many benefits received from him both in Peace and War, have always very religiously worshipped him. Or if we will believe that the victorious Prince King ARTHUR bore him in one of his royal banners; which was a sign of special dependence on him, and relation to him: we find in Master Selden, that so by some it is rep●rted; 
Annot. in Poly. Olb. p. 68  and HARDING (whom I have not seen) is cited in the Margin. And first, to make reply to that which was first alleged; if so our Fugitives of Rome, do by their Semper understand, that ever since his martyrdom, Saint GEGRGE hath been esteemed and worshipped as the Patron of the English: we must needs tell them, that howsoever this may be believed at Rome, it is not likely to be entertained with us here in England: If by their Semper, they mean only, that always since the English chose him for their Patron, he hath been specially esteemed and worshipped by them: we grant indeed that since that time Saint GEORGE hath always been especially honoured; though not religiously worshipped. As for King ARTHUR, we read in MALMESBURIE, that at the Siege of Bannesdowne [mons Badonicus] not far from bath, to which the Saxons had retired, and thereon fortified: that in his royal Arms, he bore the portraiture of the blessed Virgin. Postremò in obsidione Badonici montis, 
Hist. de gest. Angl. lib. 1.  fretus imagine dominicae matris, quam armis suis insuerat, etc. as he there hath it. Of any Image of Saint George, we have ne gry quidem, either in him or any other of our Historians: Nor is it easy to be credited, that in so small a tract of time, Saint George was grown so eminent in the opinion of the Britons as to be deemed the Patron of their Armies, their tutelary Saint against their enemies.  
(2) If from the Britons we proceed unto the Saxons, I have not found as yet, that either in their Heptarchy, or after they became one entire state, a Monarchy; they had St. GEORGE in more than ordinary honour. Unless perhaps we may believe, that Theobald one of the Saxon Kings, might take a special liking to him, upon the commendation of Cunibert, King of the Lombard's; by whom he was magnificently feasted, in his journey towards Rome. His diebus Theobald rex Anglorum Saxonum, 
De gest. Longob. l. 6. c. 15.  qui multa in sua patria bella gesserat, ad Christum conversus Romam properavit; qui ad Cunibertum regem veniens, (this Cunibert as before we noted, had built St. George a Monastery) ab eo mirificè susceptus est: saith Paul the Deacon. But in the Empire of the Normans, we have variety and store enough: some of it, even in their first entrance, before their state and affairs here were well settled. For in the year 1074, 
Camden in Dobunis.  (which was some eight years after the death of Harald) Robert D'Oyley, a Nobleman of Normandy, when he had received at the hands of William the Conqueror, in reward of his service in the Wars, large possessions in the County of Oxon, built a spacious Castle on the West side of the City [of Oxford] with deep Ditches, Ramparts, an high raised Mount, and therein a Parish-Church unto St. George: unto which, when the Parishioners could not have access, by reason that King Stephen most straight besieged Maud the Empress, within this Castle; St. Thomas Chapel in the street hard by was built. Afterwards King Edward the 3. that famous and puissant Prince, being borne at Windsor, erected there out of the ground a most strong Castle; equal in bigness to a pretty City; and in the very entrance of it, a most stately Church, consecrated B. Virgini Mariae & S. Georgio Cappadoci, 
Id. in Attr●batijs.  unto the blessed Virgin Marie, and St. George of Cappadocia: but brought unto that sumptuous magnificence, which now we see it carry, by King Edward the fourth, and Sir Reginald Bray. Of which, both Church and Castle, thus Draytons' Muse in the 15. song of his Polyolbion.  
Then hand in hand her Thames the Forest softly brings,  
To that supremest place of the great English Kings:  
The Garters royal seat, from him who did advance  
That princely Order first, our first that conquered France:  
The Temple of St. George, whereas his honoured Knights  
Upon his hallowed day, observe their ancient rights.  
Thus had we (as we find in Camden) a Monastery dedicated to St. GEORGE in the County of Derby; built by the Greyslayes, gentlemen of good ancientrie in that country. Thus have we also a fair Church, consecrated to St. George's name, in Doncaster; a St. GEORGE'S Church, in Southwerke, and in London: and not to travail further in this enquiry, a St. GEORGE'S Church in Burford; where it pleased GOD to give me, first, my naturalll being, and afterwards my education. In which regard, I hold myself bound in a manner, to vindicate St. GEORGE'S honour; having received such comforts in a place, where his memory was anciently precious, and the only Church in it, dedicated by his name.  
(3) St. George thus generally honoured by the English, as a Saint; it was not long before they fastened (superstition being then in the very height) a more particular respect upon him: the first beginnings whereof, we must refer unto King Richard, of that name the first; according to the information, which, William Dethick, Garter, principal King of arms, gave to the learned Camden, and is thus extant in his most excellent Brittannia. Richardo cum contra Turcas & Agarenos, etc. When as K. Richard warred upon the Turks and Saracens, 
Camden in At●●●bat.  Cyprus and Acon, and was weary of so lingering delay; whiles the siege continued long, in wonderful care and anxiety: at length, Illabente per D. Georgij, ut opinatum est, interventum, spiritu, etc. Upon a divine inspiration, by the coming in and apparition (as it was thought) of St. GEORGE, it came into his mind, to draw upon the legs of certain choice Knights of his, a certain Garter or tack of Leather, such only as he had then ready at hand. Whereby they being distinguished, and put in mind of future glory promised unto them, in case they won the victory; they might be stirred up and provoked to perform their service bravely, and fight more valiantly. In imitation of the Romans, who had such variety of Coronets, wherewith military men for sundry causes were accordingly rewarded: to the end, that by these instigations (as it were) cowardice being shaken off, the valour of the mind, and courage of the hart, might show itself more resolute. Which passage I have therefore recited at the full length, because that some there be, which have referred the institution of the most noble Order of the Garter, unto this King, and to this occasion: and are persuaded verily, that Edward the third did only bring it again in use, being awhile forgotten, or neglected. But herein, as the learned Camden, who saw as far into antiquity, as any man either before his birth, or since his death; gives but a cold assent, or rather no assent at all: so neither have I met with any of the more judicious sort, which do affirm it; though the opinion be related in many of them.  
(4) However, though we refer not unto this occasion, and those times, the Institution of the Garter: yet we may warrantably be persuaded, that this occasion did much promote the reputation of that Saint among the English: whereby, in tract of time, that most heroic Order was dedicated to him. As for the thing itself, because that all the apparitions of the Saints in these late days, are commonly suspected: we will digress a little, to show what may be said in the general defence of the thing questioned; that so we may the better see, how much we may believe in this particular of King Richard and St. GEORGE. And first if we consult the Scriptures, 
Mat. 27. v. 52.53.  we find that at the Resurrection of our Saviour, the graves were opened, and many bodies of the Saints which slept, arose, and came out of the graves, and went into the holy City, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and appeared unto many. This as it was an extraordinary dispensation and far above the common Law and course of Nature; so was it for a special end: to verify the Resurrection of our Saviour, on whom they did attend, and to assure the faithful of the certainty of their future Resurrection also. A sign it was, saith Reverend Theophylact; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: chrusostom more particularly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a token of the Resurrection; and for the close of all, Saint Jerome, Vt dominum ostenderent resur●gentem. So then, although in ordinary course, the Saints are in the Heaven of glories; and that their bodies be corrupted in the earth: yet upon special cause and at the pleasure of their GOD, they may assume an humane shape; and in that shape appear unto their Brethren, according to the will of him that sends them. For if the Angels, to whom no bodies do belong, have appeared visible to many of GOD'S people, in execution of the charge committed to them: how much more easily may we believe the same, of the Saints departed; that even they also, at some times, and on some great occasions, have been employed by GOD, in their own ordinary form and shape? Potamiaena a Virgin Martyr, 
Eccl. Hist. l, 6. cap. 4.  is reported by EUSEBIUS, that she appeared unto BASILIDES her Executioner, the third night after her decease, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, putting a Crown upon his head: foretelling so, that not long after he should receive the Crown of martyrdom.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Nay, the same Author tells us, that many of the people of Alexandria (where she suffered) were converted to the Faith, by the frequent apparitions of that Virgin. Other examples also there are many; and of Angels also. Of the Archangel MICHAEL, 
Camden in Danmonijs.  there are reports of several apparitions, upon Mount Garganus in Naples; upon Saint MICHEL'S Mounts, in Normandy, and Cornwall: 
H●spinian. & alij  and one unto King Charles the 7. on the bridge of Orleans, in his wars against the English, (illustri seu miraculo seu viso D. Michaelis, in praelio ad pontem Aurelianae civitatis, etc.) which was a chief occasion of the French Order of St. Michael. I know indeed, that in times of late, the Priests have dealt exceeding faithlesly, both with Church and people, in this kind: their doctrine, in the point of Purgatory, being such, as could not well subsist without many foul Impostures, and counterfeit apparitions of the Dead. Insomuch that as once Lyra said, In Ecclesia Dei populus saepe decipitur à Sacerdotibus fictis miraculis, 
In 14. c. Dan.  lucri causa; Gods people many times is cozened by the Priests with feigned miracles: so we may say also, that for the sake of filthy lucre, they have as often been abused with forged apparitions.  
(5) But this, of all things else, cannot be well objected against this apparition of Saint George: King Richard having no such end proposed unto himself, in raising this report; as to abuse his people, or to satisfy his avarice. And certainly were it recorded in any grave and serious Author, that such an apparition as this mentioned, of St. George; had been seen generally by the Army, or by such others which might for certain have affirmed it: I make no question, but the probability thereof might have been easily defended. But since it is related only upon the credit of a private Register; and in that Register, with no more confidence, than opinatum est, it is so thought: I must crave licence to declare myself herein, and how I do conceive it. We have already in the prosecution of this History of Saint GEORGE; spoke of the apparition of this Saint, and many others, at the battle of Antiochia: whereby the Christian Armies, then ready for the fight, were so encouraged and revived, that they obtained a memorable victory upon the enemy. By means whereof, Saint George became so famous in all the parts of Christendom; and especially among those Soldiers, which were continually (in those times) sent to pursue the Wars of the Holy Land: that possibly there could not be a greater spur unto the military men; than to suggest unto them, that Saint George had lately shown himself unto their Chieftains, and promised them success, or counselled them in their designs. Master de Bellay hath recorded, that JOAN of Orleans, so much commemorated in our common Chronicles; was not what she appeared, but only so disguised and prepared before hand, 
Discourse de l'art milit.  Pour fair revenir le courage aux Francoys: for to revive the drooping spirits of the French; so fall'n and broken, that they were not to be raised, but by a miracle. Somewhat to this purpose is related by PLUTARCH, of AGESILAUS. Who to embolden his Soldiers to the fight, wrote with a certain juice, the word Victory, in the palm of his hand: and after, being at the Sacrifice, he laid his hand cunningly upon the heart of it, so leaving the word Victory imprinted on it; which presently he showed unto those about him, as if it had been there written by the Gods. I cannot say for certain that this apparition to King Richard, was by him set on foot for the same purpose; and that it was no other than a Kingly fraud, to quicken and revive the spirits of his Soldiers: but I persuade myself, if I did say so, having no other testimony than an opinatum est against me; I might be pardoned for my boldness.  
(6) This notwithstanding, the fame of such his apparition to that King, did, as before I said, exceedingly promote the reputation of that Saint among the English: so far, that the most excellent Prince King EDWARD the third, made choice of him, for his Patron. So Master CAMDEN witnesseth in his Remains, that GEORGE hath been a name of special respect in England, since the victorious King EDWARD the third, chose Saint GEORGE for his Patron: and the English in all Encounters and Battles, have used the name of Saint George in their cries; as the French did, Montioy Saint Denis. The more immediate occasion was, that this Edward at the battle of Calais, Anno 1349. being much troubled with grief and anger, drawing his Sword, called earnestly upon Saint Edward and Saint George: whereupon many of his Soldiers flocking presently unto him, they fell upon the enemy, and put many of them at that instant to the sword. 
Tho. Walsingham Anno Regn. 23  Rex Edwardus providè frendens more apri, & ab ira & dolore turbatus, evaginato gladio, S. Edwardum & S. Georgium invocavit, dicens, Ha Saint Edward, Ha Saint George: Quibus auditis & visis, milites confestim Anglici confluebant ad Regem suum. Es facto impetu contra hosts, tam animose institerunt, quòd ducenti ex illis ceciderunt interfecti, etc. The next year after, followed the Institution of that noble Order of the Garter, dedicated unto Saint George also: by which he came possessed alone of that special patronage, as the more military Saint; which in the former Invocation might seem to be divided, between St. Edward and himself. Nor did the King stay here, but having chose St. George to be the tutelary Saint and Patron of his Soldierie; he caused him to be painted as upon a lusty Courser, holding a white Shield with a red Cross on it, in his hand: and gave unto his Soldiers, to every one a white Coat or Cassock, with two red Crosses, on each side of them one; to wear upon their armour. 
Hist. Anglic. l. 19  Edwardus item (saith Pol. Virgil.) cum D. Georgium militia praesidem optasset, postea ei armato & equo insidenti, dedit scutum album, rubra a cruse perinsigne: dedit & militibus suis saga alba, utrimque binis crucibus, item rubris, munita; quae illi super armaturam induerent. So that (saith he) it is a seemly and magnificent thing, to see the Armies of the English, to sparkle like the rising Sun; the soldiery of other Countries, having no habit, either to distinguish or adorn them. From henceforth therefore, we must not look upon St. GEORGE, as a Saint in general; but as conceived, (such was the superstition of those times) the special Patron of the English: of which, the Pilgrim in the Poet, thus prophesieth unto his Red-crosse Knight, as he there calls him. 
Fairy Qu. l. 1. cant. 10. n. 61.  
Then seek this path which I to thee presage,  
Which after all, to Heaven shall thee send:  
Then peaceably thy painful Pilgrimage  
To yonder same Jerusalem do bend;  
Where is for thee ordained a blessed end.  
For thou amongst those Saints, which thou dost see,  
Shalt be a saint; and thine own Nations friend,  
And Patron: thou St. George shalt called be  St. George of merry England; the sign of victory.  

Song. 4.  And hereunto alludes Mich. Draiton, in his Polyolbion; in a great controversy, questionless which was then hot, among some Nymphs of his in that Poem.  
And humbly to St. George, their Country's Patron, pray,  
To prosper their designs, now in that mighty day.  
(7) Of other honours done by the English to St. GEORGE, more than they called upon him, as their Advocate of victory; it may perhaps seem little necessary to dilate. But since our Invocation of God and St. GEORGE, is by some men conceived, 
Purelia●. Pilgrim. l. 3. c. 13  to be rather Turkish, than truly Christian: we will produce such evidence, as may be less liable unto offence. Of which kind, I persuade myself, was that honour done unto him in a piece of gold, currant in those times, in this Kingdom, 
Camden in Reliqu.  called The George-noble: which on the one side had the picture of Saint GEORGE upon it, with this Impress; Tali dicata signo mens fluctuare nescit. Nor can it be offence, that many noble families in this Realm, had the name of Saint GEORGE: an ancient family of Saint George, (out of which flourished many Knights, since the time of King Henry the first,) at Hatley; which is of them called Hatley Saint George, as I have found in learned Camden: 
In Icenis or Cambr. Sh.  another of them, as I conceive it, at Hinton, Saint GEORGE in Com. Somerset; the Barony at this present, of the right honourable the Lord Pawlet. But this I leave unto Clarentieux, one of the Kings of Arms; as most interessed in it. I will not here observe that CHARLES of Burgundy, one of the fellows of the Gareer, being in discontent with EDWARD the fourth for his Peace with France; 
Hall● Chron.  broke out into this Passion, Oh LORD, Oh Saint GEORGE, have you done thus indeed, &c, or that the English used his name, as an ordinary oath among them, Par St. George dirent les Angloys, vous dites uray, etc. as Froissart notes it. 
Vol. 1. p. 141.  These things, I say, I will not speak of, lest they may give offence to our nicer ears; nor of more honours of this lesser rank or quality, afforded him in England: and therefore though the Sea be very troublesome and unruly, we will pass over Saint GEORGE'S Channel into Ireland. And here I shall observe that only, which I find in Master Seldens' notes on the Polyolbion; as viz. that under Henry 8. it was enacted, that the Irish should leave their Cramaboo, and Butleraboo, words of unlawful Patronage: and name themselves as under St. George and the Kings of England. Which noted, since I must return again for England, there to behold the solemn institution of the Garter: it will not be amiss to note, that notwithstanding all the opposition made against him, both here among ourselves, and abroad with others. St. George doth still retain his place in our common Calendars. Not in those only, made for the state of every year, where commonly he shines in Festival red letters; as do no other of the Saints, but those whose Feasts are by the Church observed as Holy: but also in the Calendar prefixed before the public Liturgy of our most blessed Church of England; where he is specially honoured with the name of Saint, as is not any of the rest, excepting those which saw our Saviour in the flesh. Excellent evidence; that as the state of England is much devoted to Saint GEORGE'S honour; so he doth still preserve his place and reputation, in the opinion of the Church. An argument to me so powerful and prevailing: that in Morbonium the mere word, or bare conjecture of every one, of what especial fame soever; which guided by his private spirit, shall resolve the contrary.  
(8) I said, the state of England is much devoted to Saint GEORGE'S honour: and if we look upon the Institution of the most noble Order of the Garter, we shall see cause enough to say it. An Order of that excellency, that the mightiest Princes of Christendom, have reputed it among their greatest honours to be chosen and admitted to it: the names and dignities of whom, we shall see presently, in our Catalogue of this Order. A founder it had, of a most accomplished virtue, the Thunderbolt of War, as some call Antiochus; and in the times of Peace, nothing inferior to any of the Lawmakers of the best ages, so much celebrated. Briefly we may affirm of him, 
Velleius Patertecul. l. z.  as the Historian of Augustus; the fittest parallel that I can find for him, amongst famous Princes: Homo omnibus omnium gentium viris, magnitudine sua inducturus caliginem. This most excellent Prince, the glory of his times, and a chief ornament of Europe, having exceedingly prevailed both against the French and Scottish Kings, discomfited their Armies, and taken one of them in person: ordained this most noble Order and society of Knights, so to adorn their valour manifested in the Wars, with honour, the reward of virtue. Their number 26. no more; Vt pretium faciat raritas, lest being else communicated unto many, it might at last become despicable: nor ever have our Kings exceeded in the number, but still confined themselves unto the first intention of the Founder. COWELL, in his Interpreter, printed at Cambridge Anno 1607. relates the Institution of it thus. 
In verbo Garter.  EDWARD the third, after he had obtained many great victories, King JOHN of France, King JAMES of Scotland, being both Prisoners in the Tower of London, at one time; and King HENRY of Castille the Bastard being expulsed, and DON PEDRO restored by the Prince of Wales: did on no weighty occasion first erect this Order, Anno 1350. Of the occasion afterwards; observing for the present, how ill his History agrees with his Chronologie. For true it is, that this most noble Order was instituted on the 23. of this King, which falls out rightly, with the year 350. But then King JOHN of France, was but newly entered on his Kingdom: and the expulsion of King HENRY was the last act almost, of that triumphant Prince of Wales; Don Pedro not coming into England, till the thirty ninth of King Edward.  
As much is he mistaken also, in the name of the King of Scotland, who was then Prisoner in the Tower; which was not james, but David: there being no james, King of that Country, in more than fifty years after. For the occasion of it, it is received generally, that it took beginning from a Garter of the Queen, or rather of joan Countess of Salisbury, a Lady of incomparable beauty, which fell from her as she danced, and the King took up from the ground. For when a number of Nobles and Gentlemen standing by, laughed thereat, he made answer again, that shortly it should come to pass, that Garter should be in high honour and estimation: adding withal these words in French, Hony Soit qui maly pense, Id est, Shame be to him that evil thinks; which after was the Motto or Impress of the Garter. Which were it so (saith Master Camden) it need not seem to be a base original thereof, 
Camden in Attrebat.  considering as one saith, nobilitas sub amore iacet. He adds withal, that some report, how from his own Garter given forth, as a signal of a battle, which sped so fortunately; he called them Knights of the Garter. But whatsoever the occasion of it was, likely it is that it took this name from the blue Garter, which the Fellows of it wear on their left Leg: carrying the foresaid impress wrought with golden Letters, and enchased with precious Stones; and fastened with a buckle of Gold, as with the Bond of most inward society, in token of unity and Concord; that so there might be a Communion as it were of virtues, 
In verbo Knights of the Garter.  and good will amongst them. Doctor cowel reports in his Interpreter, that he hath seen an ancient monument, wherein it doth appear that this most noble Order is a College or Corporation, having a Common seal: consisting of the Kings of England as Sovereigns thereof, or chief Guardians of it; 25. Knights, fellows (as they call them, or Companions) of the Garter; 14. Canon's resident, being secular Priests; 13. Vicars, or Choral Priests; and 26. of the inferior sort of gentry, military men, called commonly, Poor Knights of Windsor: (whereof indeed there are but twelve.) There belongs also unto this Heroic Order, the Prelate of the Garter, which is the Lord Bishop of Winton, for the time being; a Chancellor; a Register thereof, which always is the Dean of Windsor; an Usher, which is one of the Ushers of the King's Chamber, called Black-rod: and last of all a chief Herald, even the most principal of all, GARTER first King of Arms, instituted by that victorious Prince King Henry the fifth; to attend chiefly on this Order and do them service at their Funerals.  
(9) The Kings of England, are (as I said before) the Sovereigns of this noble Order: and either do in person, or by their lawful Deputy, by them nominated and appointed, elect the fellows of the Order, and solemnize the Festivals, and hold the Chapters. To them it also appertains to have the declaration, reformation, and disposition of the Laws and Statutes of the said most noble Order. Which Laws and Statutes were first instituted and devised, by the victorious Prince, King Edward, of that name the third; after revised and ratified by many the succeeding Kings: And on the Reformation of Religion, much altered by King Edward, of that name the sixth. 
Pag. 143▪  About this time (saith Sir john Hayward, in his History of that Prince) the Order was almost wholly altered, as by the Statutes thereof then made it doth appear. A thing not to be wondered at. For even the Laws of the most settled States and Kingdoms have been often changed and varied; according to occasion and the Prince's pleasure. Unto them also, to the Sovereigns, I mean, or to their Deputies, it appertains to choose and nominate into the Order, whom they esteem to be most worthy of that honour; and like to be the greatest ornament unto it. Yet so, that six at least of the said fellows do convene at the Election, and concur in it: the residue of them being all warned to be there present, and such as fail of their attendance, without just cause, such as the Sovereign shall approve, to be amerced. In their elections, two things there are, which they especially observe. First, that the party nominated, be a Gentleman of name and arms for three descents, both by the Father's side and by the Mothers. 
Camd. Bliz. Anno 1563.  For which cause, when the Garter was reproachfully taken from the Lord William Paget, by Dudley of Northumberland, to give to john his eldest son, the Earl of Warwick: he used this colour to disguise that foul dishonour; that the said Lord, (as the first raiser of his house) was said to be no gentleman of blood, neither by Father nor by Mother: as Sir john Hayward tells the story. 
Hist. of Ewe. 6. pag. 143.  The second thing to be observed, is that the party nominated, be without spot, or foul reproach: as viz. not convict of Heresy; nor attaint of treason; nor by his Prodigality and riot decayed in his estate, by means whereof he is not able to conserve the honour of his Order; nor such a one that ever fled in the day of battle, his Sovereign Lord, or his Lieutenant being in the Field. In all which cases, a Knight elected and installed; may also, if it please the Sovereign, be degraded. The party chosen by the Prince, if he be a stranger, is certified thereof soon after by Letters from the Sovereign: and many times, the Statutes of that Order, have been sent unto him, to consider of them, whether or no he will accept of this election. But this a matter merely formal. For commonly our Kings are first well assured of the parties good affection to them, before they choose him; and as for foreign Princes, it is a true note of Master Camden's, 
In Attrebat.  that the most mighty of them have reputed it their chiefest honour to be chosen and admitted into this Company: as we have said before, and shall see anon, in the ensuing Catalogue. If he accept it (as no question but he will,) then doth the Sovereign forthwith send unto him by his Ambassador, and the chief Herald (commonly) the whole habit of the Order, with the Garter and the Collar; wherewith they do invest him. And on the other side, the Prince or stranger so invested, within convenient time, send their sufficient Deputy, with a mantle of blue Velvet, to be installed in their room, at St. GEORGE'S Church at Windsor. But if the party chosen be a Subject of the Kingdom, the Garter is delivered to him presently upon his election, to signify that he is chose into the Order. Afterwards, in the Chapterhouse, upon the reading of his Commission before the Sovereign or his Deputy; he is invested with his Robe and with his Hood. Then follows the Instalment performed with many grave and magnificent Ceremonies: which done, he doth receive the Collar of the Order. These, at their installations, have always an oath administered; that to their power, during the time they shall be fellows of the Order, they shall defend the honour, quarrels, rights, and lordships of the Sovereign; and that they shall endeavour to preserve the honour of the said Order; and all the statutes of it, they shall well observe without fraud or Covin. Which oath is by the natives of the kingdom, taken absolutely, and in terms; but many times, by strangers, relatively and by halves, in reference to some former Order. So So when King Henry the third of France, was by the Earl of Derby, invested with the Garter, Anno 1585., 
Camden. in Elizab.  he took his oath to keep the Statutes of the Order in all points, Quae legibus Ordinis S. Spiritus, & S. Michaelis non adversantur; wherein they were not opposite unto the Order of St. Michael, & the Holy Ghost, to which he had been sworn before. 
Id. ●n Anno 1582.  Upon which reason also, Frederick King of Denmark, though he did joyfully accept the habit of the Order; refused to take the oath at all: because he had been sworn before (at his installation in the Order of Saint Michael) to the King of France. Being thus solemnly installed, and seated in the place belonging to them in the Chapel, their next care is to fasten an Escocheon of their Arms and hachments, in a plate of mettle, upon the back of their said stalls: which they remove, according as themselves, in Order, are advanced higher. And in that Order, do they also change the places of their banners, swords and Helmets; which are continually set over their said stalls, during their being of the Order. This only is the difference, that at the death of any of the Knights of this most noble Order, their Plate of Arms, is left for ever to that stall, where last they sat; to preserve their memory: whereas the Banner, Sword, and Helmet, are all taken down; and offered with all due solemnities; the Offering made by such of the surviving Knights, as by the Sovereign shall be destinated to that service. I said before, that they remove their Plates, and Hachments, according as themselves in order are advanced higher. in this Order, they take place according to the antiquity of their Creation; and not according to their dignities, titles, and estates: so that sometimes a Knight Bachelor, hath place before an Earl or Baron; as not long since we had example in Sir Harry Lea, Knight, keeper of the Armoury. Only in honour unto strangers, which be Dukes, or Sons and Brethren unto foreign Kings and Princes: it is permitted that they take their rooms and places, according to their quality. Hitherto have we spoken of the Election of Saint GEORGE'S Knights, and their admission to the Order. A little would be said now of the means and ways, whereby their rooms are voided, and their places destitute; and they are three: for either they are void by Death, or by Degradation, or by Session and surrendrie. The second of the three (for here we will not speak of Death) is Degradation: a piece of justice more to be commended where it may not, than where it may be spared. The cases wherein Degradation is allowed of, I have shown already: but the examples are but few. William Lord Paget, which was so scornfully degraded by Northumberland; was by Qu. Mary, 
Camden Eliz. Anno 1563.  with great honour, restored again unto his Order. And Sir john Fastolfe, which for his valiantness had been elected of the Order, was by the Duke of Bedford, 
Hall's Chron. in Ewe. 6.  under whom he served, and unto whom he was great Master of the Household; devested in great anger of his GEORGE and GARTER: because he had departed from a battle, (which the English lost) without stroke stricken. But afterwards by means of friends, and upon good excuse, and reason, by him alleged in his defence, (as certainly he was a wise and valiant Captain, however in the stage, they have been pleased to make merry with him) he was restored unto his honour. The third and last means of avoidance, is by Session & Surrendrie: & the examples hereof also are but few. This I am sure of, (not to make further search into it) that Philip King of Spain, being offended with Qu. Elizabeth, about the altering of Religion, and thereby alienated from the English: delivered back to the Lord Viscount Montague, 
Camd. Eliz. Anno 1560.  the robes and habit of the Order, wherewith he was invested on his marriage with Qu. Mary. By which his Act, as the Historian hath observed, Cum Anglis amicitiam visus est prorsus eiurare: he seemed to break off utterly, all amity and friendship▪ with the realm of England. 'Tis true indeed, King Philip being once resolved to renounce his Order, was of necessity to send back the habit. For so it is ordained amongst them, that even such of them as depart this life, are to take care especially, that the Garter, be restored unto the Sovereign; by him and by the Company of the said Order, to be disposed of to some other. Examples in which kind are infinite to be related. Windsor, the fairest and most stately of our English Palaces, was by King Edward who adorned and beautified it; conceived most fit to be the Seat of that most excellent Order, which he had established. An house indeed, worthy of such inhabitants; and therefore worthily honoured by them. For here, they always leave in readiness, the mantle of their Order, to be laid up for them; for any sudden chances which might happen to require their presence at Saint GEORGE'S Chapel, or in the Chapterhouse. Here do they solemnize the Installations of their Brethren; and perform their obsequies. And lastly, such a reverend regard they owe the place, that if they come within two miles of it (except that they be hindered by some weighty and important business) they always do repair thereto; and putting on their mantles, which are there in readiness, proceed unto the Chapel, and there make their Offerings. Nor do they go at any time from out the Castle, if their occasions bring them thither; till they have offered in like manner. I should now from the Knights and from the Order, proceed unto the Patron of it: but that I first must meet an error; by some reputed as a Law and Statute of the Order, and so delivered by tradition from hand to hand: 
Pol. Virgil lib. 19  viz. that those of this Heroic Order, are by their Order bound, Vt mutuo se iuvent, that they defend each other, at all extremities and assays.  
But doubtless there is no such matter. Only the Knights are bound, not to engage themselves in the service of a foreign Prince, without licence from the Sovereign: nor to bear Arms on one side, if any of their Fellows be already entertained upon the other. This is the ground of the report: for Omnis fabula (as the Mythologists affirm) fundatur in Historia. 
Id. Angl. hist. 26.  Yet hereupon, Alphonso, Duke of Calabria, son unto Ferdinand King of Naples; knowing that Charles, the eighth of France, threatened the conquest of that Kingdom: did with great importunity request, to be elected of this Order; as accordingly he was. Conceiving, that if once he were Companion of that Order, the King of England, as the Sovereign thereof, would be obliged, to countenance and aid him in his Wars against the French. Which hopes, as they were built upon a false, and ruinous ground; so is it not to be admired, if they deceived him. Polydore Virgil, who before accounted mutual defence to be a Statute of this Order: doth, in this passage, overthrew his own building. Concluding this relation, of Alphonsus and his investiture, with this note; jampridem ea consuetudo ferendi auxilij obsoleverat: that long ago that custom had been out of use. 
Ibid.  He might as well have said, and more agreeable unto the truth; it had never been.  
(10) Having thus spoken of the Statutes of this most noble Order, whereby they are and been governed; we will descend in the next place to give you notice of their Patron; which, after the opinion of those times, they chose unto themselves. Of which, thus Pol. Virgil in his English History, Ord● verò est D. Georgio ut bellatorum praesidi dicatus: 
Lib. 19  quare equites quotannis diem ei sacrum multis ceremonijs colunt. This Order is (saith he) dedicated unto Saint George, as the chief Saint and Patron, of the men of War: whose Festival they therefore solemnly observe with many noble Ceremonies. But what need Polydore have been produced unto this purpose: since from the Charter of the Institution we have a testimony more authentical. For there King Edward tells us, that to the honour of Almighty GOD, and of the blessed Virgin, our Lady, St. Marry; and of the glorious Martyr Saint GEORGE, Patron of the right noble Realm of England; and to the exaltation of the holy Catholic Faith: he had ordained, established, created, and founded within his Castle of Windsor, a Company of twenty six noble Knights, to be of the said most noble Order of Saint GEORGE, named the Garter. 'Tis true indeed that Polydore hath well observed with how great Ceremony and solemnity, the Knights do celebrate this Feast. Attending both on the Vespers, and the day itself, at divine Service; attired in the most rich and stately Mantles of the Order: and gallantly adorned with their most rich & sumptuous Collars, (which we call of S. S.) the Image of Saint GEORGE, garnished with pearls and precious stones, appendent to them. In which their going to the Church, and in their setting at the Table; they go, and set, by two and two: every one with his fellow, which is foreagainst him in his stall. And if by chance it happen that his fellow be not present; he doth both go, and set, alone. I say, if so it chance to happen: for all the fellows are obliged, to be there personally present, without a just and reasonable cause, acceptable to the Sovereign or his Deputy, and signified by special Letters of excuse. Other the pomp and rich magnificence of this Feast, I forbear to mention, as utterly unable to express it. The mind is then best satisfied in such things as this; when the eye hath seen them. But I proceed unto St. George. Of which their Patron, and of the noble Order itself, the Marriage of the Tame and Isis, a Poem written some years past; doth thus descant.  

Auratos thalmos, regum praeclara sepulchra,  
Et quaecunque refers; nunc Windesora refer  
Desine. Cappadocis quamvis sis clara Georgi  
Militia, procerumque cohors chlamydata intenti  
Cincta periscelidi suras, te lumine tanto  
Illustret; tantis radijs perstringet & orbem  
Vt nunc Phrix●um spernat Burgundia vellus,  
Contemnat cochleis variatos Gallia torques,  
Et cruce conspicuas pallas, Rhodus, Alcala & Elba;  
Solaque militiae sit gloria splendida, vestrae.   

Windsor relate no more the glorious things  
In thee, thy gilded roofs, and Tombs of Kings;  
Or that thou art so honoured in the rites  
Of George, the Cappadocian Martyrs, Knights.  
Who clad in mantles rich, and circled round  
The leg, with that the Garter so renowned;  
Doth so advance thy name, and with its rays  
Splendent and glorious, so the world amaze:  
That Burgundy her Golden-fleece neglects,  
And France St. Michael's Collar disrespects,  
And Spain, and Malta both, esteem but small  
Their Crossed robes: thy Order dims them all.   
Hence is it, that the Knights of this most honourable Order, are called in Latin Equites Georgiani, St. George's Knights; and sometimes also in the English: as in that passage before noted out of the Polyolbion. 
The Temple of S. George, whereas his honoured knights  
Upon his hallowed day observe their ancient rites.  And in many others also of our better sort of Authors.  
(11) The other ornaments and habit belonging to this Order, besides the Garter, are a Gown, a Kirtle, a Chaperon, a Cloak, a Girdle, & a Collar: all stately & magnificent both for stuff & fashion; but worn only upon days of extraordinary solemnity. For ordinary use, besides the Garter which is for every days wearing, and their Cloak with the Sun on the left shoulder of it, in his full glory; which last was added by his most excellent Majesty now being: they have a blue Ribbon which they wear about their necks; with the picture, or rather portraiture of the GEORGE, appendent to it. This portraiture, or GEORGE, as they use to call it, Sir Walter Raleigh, against the stream of most Writers, makes to be Historical: 
Part. 1. cap. 1. §. 10.  I say against the stream of most writers; because I have not met with any others, which do so conceive it, but Wicelius only; as before I noted. Sir Welter's reason, this. And though (saith he) for the credit of the kill of the Dragon I leave every man to his own belief: yet I cannot but think, that if the Kings of England had not some probable record of that his memorable act among many others; it is strange, that the Order full of honour, which Edward the third founded, 
Hist. of the world, Part, 1 l. 2. c. 7. §. 3. †. 5.  and his successors royally continued, should have borne his name: seeing the world had not that scarcity of Saints in those days, as that the English were to make such an erection upon a fable, or person feigned. So he: And this I well allow of in relation to the Saint; whose being, and whose being of a Saint of special eminency, it justifies sufficiently. But I persuade myself, it cannot well be used in the defence of his kill of the Dragon: which being thrust into the Legends by jacobus de Voragine, as before we noted, found afterwards a general entertainment in the Christian Church: and amongst other places here in England also.  
(12) As therefore some have made the whole story of St. GEORGE, to be symbolical; so have some others made it to be also, of the same nature, in particular relation to this Order. Thus Doctor Reynolds in his first of the Idolatries' o● Rome, 
Cap, 5. §, 22▪  Verùm illustres eius Ordinis Heroes, melius iam edocti atque cruditi, intelligunt Georgium suum non Cappadocem esse, sed symbolicum: quo excitantur & monentur, ut Draconem oppugnent, & bestiam, Id est, Romanum Antichristum. The Nobles of that Order, (saith he) instructed better than before, conceive it rightly, that this their GEORGE hath no relation unto him of Cappadocia; but merely is symbolical: by which they are advised and lessoned, to labour to destroy the Beast, and Dragon, mentioned in the Apocalypse; id est, the Roman Antichrist. And to this purpose Dr. Boys, late Deane of Canterbury; 
Gospel 5. Sunday after Easter.  I write not this (saith he) to dishonour that noble Order of the Garter. For under correction, & salvo semper honore Ordinis, I take the GEORGE which adorns those right honourable Worthies, to be symbolicalll only: signifying that a valiant Knight should always be ready to fight against the Dragon; and other enemies of the Church and state whatsoever. Which words of theirs may be approved also, so far as that this use may commendably be made of it: but if they were thus spoken, as in relation to the first intention of the founder; there is not any thing more false, nor less agreeable to the truth of story. I say, this use may commendably be made of it. For by the Charter of the Institution it apppeares plainly, that this most excellent Order was first ordained unto the honour of Almighty GOD, and to the exaltation of the Holy Catholic Faith. And in the Statutes of the Order, it is a cause sufficient for a Knight to be refused at the Election; yea, and degraded after his Installation: that he hath been convicted and attainted of Heresy, and error, against the Faith Catholic; or hath for any such offence, suffered any pain, or conviction public. Add hereunto, that when it is appointed, that their Banners Swords and Helmets, shall be placed above their stalls; it is to this intent and purpose: to signify (so saith the Statute) that they do bear them in defence of holy Church, as all true knighthood doth require. So that we see, that all the purpose of the Order is to instruct and lesson them; still to oppose the Devil, that old Dragon, and all his instruments what ever, in maintenance of the Gospel, and Gods true Religion. For which cause doubtless, doth Chaucer, in a Sonnet to the fellows of the Order; thus counsel and advise them.  
— But for God's pleasance  
And his Mother, and in signifiance  
That ye been of St. GEORGE'S livery,  
Doth him service and knightly obeisance  
For Christ's cause is his, well known ye.  
So far our English Homer, the Father of our English-Muses. I am not able to affirm it, but possibly it may be so, that some such matter was intended; when it was ordered so precisely in the Statutes, that none of this most noble Order, shall be seen openly without his George: and that it may not be engaged, aliened, nor sold, nor given away, for any need, cause, or necessity whatsoever. Whereas the other of the Ornaments, are for solemn days only; and that the Garter may sometimes be laid aside, as in case of taking any journey: for than it is sufficient to wear a blue ribbon under their boots, to denote the Garter. I say perhaps some such might be purpose of it: but I affirm it not for certain. This I am sure of, that this their constant and continual wearing of St. GEORGE'S Image, may be a fair instruction unto all of this Heroic Order; never to lay aside St. GEORGE'S resolution, of encountering with the Dragon, that old Serpent; that so they may at last receive the blessed and immarcessible Crown of Glory.  
(13) I said before, that many of the mightiest Princes of Christendom have reputed it among their chief honours, to be chosen and admitted into this fellowship. For proof of which, and that we may behold what excellent Peers and Princes of our own and other Nations, have in all times successively, been chosen into this most noble Order: we have adjoined a Catalogue of all Saint GEORGE'S Knights, from the first institution of it till the present. Which Catalogue I have here laid down, according as I find it in the Catalogue of Honour, published by Milles of Canterbury; adding unto him, such as have been admitted, since that publication. Hereafter, if this work may ever have a second birth, and that I have ability to nde, or means to search into the public Registers of this Order: I shall annex to every of them, the time of their Creation; as we have done in all of them since the first of Queen ELIZABETH.  

THE FIRST FOUNDERS, as they call them, of the Garter: EDWARD the III. Of ENGLAND, and FRANCE, etc. being the Chief or Sovereign of it.  
EDWARD the III. King of England. 
Edward 3. An. Chr. 1350.   
HENRY, Duke of Lancaster.  
PETER, Capit. de la Bouche.  
WILLIAM MONTACUTE, Earl of Salisbury.  
JOHN, Lord Lisle.  
JOHN BEAUCHMP, Knight.  
HUGH COURTNEY, Knight.  
JOHN GREY of Codnor. Knight.  
MILES STAPLETON, Knight.  
HUGH WORTHESLEY, Knight.  
JOHN CHANDOS, Knight Banneret.  
OTHO HOLLAND, Knight.  
SANCHIO DAMPREDICOURT, Knight.  
EDWARD Prince of Wales.  
THOMAS BEAUCHAMP Earl of Warwick.  
RALPH, Earl of Stafford.  
ROGER MORTIMER, Earl of March.  
BARTHOLM. de Burgherst, Knight.  
JOHN, Lord Mohun of Dunstere.  
THOMAS HOLLAND, Knight.  
RICHARD FITZ-SIMON, Knight.  
THOMAS WALE, Knight.  
NEEDLE LORENGE, Knight.  
JAMES AUDLEY, Knight.  
HENRY ESME, Knight.  
WALTER PAVELY, Knight.   
Which Founders being dead, these following were in the time of the said Edward the third, elected in their places; according as their stalls became vacant, by the death of any of the others.  

viz.  
RICHARD of Bordeaux, Prince of Wales; and after, King of England, of that name the second.  
LIONEL, Duke of Clarence.  
JOHN of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster.  
EDMOND of Langley, Duke of York.  
JOHN, Duke of Britain, and Earl of Richmond.  
HUMPHREY de Bohun, Earl of Hereford.  
WI●LIAM, de Bohun Earl of Northampton.  
JOHN HASTINGS, Earl of Pembroke.  
THOMAS BEAUCHAMP, Earl of Warwick.  
RICHARD FITZ-ALAN, Earl of Arundel.  
ROBERT VFFORD, Earl of Suffolk.  
HUGH, Earl of Stafford.  
GVISCARD of Engolesine, Earl of Huntingdon.  
INGELRAM of Coucy, Earl of Bedford.  
EDWARD, Lord Despencer.  
WILLIAM, Lord Latimer.  
REYNOLD Lord Cobham, of Sterborough.  
JOHN, Lord Nevil of Raby.  
RALPH, Lord Basset of Drayton.  
Sir WAL●. MANNY, Banneret.  
Sir THOMAS VFFORD.  
Sir THOMAS FELTON.  
Sir FRANCIS VAN HALL..  
Sir ALAN BOXHULL.  
Sir RICH. PEMBRUGE.  
Sir THOMAS VTREIGHT.  
Sir THOM. BANISTER.  
Sir RICH. LA VACHE.  
Sir GVY of Brienne.   

RICHARD the II. KING OF ENGLAND, and Sovereign of the Garter, Elected in his Time into the Order, these that follow.  

〈…〉. Chr. 1377  THOMAS of Woodstock, Earl of Buckingham, and Duke of Gloucester.  
HENRY of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, and Duke of Hereford.  
WIL Duke of Gelderland.  
WIL Earl of Holland, Hainault, etc.  
THO. HOLLAND, Duke of Surrey.  
JOHN HOLLAND, Duke of Exeter.  
THO. MOWERAY, Duke of Norfolk.  
EDWARD, Duke of Aumerle.  
MICHAEL DE LA POLE, Earl of Suffolk.  
WIL SCROPE, Earl of Wiltes.  
WILLIAM BEAUCHAMP, Lord Aburgevenny.  
JOHN, Lord Beaumond.  
WIL Lord Willoughby.  
RICHARD, Lord Grey.  
Sir NICHOLAS SARNESFEILD.  
Sir PHILIP DE LA VACHE.  
Sir ROBERT KNOLLES.  
Sir GVY of Brienne.  
Sir SIMON BURLEY.  
Sir JOHN D'EVREVX.  
Sir BRIAN STAPLETON.  
Sir RIGHT. BURLEY.  
Sir JOHN COURTNEY.  
Sir JOHN BURLEY.  
Sir JOHN BOURCHIER.  
Sir THO. GRANDISON.  
Sir LEWIS CLIFFORD.  
Sir ROBERT DUMSTAVILL.  
Sir ROBERT of Namurs.   

HENRY the IIII, of that Name; KING OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter: made Choice of  
HENRY, Prince of Wales.  

Henry. 4. An. Chr. 1399.  THOMAS of Lancaster, Duke of Clarence.  
JOHN, Duke of Bedford.  
HUMPHREY, Duke of Gloucester.  
ROBERT, Count Palatine, and Duke of Bavaria.  
THO. BEAUFORT, Duke of Exeter.  
JOHN BEAUFORT, Earl of Somerset.  
THO. FITZ-ALAN, Earl of Arundel.  
EDM. Earl of Stafford.  
EM. HOLLAND, Earl of Kent.  
RALPH NEVIL, Earl of Westmoreland.  
GILBERT, Lord Talbot.  
GILBERT, Lord Roos.  
THO. Lord Morley.  
EDWARD, Lord Powies.  
JOH. Lord Lovel.  
Edw. Lord Burnell.  
JOH. CORNWALL, Lord Fanhope.  
Sir WIL ARUNDEL.  
Sir JOH. STANLEY.  
Sir ROE. VMFREVILL.  
Sir THOM. RAMPSTON.  
Sir THOM. ERPINGHAM.  
Sir JOH. SULBIE.  
Sir SANCHIO of Trane.   

HENRY the V. of that Name, KING OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter, graced with the Order,  
SIGISMOND, King of Hungary and Bohemia, Emperor Elect.  

HENRY, V. An. Chr. 1413.  JOHN, King of Portugal.  
CHRISTIAN King of Danemarke.  
PHILIP, Duke of Burgundy.  
JOHN HOLLAND, Duke of Exeter.  
WILL. DE LA POLE, Duke of Suffolk.  
JOH. MOWERAY, Duke of Norfolk.  
THOM. MONTACUTE, Earl of Salisbury.  
RICH. VERE, Earl of Oxon.  
RICH. BEAUCHAMP, Earl of Warwick.  
THOM. Lord Camoys.  
JOHN, Lord Clifford.  
ROBERT, Lord Willoughby.  
WILLIAM, Lord Bardolfe.  
HENRY, Lord Fitz-Hugh.  
LEWIS ROBSART, Lord Bourchier.  
HUGH STAFFORD, Lord Bourchier.  
WALTER, Lord Hungerford,  
Sir SIMON FELBRIDGE.  
Sir JOH. GREY, of Eyton.  
Sir JOH. DABRIDGECOURT.  
Sir JOH. ROBSART.  
Sir TRANK VAN CLUX, of Germany.  
Sir WILLIAM HARRINGTON.  
Sir JOHN BLOUNT.   

HENRY, the VI of that Name, KING OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter: assumed into it,  
ALBERT of Austria, King of Bohemia, Hungary, 
HENRY, VI An. Chr. 1422.  and Emperor of Germany.  
FREDERICK, Duke of Austria, and Emperor.  
EDWARD, King of Poland.  
ALPHONSO, King of Arragon and Naples.  
CASIMIRE, King of Portugal.  
EDWARD, Prince of Wales.  
PET. Duke of Conimbria, and  
HENRY, Duke of Visontium, both Sons to the King of Portugal.  
The Duke of Brunswick.  
RICH. Duke of York.  
JOH. BEAUFORT, Duke of Somerset.  
EDM. BRAUFORT, Duke of Somerset.  
JASPER of Hatfeild, Duke of Bedford.  
JOHN MOWBRAY, Duke of Norfolk.  
HUMPH. STAFFORD, Duke of Buckingham.  
GASTON DE FOIX, Earl of Longueville.  
JOHN DE FOIX, Earl of Kendal.  
ALVARES D'ALMADA, Earl of Averence.  
JOHN FITZ-ALAN, Earl of Arundel.  
RICH. NEVIL, Earl of Salisbury.  
RICH. NEVIL, Earl of Warwick.  
JOH. TALBOT, Earl of Shrewsbury.  
JOH. TALBOT, Earl of Shrewsbury, Son to the former.  
JAMES BUTLER, Earl of Wiltes.  
WILL. NEVIL, Earl of Kent.  
RICHARD WIDDEVILL, Earl Rivers.  
HEN. Viscount Bourchier, Earl of Essex.  
JOHN, Viscount Beaumond.  
JOHN, Lord Dudley.  
THO. Lord Scales.  
JOHN Lord Grey, of Ruthin.  
RALPH Lord Butler, of Sudeley.  
LIONEL, Lord Welles.  
JOH. Lord Bourchier of berner's.  
THOMAS, Lord Stanley.  
WILL. Lord Bonvill.  
JOH. Lord Wenlocke.  
JOH. Lord Beauchamp, of Powies.  
THOMAS, Lord Hoo.  
Sir JOHN RATCLIFFE.  
Sir JOHN FASTOLFE.  
Sir THOMAS KYRIELL.  
Sir EDWARD HALL..   

EDWARD the IIII, of that Name; KING OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter: made Knights thereof  

EDWARD, 4. An. Ch. 1461▪  FERDINAND, King of Naples.  
JOHN, King of Portugal.  
EDWARD, Prince of Wales.  
CHARLES', Duke of Burgundy.  
FR. SFORZA, Duke of Milan.  
FREDERICK, Duke of Urbine.  
HERCULES, Duke of Ferrara.  
RICH. Duke of York, the King's Son.  
RICH. Duke of Gloucester.  
JOHN MOWBRAY, Duke of Norfolk.  
JOHN Lord Howard, made afterwards Duke of Norfolk.  
JOHN DE LA POLE, Duke of Suffolk.  
HENRY STAFFORD, Duke of Buckingham.  
JOHN NEVIL, Marquis Montacute.  
THOMAS GREY, Marquis Dorset.  
JAMES Earl of Douglas, in Scotland.  
WILL. FITZ-ALAN, Earl of Arundel.  
THOM. Lord Maltravers.  
ANTH. WOODVILL, Earl Rivers.  
WILL. Lord Herbert, Earl of Pembroke.  
JOHN STAFFORD, Earl of Wiltes.  
HEN. PERCY, Earl of Northumberland.  
JOHN TIPTOFT, Earl of Worcester.  
GALLIARD, Lord Duras.  
JOHN Lord Scrope, of Bolton.  
WALT. D'EVREVX, Lord Ferrer.  
WALT. BLOUNT, Lord Montjoy,  
WILL. Lord Hastings.  
Sir JOHN ASTLEY.  
Sir WILL. CHAMBERLAINE.  
Sir WILL. PARR.  
Sir ROB. HARICOURT.  
Sir THOMAS MONTGOMERY.   

RICHARD OF GLOUCESTER, of that Name the third, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter, admitted these: viz.  
THO. HOWARD, Duke of Norfolk.  

RICHARD, 3. An. Chr. 1483.  THO. Lord Stanley, afterwards Earl of Derby.  
FRANCIS, Viscount Lovel.  
Sir IGHN COGNIERS.  
Sir RICH. RADCLIFFE.  
Sir THOM. BURGH.  
Sir RICH. TUNSTALL.   

HENRY the VII. of that Name, KING OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter, admitted to this honour  
MAXIMILIAN, 
HENRY, VII. An. Chr. 1486.  Archduke of Austria; and after Emperor.  
JOHN, King of Portugal.  
JOHN, King of Danemarke.  
PHILIP of Austria, King of Castille.  
ALPHONSO, Duke of Calabria, and after King of Naples.  
ARTHUR, Prince of Wales.  
HENRY, Duke of York, and Prince of Wales after his Brother.  
VEALDO, Duke of Urbine.  
EDW. STAFFORD, Duke of Buckingham.  
THOM. GREY, Marquis Dorset.  
JOAN VERE, Earl of Oxon.  
HEN. PERCY, Earl of Northumberland.  
GEO. TALBOT, Earl of Shrewsbury.  
HEN. BOURCHIER, Earl of Essex.  
RICH. GREY, Earl of Kent.  
EDWARD COURTNEY, Earl of Devon.  
HEN. Lord Stafford, Earl of Wiltes.  
EDM. DE LA POLE, Earl of Suffolk.  
CH. SOMERSET, Earl of Worcester.  
GERALD, Earl of Kildare.  
JOHN, Viscount Welles.  
GEO. STANLEY, Lord Strange.  
WILL. STANLEY, the Lord Chamberlain.  
JOHN, Lord Dynham.  
ROB. WILLOUGHBY, Lord Brooke.  
Sir GILES D'AVBENY.  
Sir EDW. POYNINGS.  
Sir EDW. WIDDEVILE.  
Sir GILBERT TALBOT.  
Sir JOHN CHEYNIE.  
Sir RICHARD GVILFORD.  
Sir THOM. lovel.  
Sir THOM. BRANDON.  
Sir REGINALD BRAY.  
Sir RHESE AP THOMAS.  
Sir JOHN SAVAGE.  
Sir RICH. POOLE.   

HENRY, the VIII. of that Name, KING OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter: Chose in his Reign  
CHARLES the fifth, 
HENRY, VIII. An. Chr. 1509.  Emperor of Germany, and King of Spain.  
FERDINAND, Archduke of Austria, and King of the Romans.  
FRANCIS the first, King of France.  
EMANVEIL, King of Portugal.  
JAMES the fifth, King of Scotland.  
HENRY FITZ-ROY, Duke of Richmond, and Somerset.  
JULIAN DE MEDICI'S.  
EDWARD SEYMOUR, Earl of Hartford, and after, Duke of Somerset.  
THOM. HOWARD, Duke of Norfolk.  
CH. BRANDON, Duke of Suffolk.  
JOHN DUDLEY, Viscount L'isle, afterwards Duke of Norhumberland.  
ANNAS, Duke of Montmorancie.  
HENRY COURTNEY, Marquis of Exeter.  
WILL. PARR, Marquis of Northampton.  
WILLIAM PAWLET, Lord St. john of Basin, after, Marquis of Winchester.  
HENRY HOWARD, Earl of Surrey.  
THO. BULLEN, Earl of Wiltes.  
WIL FITZ-ALAN, Earl of Arundel.  
JOHN VERE, Earl of Oxon.  
HENRY PERCY, Earl of Northumberland.  
RALPH NEVIL, Earl of Westmoreland.  
FR. TALBOT, Earl of Shrewsbury.  
PHIL. DE CHABOT, Earl of Newblanch, Admiral of France.  
THOM. MANORS', Earl of Rutland.  
ROB. RATCLIFFE, Earl of Sussex.  
HENRY CLIFFORD, Earl of Cumberland.  
WILL. FITZ-WILLIAMS, Earl of southampton.  
THOM. Lord Cromwell, Earl of Essex.  
JOH. Lord Russell, Earl of Bedford.  
THOMAS, Lord Wriothesley, after Earl of Southampton.  
ARTHUR PLANTAGENET, base son of Edw. 4. Viscount L'isle.  
WALT. D'EVREVX Viscount Hereford.  
EDW. HOWARD, Lord Admiral.  
GEO. NEVIL, Lord Abergevenny.  
THOM. W●st, Lord de la Ware.  
THOM. Lord Dacres of Gillesland.  
THOM. Lord Darcy of the North.  
EDWARD SUTTON, Lord Dudley.  
WIL BLOUNT, Lord Montjoy.  
EDW. STANLEY, Lord Monteagle.  
WIL Lord Sands.  
HENRY, Lord Marney.  
THO. Lord Audley of Walden, Chancellor of England.  
Sir JOHN GAGE.  
Sir HENRY GVILFORD.  
Sir NICH. CAREW.  
Sir ANTHONY BROWNE.  
Sir THOM. CHEYNIE.  
Sir RICHARD WINGFEILD.  
Sir ANTH. WINGFEILD.  
Sir ANTH. St. LEGER, Lord Deputy of Ireland.  
Sir JOH. WALLOP.   

EWARD the VI of that Name, KING OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter: ascribed into the Order,  
HENRY the second, King of France.  

EDWARD, 6. An. Chr. 1547.  HENRY GREY, Duke of Suffolk.  
HENRY NEVIL, Earl of Westm.  
FR. HASTINGS, Earl of Huntingdon.  
WILL. HERBERT, Earl of Pembroke.  
EDW. STANLEY, Earl of Derby.  
THO. WEST, Lord de la Ware.  
GEO. BROOK, Lord Cobbam.  
EDWARD, Lord Clinton, Admiral.  
THOMAS, Lord Seymor of Sudeley.  
WILL. Lord Paget, of Beaudesert.  
THOM. Lord Darcy, of Chiche.  
Sir ANDREW SUTTON, alias Dudley.   

MARY, QUEEN OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter, assumed into the void places,  
PHILIP of Austria, King of Spain, the Queen's Husband.  
EMANVEL, Duke of S●voy.  
HENRY RATCLIFFE, Earl of Sussex.  
ANTH. BROWNE, Viscount Montacute.  
WILL. Lord HOWARD, of Effingham.  
WILL. Lord Grey, of Wilton.  
EDW. Lord Hastings, of Loughborow.   

ELIZABETH QUEEN OF ENGLAND, etc. and Sovereign of the Garter: supplied the Vacant places of the Order, with  
1559. FREDERICK, Duke of Wittenberg.  
THOM. HOWARD, Duke of Norfolk.  

ELIZABETH, An. Ch. 1558.  1559. ROB. DUDLEY, Lord Denbigh, and Earl of Leicester.  
HENRY MANORS', Earl of Rutland.  
WIL PARR, Earl of Essex, and Marq. of Northampton.  
1560. ADOLPHUS, Duke of Holsatia.  
1561. GEORGE TALBOT, Earl of Shrewsbury.  
HENRY CARRY, Lord Hunsdon.  
1563. AMEROSE DUDLEY, Lord L'isle, and Earl of Warwick.  
THOM. PERCY, Earl of Northumberland.  
1564. CHARIES the Ninth, King of France.  
FRANCIS Lord Russell, Earl of Bedford.  
1568. MAXIMILIAN, King of Hungary and Bohemia, Emperor.  
1570. FRANCIS HASTINGS, Earl of Huntingdon.  
WIL SOMERSET, Earl of Worcester.  
1572. FRANCIS, Duke of Montmorency.  
WALTER, Viscount Hereford, and Earl of Essex.  
ARTHUR, Lord Grey of Wilton.  
EDM. BRUGES, Lord Chandos.  
FREDERICK, King of Denmark.  
1574. HENRY STANLEY, Earl of Derby.  
HENRY HERBERT, Earl of Pembroke.  
1575. CHARLES', Lord Howard of Effingham, and Admiral of England, afterwards Earl of Nottingham.  
1579. JOHN CASIMIRE, Count Palatine of the Rhine, and Duke of Bavaria.  
1584. HENRY the Third, King of France.  
EDW. MANORS', Earl of Rutland.  
WIL CECIL, Lord Burghley.  
WIL BROOK, Lord Cobham.  
HENRY, Lord Scrope of Bolton.  
1486. HENRY RATCLIFFE, Earl of Sussex.  
1588. ROBERT DEUREUX, Earl of Essex.  
Sir HENEY SIDNEY, Lord Precedent of the Marches.  
Sir CHRISTOPHER HATTON Lord Chancellor.  
1592. GILBERT TALBOT Earl of Shrewsbury.  
GEORGE CLIFFORD, Earl of Cumberland.  
1593. HENRY PERCY, Earl of Northumberland.  
EDWARD SOMERSET Earl of Worcester.  
THOMAS, Lord Burgh.  
EDMOND, Lord Sheffeild.  
Sir FRANCIS KNOLLES, Treasurer of the Household.  
1596. HENRY the fourth, King of France and Navarre.  
1597. FREDERICK, Duke of Wittemberge.  
THGM. SACKVILL, Lord Buckhurst; afterwards Earl of Dorset.  
THOM. Lord Howard of Walden, afterwards Earl of Suffolk.  
GEORGE CARY, Lord Hunsdon.  
CH. BIOUNT, Lord Montjoy, after Earl of Devon.  
Sir HENRY LEA, Keeper of the Armoury.  
1599 ROB. RATCLIFFE, Earl of Sussex.  
HENRY BROOK, Lord Cobham.  
1601. WILL. STANLEY, Earl of Derby.  
THOM. CECIL, Lord Burghley, after Earl of Exeter.   

JAMES the first, KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, and Sovereign of the Garter, adorned that Noble Order with these Worthies, viz.  
1603. 
JAMES, I. An. Chr. 1602.  CHHRISTIERNE the fourth, King of Denmark.  
HENRY Prince of Wales.  
LEWLS, Duke of Lennox, and afterwards of Richmond.  
HEN. WRIOTHESLEY, Earl of southampton.  
JOHN ERESKIN, Earl of Marre.  
WILL. HERBERT, Earl of Pembroke.  
1605. VLRICK, Duke of Holst.  
HEN. HOWARD, Earl of Northampton.  
1606. ROB. CECIL, Earl of Salisbury.  
THOM. HOWARD, Viscount Bindon.  
1608. GEORGE HUME, Earl of Dunbarre.  
PHILIP HERBERT, Earl of Montgomery.  
1611. CHARLES', the King's second Son, after the death of his Brother Henry, Prince of Wales.  
THOM. HOWARD, Earl of Arundel.  
ROB. CAR, Earl of Somerset.  
1612. FREDERICK, Prince Elector Palatine.  
MAURICE VAN NASSAW, Prince of Orange.  
1615. THOMAS ERESKIN, Viscount Fenton, and after, Earl of Kellie.  
WILLIAM, Lord Knolles, after Earl of Banburie.  
1616. FRANCIS MANORS', Earl of Rutland.  
GEORGE VILLIERS, Earl, Marquis, and after, Duke of Buckingham.  
ROBERT SIDNEY, Viscount L'isle; after Earl of Leicester.  
1623. JAMES Marquis Hamilton.  
1624. ESME STEWARD, Duke of Lennox, and Earl of March.  
CHRISTIAN, Duke of Brunswick.   

CHARLES', Of that Name the First; KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, and IRELAND; Sovereign of the most Noble Order of St. GEORGE, called commonly the Garter; adorned therewith  
1625. de Lorreine, Duke of Chevereuze.  
WILLIAM CECIL, 
CHARLES', I. An. Chr. 1625.  Earl of Salisbury.  
JAMES HAY, Earl of Carlisle.  
EDWARD SACKVILL, Earl of Dorset.  
HENRY RICH, Earl of Holland.  
THOMAS HOWARD, Earl of Berkshire.  
1627. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS, King of Swethland.  
HENRY Van Nassaw, Prince of Orange.  
1628. THEOPHILUS HOWARD, Earl of Suffolk.  
1629. WIL COMPTON, Earl of Northampton.  
1630. RICHARD Lord Weston, Lord high Treasurer.  
ROBERT BERTY, Earl of Lindsey.  
WILLIAM CECIL, Earl of Exeter.   

THE FELLOWS of that most Noble Order of St. GEORGE, called commonly the Garter; according as they now are, this present May, Anno 1630.  
CHARLES', King of England.  
CHRISTIAN, King of Denmark.  
ADOLPHUS, King of Swethland.  
FREDERICK, King of Bohemia.  
HENRY, Prince of Orange.  
Duke of Cheureuze.  
HENRY, Earl of Northumberland.  
EDMOND, Earl of Moulgrave.  
WILLIAM, Earl of Derby.  
JOHN, Earl of Marre.  
PHIL. Earl of Pembroke, and Montgomery.  
THOM. Earl of Arundel and Surrey.  
ROBERT, Earl of Somerset.  
THOMAS, Earl of Kelly.  
WILLIAM, Earl of Banbury.  
FRANCIS, Earl of Rutland.  
WILLIAM, Earl of Salisbury.  
JAMES, Earl of Carlisle.  
EDWARD, Earl of Dorset.  
HENRY, Earl of Holland.  
THOMAS, Earl of Berkshire.  
THEOPHILUS, Earl of Suffolk.  
WILLIAM, Earl of Northampton.  
RICHARD Lord Weston, of Neyland.  
ROBERT, Earl of Lindsey.  
WILLIAM, Earl of Exeter.   
jamque opus exegi. Thus have I, as I hope, made good, that which at first I undertook: so to assert the History of this most blessed Saint and Martyr; that neither we become ashamed of Saint GEORGE, nor he of us. In which, though sometimes upon just and necessary causes, I have taken liberty to digress a little: yet in the general, I have conformed myself to the rule of Pliny; and kept myself unto my title. In the first part, we have removed those imputations which were cast upon this Story; by the practices of Heretics; and follies of the Legendaries. We have given also satisfaction to those doubts, and arguments; which in these latter ages, have been made against Saint George: and that so throughly, and point per point, as the sa●ing is; that I persuade myself, there is not anything unsatisfied, which may give occasion to reply. If any man too passionately affected to men's names, and persons; shall wai●e the cause in hand, to take upon him the defence of those whose judgements herein are rejected: such I must first inform, that I respect and reverence those famous Writers, which have thought the contrary; as much as any: & that I have those excellent copies of themselves, which they have left behind them, in as high esteem; as any he that most adores them. Only I must conceive myself to be a Freeman; obliged to no man's judgement, nor sworn to any man's opinion, of what eminent rank soever, but left at liberty, to search the way of truth, and trace the footsteps of antiquity; from which I would not gladly swerve. Which protestation first premised, 
Advers. Error. johan. Hierosol.  I will be bold to use Saint Hieromes words unto his Reader: Quaeso Lector ut memor tribunalis Domini, etc. nec mihi, nec Adversarijs meis faveas; neve personas loquentium, sed causam consideres. The second Part of this discourse, contains the formal justification of Saint GEORGE'S History, considered in itself: so far forth, as it hath been commended to us, in the best Authors. In that, we have confirmed it, first, by the testimony of such Writers of good quality; which have unanimously concurred in it: and those both of the Greek Church, and of the Latin; both Protestants, and Papists. In the next place, we had recourse unto the practice of the Church Catholic; which hath abundantly expressed her good opinion of him: in giving him such special place in her public Martyrologies, and in her ordinary Service; in taking such a tender care of his precious Relics, and consecrating by his name, so many goodly and magnificent Temples. To this, we have adjoined the public honours done unto him, by the greatest Princes and Republics in the Christian world. Not only in erecting Monasteries to his name, and memory; and instituting Orders of Religious persons to his honour: but, as the times than were, in making him the tutelary Saint of their Men of War, the special Patron of their estates, and military Orders also; and not so only, but the Guardian of the distressed affairs of Christianity. In the last place, we have particularly related the honours done unto him here in England: as generally, in calling Churches by his name, in making him the Patron of this most noble Kingdom, in leaving him his place in our public Calendars, and forcing the wild Irish to call upon him in their battles; so more especially, in dedicating to him, that most Heroic Order of Saint GEORGE, called commonly the Garter. Such honours, and of such high esteem, as might have been of force, to make an Englishman, suspend his censure of him; and to forbear to second any quarrels raised against him: had not Saint AUSTIN truly noted this, to be a quality of Error, that whatsoever likes not us, we would not gladly should be pleasing unto any others. Hoc est error is proprium (saith he) ut quod cuique displicet, 
De goner. Cont. Man.  id quoqne existimet oportere displicere aliis. What hath been done by me, in the contexture and composition of the whole; I leave to be determined, by all learned and Religious men, who shall hap to read it: to whose judicious censure, next under his most sacred Majesty, and this most excellent Church whereof I am; I willingly submit myself, and my performance. For my part, I resolve of it, with the Author of the Macchabees, with whose submission of himself I conclude this Treatise: Ego quoque in his faciam finem sermonis. Et si quidem benè, & ut Historiae competit; hoc & ipse velim: sin autem minus dignè, concedendum est mihi. If I have done well, and as is fitting the Story; it is that which I desired: but if slenderly and meanly, it is that which I could attain unto.  
And here shall be an end.   
FINIS.   

LONDON. Printed by B.A. and T. F. for Henry Seile, at the Tygers-head in St. Paul's Churchyard. 1631.