DANGEROUS POSITIONS AND Proceed, published and practised within this Island of Britain, under pretence of Reformation, and for the Presbiteriall Discipline. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. My son fear the Lord and the King: and meddle not with them that are seditious. Prou. 24. 21. They despise government, and speak evil of them that are in authority. jude. LONDON Imprinted by john Wolf. 1593. An advertisement to the Reader. THE Author of this Treatise was required by some persons of honour, who might dispose of him and his labours: to set down by way of an historical narration, what he had observed touching certain positions holden, and some enterprises achieved or undertaken, for recommending, and bringing the Presbiteriall Discipline into this Island of Britain, under pretence of reformation. The performance of which duty, when he had undertaken and was entered into it: he found the work to grow far greater upon him, then at the first, he did imagine. Insomuch as although in the beginning he verily supposed, than he might easily have contrived his matter into a few sheets of paper: so that as many copies, as were to be disposed, might easily and in very short time have been written forth: yet by the necessary length of the Discourse, as it fell out, and through his manifold quotations, he was constrained, (as the time required) to procure for the better dispatch, that some few copies might be printed. And albeit there is no meaning, that this Treatise (laboured but for the private satisfaction of some few especial persons) should otherwise continue then as an unpublished Copy: yet the writer of it wished to have it signified, that nothing is alleged therein, which is not to be found either in Books and writings published to the view of the world, (such as he thinketh will not be disclaimed,) or in public records, or else is to be showed under those parties own hands that have been either the principal procurers, favourers, or dealers in those things, whereof he entreateth. Which asseveration of his thus made, he will be ready, (as he saith) God assisting him, to justify at any time for the satisfaction of such, as shall make doubt of it. And doth further protest with all sincerity: that he hath not (willingly) detorted any thing in this whole Discourse, to make either the cause itself, or the favourers thereof more odious, than their own words and deeds shall necessarily infer, and enforce against them, with all indifferent and considerate Readers. Farewell in Christ. The Contents of the first Book. OF two sorts of men that especially disturb the Church of England, and of the drifts of them both, by way of a Preface. Chap. 1. Fol. 1. Of the course held at Geneva, for reformation of religion, and of the Doctrine which upon that occasion hath been broached. Chap. 2. Fol. 7. Of the proceeding of some Scottish Ministers: according to the Genevian rules of Reformation. Chap. 3. Fol. 9 How the Genevian Doctrine, or principle for Reformation, hath been amplified, by certain pretended Reformers in Scotland, Chap. 4. Fol. 14▪ The objections against the doctrine, reported of in the former chapter with the Consistorian answers unto them. Chap. 5. Fol. 16. The proceedings of certain Scottish Ministers, according to the grounds mentioned in the two last chapters, for setting up of the Consistorian Discipline, and of their urging of our English Disciplinaries, to follow their steps. Chap. 6. Fol. 18. The Contents of the second Book. The Doctrine of certain English Ministers, which they learned at Geneva, and published of purpose to have procured the like course for Reformation in England, to that which was in Scotland. Chap. 1. Fol. 34. Our English Disciplinarians, do imitate the Scottish, in their desire of the consistorial government, saving that they are more bewitched with a kind of dotage after it. Chap. 2. Fol. 41. Our pretended English reformers do imitate or rather exceed the Scottish Ministers in reviling and railing against all that do encounter them Chap. 3. Fol. 44. The speeches of the said pretended reformers, concerning England: the State: the present reformation, and government of the Church. Cham 4. Fol. 47. Some of their undutiful and consistorian speeches concerning her Majesty etc. Chap. 5. Fol. 48. Some of their railing speeches against the high court of Parliament, and all others generally that do maintain the present government of the Church of England. Chap. 6. Fol. 50 Some of their Disciplinarian speeches concerning the Lords of her majesties most honourable privy Council. Chap. 7. Fol. 52. Some of their railing speeches against the Magistracy in England, the judges, Lawyers, and laws both civil and ecclesiastical. Chap. 8. Fol. 54. Some of their consistorial sayings, as touching our Religion, Communion book, Sacraments and ceremonies. Chap. 9 Fol. 55. How they do charge the present government with persecution. Chap. 10. Fol. 56. Some of their consistorian speeches of the Clergy of England, assembled, as occasion hath required, in the Convocation house. Chap. 11. Fol. 58. Some of their presbiterial speeches of the Bishops of England professing the Gospel. Chap. 12. Fol. 58. Some of their uncharitable words against all the Clergy in England, generally that mislike their designments. Chap. 13. Fol. 60. Their especial drift in their said railing speeches, as outrageously published as if they were mere jesuits, and peradventure to as dangerous a purpose. Chap. 14. Fol. 61. The Contents of the third Book. The practices of certain English reformers for Discipline, from the year 1560. until the year, 1572, chap. 1. Fol. 65 The secret meetings for Discipline, and the matters handled in them here in England from 1572. till 1583. chap. 2. Fol. 67 A form or book of discipline is drawn, and a resolution agreed upon, how far they might proceed for the practice of it, without breaking the peace of our Church. chap▪ 3. Fol. 69 About the year 1583. they fell again to the practice of their discipline, and of a consistorian question, chap. 4. Fol. 73 Their Book of Discipline is reviewed: it was after sent abroad about 1587. it was put in practice, in Northamptonshire and many other places, cha. 5 Fol. 75. A Synod is held at Coventry, 1588. many questions are resolved, the book of discipline is subscribed unto, chap. 6. Fol. 85 The book of the pretended discipline is made perfect at Cambridge, certain Synods are kept, and of their estimation, chap. 7 Fol. 88 Upon some detecting of the premises some were called into question: they refuse to be examined: all they were charged, which is in effect confessed, chap. 8. Fol. 91 Cartwright is called for, by authority: a Synod is held in London: it is there resolved that he shall refuse to be examined upon his oath. chap. 9 Fol. 93 Further proof for their practice of their discipline: collected out of the rules of their subscribed book, chap. 10. fol. 94 Further proof for their practice of their discipline out of the articles they subscribed, cha. 11. fol. 98. It is confessed that they agreed to put one point of their book in practice without her majesties assent: what it is: and of strange names given to children, cha. 12. fol. 102 A second point of their book confessed to be agreed upon, for the practice of it, without her majesties assent, cha. 13. fol, 105 more points of their book put in practice: fasts: calling of ministers: presbyteries: censures, etc. cha. 14. fol. 112 They have joined themselves into an association or brotherhood, and do appropriate to their meetings the name of the church, cha. 15. fol. 120 A ridiculous pretence of laws: with a capitulation of the sum of this third book, cha. 16. fol. 125 The Contents of the fourth Book. Some of them seem to grow desperate, & propound to themselves a strange example to follow, for the advancing of their discipline, Cham 1. Fol. 129 Of their doctrine for making a reformation themselves, and how the people must be thrust into that action, Cham 2. Fol. 133 They would have the Nobility and the inferior Magistrates to set up their Discipline: and of their supplication with a hundred thousand hands, Cham 3. Fol. 135 Presuming upon some unlawful assistance, they use very violent words, Cham 4. Fol. 138 Upon Cartwrights' coming to Prison: some strange attempts were looked Cham 5. Fol. 141 One Edmond Copinger took upon him to work Cartwrights' &c. deliverance: he pretendeth an extraordinary calling, and acquainteth divers with it: one Gibson a Scot, P. Wentworth, Cartwright, Wigginton, Charke, Travers, Egerton, etc. Cham 6. Fol. 143 How Copinger and Arthington came acquainted with Hacket: of their conference with Io. Throg. copinger's letter to Io. Throg. and his answer, Cham 7 Fol. 152 Copinger to Hacket of an appearance in the star-chamber: his letter to Udall: Why Cartwright &c. refused to confer with him: Cartwright resolved some questions of Copingers: Of eight Preachers that did fast and pray for copinger's success, Cham 8. Fol. 156 Of Hackets first coming to Wigginton: of his gadding up and down: & of the designment to have been executed in the star-chamber, cha. 9 Fol. 159 A preparation towards the intended disloyalty: two of Copingers Letters to M. Charke, and to another: Cartwrights' & wigginton's commendation of Penrie's being then in London, Cham 10. Fol. 161 Of the traitorous intendments which were towards the Court, Cham 11 Fol. 166 That of long time, some such attempts as Hacket made for discipline: were of great likelihood purposed, Cham 12. Fol. 168 Brief collections: whereby it may summarily appear: that certain Ministers in London did know what Copinger intended, Cham 13 Fol. 171 The cunning dealing of certain Ministers in London, how notwithstanding they wished Copingers plot to go forward: yet they might be (if it were possible) without the compass of Law, Cham 14. Fol. 173 If Hackets treasons had prevailed for the pretended Discipline, how they might have been defended by the Disciplinary doctrine, Cham 15. Fol. 176 FINIS. Thou shalt not rail upon the judges, Exod. 22. 28. neither speak evil of the Ruler of the people. The Lord keep me from laying my hand on him. 1. King. 24. For he is the Lords anointed. Who can lay his hands upon the Lords anointed, 1. Xing. 26. and be guiltless? Speak not evil of the King: no, Eccle. 20. not in thy thought▪ Let every soul be subject to the higher powers: Paul to the Rom. 13. for there is no power but of God: and the powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to themselves judgement. Ye must be subject, not because of wrath only, but also for conscience sake. We call upon the everlasting God for the health of our Emperors, Tertul. in Apologetico. always beseeching Almighty God, to send every of them long life, happy reign, trusty servants, valiant soldiers, faithful Councillors, orderly Subjects, and the world quiet: and whatsoever people or Prince can wish for. One night with a few firebrands, Tertul. in Apologet. would yield us revenge sufficient, if it were lawful with us to requite evil with evil. But God forbidden, that either they, which take part with God, should revenge themselves with humane fire, or be grieved to suffer wherein they be tried. If we would not practise secret revenge, but profess open enmity, could we lack number of men or force of Arms? Are the moors think you or the Parthians, or any one Nation whatsoever, more in number than we, that are spread over the whole world? We are not of you, and yet we have filled all the places and rooms which you have: your Cities, Islands, Castles, Towns, Assemblies, your Tents, Tribes, and Wards, yea the very Palace, Senate, and judgement seats▪ For what war were we not able and ready, though we were fewer in number than you, that go to our deaths so gladly, if it were not more lawful in our religion to be slain then to slay? We could without arms never rebelling, but only dividing ourselves from you, have done you spite enough with that separation. For if so great a multitude as we are, should have broken from you, into some corner of the world, the loss of so many Citizens would have both shamed you, and punished you. Believe me, you would have been afraid, to see yourselves alone and amazed as amongst the dead, to see silence and desolation every where, you would have had more enemies, than inhabitants, where now you have fewer enemies, by reason of the multitude of your Citizens, that are almost all Christians. Saul had not innocency, August. con.. lit. Petil. lib. 2 cap. 48. and yet he had holiness, not of life, but of unction. After the Priest had reproved the attempt, Chrisost. de verb. Esa. vidi dominum. and the king would not yield, but offered Arms, shields, and spears, and used his power: then the Priest turning himself to God: I have done (saith he) my duty to warn him, I can go no further. For it is the Priests part only to reprove, & freely to admonish (with words,) not to assail with arms, not to use targets, not to handle spears, not to bend bows, nor to cast darts, but only to reprove and freely to warn. Pateat quod noxium est, Mir. lib. 2. adu. iovinianum. ut possit conteri cum patuerit. THE FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINARY GROUNDS and Practices. CHAP. I. Of two sorts of men that especially disturb the Church of England, and of the drifts of them both, by way of a Preface. AS it is said of Caiphas, when he told his companions the Pharisees and the rest, that it was expedient for them, that one man should die for the people, Hoc a seipso non dixit, sed prophetavit, etc. so in mine opinion it may well be said of the Pope, when he gave to the Kings & Queens of England this Title, to be called Defenders of the faith: he spoke not this of himself, but prophesied. For if any Christian King or Queen might ever be truly so termed, (as in deed it is a style that containeth a great and the most royal part of all their kingly offices,) surely of all the Princes that since that time have reigned, it is verified most properly in her most excellent Majesty: Whether you respect the Reformation of Religion, which her Highness hath made in this Church of England (according to the noble examples of Moses, josua, David, Solomon, josaphat, Ezechias, josias, etc.) or whether you respect, not only the relief, which strangers persecuted at home for the profession of the Gospel have here received: or her majesties great and unspeakable charges, for the aiding and assisting of other Christian States, Princes, and countries: that for their profession of the same right Religion, are mightily afflicted, by certain Giants of the earth, the soldiers and members of that Antichrist of Rome. So as in these and many other respects (which do concur with them) I neither doubt that her Majesty (whom the Lord protect with his mighty hand long to reign over us) shall be for ever renowned amongst the most famous Queens, that ever lived in the world: or that the Church of England, so reformed by her Highness, is presently at this day the most Apostolic and flourishing Church, simply, that is in all Christendom. Howbeit let a Church be as richly planted as ever any was, before, or in the Apostles times: Let either Moses with his Aaron, or David with all his Councillors, govern both the Church and Commonwealth, as godly as ever any was governed: yet such is, and ever hath been, the malice and cunning of Satan: as that he wanteth not at any time, either will or means, to slander, to deprave, and to endanger the same. He hath his Core, Dathan, and Abiram, that if need be, Numb. 16 dare presume to tell both Moses and Aaron, they take too much upon them. He is able to set the children of one father, the servants of one master, the subjects of one Prince, and the members of one Church; at dissension, at deadly hatred amongst themselves. As occasion serveth, he hath his Shemeis to curse King David, 2▪ Sam. 16 also his murmurers, maintainers, mockers, makers of sects, such as despise government, Jude 2. Pet. 2 which are presumptuous: men that stand in their lewd conceits: such as fear not to speak evil of those things they know not, and of them that are in dignity, that is, of Princes and great men, be they never so high in authority. The experience which we have hereof at this day in the Church of England, is more than pregnant: partly through the devilish and traitorous practices of the Seminary Priests and jesuits: and partly by reason of the lewd and obstinate course, held by our pretended reformers, the Consistorian Puritans: both of them labouring with all their might, by railing, libeling, and lying, to steal away the people's hearts from their governors, to bring them to a dislike of the present state of our Church, and to draw them into parts-taking: the one sort, for the embracing of such directions, as should come unto them from Rome: the other for the establishing of that counterfeit and false Hierarchy, which they would obtrude upon us by the countenance and name of the Church at Geneva. The which proceed of both the sorts of disturbers, are so much the more dangerous, in that they deal so secretly, and have combined themselves, together with their Proselytes, into such a league and confederacy; as get out what you can your self by mere chance (as they say) for the discovery of their actions, and attempts; you shall be sure that neither the one sort nor the other will detect any thing. Nay matters being detected in some sort to their hands, they will utterly refuse to be examined, as law prescribeth: or if they take any oath, it is as good never a whit as never the better, they dally so exceedingly with it. For under pretence of not accusing themselves, if they find any thing to be come to light, which may any ways touch them, they will utterly refuse for the most part to answer it, either upon oath or without oath: saying, that neither by the Laws of God, nor man, they are bound so to answer. Under colour whereof they exempt themselves from the ordinary course held in justice, for criminal causes, throughout all the world: which is, that before witnesses be produced against any supposed offender, the party accused shall first answer to the accusation, yea, or nay, etc. as we use in England, and that in matters of life and death (but in these without an oath) he must first plead guilty or not guilty. And as they deal for themselves, so do they for their confederates, their favourers, relievers, abetters, and receivers: affirming it to be against the rules of charity, to bring their Christian brethren and friends into any danger, for doing of those things, which both the sorts of these seducers have drawn them into, and do themselves judge to be religious and just. From these points all the judges of the land, and divers Divines that have dealt with them, as yet cannot bring them: both the sorts are so settled in this seditious doctrine of Rheims, Annotat. Rhemish▪ upon the 23. of the Acts of the Apostles. which is as followeth, uz. If thou be put to an oath, to accuse Catholics, for serving God as they ought to do, or to utter any innocent man, to God's enemies and his, thou oughtest first to refuse such unlawful oaths: but if thou have not constancy, and courage so to do, yet know thou that such oaths bind not at all in conscience and law of God, but may and must be broken under pain of damnation. Now in these confederacies, what course should be taken for the preventing of such dangers, as may thereby ensue, I refer it to be thoroughly considered by those that have the government both of the Church and Commonweal committed unto them. But before they can be prevented they must be understood. Concerning the Seminary Priests and jesuits: their very coming into the land doth declare their traitorous intentions. What allegiance and love soever they pretend (upon their apprehension) to her Majesty and their country, it is very well known, they do it but for the time, rebus sic stantibus, & that their coming hither, is to no other purpose, but to make away for the Pope and the Spaniards; the sworn and mortal enemies, both to this state, and to all other that do profess the right reformed religion of Christ. But for the other sort of practitioners, their proceed and designments, are not so well, as yet discovered. Their pretences do carry a greater show of good meanings: & many (that are indeed truly zealous, little suspecting what hooks do lie hid under such fair baits) are daily carried (as we see) headlong with them. In respect whereof, you are to be advertised, that as it is an easy matter by looking to the said Popish and Spanish practices, to know in generality, their Seminaries dealings here amongst us, be they in particularity never so secret: so are there certain men in other countries, of the same humours with our pretended reformers, whose courses and proceed, as well for the matters they desire, as for the manner of attaining of them, they propound to themselves, as the fittest patterns for them to follow: and namely the Ministers of Geneva, but more especially some of the Ministers of Scotland: as may hereby appear. As we have been an example, to the Churches of France and Scotland (saith M. Cartwright) to follow us; so the Lord would have us also to profit, and be provoked by their example. An other also in this sort. A Letter of P. A. Nobiles quidam praecipui huius regni mecum egerunt, ut author essem regi meo de tollendis omninò Episcopatibus, ut exemplum posteà posset manare in vicinam Angliam. Certain of the chief Noble men of England (who I think now are gone,) dealt with me (by the instigation no doubt of some of our Ministers, Anno, 1583.) to persuade the King of Scotland my master, to overthrow all the bishoprics in his country, that his proceedings therein might be an example for England adjoining. Upon a certain repair of term thousand in arms to the King of Scots at Sterling, Anno, 1585. whereupon the bishoprics were indeed suppressed, Knewstubbe Knewstubbe. a Consistorian Minister of Suffolk, did write thus to Field: I would be glad to hear somewhat of the estate of Scotland: it doth more trouble me then our own: For I am conceiving some hope upon the change of their former proceeding. It also appeareth that there is great and ordinary intelligence, betwixt their and our especial presbytery ministers, for the better, and more ready compassing of such devices and platforms, as are sought for, by our said ministers so busily amongst us. The best of our ministery (saith james Gibson a minister of Scotland to a brother in England) are most careful of your estate, Gibson to Ed. Cop. and had sent for that effect, a Preacher of our Church this last summer (1590.) of purpose, to confer with the best affected Ministers of your Church, to lay down a plot, how our Church might best travel for your relief. And again: The Lord knows what care we have of your Church both in our public and private prayers, etc. For as feeling members of one body, we reckon the affliction of your Church to be our own. One Dauison in like manner (an other minister of that country) taketh upon him to justify the proceed of our malcontent ministers here: Dauison against R. B. (as it shall hereafter more plainly appear) and for the better encouraging of them in their peevishness, Pag. 29. he telleth them, that the just defence of their holy cause of Discipline must not be left, which hath no less warrant to be continued perpetually within the Church, under this precept; Feed my sheep: then hath the preaching of the word and ministration of the Sacraments. Pag. 29. He doth also publish it, so as the world might take notice of it: that the good brethren of England, Pag. 20. are of the same mind with them of Scotland: & that both their causes, are most nearly linked together. Lastly there is almost nothing more ordinary in all the Consistorian discourses and libels of our own countrymen, whether they be printed here or in Scotland, then to press us with the examples of Geneva and Scotland, and to inveigle the people of England, with (I know not what) great commendation of the proceed and platforms of some of the ministers in both those places. Which points considered, & being required by those that might command me, that whereas certain writings, and letters were come to my hands, concerning some courses taken by our said more friendly disturbers, than the jesuits are, but yet very great disturbers; I should make the same in some sort known: I thought it my best way, for the discharging of my duty therein, first to lay down before you, the examples, patterns, & proceed of those Ministers and Churches, which those our factious crew, propound to themselves to follow: & secondly (that I may not be enforced to pass by them, as * Refor. no enemy. B. 2 one saith, D. B. was in his sermon at Paul's cross) to make it most apparent unto you, how artificially and effectually, they have already by imitation expressed them. Whereby you shall perceive, that although by reason of their said combination and secretness used, many things lie hid from those in authority, which they have done already, in the setting forward of their pretended discipline: yet there will fall out so much to be disclosed, as laying it to their patterns, you may easily discern (notwithstanding all their goodly pretences) what to judge of their proceed, and whereat in truth they do aim. CHAP. II. Of the course held at Geneva, for reformation of religion, & of the doctrine which upon that occasion hath been broached. IT seemeth, that when the Gospel began first to be preached by Farellus, Viretus, and others at Geneva, they could have been well content with the government of the Bishop there, if he would willingly have rejected the Pope, and joined with them for the reformation of Religion. This appeareth by M. Caluins' words to Cardinal Sadolete. Talem nobis Hierarchiam si exhibeant, in qua sic emineant Episcopi, ut Christo subesse recusent, ut ab illo tanquam unico capite pendeant, & ad ipsum referantur: in qua, sic inter se fraternam societatem colant, ut non alio modo, quàm eius veritate, sint colligati: tum vero nullo non anathemate dignos fatear, si qui erunt qui non eam reverenter summaque obedientia obseruent. If they do bring unto us such an Hierarchy or priestly government, wherein the Bishops shall so rule, as that they refuse not to submit themselves to Christ, that they also depend upon him, as their only head, and can be content to rèferre themselves to him: in which priestly government they do so keep brother lie society amongst themselves that they be knit together by no other knot, then by the truth: then surely if there shall be any, that shall not submit themselves to that Hierarchy or priestly government, reverently and with the greatest obedience that may be, I confess there is no kind of Anathema, or curse, or casting to the devil, whereof they are not worthy. Thus far then, it must needs be thought, that the Bishop was offered by such as sought to reform that Church: which offer he refusing (as I guess) to accept of, they dealt (as it appeareth by the issue) with the inferior magistrates and people, Cal. to Sadolet. to make such a reformation themselves, as they required of them. Whereupon the Bishop being Lord of the City, and having aswell in his hands, the Sovereign civil jurisdiction over it, or (as M. Calvin speaketh) Ius gladij & alias civilis jurisdictionis parts, etc. as the Ecclesiastical; they said, He was a thief and an usurper; and so of themselves, with such assistance as was procured, did thrust him from both those authorities. Even like (in my opinion) as if a Christian Prince, being possessed within his dominions of the supreme jurisdiction, as well in Ecclesiastical as in civil causes, might upon the like occasion be served in the same manner: or, to prevent all exception, as if some Prince of some particular state or City in Germany, joach. Camerarius. Phil. Mela. Georg. Maior de vita eius. taking upon him, together with his principality, the calling of a Preacher, Bishop, superintendant or Ruler of many particular Churches, (as George the Prince Anhault did) should in such a case (as the Bishop of Geneva was) be deprived of both. The means which was used, for such their abandoning of their Bishop, was this. When they perceived that the Bishop sought, by force to encounter their proceedings, and that (as Sleydan noteth) he had excited the Duke of Savoy, to that end, to assist him: they joined themselves into a more near amity with Berne. So as the Duke and the Bishop coming together to besiege the City; they were both repulsed, Bernatibus illis auxilium ferentibus, The force of Berne assisting the Genevians. Since which time (as I suppose) it hath been a principle, with some of the chief Ministers of Geneva, Whittingham in his Preface to Goodman's book. Knox. (but contrary to the judgement of all other reformed Churches, for aught I know, which have not addicted themselves to follow Geneva) that if Kings and Princes refused to reform Religion, the inferior magistrates or people, by direction of the ministery, might lawfully, & aught (if need required) even by force & arms, to reform it themselves. CHAP. III. Of the proceeding of some Scottish Ministers: according to the Genevian rules of Reformation. ACcording to the reforming rule, mentioned in the end of the former Chapter, (to omit some other examples) certain Ministers in scotlan with their adherents (being mere subjects) have taken upon them of later years, Knox in his hist. of the church of Scotland, pag 213 by a violent and forcible course to reform Religion. In which course M. Knox a man trained up at Geneva, in the time of Mary Queen of England, and very well instructed for such a work, did show himself to be a most especial instrument, as it appeareth by a very strange letter, written by him from deep, Anno a Knox pag. 213. ibid. 1557. Wherein he showeth, that his opinion and motion of that matter, was not grounded, only upon his own conceit, but upon the grave counsels, and judgement of the most godly and learned, that then lived in Europe. (He meaneth the Genevians, Calvin, and the rest there.) Upon this Letter and some other, to and from the said Knox, An b Knox p. 217 oath of confederacy was taken amongst his followers, in Scotland; and a testification was made of their intents by a kind of subscription. Immediately after, they prescribed also c Knox p. 218 Orders for Reformation, to be observed through all that whole Realm, Anno, 1558. and writ a d Knox p. 234 memorable letter to the Religious houses, in the name of the people, that they should either remove thence by such a day, or else they would then eject them by force. Shortly after (a Parliament being there holden by the Queen Regent) they e Knox p. 256 protested to the same, that except they had their desires, etc. they would proceed in their course: that neither they nor any that joined with them, should incur therefore any danger in life, or lands, or other political pains: and that if any violence happened in pursuit of those matters, they should thank themselves. Afterward, (the Queen Regent, seeing all the disorder, that was then, proceeded from such of the ministers) she f Knox p. 258. summoned them to have appeared at Striueling: which they refusing to do, were thereupon by the Queen's commandment (as it is there termed) put to the g Knox. pa. 2● Horn: and all men (under pain of rebellion) were inhibited to assist them. But all this notwithstanding, their friends did stick unto them. And presently after, upon a Sermon to that purpose, preached by M. Knox, in Saint h Hollindshed pag 366. Knox 262 johnstowne, for the overthrowing of Religious houses: they fell the same day to their work: and within two days had quite destroyed and i Knox. p. 263 razed in that town, the houses of the Black Friars, of the Grey Friars, and Charterhouse monks, down to the ground. And so they k Thynne pag. 366. Buchanan. proceeded, breaking down images and altars, in Fife, Angus, Meruis, and other parts adjoining. This course being known, and thereupon the said Queen threatening to destroy Saint johnstowne, they l Knox p. 265 writ unto her, affirming that except she stayed from that cruelty, they should be compelled to take the sword of just defence, and protested, that, without the Reformation, which they desired, they would never be subject to any mortal man. Then they m Knox p. 268 writ to all their brethren, to repair unto them: likewise to the Nobility, upon pain of n Knox p. 272 Excommunication, to join with them: saying, that it was their duty to bridle the fury and rage of wicked men, were it of Princes, or Emperors, Knox pag. 269. Upon these letters, divers o Knox p. 274 repaired to Saint johnstowne, from sundry places: in so much as when Lion Herald in his coat armour, commanded all men, under pain of Treason, to return to their houses, by public sound of Trumpet, in Glasco; never a man obeyed that charge, but went forward to their associate. They p Knox p. 27● writ in like manner to the Bishops and Clergy, that except they desisted from dealing against them, they would with all force and power, execute just vengeance and punishment upon them: and that they would begin that same war, which God commanded Israel, to execute, against the Canaanites. This q Knox p. 276 manner of proceeding, they termed to be, the resisting of the enemy. After (upon conditions with the Queen) this great assembly at Saiut johnstowne, departed thence. But before the severing of themselves, they entered into a r Knox p. 283 league by Oath, that if any one member of their congregation, should be troubled, they should all concur, assist, & convene again together, for the defence of the same. Presently after (upon a new quarrel against the Queen's dealing) an other concourse was made of these reformers▪ at Saint s Knox p. 288 Androes: where, by M Knox persuasions in his Sermon, they made the like havoc, that was before at Saint johnstowne, and did cast down, spoil, and destroy, both the houses of the Friars, and the abbeys in that town. So dealt they also within a very short time, with the Abbay of t Knox pag. 298. 299. Thynne, 367 Scone, the Friars at Striueling, at Lithquo, & at Edinburgh, the Queen u Knox p. 300 being fled thence for fear. They kept the field x Knox p. 306 two months, and took away to themselves the y Knox p. 308 coining Irons, (being as the Queen alleged, a portion of the patrimony of the crown.) and z Knox p. 308 justified the same. They a Knox p. 317. entered into a League, that though the Queen sent for them, they would never come to her after that time: without the consent of their company. After, the b Knox p. 330 Queen Regent made a Proclamation of her desire of peace, and that the state of the Realm, might at the last be at quiet: but they c Knox p. 333. confuted it: & did animate those of their faction (with all their might) to be always ready, & to stand upon their guard. They gave the Queen the * Knox p. 362 lie divers times, and used her with most despiteful speeches. And at the length they came to that boldness, as that they termed the Queen's part d Knox p. 364 a faction: and renouncing their obedience unto her, protested, that whosoever should take her part, should be punished as Traitors, when so ever God should put the sword of justice, into their hands. Within a while e Knox p. 372 after, they consulted with their Ministers, especially M. Wilcocke, and M. Knox, for the deposing of the Queen Regent, from her government: who assuring the rest, that it was lawful for them so to do, process was made, sentence was given, and she was f Knox p. 378 deprived from all her regiment, by a formal act, which is set down in the same story, penned by Knox, and in some part printed after in England. Not long after this: the Queen Regent dieth. And then they had a Parliament by the consent of the french King, and their Queen his wife. In that g Knox p. 468 Parliament, held Anno, 1560. they reformed Religion, and set out a Confession of the Christian faith: but the said King and h Knox p. 500 Queen denied, to confirm, or to ratify the acts thereof, when they were moved thereunto. Which thing, (said the confederates, upon intelligence given them) we little regarded: or yet do regard: for all that we did, was rather to show our dutiful obedience, then to beg of them any strength to our Religion. And whereas it was objected, that it could not be a lawful Parliament, where there was neither Sceptre, Crown, nor Sword borne: they made light of it: i Knox p. 50● saying, that those were rather, but pompous and glorious vain ceremonies, than any substantial points, of necessity required to a lawful Parliament. I might proceed much further, in the ripping up of these and such like practices, for reformation of Religion. But because some peradventure, will labour to excuse these manner of proceed, and to colour the same, with some pretence of zeal, and great desire they had, to be delivered from Popish Idolatry and Superstition: I have rather thought it convenient to let you understand, how far they are, from making any such pretences in their own behalf, and with what new Divinity-positions, M. Knox and M. Buchanan have amplified the Geneva resolution (before mentioned,) to the justification not only of all their said attempts and actions, but of many other of the like nature, which (since those times) have been there also practised. CHAP. FOUR How the Genevian Doctrine, or principle for Reformation, hath been amplified, by certain pretended Reformers in Scotland. REformation k Knox p. 216 Knox apple. fol. 28. of Religion, doth belong to more, than the Clergy and the King. Noble men l Knox app. 25 ought to reform Religion, if the King will not. Reformation m Knox to the Commonalty s. 49. 50 of Religion, belongeth to the Commonalty. The Commonalty, n ibid. fol. 47 concurring with the Nobility, may compel the Bishops to cease from their tyranny. The o ibid. fol. 55 Commonalty by their power, may bridle the cruel beasts (the Priests.) The p ibid. fol. 55 Commonalty, may lawfully require of their King, to have true Preachers: and if he be negligent, they justly may themselves provide them, maintain them, defend them, against all that do persecute them, and may detain the profits of the Church livings, from the other sort. God hath q Knox histo. pag. 343. appointed the Nobility, to bridle the inordinate appetites of Princes, and in so doing, they cannot be accused, as resisters of authority. It is their r Knox apple, fol. 33. duty, to repress the rage and insolency of Princes. The s Knox apple. fo. 28. 30, etc. Nobility and Commonalty, aught to reform Religion, and in that case▪ may remove from honours, and may punish such, as God hath condemned, Deu. 12. (he meaneth Idolaters, etc.) of what estate, condition, or honour soever. The t Knox apple. fol. 30 punishment of such crimes, as touch the Majesty of God, doth not appertain to Kings and chief rulers only, but also to the whole body of the people, and to every member of the same, as occasion, vocation, and ability shall serve, to revenge the injury done against God. The people u Knox apple. fol 35. are bound by oath to God, to revenge (to the utmost of their power) the injury, done against his Majesty, The cruel murdering of the Archbishop of Saint andrew's, in his bedchamber, 1545. by three private gentlemen, because (as they told him,) he had been, and so remained an obstinate enemy to the Gospel, History of the Church of Scotl. pa. 187. is sought to be justified lately in print, to be a godly act: & encouragement is given for others, in the like case to commit the like outrage. Princes, for * Knox histor. pag. 372. just causes may be deposed. It is not a knox to England and Scot fol. 77. birthright only, nor propinquity of blood, that maketh a King, lawfully to reign above a people, professing Christ jesus. If Princes b knox ibid.▪ folio 78. be tyrants, against God and his truth, their subjects are freed from their oaths of obedience. Populus rege c Buch. de iure regni page. 61. est praestantior & melior: the people are better than the King, and of greater authority. Populo d Ibid pag 13. ius est, ut imperium cui velit deferat: the people have right, to bestow the Crown at their pleasure. Penes e ibid. pag. 25 populum est, ut leges ferat: sunt reges veluti tabulariorum custodes. The making of laws, doth belong to the people: and Kings are but as the Masters of the Rolls. The people, f ibid. pag. 58. have the same power, over the King: that the King hath over any one person. It were g ibid. pag. 40. good, that rewards were appointed by the people, for such as should kill tyrants: as commonly there is, for those, qui lupos aut ursos occiderunt, aut catulos eorum deprehenderunt: that have killed either wolves or bears, or taken their whelps. The h ibid. pag 62. people may arraign their Prince. The i ibid. pag. 70 Ministers may excommunicate him. He, that k ibid. pag. 70 by excommunication, is cast into hell▪ is not worthy to enjoy any life upon earth. And whereas there are sufficient, and sound objections, made, by such as have truly reproved these dangerous assertions: Behold I pray you, their answers, worthy to be known and remembered, to the everlasting discredit of the authors, framers, and partakers with them. CHAP. V. The objections against the doctrine, reported of in the former chapter, with the Consistorian answers unto them. Objection. CVstome, l Buc. de iur. egni▪ pag. 49. is against such dealing with Princes. Answer. There is nothing more dangerous to be followed (publica via) than custom. Ob. We must m Knox appe. fol. 26. obey Kings, be they good or bad. Ans. It is blasphemy to say so. Ob. jeremy n Buch. de iure regni. pag. 53. commanded obedience to Nabuchodonozer. Ans. The example is but singular. Ob. God placeth o Ibid. pag. 57 tyrants sometimes for the punishment of his people. Ans. So doth he private men sometimes to kill them. Ob. The p ibid. pag. 57 jews dealt not so with their Kings. Ans. Their Kings were not first elected by the people; and therefore they might not: but ours have nothing but from the people. Ob. Show an q ibid. pag. 57 example out of the Scriptures, that subjects may use their governors in this sort. Ans. The argument is not good: it cannot be showed in the Scriptures, therefore it is unlawful. Possum apud multas nationes, plurimas & saluberrimas recensere leges, quarum in sacris litteris nullum est exemplum. I can show sundry good and wholesome laws, in divers countries, of the which laws there is no example in the Scriptures. Ob. Saint Paul r ibid. pag. 50 doth command us to pray for Princes. 1. Tim. 2. Ans. We may punish thieves, and yet we ought to pray for them. Ob. Saint Paul s ibid. p. 50. 55 doth command us to be subject and obedient to Princes. Tit. 3. Ans. Paul writ this in the infancy of the Church. There were but few Christians then, and not many of them rich, or of ability, so as they were not ripe for such a purpose. As if t Ibid. pag. 56 a man should write to such Christians as are under the Turk, in substance poor, in courage feeble, in strength unarmed, in number few, Note this Divinity and generally subject to all kind of injuries: would he not write as Paul did? So as the Apostle, did respect the men he writ unto: and his words are not to be extended, to the body or people of a common wealth, or whole City. For imagine (saith u ibi. p. 56. 57 he) that Paul were now alive, where both the King and people do profess Christianity, and that there were such Kings, as would have their becks to stand for laws: as cared neither for God nor man: as bestowed the Church revenues scurris & balatronibus upon jesters and rascals, and such as gibed at those that did embrace the more sincere Religion: what would he write of such to the Church? Surely except he would dissent from himself, he would say, that he accounted no such for Magistrates: he would forbid all men for speaking unto them, and from keeping them company: he would leave them to their subjects to be punished neither would he blame them, if they accounted no longer such for their Kings, as by the law of God, they could have no society withal. And thus far the answearer. There are divers other objections against those reformers: which receive almost as desperate answers. But I will not at this time trouble you with them, especially if you will give me leave to advertise you, that this new Divinity of dealing thus with Princes, is not only held by Knox and Buchanan, but generally (for aught I can learn) by most of the Consistorians of chief name beyond the Seas, who (being of the Geneva humour) do endeavour by most unjust & disloyal means, to subject to their forged presbyteries, the sceptres and sword of Kings and Princes: as Calvin, Beza, Hotoman, Vrsinus, (as he cometh out from Newstadt). Vindiciae contra tyrannos, Eusebius Philadelphus, etc. For the further fruit of which Consistorian Divinity, (besides that which is said by some of the Ministers of Scotland) I refer you to the consideration of such stirs, as have happened of late years, in some other countries. And thus far concerning the justification, which is made of the Scottish reformation. Now I will lead you back again, where I left: uz. to certain of the Ministers further proceed there; upon these aforesaid main grounds and principles. CHAP. VI The proceedings of certain Scottish Ministers, according to the grounds mentioned in the two last chapters, for setting up of the Consistorian Discipline, and of their urging of our English Disciplinaries, to follow their steps. THe Parliament t Knox hist. pag. 502. of Scotland before mentioned Chap. 3. of An. 1560. being dissolved, there was then a book of Discipline, or new kingdom of Christ (by their several presbyteries) drawn and compiled after the Geneva fashion, by M. Knox and others. Which book, upon the offering of it to their associates and favourites, to be allowed, received, and publicly practised, was by them rejected, and termed to be in truth, but a devout imagination. Whereupon now riseth, an occasion of a new history, how (after they had obtained reformation of religion, as touching the true preaching of the word, and administration of the Sacraments) they also dealt and prevailed in the end, for the establishing of their Discipline and consistorial government. It u Knox hist pag. 468. appeareth, that in the foresaid spoils of abbeys, Fryeries, and Cathedral Churches, etc. every man almost did seek his private commodity. Which being espied before by the said Ministers, they misliked it: (as finding the pray taken out of their teeth:) but yet they were gone so far belike, as that there was no remedy. They told them of it in their sermons in some sort then, as it should appear. Marry now, when they came to the end of their travail, the hope of their glory, the erecting of their government, and their reign over all, and do find themselves crossed therein▪ blame them not, though they were not a little angry. Then * Knox hist. pag. ●03. they gave it out against their own favourers afore, that some were licentious: some had greedily gripped the possessions of the Church: others thought they would not lack their part of Christ's coat, yea, and that before that ever he was hanged. Of a Noble man, Ibidem. that refused to subscribe to their Discipline, (as they call it) they writ thus. He had a very evil woman to his wife: if the poor, the schools, and the ministery of the Church, had their own, his Kitchen would lack two parts and more▪ of that, which he unjustly now possesseth. And generally to the like effect: there were none within this Realm, more unmerciful to the poor Ministers, than were they, which had greatest rents of the Church. But in that we have perceived the old proverb to be true: nothing can suffice a wretch. And again, the belly, hath no ears. They y In the conclusion of their book of Discipline. threatened the greatest men of the land, with God's heavy punishments, if they should reject that Discipline, ascribing it to their blind affection, to their respect of carnal friends, to their corrupt judgement, and to their former iniquities, and present ingratitude. But a Knox histo. pag. 504. (notwithstanding, that some refused to subscribe to this book, which made the Ministers so angry:) yet by sundry cunning devices, railings, threatenings, etc. many yielded thereunto, and did promise, thereby to set the same forward, to the uttermost of their powers. This subscription thus in sort obtained, they began to put the same in practice. They b Declaration B. 1. 2. appointed to have their assemblies both particular and general. They c Knox histo. pag. 523. exercised jurisdictions, and appointed one Saunderson to be carted for adultery: but he was rescued. A great d ibid. pa. 527 uproar arising in Edinburgh, about the making of a Robin-hood, they of the Consistory did excommunicate the whole multitude. The Bishops e ibid. pa 531. seeking to encounter and repress them in their practices, they professed that they would not suffer their pride and Idolatry. They f ibid. pa. 334 caused divers places (as they termed them) of superstition, to be burnt: I think they mean some Bishop's houses) as g Knox just. 534. Palsay, the Bishop also narrowly escaping them. The Bishops having embraced the Gospel, it was at first agreed even by the brethren, with the consent of the Regent, that the Bishop's estate should be * Declaration B. 2. maintained and authorized. This endured for sundry years: but then there was no remedy, the calling itself of Bishops was at last become Antichristian, and down they must of necessity. Whereupon h ibid. B. 2. they commanded the Bishops (by their own authority) to leave their Offices and their jurisdictions. They i ibid. B. 2. decreed in their assemblies, that Bishops should have no voices in Parliament: and that done, they desired of the King, that such Commissioners (as they should send to the Parliament and Council) might from thence forth be authorized in the Bishop's places, for the estate. They also directed their Commissioners to the King's Majesty: commanding him and the Council, under pain of the censures of the Church (meaning excommunication) to appoint no Bishops in time to come, because they (the brethren) had concluded, that state to be unlawful. Hereof as it seemeth they writ to Geneva, their new Rome, or Metropolitan City. From whence they were greatly animated, and earnestly persuaded, to continue in that course. Beza k Epistola 79. the Consistorian patriarch, assureth them that they had done well, and moveth them, ne unquam illam pestem admittant, quamuis unitatis retinendae specie blandiatur: that they would never admit again that plague, (meaning the calling of Bishops) although it might allure them, with colour of keeping unity. After they had discharged the Bishops, (as it hath been noted) they agreed amongst themselves, to have their l Declaration B. 3. Superintendents. But that devise continued not long: for in the end it was determined, that needs all Ministers of the word, must be equal. And then (especially) their Presbyteries began to flourish. They took upon m Declaration B. 1. them (with their adherents) to usurp the whole Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. They altered the laws after their own appetite. They assembled n Act of Parliament ca 4. the King's subjects, and enjoined Ecclesiastical pains unto them. They made Decrees, and put the same in execution. They used o Ibid. cap. 2. very traitorous, seditious, and contumelious words, in the pulpits, schools, and otherwise, to the disdain and reproach of the King, and being called to answer the same, they utterly disclaimed the King's authority: saying, he p Decls, A. 3. was an incompetent judge, and that matters of the Pulpit ought to be exempted from the judgement & correction of Princes. They q Decl. B. 3. prescribed laws to the King and State. They appointed r Decl. B. 3. Fasts throughout the whole Realm, especially when some of their faction were ●o move any great enterprise. With these manner of proceed, the King there, and the State, finding great cause of just discontentment and danger: after divers consultations and good deliberation, order was taken about the year, 1582. for the checking & redressing of them. His Majesty began to take upon him his lawful authority, belonging to all Christian Princes, in causes Ecclesiastical. Whereupon he caused the foresaid courses, held by the Ministers, to be examined and looked into. And they were found to be such, as that some of them were removed from their charges, Declaration 1582. some were imprisoned, & some indited. Commandment was also given, that they should not proceed, in the execution of their Ecclesiastical censures, as they had done. A Proclamation was made in divers of the chiefest places in the Realm, for discharging the Ministers of their foresaid conventions and assemblies, under pain, to be punished as Rebels. They were published in that Proclamation, to be unnatural subjects, seditious persons, troublesome and unquiet spirits, members of Satan, enemies to the King, and the Commonwealth of their native country: and were charged to desist from preaching, in such sort as they did, amongst other matters against the authority in Church causes, against the calling of Bishops, & for the maintenance of their former proceed. But the issue of the kings good intention to have reformed these disorders, was this: In August 1582. his Highness being drawn unto a certain Noble man's house to be feasted in Rutheven: there he was surprised & restrained. Act of Parliament▪ 1584. cap. 7. Which attempt was qualified and termed (in a Declaration set out, 1582. to justify the same) to be only a repair of the King's faithful subjects, to his highness presence, and to remain with him, Declara. 1582 for resisting of the present dangers appearing to God's true religion, etc. and for the removing from his Majesty, the chief authors thereof. After a time, the King delivered himself out of their hands, that so had restrained him: and by the advise of his three estates assembled in Council, (notwithstanding the said qualification or pretence of repair) the action in itself was judged and published in December, Act of Parl. 1584. cap. 7. 1583. to be Crimen lesae Maiestatis, the Offence of Treason: and some were executed for it, others fled, and divers of the Ministers, that had been dealers in that matter, pretending they were persecuted, escaped into England. With this his majesties course for Reformation, the Disciplinarian faction was greatly displeased: and did proceed in their Consistorian humour accordingly. In an assembly of Ministers and Elders (forsooth) at Edinburgh, shortly after, the State of the Realm was stoutly encountered. For although the King, Declar. 1582 with the advise of his estates, had resolved the said fact of surprising his majesties person, to be treasonable, yet the brethren did not only authorize and avow the same, but also, esteeming their own judgements, to be the sovereign judgement of the Realm, did ordain all them to be excommunicated, that would not subscribe unto that their judgement. About the same time, Act of Parl. 1584. cap. 7. or not long after, uz. in April, 1583. there was another most treasonable conspiracy and rebellion attempted at Sterling, and intended to have been further executed and prosecuted against his highness person: and all under pretence of Religion, and chief (in show) for the Consistorian or Presbyterial sovereignty. With these and many more such undutiful insolences, the King and State there, being greatly moved: a Parliament was called, and held in May, 1584. wherein order was taken, for a general Reformation in causes Ecclesiastical, throughout the whole Church of Scotland. The King's u Act of Parl. cap. 2. lawful authority in causes Ecclesiastical, so often before impugned, was approved and confirmed; and it was made treason, for any man to refuse to answer before the King, though it were concerning any matter, which was Ecclesiastical. The third * ibid. cap. 20 estate of Parliament, (that is, the Bishops) was restored to the ancient dignity: it was y ibid. cap. 3. made treason, for any man after that time to procure the innovation or diminution of the power and authority of any of the three estates. The foresaid z ibid. cap. 4. judgements, Senates, and Presbyterial jurisdictions were discharged: and it was enacted in these words: that after that time none should presume, or take upon them to convocate, convene, or assemble themselves together, for holding of councils, conventions, or assemblies, to treat, consult, or determine in any matter of estate, civil or Ecclesiastical, (excepting the ordinary judgements:) without the kings especial commandment. It was a ibid. cap. 7. further then ordained, that none of his highness subjects, in time coming, should presume to take upon them by word or writing, to justify the most treasonable attempt at Ruthuen, or to keep in Register or store, any books approving the same in any sort. An Act b ibid. cap. 8. was also made, for the calling in of Buchanans' Chronicle, and his book de iure regni apud Scotos. Lastly (saith the Act c ibid. cap. 8. of Parliament itself.) Forasmuch as through the wicked, licentious, public, and private speeches, and untrue calumnies of divers his highness subjects, to the disdain, contempt, and reproach of his Majesty, his Council, and proceedings, stirring up his highness subjects thereby, to misliking, sedition, unquietness, to cast off their due obedience to his Majesty. Therefore it is ordained, that none of his subjects shall presume, or take upon them, privately or publicly, in sermons, declamations, or familiar conferences, to utter any false, slanderous, or untrue speeches, to the disdain, reproach, and contempt of his Majesty, his Council, and proceed, or to meddle in the affairs of his Highness under pain, etc. And thus you have seen some part of the practice of the Geneva resolution in Scotland, for their book of Discipline; and reformation in Religion. But yet I must needs draw you on a little further. Presently, after that the said Parliament was ended, notwithstanding the king's majesty, had in the same d cap. 1. of that Parliament, etc. most royally & religiously confirmed with great sincerity the articles of true Religion, for preaching the word, and administration of the sacraments accordingly, and had likewise united to his Crown, the supreme authority in all causes within his Realm, aswell Ecclesiastical as Civil: yet (because their Presbyterial sovereignty was thereby abridged) divers very spiteful, disloyal, and slanderous speeches were cast abroad, by them and their associates, against his Highness. For they e Declar. A. 2. gave out, as though the King had been declined to Popery, and had made Acts to derogate the free passage of the Gospel: that he endeavoured f Thinness addition to Hollinshed. pa. 446. D. A. to extinguish the light of the Gospel: that there was left nothing of the whole ancient form of justice and policy in the spiritual state, but a naked shadow, with many other the like reproachful and calumnious reports, which they spread abroad in their own Country. divers of g Archbishop of Saint. Andrews Letter, and of other Preachers. the chief Ministers of that faction likewise that were fled out of Scotland into England, for fear of punishment, in respect of many their great and heinous offences, pretended (as it hath been noted) that they fled hither, because they were persecuted at home for their consciences, and could not be suffered to preach the Gospel. One h M. Hutchinsons' Letter and as he is ready to be deposed. Dauison (a Scottish Minister) so railed against the King of Scots in the pulpit, at the parish Church of the old jury in London, that upon complaint made thereof, by the Lord Ambassador of Scotland, direction was given to the Lord Bishop of London, for the silencing of all the Scottish Ministers in the City. And this disloyal and slanderous course was held, both in Scotland and England, so far as they i Thinness addition, page. 446. durst, from May, until November following. At what time, this stratagem here ensuing was wrought (as I am persuaded) by the Consistorians instigation. The King k ibid. thin. of Scotland, being upon occasion of a contract, near Striueling: heard of certain enemies (as he then accounted them) coming towards him. Whereupon his Majesty raising such power as he could, conveyed himself to Striueling. Where before he looked for them, ten thousand men presented themselves in arms. They pitched their Tents before the town the first of November, and there made a Proclamation in their own names, commanding all the King's subjects to assist them. Many pretences l The Proclamation is there also set down. are alleged of that their attempt. And these namely: that whereas there had been Acts and Proclamations a little before published against the ministery and Clergy, inhibiting their Presbyteries, assemblies and other exercises, privileges, and immunities: and that the most learned and honest were compelled, for safety of their lives and consciences, to abandon their Country, etc. Now the afflicted Church might be comforted, and all the said Acts lately made in prejudice of the same, might be solemnly canceled, and for ever anulled. This Proclamation thus known, the King fortified the town as he could: but to no purpose. For within two hours assault it was won. The King thereupon, was enforced to fly unto the Castle. The Conquerors of the town, placed their ensigns before the blockehouse of the Castle, and so ordered the matter, that there was no way for any in the Castle to escape their hands. Whereupon (a parley being concluded) the King desired by his Commissioners three petitions: The first, That his life, honour, and estate might be preserved. The second, That the lives of certain of his friends with him might not be touched. The third, That all things might be transacted peaceably. The other side, by their Commissioners likewise desired other three petitions: The first, That the King would allow of their intention, and subscribe their Proclamation, until further order were established by the estates, etc. and that he would deliver unto them, all the strong Holds in the land. The second, That the disquieters of the Commonwealth might be delivered unto them and abide their due trial by Law. The third. That the old guard might be removed, and another placed. Upon mutual relation from the Commissioners on both sides, the parties that were assembled in arms, did yield unto the first and third of the King's petitions: and the King granting to all theirs, as there was no remedy, committed himself into their hands, and had a new guard immediately appointed to attend him. And thus the Presbyteries of Scotland by the Kings subscribing to the foresaid Proclamation, This appeareth by james gibson's conference with the King: penned by himself, and delivered abroad in many Copies. recovered again a great part of their strength. But not all (as it seemeth) upon the sudden: which was the occasion of a new stir. For presently after the said Noble victory, the Scottish Ministers that were in England, (having all their former disloyalties upon composition remitted:) made their repair without delay into Scotland: where finding not such readiness as they expected, for a more authentical repealing of the statutes made in the foresaid Parliament, 1584. they began (notwithstanding the King's late goodness towards them,) to exclaim in their Pulpits, with most proud and bitter invectives against him. One james Gibson, compared his Majesty publicly in his preachings, unto jeroboam, termed him a persecutor, and threatened him, that if he took that course, he should be the last of his race. And being called for such his disloyal speeches, Gibson hath penned this matter as Consistorianly, as Catiline himself could have done it. before the King & Council, the xxj. of December, 1585. he very boldly justified the same: saying to his Highness, As long as you maintain these cursed Acts of 1584. the tyranny of Bishops, etc. Ye are a Persecutor. And again, As jeroboam for the leading of the people of Israel from the laws of the house of judah, and from the true worshipping of God, to serve Idolatry, was rooted out, he and all his posterity: so should the King) if he continued in that cursed course, maintaining those wicked Acts against God) be rooted out, and conclude that race, etc. What else hath fallen out since that time, by reason of the rains, which now (as it hath been noted) these zealous brethren have gotten to themselves, and how moderately and dutifully they do proceed, in the practice of their Presbyteries, and Consistorian Kingdoms: the articles, which the King not long since offered unto the Ministers, to have been subscribed unto by them, do sufficiently declare and make manifest. The copy of these articles, was delivered abroad by some of her majesties privy Counsel. Ex malis moribus nascuntur bonae leges: Out of ill manners spring good and wholesome laws. The chief and especial points of the said articles are these: that all Preachers there, should yield their obedience to the King's Majesty: that they should not pretend any Privilege in their allegiance: that they should not meddle in matters of State: that they should not publicly revile his Majesty: that they should not draw the people from their due obedience to the King: & that when they are accused, upon their facts or speeches, or for refusing to do things, etc. they should not allege the inspiration of the holy spirit, nor serve themselves with colour of conscience but confess their offences as men, and to crave pardon as subjects, etc. It is great pity, that so worthy a Christian King, should be driven to require such a subscription in his own kingdom, especially of those men, that should be lights to the rest, and the chief examples of all dutiful obedience: It is more to be pitied, that (for aught I can learn) his Majesty cannot as yet obtain so much at their hands. But most of all it is to be lamented, that no man can guess (for aught I know) how far this Gangrene will spread itself. At the first, they found but faults against the Bishops, but after they overthrew them. The Anabaptists in Germany began with the Bishops and Clergy, Bullinger. but they ended with the civil Magistrate. Consider of Buchanans' dealing, whether he maketh not the like assault against Princes, that his companions did against Bishops; as in deriding their titles, misliking their pomp, and in glancing at their revenues. He termeth a Epistle to the king of Scots before his book de iure regni etc. the honourable phrases of Majesty, Highness, and Lordship, solaecismos & barbarismos aulicos, that is, unlawful & corrupt kinds of speech, which are used in Court, and do proceed (as he saith) from flattery. He gibeth b De iure regni pa. 17. at the state which Princes take upon them, when they show themselves to the people, comparing them to children's puppets, which are garishly attired. After c Ibid. pa. 34. also, he insinuateth that a good Prince should appear & come abroad, only defended with his innocency, non superbo spiculatorum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caetu, sericatisque nebulonibus stipatus: not with a proud company of guarders, and of pensioners, and of silken knaves. He would have Kings to content themselves with less revenues and service, commending the Discipline of Laconia, where it was strange to have one man pull off an other man's socks, at his going to bed: and likewise the example of Pelagius, that first discomfited the Saracens in Spain: in that he had his house, not built after the fashion now a days, with many stately rooms of honour, but was contented with one place for himself, his fire, his friends, and his cattle, (after the Irish fashion.) But to let pass these contempts and points of Anabaptisme: one thing more is likewise to be considered in these Scottish reforming ministers, which they have sucked from their Mother-City Geneva. They cannot be content, to have raised up sedition and troubles at home, to have slandered both far and near, the most Godly reformation of Religion, which their King had made there, and to erect (you have seen how) in place thereof a mere counterfeit plot of a new Popish tyranny, such a one as hath already quite overthrown the ancient estate of that Church, & wrought more mischief in that Country in thirty years, than the Pope of Rome had done before (as I think) in five hundred: But they presume also, much further than becometh them, to cast some of their contentious and disloyal seeds into England. Vulpecula * Melancton. (cauda amissa) reliquis vulpibus callidè persuasit ut similiter & ipsae caudas refecarent, ne sola turpis & deformis in suo genere videretur. The Fox (having lost her tail) craftily persuaded the other Foxes, that they would likewise cut off their tails, lest she herself alone, should seem the foul and deformed beast of all that kind. And hence it cometh (as I take it) that to bring the flourishing estate of our Church in England into the same misery, that theirs is brought into, they rail, devise, and clap their hands, to set us here together by the ears. Some of them say, that e Dauison in the name of the rest, in a book of his lately published. Page. 2. our Church is still under the bondage of an Antichristian government: that our Bishops are a hurtful relic of Romish confusion: that f pag. 29. they thrust with side and shoulder to make havoc of the Church, by a disguised persecution, and that they do tyrannize above their brethren with violence g pag. 28. and cruelty. They use these words of her excellent Majesty. Alack good h pag. 28. Princess, the true report of things cometh seldom to her ears. And do very grossly insinuate, nay indeed plainly affirm, that there are in Court some crafty i pag. 12. miscreants, which do abuse her Majesty, whom they resemble to joab, jesabel, Haman and Gehasi. They do k pag. 3. justify the proceed of our disturbers here, & animating l pag. 21. them to go forward, as they have begun, do tell them, that both their causes (uz. their own in Scotland, and of our factions in England) are most nearly m pag. 20. linked together: and do n pag. 29. promise, that they will not cease to commend their troubled state unto God, in their private and public prayers. They o pag. 20. compare our hindering in England of the pretended Discipline, unto the hindrance, which Gods enemies made, unto the building of jerusalem. They seek under hand p pag. 21. to steal away the hearts of her majesties subjects, especially of those that have been, and still are seduced, by our Consistorian Schismatics: by putting them in hope of one Darius, that after a time shall give full authority for the said building of jerusalem. Which manner of dealing, there is no Darius living, could take in good part, if the like practices were used by others amongst his people. GOD of his infinite mercy, grant unto her Majesty, a long, a prosperous, and a happy reign over us: and so knit the hearts of all true English men, unto their Queen of Saba, their Hester, and their most royal Elizabeth, that without the expectation of any Dariuses whosoever, they may ever continue her most loyal, faithful, and obedient subjects, rather wishing in their souls, that the world with her Majesty should end their days together, then once to take joy, by the least imagination of any future change. Amen. And thus much of the manner and ways used by certain Scottish Ministers, for Reformation and Discipline. Which points or Consistorian proceedings, I have not touched (as God knoweth) with any mind or intent, to dishonour the state of that Country. Besides, much may well be said (I assure myself) in excuse of such of the laity; as joined in the premises. For I find they were led with a very great zeal. They had been so long imprisoned in the darkness of Popery, that when the Gospel appeared unto them, it so dazzled their eyes, as that for very gladness they considered not well, what they did, so they might enjoy it. Their goods, their lands, their wives and their children, nay their lives (in respect thereof) were not greatly dear unto them. Moreover it is manifest, how long they were exercised with great fear and many perplexities, what entertainment and continuance the Gospel should find amongst them. In which case every man may easily conjecture, how easy a matter it was for them, to be miscarried by their teachers & Preachers: persuading them, that by God's commandment they were bound to undertake that course, & withal not omitting great threats of excommunication & damnation, if they refused so to do. They found their said Ministers doctrine very good and sound, in the chief points of salvation, and who would then have suspected them in matters of less importance? So as whatsoever was done amiss by them, as touching their proceed mentioned, I do (wholly in a manner) ascribe it to their Ministers of the Geneva learning. Unto whom also it ought of right to be imputed, that I or any other, either have, or hereafter shall have, any occasion at all so much as once to make mention of the least thing, that might be any ways offensive to the meanest of that nation. For what had I, or any other private man in England, to do with their matters, otherwise then to have prayed for them: had their said Ministers, but only taken upon them to have justified their said proceedings, by their own Laws, customs, and privileges▪ and could have contented themselves to have gone no further? Marry now that the chiefest of them, Buchanan. The history of the church of Scotland. Knox. for the excusing of themselves, and that they might show, whose scholars they are, have presumed to publish (and that in print) such strange & seditious doctrine, as doth tend to the like disturbance, and indeed to the utter overthrow of the freest and most absolute Monarchies, that are or can be in Christendom, not omitting withal, to solicit and encourage our pretended reformers in England, to proceed as they have begun, in following their steps, contrary (I am sure) both to the word of God, and to all the laws and customs of this Realm: I am in very good hope, that there is no man of any sound judgement, who will be offended with me, in that to disclose, and thereby to prevent such mischiefs, as might otherwise ensue with us, I have been bold to lay down (but yet out of their printed books) some of the proceedings of the said Ministers of Scotland, which at this time our own Preachers in England, of the Disciplinarian consort, (as now it followeth to be showed) do take upon them to imitate, and have already proceeded further in them, than some of their favourers will acknowledge or (I think) do as yet suspect. The end of the first Book. THE SECOND BOOK OF DISCIPLINARY GROUNDS and Practices. CHAP. I. The doctrine of certain English Ministers, which they learned at Geneva, and published of purpose to have procured the like course for reformation in England, to that which was in Scotland. AS you have heard in the first Book, how M. Knox being at Geneva in Q. Mary's time, laboured and afterward proceeded to reform Religion in Scotland by force and arms: so did sundry English men, that then lived there in like sort, according to the Geneva resolution in that point, endeavour as much as lay in them, to have kindled the like stirs at that time here in England. To which especial end, they did write hither sundry letters and books, wholly of this argument: uz. that the then Councillors; the Noble men; inferior Magistrates; and (rather than fail) the very people; were bound before God to overthrow the superstition and Idolatry that was then in the Land, and to reform Religion, whether the Queen would or no: yea though it were by putting her to death: Out of two of these English books, I have collected these seditious and consistorial propositions following. All men, Goodman. Page 73. councillors, noble men, inferior magistrates, and people are bound and charged, to see the laws of God kept, and to suppress and resist Idolatry, ibid. pag. 74. by force. ibid. pag. 77. If the magistrates shall refuse, ibid. pag. 196 to put massmongers and false preachers to death, the people (in seeing it performed) do show that zeal of God, which was commended in Phinees, destroying the adulterers, and in the Israelites against the Beniamites. To teach, ibid. page 30. that it was not lawful in any case to resist the superior powers, but rather to submit ourselves to punishment is a dangerous doctrine, taught by some, by the permission of God for our sins. It is not sufficient for subjects, ibid. page 63. 43. 59 72. not to obey wicked commandments of their Princes, but to withstand them also, in doing the contrary, every man in his vocation and office. Shieriffes, ibid. page 87. 88, 89. 90. jailers, and other inferior officers, ought not only not to cast the saints of God in prison (having commandment thereunto by the Prince) for fear of losing their offices: but to withstand evil, to support them, and to deliver them, to the uttermost of their power. If we see a sheep in danger to be devoured of a wolf, ibid. page 90. we are bound to deliver it: even so to our power we are bound to put to our hands, to deliver the children of God, when we see them piteously in danger, by God's enemies. It is the office of Councillors, ibid. page 34. page 35. to bridle the affections of Princes and governors: Noblemen were first ordained to bridle Princes. Noblemen have their honour of the people, to revenge the injuries of their Kings, Obedience. page. 107. and not for their lusty hawking, nimble dicing & carding, singing and dancing, open bragging & swearing, false flearing and flattering, subtle picking and stealing, cruel polling and pilling, etc. The authority, Obedience▪ 25. which Princes have, is given them from the people: Kings, princes, and governors, have their authority of the people: and (upon occasion) the people may take it away again, as men may revoke their proxies and letters of Attorney. ibid. pag. 105. Subjects do promise obedience, that the Magistrate might help them: Goodman, pag. 190. which if he do not, they are discharged of their obedience. If Magistrates without fear transgress God's laws themselves, and command others to do the like; ibid. pag. 119. 139. then have they lost that honour and obedience, which otherwise their subjects did owe unto them: and ought no more to be taken for Magistrates, but be examined, accused, condemned, and punished as private transgressors. judges ought by the law of God, Obedience, pag. 111. to summon Princes before them, for their crimes: and to proceed against them, as against all other offenders. Evil Princes ought (by the law of God) to be deposed, Goodman, 144. 145. and inferior magistrates ought chiefly to do it. Examples allowed of Kings deposed Obedience, 110. Edward 2, Richard 2. Christian of Denmark, etc. It is lawful to kill wicked kings and tyrants: Obedience, 99 103. and both by God's law and man's law, Queen Mary ought to have been put to death; Goodman, pag. 99 as being a tyrant, a monster, a cruel beast, etc. Examples. The subjects did kill the Queen's highness Athalia: Obedience, pag. 113. jehu, killed the Queen's majesty jesabel: Elias, being no magistrate, killed the Queen's majesties chaplains, ibid. pag. 114. Baal's priests. These examples are left for our instruction. ibid. pag. 115. Where this justice is not executed, the state is most corrupt. When Magistrates do cease to do their duties, Goodman, pag. 185. (in thus deposing or killing of Princes) the people are as it were without officers: & then God giveth the sword into their hands, & he himself is become immediately their head: ibid. pag. 180 for to the multitude a portion of the sword of justice is committed: ibid. pag. 184 from the which no person, ibid. pag. 185 King Queen, or Emperor (being an Idolater) is exempt: he must die the death. The people in the 25. of Numbers, did hang up certain of their heads and captains: which ought to be for ever a perpetual example of their duty, in the like defection from God to hang up such rulers, as shall draw them from him. If neither the inferior magistrates, Obedience, pag. 115 nor the greatest part of people will do their offices: (in punishing, deposing, or killing of Princes) than the minister must excommunicate such a King: Obedience, pag. 116. any minister may do it against the greatest Prince. ibid. 18. God will send to the rest of the people, (which are willing to do their duty, Goodman, 199. 200. 201. but are not able) some Moses or Othoniell. If they know any jonathan, they must go unto him to be their Captain: and he ought not to refuse them. By the word of God (in such a defection) a private man (having some special inward motion) may kill a tyrant: Obedience. pag. 110. as Moses did the Egyptian: as Phinees did the lecherous: and Ahud did king Eglon: or otherwise, a private man may do so, if he be commanded or permitted by the commonwealth. And unto some objections that be made to the contrary, these answers are shaped. Ob. Be subject to higher powers: Goodman, pag. 106. the powers be ordained of God. Ans. Wicked Kings are not God's ordinance. Goodman, pag. 111. Saint Paul speaketh of lawful powers. Ob. Servants must be obedient to their Masters, though they be froward. Ans. Paul speaketh of bondmen, Obedience, pag 47. not of subjects obedience. Ob. Peter was commanded to put up his sword. Ans. He was a minister, Goodman, 12●. and no magistrate. Ob. Christ could have called for twelve legions of Angels for his defence, Goodman, 119. 120. if it had been lawful to have used force, for the setting up of the Gospel. Ans. Christ's kingdom was not of this world: he took upon him no temporal sword: but that hindereth not those that have it. Ob. jeremy was commanded to obey the king of Babel. Goodman, 125. 126. Ans. The secret counsel of God was revealed to him to that effect. It is no general rule. Ob. David said, Goodman, 138. 139. God forbidden that I should touch the anointed of the Lord. Ans. It was in his own private cause, and so unlawful. Ob. Sir Thomas Wyatt did, Goodman. 202. 205. as you would have others to do, etc. but he had no good success. Ans. The goodness of his cause is not to be measured by his success. He was no traitor, Page 203. his cause was Gods: and none, but papists and traitors, can justly accuse him of treason. The Councillors and all others, that would be accounted nobles (and took not his part) are in very deed traitors to God and his people, Page 206. Page 207. and to their country. The author of the book of obedience (he should have said of rebellion) endeth his treatise, with signification, that the nobility of England, Page 137. (he speaketh of them that were in Queen Mary's days) are not to be trusted either by their words, oaths, or handwritings, further than a man doth see, & hear them, & scarcely so far. And Goodman likewise, for his conclusion, is most earnest with all english subjects, that they would put his doctrine in practice, assuring them that in so doing, if they be cast in prison with joseph, Pag. 218. 219. 220. 221. to wild beasts with Daniel, into the sea with jonas, into the dungeon with jeremy, into the fiery furnace with Sidrach, Misach, & Abednago, yet they shallbe comforted: whereas if they will not: in seeking to save their lives, they shall lose them they shall be cast out of the favour of God, their consciences shall be wounded with hell like torments, they shall despair & seek to hang themselves with judas, to murder themselves with Francis Spira; drown themselves with judge Hales, or else fall mad with justice Morgan, at Geneva. This doctrine saith Whittingham (afterward unworthily Deane of Durham) was approved by the best learned in these parts, In his preface to Goodman's book. meaning Calvin and the rest of the Genevians. The Englishmen of name, there at that time, besides Goodman and Whittingham, were (as I take it) Anthony Gilby, Miles Coverdall, David Whitehead, and sundry others. Who liking the said doctrine also exceedingly, were very earnest to have the same printed, for the benefit (as they said) of their brethren in England. Whittingham made a preface to Goodman's book: wherein he greatly commendeth this doctrine, and writeth thus, in the name (as it seemeth) of all his fellows there. We desire that you (meaning all in England and elsewhere, that love to know the truth and follow it) should be persuaded in this truth. Again, here thou dost hear the Eternal speaking by his minister, etc. quickly give ear and obey, etc. And again, If thou wish for Christian liberty, come and see how it may easily be had, etc. From Geneva. Here it is very material further to be observed, that the rest of the learned men, that fled in Queen Mary's time, as john Scory: William Barlow: Richard Cox: Thomas Beacon: john Bale: john Parkhurst: Edmond Grindall: Edwine Sands: Alexander Nowell: Robert Wisdom: john jewel: & very many more, having no great affection to Geneva, bestowed themselves in Germany, especially at Zuricke, Basill, and Frankford. These men maintained the reformation of the Church of England in King Edward's time: they used in their holy assemblies, the form of service, and order of ceremonies, which were then established: and they utterly misliked, & condemned the foresaid propositions, as very seditious & rebellious, according to the judgement of all the reformed Churches, (for aught I can learn) both in Germany and elsewhere, besides Geneva and her offspring. Besides they of Frankford, (as it appeareth) notwithstanding their grief, that they were constrained to leave their country for their conscience: yet in the midst of all their afflictions, they retained such dutiful hearts unto Queen Mary, (imitating therein the Apostles and Disciples of their Master) as that they could not endure to hear her so traduced into all hatred and obloquy, as she was by the other sort. Knox hist. pag. 185. Master Knox, coming upon occasion from Geneva to Frankford, was by these grave men, accused of Treason, (as he himself confesseth) for matters that he had published in print, against their Sovereign and the Emperor: and was feign thereupon, for the saving of his life, to fly thence secretly back again to Geneva. Lastly, by means of their disliking of the said propositions, and their further course held in the defence of the foresaid reformation in England, against the other men's counterfeit presbyteries: these learned men at Frankford, could have small reputation with them of Geneva. Thus one of that crew then, hath written since of them. The English Church, Knox hist. pag. 201. which was assembled at Geneva, was separated from that superstitious and contentious company, that was at Frankford. And again, Ibid. pag. 185. They were more given unto unprofitable ceremonies, then to sincere Religion. These things I thought meet, for your advertisement, to set down, that the propositions precedent might appear unto you, not to have proceeded from any rash or light conceit in our English propounders, publishers, and maintainers of them: but that they do contain their resolute judgement, agreeable to those points of the Geneva resolution, mentioned before out of Knox and Buchanan. Whereby it is apparent, that if our said English Genevians, had found as ready assistance at that time in England, as Knox and his complices (about, or soon after the same time) did in Scotland, they would not have failed, to have put the said positions aswell in practice here with us, as some Scottish Ministers did in that Country. Which great mischief, and disloyal outrage, as the state here, did then providently suppress and withstand: So her Excellent Majesty, hath since prevented, by abolishing of the Romish Religion, and the restoring of the Gospel, which was the quarrel in those days pretended. So as our English Reformers, having hitherto had no cause for this point to imitate the foresaid proceedings in Scotland, it remaineth, that I show unto you, how far (as yet it is disclosed) and how directly they endeavour to follow the said practices of the Scottish Ministers, for the erecting up in England of the Geneva new Papacy. CHAP. II. Our English Disciplinarians, do imitate the Scottish, in their desire of the consistorial government, saving that they are more bewitched with a kind of dotage after it. IN Scotland, notwithstanding that at the last the Ministers had obtained, in some sort, the allowance of the confession of their faith, containing the sum of that doctrine, which before they had so greatly desired: yet because they wanted the Geneva discipline, wherein consisted their very great joy, together with the hope of their future sovereignty, they were but a little satisfied with all the rest. And even so, it hath fallen out since in England, saving (for aught I can read) that the said Scottish ministers were not then come unto so great a dotage after this Discipline, as there now is grown amongst us. About some two or three and forty years agone, and after, Harmonia confess. in the beginning of her majesties Reign, the devisers themselves of this new platform, Cal. Epist. etc. were well content to accept of, and commend such Churches, as had abandoned Popery, though they had withal embraced another kind of Discipline. Then in disputation against the Papists and Anabaptists, Bertram pa. 15 Mornay p. 37. Calvin instit. lib 4. Cap. 1. sect. 9 there could be found in all France and Geneva, but two essential notes of the Church: uz. the true preaching of the word, and the right administration of the Sacraments. Then upon Goodman's, Beza in colloquio Possiaceno. Convict. de statu. Gall. pasto. fol. 122. whittingham's, & Gilbies' return, (with the rest of their associates) from Geneva into England: although it grieved them at the heart, that they might not bear as great a sway here in their several consistories, as Calvin did at Geneva, This appeareth by their letters, sermons, and by Gilby's most railing Dialogue betwixt a lame soldier of Berwick, and an English Captain. and so not only repined and grudged at her majesties reformation of this Church, but laboured (as they might) to sow abroad in the land that seed, which hath brought forth a great part of all the disorders, troubles, and disobediences, that since have ensued. Yet notwithstanding they meddle not much in show, (for any thing I can hear of,) with matters of this Discipline, but rather busied themselves, about the apparel of ministers, ceremonies prescribed, and in picking of quarrels against the common Book. Marry since that, Confess 5. & 7. Master Beza devised a way, how to bring in the Geneva Discipline, to be a third essential note of the Church: since, Master Cartwright hath been at Geneva, and upon his return did engage his credit to justify that platform, to be a necessary form of Government, prescribed by Christ for all times and places: since, Master Traverse hath also been there, and did take upon him in his book de Disciplina Ecclesiastica, to do the like: since, Master Cartwright did likewise (at his second being beyond the seas, T. C. Second reply pa. 53. ) send us word in his second book, that Master Beza accounted his said third note of the Church, (uz. the Geneva Discipline) to be as necessary a note, as either the word or Sacraments: and since, Master Cartwright and Travers, with the chiefest of their followers in England, have of later years (upon consideration of the premises, and further deliberation, in their conferences and meetings to that purpose) resolved and concluded generally, for the necessity of the same Discipline, which before had been only delivered with us, as their private opinions: Since these times (I say) the friends and favourers of it, have from time to time, by certain degrees, so increased in their fond affections towards it; as that now they are in a manner overcome with the strength and violence of them, and do brag in their books, that they will not stick to die in the cause. Master Cartwright (as I take it) had an especial eye to this devise when he saith, that certain of the things, which he and his followers do stand upon, are such, as if every hair of their heads, were a several life, they ought to afford them all in defence of them. divers other beside, do offer to adventure their lives for the justifying of it, Epist. before the demonst. Epist. before the sup. as Udall & Penry, & nothing will content them without the Geneva discipline. For say they, it is found a Practise of Prelates D. 2. to be the only bond of peace, the bane of heresy, the punisher of sin▪ and maintainer of righteousness. It is pure, b Motion. pa. 46. perfect, and full of all goodness for the peace, wealth and honour of God's people, and is ordained for the joy and happiness of all Nations. The want c T. C lib. 2. in the Epist. of the Eldership is the cause of all evil. It is not d T. C. lib. 1. page 3. to be hoped for, that any commonwealth will flourish without it. This Discipline e T. C. lib. 1▪ pa. 6. and 48. is no small part of the Gospel: it is of the substance of it. It is the f Motion 84. right stuff & gold for building the Church of God. This would make the g Ibid. 84. Church a chaste spouse, having a wonderful brightness as the morning, fair as the Moon, pure as the Sun, and terrible like an army with banners. Without h Register. p. 68 this Discipline, there can be no true Religion. This government i Epi before sup. A. 2. is the sceptre, whereby alone Christ jesus ruleth among men. The Churches of God in k Martin junior: Thes, 14. Denmark, Saxony, Tigurin, etc. wanting this government, are to be accounted maimed, and unperfect. The establishing l T. C. lib. 1, pag. 3. of the Presbyteries, is the full placing of Christ in his kingdom. They that m T. C. lib. 1. pag. 220. reject this Discipline, refuse to have Christ reign over them: and deny n T. C. Table preface to the demonst. him in effect, to be their king or their o Motion to the Lords. page 22. Lord. It is the blade p Ibid. pa. 49. of a shaken sword, in the hand of the Cherubins, to keep the way of the tree of life. Ridiculous men and bewitched. As though Christ's sovereignty, kingdom, and lordship were no where acknowledged, or to be found, but where half a dozen artisans, Shoemakers, Tinkers, and Tailors, with their Preacher and Reader, (eight or nine Cherubins forsooth) do rule the whole parish. But I have noted unto you, out of these few places, (omitting many other) this their wonderful dotage, to this end▪ that it may be considered, whether it be likely, that our English Consistorians having overrun the Scottish ministers, or at the least overtaken them, in their opinions of the necessity of this Discipline, will be left behind them, in their practices according to the Geneva resolution, for the attaining of it, or no? CHAP. III. Our pretended English reformers do imitate or rather exceed the Scottish Ministers in rebelling and railing against all that do encounter them. WHen in Scotland they first had in mind to reform religion, and after to erect their Discipline, (according to the Geneva resolution) they spent their wits and all their devices, by railing and slandering, to bring the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy, with the whole course of their governments into detestation and hatred with the people. They writ their own pleasures of them, Knox hist. pag 234. and to them: and that in the name of the people. They stirred the Nobility by their writings against them: they had their supplications to their Parliaments: ibid. pag. 213, 214, 216. and to the Queen Regent; ibid. pag. 256. they had their appellations from their Bishops, their exhortations to the Nobility, ibid. pag. 304. to the Estates and commonalty, and many such practices they had to that purpose, yea, after their Bishops and Clergy had received the Gospel. But in this course, our reformers in England, have not only imitated them, but (as ready Scholars, and apt for such mischief) have very far exceeded both them, and as I think) all others, that hitherto have dealt that way. They have renewed over again, & applied to our Church governors, Satan prince of hell, to the Pope, Cardinals, bishops, etc. two or three of the most bitter Treatises, that ever were made against the Popes, Cardinals, Popish Bishops, Monks and Friars, etc. in King Henry the eight his days. They have four or five very devilish and infamous Dialogues: Practise of Prelates. 1. Gilby's. 2 lB. 3. Udal's. 4. That which came from Throgmor. likewise their complaints and petitions to her Majesty and Parliament, in the name of the commonalty, their appellation, their exhortation, and divers other most lewd & scurrilous Epistles and Letters. When they are called before any Magistrate, and dealt withal for their factious proceed, they usually afterward do take upon them to write and publish, under the name of a conference, what words and arguments have passed: which they perform with all reproach, disdain, untruth, and vanity: and so do pester the Realm and their favourers closerts, with infinite such shameless and slanderous discourses, as is most intolerable. They have had five or six supplications to several Parliaments, penned altogether according to Knox his style and violent spirit, in many places word for word: besides Martin, and his two sons, their holy imitations of Beza his Passavantius, (that all things might proceed Geneva like) in their six books of Consistorian gravity. Martin's Epi. His Epitome. Hay any wor. Martin juni. Martin Senior Martin Prote. And now, upon better care taken by her Majesty, that no such libels should be hereafter printed in England, (at the least without some danger to the parties, if it may be known) they have found such favour, as to procure their chief instrument and old servant Waldgrave, to be the King of Scots Printer, from whence their wants in that behalf shall be fully supplied. For having obtained that place, Refor. no enemy. (as he pretendeth in Print) they have published by hundreds, certain spiteful and malicious books against her majesties most honourable privy Council. Also their humble motion to their LLs. with three or four other very slanderous Treatises. And now it seemeth, for fear that any of all their said Libels & railing Pamphlets, (that have been written in her highness time) should perish, (being many of them but triobolar chartals:) they have taken upon them to make a Register: and to Print them altogether in Scotland, in two or three volumes: as it appeareth by a part of the said Register, all ready come from thence, and finished: which containeth in it three or four and forty of the said Libels. In all which courses taken, more than heathenish, this is their drift and especial end, that having by their forged lies, their poisoned tongues, and their hypocritical outcries, procured a general mislike of her majesties reformation, the present government of the Church, the chiefest defender thereof, the Lords that favour it, the Archbishops and Bishops that have authority in it, & the rest of the Clergy that do submit themselves unto it: they might come at the last to attain their purpose, and by fishing in our troubled waters, (according to the Geneva resolution) set up and establish their glorious sceptre and kingdom. Out of these books, because some might otherwise charge the premises herein with slander of the godly brethren, I have thought it very convenient to lay down before you, particularly, some most lewd and wicked speeches, in manner and order, as in ten of the next Chapters following, is specified. CHAP. FOUR The speeches of the said pretended reformers, concerning England: the state, the present reformation, and government of the Church. ENgland a Penry's Epistle before the humble motion. with an impudent forehead, hath said: I will not come near the holy one. And as for the building of his house, I will not so much as lift up a finger towards that work, nay I will continue the desolations thereof. b Gilby, p. 77 England hateth them to this day, that faithfully do their office. Of c Epistle before the demonst. B. 3. all the nations that have renounced that whore of Rome, there is none in the world so far out of square, as England, in retaining the Popish Hierarchy. We in d 1. Adm. p. 4 England are so far off, from having a Church rightly reform, that as yet we are scarce come to the outward face of the same. We e Supplica. to the Parliament, pag. 67 are never the better for her majesties reformation, seeing the walls of Zion lie even with the ground (that is, seeing their discipline, is not established.) Your f Supplica. 62 reformation (as it standeth) will be little better, then that of the Samaritans, who feared jehovah: but worshipped their own Gods. Men g Supplica. 6● belike do think no more to be required at their hands, than the rasing of Babel: the devil as yet contenting himself with Bethel. Your h Preface to the demonst. A. 4. government is that, which giveth leave to a man to be any thing, saving a sound Christian. Omnia cum liceant, non licet esse bonum. We i 1. Adm. pa. 2. lack a right government of the Church. In k Epist. before the supplica. stead of the ordinance of God in the government of his Church, the merchandise of shameless Babylon is maintained. The l 1. Adm. p. 25. government now used by Archbishops, Bishops, etc. is both Antichristian and devilish. Rome is m Gilby's dial. 151. come home to our gates. Antichrist n 1 Adm. p. 33. reigneth amongst us. The o Suppl. to the Parlia, 56. established government of the Church, is traitorous against the majesty of jesus Christ: it confirmeth the Pope's supremacy, it is accursed. It is P Hay any. pa, 5, 6, 8, 12. an unlawful, a false, a bastardly government. In the state of the Church there is nothing q Martin's Epistle. 33. but sores and blisters, yea the grief is even deadly at the heart: They r Hay any, pa. 13. must needs be not only traitors to God and his word, but also enemies unto her Majesty, and the land, that defend the established government of the Church to be lawful. CHAP. V. Some of their undutiful and consistorian speeches concerning her Majesty, etc. THe a Martin's Epistle 10, 53. Bishops have long deceived, and seduced her Majesty and her people. Do b Hay any. page 5. you think our Church government to be good and lawful, because her Majesty and the state, who maintain the reformed religion, alloweth the same? why? the Lord doth not allow it. In effect: that c Ibid pag. 13 15, 23. her Majesty and state, (in maintaining the established government, and rejecting theirs) do maim and deform the body of Christ, and so do bid God to battle against them. Ministers d Register, pa. 48. ought not to obey the Prince, when he prescribeth ceremonies, and a fashion of apparel. By e gilby's preface to his dialogue of the soldier of Birwicke. the same authority, that the Queen commandeth the apparel, now appointed to the Ministers, she may command any piece of Popery, so she name it policy. Achaz, of policy, brought such an altar into jerusalem, as he did see at Damascus, where he had overcome the Idolaters and their Idols. But cursed was his policy, and so are all they that retain any thing of their old Idolatry, (he addeth for example, the candlesticks upon the Queen's altar, kneeling at the communion, etc.) f Martin junior. Thes. 22 Of necessity, all Christian magistrates are bound to receive this government by Pastors, Doctors, Elders and Deacons, and to abolish all other Church government. g Motion our of Scotland to the Lords. pag. 41. Either her Majesty knoweth not what they desire, being abused by the Bishops; or else she is negligent of her duty, and unthankful to God. Her h Gilbie, 66. 68 142. Motion. p. 31. 32. 33. Majesty, is cunningly resembled, to jeroboam, Ahab, jehoram, Ahaz, Gedeon, Nadab, Saul, jehu, Asa, and jehosaphat in those points, whereby they offended God, and she is threatened by their examples, in that having begun so well, she doth not proceed to set up Christ's government thoroughly. A question being asked (as the register reporteth) by the Bishop of London, i Regist. p 33. Anno. 1567. uz. have we not a godly Prince? speak: Wil Why. Tho. Rowland Ro. Hawkins is she evil? There are three answers made, by three several men. The first: what a question is that? the fruits do show. The second: No. But the servants of God are persecuted under her. The third: Why? this question the Prophet answereth in the Psalms: how can they have under standing that work iniquity, spoiling my people, and that extol vanity? To this objection: that it is k Demonst. of Discipline. pag 75. Dotanisme to challenge such authority over Princes, (meaning the authority which the Eldership challengeth) answer is made: vz It is flattery to suffer Princes to do what they list. To this l T. C. 2 part of his 2 replic. pag. 65. position: That princes should be excepted from Ecclesiastical Discipline, and namely from excommunication, they answer thus. That excommunication should not be exercised against Princes, I utterly mislike: To affirm that, It is but a mere mockery of the Lord, ibid. pag, 92, and to offer himself (meaning the now L. Archbishop of Canterbury) as a bawd to all manner of sins in Princes. To insinuate, that others being subject to this correction, only Princes should be exempted, (I fear,) cometh from a worse cause, then from simple error. CHAP. VI Some of their railing speeches against the high court of Parliament; and all others generally that do maintain the present government of the Church of England. FOr not admitting the platform set down in the first admonition, etc. Anno. 14. of her Majesty: and suffering the parties, that offered, it to be punished: Thus they writ. The m 2. Admonition pag, 3 state showeth itself not upright, allege the Parliament what it will: all honest men shall find lack of equity; all good consciences shall condemn that Court. It shallbe easier for Sodom and Gomorrha, in the day of judgement, then for such a Court. There is no other thing to be looked for, than some speedy vengeance to light upon the whole land, provide aswell as the politic Machiavel's of England think they can though God do his worst. Likewise of the Parliament, the 29. of her Majesty (for their tolerating the Bishops, etc. in stead of their new government) it is said. That they shallbe in danger of n Supl. pa, 18, the terrible mass of God's wrath, both in this life and in the life to come: and that if they did not then abrogate (the government by Bishops,) well o Sup pa, 25 they might hope for the favour and entertainment of Moses (that is the curse of the law,) but the favour and loving countenance of jesus Christ, they should not see nor ever enjoy. Again of the same Parliament, it is likewise of firmed: that (if the reformation desired, were not granted,) they should betray God, betray the truth, and betray the whole kingdom. They q Ibid, pag, 7 should declare themselves to be an assembly, wherein the lords cause could not be heard; an assembly, wherein the felicity of miserable men could not be respected; an assembly, that wittingly called for the judgements of God upon the whole land; an assembly, wherein truth, religion, and piety could bear no sway: There r Ibid, pag, 43 shallbe not be a man of their seed that shall prosper be a Parliament-man, or bear rule in England any more. Furthermore, a prophesy is passed (but from that spirit, I trust that took upon him to be, 1 Of the kings. 22. spiritus mendax in ore prophetarum) that if they prevailed not in the said Parliament according to their supplication: then s Sup, pag, 75 76. the Navy of the Spaniards should come again, and fight against this land, and waste it with fire and sword: that God shall send a terror into the hearts of our valiantest and stoutest men: that one enemy shall chase a thousand of us: & that although we had smit the whole host, so as there remained none but wounded men amongst them, yet shall every man rise up in his tent, and overrun this land. Lastly, this they writ generally, of all that do withstand their desires: Those t Martin junior: Thes. 28 kingdoms and states who defend any Church government, save this of Pastors, Doctors, Elders, and Deacons, are in danger of utter destruction. None u ibid.▪ Th. 46 ever defended this Hierarchy of Bishops to be lawful, but Papists, and such as were infected with Popish errors. No x Motion out of Scotland. pag, 20 man can open his mouth (against presbyteries) but with a shameless face, and seared conscience. The y Epistle to the suppl, A, 3 enemies hereof after the manner of the wicked, mentioned in job, do say unto the almighty, depart from us: because we desire not the knowledge of thy ways: yea and in their practice they say, who is the almighty, that we should serve him? This a Epist, to the Sup. A 4, shallbe the portion, of as many, as (to the end) oppose themselves against the cause of reformation now laboured for: the heaven shall declare his wickedness, and the earth shall rise up against him: the increase of his house shall go away: it shall flow away in the day of his wrath: his eyes shall see his destruction, and he shall drink of the wrath of the Almighty. They b Register out of Scotland. are no better to be thought of, than enemies to the Gospel of Christ, to her Majesty, pa. 71. and people: that seek to keep Christ's holy Discipline from amongst us. This c Epi before the supl. is that cause, against which never man yet strived and prospered. All the Newgates and Oldgates, d Exhort to the BB. B, 1, yea and all the Tiburns in England, are too little for such rash, and presumptuous he ades, that will not give God leave to rule: but will take the sceptre out of his hands. I do e Penry in his Epi. from Scotl. before reformat. no enemy fear that many of the forwardest enemies of reformation, are not the backwardest friends, that the king of Spain hath in England at this day. CHAP. VII. Some of their Disciplinarian speeches concerning the Lords of her majesties most honourable privy Council. Our f Epist. from Scotl. before reformat. no enemy. A. 3. Council may truly be said, to delight in the injury & violent oppression of God's saints & Ministers: therefore the Lord will surely visit our Council, with an heavy plague. Our Council g Ibid. A. 3. & 4 cannot possibly deal truly in matters of justice, between man and man; insomuch as they bend all their forces, to bereave jesus Christ of his government. The which ungodly and wicked course as they have held on, ever since the beginning of her majesties reign: so at this day they have taken great boldness, and grown more rebellious, against the Lord and his cause, than ever they were. In so much as their honours, in token of thankfulness to him that exalted them: dare now charge the cause of reformation, to be an enemy unto our state and such as favour the same, to be unquiet and factious men, disturbers of the common peace and quietness, and sowers of sedition among the subjects. They do h Ibid A, 4. not ably detect their impiety against God, and their enmity to the kingdom of his Son Christ: they offer injury to her Majesty. If her Majesty give ear to such Councillors, she may have cause one day to lament. Assuredly, those that are our enemies for the profession of the truth, (meaning the pretended Discipline (cannot be her majesties sure friends, whatsoever they pretend. Satan i Ibid, A, 4 worketh the defacing of the way of truth: & supporteth his own kingdom, by instruments of no mean countenance. Be they noble or k Ibid, B, 1 unnoble, Councillors or inferior men: I am so far from fearing their power, that the more I see them rage, the greater strength I have, to stand to the truth, which they rave against. I do warn l Ibid, B 1. and admonish those Councillors, with whom and against whom especially, I deal in this Treatise, to repent them of their great insolency, whereby they have been puffed up with Senacharib, to magnify and oppose themselves; against the cause and people of the Lord of Hosts: as against the Religion and people, of some of the Gods of the earth. Otherwise they are to fear least the Lord, having raised up many of them, out of mean places into the throne of justice, meaneth to show his power and great name, by making them examples of his fearful wrath; as he did Pharaoh, who wrought his own overthrow. If men will wonder, that m Ibid, B▪ 1, we being so contemptible in the sight of the world, dare yet be so bold, as to control great states and mighty men; and to challenge them of injustice, against the Son of God and his members; who will not stick to brag with Pilate, that they have power to crucify Christ, & to absolve him; they are to understand, that we know of no power, but from above: and therefore of no power, that is able to bear out injustice and wrong. The hills of the Robbers we grant to be high, and unassayleable in the sight of an eye of flesh: but we have learned of the holy man, to account the habitation of the wicked to be accursed, even when he seemeth to be best rooted: for we know that the steps of his strength, shall be restrained, and that his Counsel shall cast him down. CHAP. VIII. Some of their railing speeches against the Magistracy in England, the judges, Lawyers, and laws both civil and ecclesiastical. THe n Epist. from Scotl. before reformat. no enemy. A. 3. Magistracy and ministry have walked hand in hand, in the contempt of true Religion: and unto both, the word of the Lord is made a reproach. Amongst o Ibid. A. 3. those who deal in the cause of justice, there are found wicked persons: even wicked lawyers and judges, (who seem to know of no other God, but their own gain, (that lay wait for the blood of God's saints, as he that setteth snares; and mark whether they can hear of any, that go further in the cause of God, than the corruption of our state doth permit. And if they find any such, they know how to wrest against them, a clause of some statute, contrary not only to the meaning thereof, but even contrary unto all justice and equity, yea common reason itself, and the very grounds of all good laws and statutes. So that it is now grown, and hath been of a long time, a common practice of these Godless men; to make of the statutes, ordained for the maintenance of Religion and common quietness, a pit, wherein to catch the peaceable of the land. The common p ibid. A. 3 inditements of the Lords true and faithful Ministers, for matters of trifles, as the omission of the surplice, churching of women, cross in Baptism, etc. doth manifestly witness the iniquity of these Atheists. The q Maitin junior. Thes. 34. laws, that maintain the Archbishops and Bishops are no more to be accounted of, than the laws maintaining the Stews. The r ibid. Thes. 38. humane laws, that maintain them, are wicked and ungodly. The laws s Fenner against Bridges. p, 5. are made their common sanctuary, to defend all our wickedness. Impiety is t Sup. pa. 59 suffered to bear sway against the majesty of God: and that by law and authority. Such laws u Sup, pa, 24, are retained in force, as justle and overthrow the royal prerogative of the son of God. As x Epistle before the demonst. B. 4 great indignity is offered unto jesus Christ, in committing his Church unto the government of the common law, as can be, by mean hirelings unto a king: in committing his beloved spouse unto the direction of the mistress of the Stews, and enforcing her to live after the laws of a brothelhouse. CHAP. IX. Some of their consistorial sayings, as touching our Religion, Communion book, Sacraments and Ceremonies. WE a 1. Adm. 32, strive for true religion. As b ibid., pag, 2. our lacks are, there can be no right religion. c Gilby, p▪ 29. Many religions are mixed together, of Christ and Antichrist, of God and the devil. d ibid. pag. 90 Christ's Religion is fond patched with the Popes; joining fire and water, heaven and hell together. The e 2, Adm, p. 6 truth (in a manner) doth but peep out from behind the screen. Their f 1. Adm, p. 17 prescript form of service, is full of corruption. In g ibid., pag. 24 all the order of their service, there is no edification, but confusion. The h ibid. pag, 16 Communion book is an unperfect book, culled and picked out of that popish dung hill, the porteous and mass-book: and many of the contents therein be such, as are against the word of God. And i Martin signior. C. 2. Martin signior calleth it our starve-us Book. The k 2 Admon. pag. 42. Sacraments are wickedly mangled and profaned. They l Gilby. pag. 2 eat not the Lords supper but play a pageant of their own, to blind the people: and keep them still in superstition: to make the silly souls believe that they have an English mass: and so put no difference betwixt truth and falsehood, betwixt Christ and An●ichrist, betwixt God and the devil. m 1 Admon. pag. 21. The public baptism is full of childish and superstitious toys. And of our orders, garments, and ceremonies. They are n Gilby. p, 40. carnal, beggarly: Antichristian pomps, rites, laws, and traditions: popish fooleries, Romish relics, & rags of Antichrist dregs and remnants of transformed Popery: pag. 41. Pharisaical outward faces and vizards: remnants of Romish Antichrist: of superstition, Pag. 1. pag. 5. pag. 12. pag. 14. pag. 91. pag. 96. pag 95 pag. 150 and Idolatry: Known liveries of Antichrist: accursed leaven of the blasphemous Popish Priesthood: cursed patches of Popery and Idolatry, they are worse than Lousy: for they are sib be to the sarke of Hercules, that made him tear his own bowels asunder. CHAP. X. How they charge the present government with persecution. THere o 2. Admon. pag. 59 is a persecution of poor Christians, & the professors of the Gospel suffered, not far unlike to the six articles. God's p ibid. cause is trodden under foot, and the benefit of his Church is little regarded. q 1 Adm. p. 2 Poor men have been miserably handled, with revilings, deprivations, imprisonments, bannishments, and such like extremities. Godly r Practise of Prelates. D. 8 Ministers have been brought before the bars of justice: they have been arraigned amongst felons and thieves: they have been imprisoned to the uttermost and defaced: they are reproached, shaken up, threatened; many are deprived: they are examined by an inquisition, much like that: of Spain. O lamentable case, O heinous impiety. s ibid. B. 2 Shall they be thus marked with the black coal of reproach & villainy? O inhuman and more than barbarous impiety. Besides t Mart protest. 13. whorish impudency, halter, axe, bands, scourging, and racking, our Bishops have nothing to defend themselves withal. The u Vdal. dialogue. F, 1 Clinke, Gatehouse, White-Lion, and the Fleet, are their only arguments. If a Exhorta, to BB. A. 1 I say, jeremy, Ezechiel, Osee, Micheas, and Zacharie, were alive: they would be carried to the Marshallsea; the White-lyon, the king's-bench, the Gatehouse, and other Prisons, yea to Newgate. In b 2, Admon. pag. 1. & 2. effect, as Cain persecuted Abel: Esau, jacob: the patriarchs, their brother joseph, the jews, Moses: the Priests jeremy, Osea, Amazia and Christ: even so in these days, the Preachers are slandered and persecuted by such, as would seem pillars of true religion. If this persecution c pag. 59 be not provided for, it is the case of many a thousand in England, great troubles will come of it. The d Dialog that came from Throg, D. 2 land is sore troubled: there is no place nor being, e Martin. protest. pag. 5 for a faithful Minister of the word. Our blood crieth for vengeance against the Bishops. I f Snape to his father, 1590. am made like to our Saviour Christ who hath trodden this path, in that (as he saith) he is troubled not for eviil, but for good, It fares g Wight before he was imprisoned to a friend. with us as with prisoners in Popery: God send us their comfort, Mnisters h Lord in his papers. are in worse sort suppressed now, than they were by the Papists in Queen Mary's time. This cross i Fen of Lords imprisonment. is common, not only with him, but with all that will live godly in Christ. The cause is holy: and his sufferings acceptable. isle perceive the Lion roareth, but cannot bite, further than the Lord shall permit. CHAP. XI. Some of their Consistorian speeches of the Clergy of England, assembled, as occasion hath required, in the Convocation house. THey l Sup. pa. 47, are wolves. It is a Synagogue. Their only endeavour is, Pag. 48, how to prevent Christ, from bearing rule in the Church, pag 49. by his own laws. pag. 53 They are known to be enemies unto all sincerity. The whole convocation house, are (in judgement) contrary to our Saviour Christ, they are intolerable oppugners of God's glory: and utter enemies unto the liberties of his Church. As long as that house standeth, (as at this day it doth) there can be no hope at all, that either Gods heavenly truth; should have free passage, or the Church her liberty, in this kingdom. pag, 55. They have seduced and deceived the civil state, & people, in bearing them in hand, that all is well in the Church. They are termed, (by one of the m Mart, Epist Captains of this crew) right puissant, poisoned, persecuting, and terrible Priests: Clergy masters of the confocation house: the holy league of subscription: the crew of monstrous and ungodly wretches: that mingle heaven and earth together: horned masters of the conspiration house: an Antichristian swinish rabble: enemies of the Gospel: most covetous, wretched and Popish Priests, the Convocation house of devils Beelzebub n Dialogue that came from Throgmort. D. 4 of Canterbury, the chief of the Devils. CHAP. XII. Some of their presbiterial speeches of the Bishops of England professing the Gospel. THe o Hay any. p, 15, 34, etc. Bishops are the greatest and most pestilent enemies that now our state hath, & are like to be the ruin of her Majesty, pag. 20. and the whole state: Archbishops and Bishops are unlawful, unnatural, false, and bastardly governors of the Church, pag. 21 and the ordinances of the Devil: petty Popes: petty Antichristes: Idid, 28. like incarnate Devils: they are Bishops of the Devil: Bishops p Martin's Epist. 37. are cogging and cozening knaves. They will lie like dogs. Our q Epist, pag, 6 Bishops are proud, popish, presumptuous, profane, paltry, pestilent, pernicious prelate's, & usurpers: Impudent, shameless, pag. 33. and waynescot faced Bishops, like beasts. They are in a praemunire. They ought not to be maintained, by the authority of the civil Magistrate, pag. 21 pag. 4 in any common wealth. They r Udal's dialogue. c. 1 are, in respect of their places, enemies of God. The s Martin's protest. 27. worst Puritan is an honester man, than the best Lord Bishop in Christendom. Their t Martin's. protest, pag. 4. pag, 8. pag. 12 pag, 21 pag, 21 cruelty is without measure. They are butchers and horseleeches: it is the portion of their inheritance. Their blood-thirsty attempts. These dragons. Their tyranny and bloodthirsty proceed are inexcusable. In effect, that they conspire to pull the Crown from her majesties head. Bishop's u Udal's dialogue. D, 2 callings are mere Antichristian. The x Martin sen. B. 4. c. 1 Bishops are robbers, Wolves, simoniacs, persecutors, sowers of sedition and discontentedness between her majesties subjects. They have incurred the statute of praemunire: they are (ipso facto) deprivable. Though they be in the Church; yet are they none of the Church. The true Church of God ought to have no more to do with them, and the Synagogue, (namely their Antichristian Courts) them with the Synagogue of Satan. Be a Epist to the epitome. packing Bishops: you strive in vain, you are laid open already. Friars and Monks were not so bad. Of b The Dialog that came from Throg. mort, D. 3 all the Bishops that ever were in the See of the Archbishop of Canterbury, there was never any did so much hurt to the Church of God as he hath done. No Bishop that ever had such an aspiring and ambitious mind as he, no not Cardinal Wolsey. None so proud as he: No not Stephen Gardiner of Winchester. None so tyrannical as he: no not Bonner. He sits c Ibid, c. 4. upon his cogging stool, which may truly be called, the chair of pestilence. His mouth is full of cursing against God and his Saints. His feet are swift to shed blood▪ there is none of God's children, Mart, sen. C. 1 but had as leeve see a Serpent, as meet him. It grieveth them to see so wicked an enemy of God and his Church. Belsebub d Mart sen. of Canterbury. The Canterbury Caiphas: Esau. a monstrous Antichristian Pope: a most bloody oppressor of God's Saints: a very Antichristian beast: a most vile and cursed tyrant. In e Epistle out of Scotl. before reforma. no enemy. respect of his Antichristian prelacy over God's Church, and for the notable hatred, which he hath ever bewrayed towards the Lord and his truth, I think him one of the dishonorablest creatures under heaven. And again of the Bishops, but especially of the Lord Archbishop. In f Practise of Prelates. C. 6. his behaviour, wrath, anger, reproach, and disdain (as in a wood, so many Lions, Bears, Tigers, and cruel beasts) were seen to range, and in this more savage, that whereas they by time and usage may be tamed and appeased, this man never. It g Sup. 37. would be known, whether they have some secret meaning, if opportunity would serve to aspire unto the Crown. CHAP. XIII. Some of their uncharitable words against all the Clergy in England, generally that mislike their designments. WE h 1, Adm. p. 2 lack in England a right ministry of God. The i Ibid, pag. 4. Ministers are neither proved, elected, called, nor ordained according to God's word. I. B. is to be k Mar In, C, 2 invested into the place of a natural fool, after a solemn manner, according to the book of ordaining Bishops and Priests. The l Exhort. to BB●. B. 2. Clergy is indicted, as the followers of Antichrist, and that their ministery is from the Pope. Little m Gilby. p 50 Ibid. pag, 3, or nothing is required of our English Priests; but to say the Catechism, and to wear a cap, cope, and tippet: antichrist's rags shall make him a Priest, be he never such a dolt or a villain. The n Gil, p. 11●. most part of our Ministers, are either Popish Priests, or Monks, or Friars, or alehouse haunters, or boys and lads, drunkards and dolts: that will wear a fools hood, for living sake: They are Hogs, Dogs, Wolves, Foxes, Simoniakes, Usurers: proctors of antichrist's inventions: Popish chapmen, halting Newtrals. pag. 53. pag. 32, pag. 89, pag. 112, They seek nothing, but like greedy dogs, how to fill their paunches. Our supposed Ministers are a multitude of desperate and forlorn Atheists, Epist. from Scotl. before reformat. no enemy. A. 3. Hier. lib. 2. con Rufin. a cursed, uncircumcised, and murdering generation, you shall find amongst this crew nothing else, but a troup of bloody soule-murtherers, and sacrilegious Church robbers. Bene quod malitia non habet tantas vires, quantos conatus. CHAP. XIIII. Their especial drift in their said railing speeches, as outrageously published, as if they were mere jesuits, and peradventure to as dangerous a purpose. BY the former so wicked and slanderous speeches, contained in the ten last Chapters, you see how the brotherhood endeavoureth with the multitude, (as I said) not only the disgrace of our Church and Clergiemen, but likewise how bold they are with her most excellent Majesty: the high Court of Parliament, the Lords of her privy Council: the judges lawyers, laws, and all things beside, that do give any impediment unto their devices and complots. Harding, Dorman, Stapleton, Sanders, Allen, Gregory Martin, and divers other fugitives and Traitors, to make a more easy way, for the bringing in again of popery: have taken the like course in her highness time: meaning principally, by such vile slanders, to withdraw her highness subjects, from their dutiful approbation of the present estate and reformation of Religion. Goodman, Wittingham, Gilby, the author of the book of obedience, with the rest of the Geneva complices in Queen Mary's days, practised the very same policy: when (as you have heard) according to the Allobrogical resolution, they urged all states, by degrees, rather to take arms, and to reform Religion themselves by force, then to suffer such Idolatry and superstition to remain in the land. But in these more political than Christian practices, as I said, that our English Disciplinarians of these days, have far exceeded the Scottish Ministers: so may it be truly affirmed of them, that all the popish Traitors, that hitherto have written, and all the said Genevians that then lived, for malicious and spiteful taunts, for railing and bitter terms, for disdainful and contemptuous speeches, did not come near them. Besides, it is especially to be observed, that in their own opinions, they have by these ungodly means so prevailed with the multitude, as that now they begin to vaunt and brag of their good success▪ already therein attained. One of them sendeth us word from Scotland, that such as have withstood their pretended Church government, The Motion. pag. 40. 42, are made already in England to be despised and vile before all the people: that a poor simple Minister of their etc. is heard with more reverence, and resorted unto with more diligence, than one of ours; though he have the great bell rung, and men to help him up into the pulpit: that this was wrought by a contemptible, and very base and strange means, (meaning Martin and his sons libels, etc.) not once dreamt off by a thousand of God's saints: and that when their creastes, (meaning the Bishops) were set up, and they began to say all is ours; then their presumption was dashed, daunted, and taken down. They might as well have signified unto us, in what terms and reputation, her Majesty, her Parliaments, her Lords, her judges, and her laws, do stand and hold with the people. In dealing as they have done, by their particular supplications and motions unto her Highness, and unto their LLs. their intents to that purpose, when the time shall serve (if in the mean while they be not prevented) are not ably disclosed. For otherwise, it might have sufficed them, to have delivered their discontentments, in private manner, by writing, both to her Majesty, their LLs▪ and other in authority: thereby to have discharged their consciences without their publishing of them in Print to the world, except their purpose had likewise been, by that lewd means, to have brought them all into contempt, as well as the Bishops. What private man, if his friend should write a letter unto him, and lay open in the same, (either truly or falsely) many great crimes to his charge: & afterward should by Printing or any other ways publish it: could otherwise account of his dealing therein, but that he meant to make him thereby odious to the world, or at the least to be of no great account, or estimation. Queen Marie was of nature & disposition, very mild and pitiful; and yet, because she suffered such cruelty & superstition to be practised & maintained in her days, you have heard by the consistorian propositions (before mentioned) what was resolved by Goodman, Whittingham, Gilby, & the rest of the Genevians against her, concerning her deposition, etc. Which is a matter that would be well considered-of, and in time provided-for accordingly: considering that these our homebred sycophants, men of the Geneva mould, as proud and presumptuous as any that everlived, do charge the present state, under her Majesty, (as before it is noted) with such great impiety, corruption, idolatry, superstition, and barbarous persecution: Which may touch her highness, as nearly (by their doctrine) for maintaining the present state, as Queen Marie was, for defending of Popery. Well the conclusion of this Book is this, vz: that seeing our English consistorians do labour more vehemently, or at the least as eagerly, per fas & nefas, by slander, reproach, and malicious practices, to discredit all those, that withstand them, in their desires, for the Geneva-like discipline: as any other Scottish Ministers, Papists, or old Genevians, have laboured to discredit those, that maintained all kind of Popery, Idolatry, and superstition, it is to be feared, lest they proceed in the Geneva Resolution, as their fellows (whom they do imitate in Scotland, or rather whom they do excel) have done before them. The end of the second Book. THE THIRD BOOK OF DISCIPLINARY GROUNDS and Practices. CHAP I. The practices of certain English Reformers for Discipline, from the year, 1560. until the year, 1572. AS in Scotland, when they could not obtain their desires, for the full establishing of their book of Discipline, by lawful authority; they procured such private subscription thereunto, as they were able, and so fell themselves to the practice of it (as it hath been said in the sixth chapter of the first Book: even so have our men in England, of the same consort and faction, proceeded in effect, upon the like occasion, for their new platform: but yet in a different manner. For the first ten or eleven years of her majesties reign, through the peevish frowardness, the outcries and exclamations of those that came home from Geneva, against the garments prescribed to Ministers, and other such like matters; no man (of any experience) is ignorant, what great contention and strife was raised: insomuch as their sectaries divided themselves from their ordinary congregations, and meeting together in private houses, in woods, & fields, had and kept there, their disorderly and unlawful conventicles. These kinds of assemblies (notwithstanding the inconvenience and absurdness of them in a Church reform,) M. Cartwright (within a while after) took upon him (in sort) to defend, T. C. ●. reply. page 38. saying: that the name of conventicles, was too light and contemptuous for them. About the twelfth year of her highness said government, these malcontents, growing weary of the foresaid dissensions, and being of restless dispositions, began to stir up new quarrels, concerning the Geneva Discipline: being the matter indeed which they still aimed at, in all their former proceed. Hereupon, (the 14. of her Majesty) two admonitions were framed, and exhibited to the high Court of Parliament. The first contained their pretended griefs, with a declaration (forsooth) of the only way to reform them: uz. by admitting of that platform, which was there described. This admonition, finding small entertainment, (the authors or chief preferrers thereof being imprisoned) out cometh the second admonition, towards the end of the same Parliament: with great lightning and thunder, as though heaven and earth should have met together, because of the little regard which was had before, to the former admonition. In this second admonition, the first is wholly justified: the Parliament (as it hath been showed) is mightily challenged: great words are used, and in plain terms, it is there affirmed: That if they of that assembly would not then follow the advise of the first admonition, they would surely themselves be their own carvers. The Church (say they) may and must keep God his orders: 2. Admonition. pa. 60. 61. and surely this is only God his order, (uz. the said platform) & ought to be used in his Church, so that in conscience we are forced to speak for it, and to use it. Whereupon, presently after the said Parliament, (uz. the twentieth of November, 1572.) there was a Presbytery erected at Wandesworth in Surrey (as it appeareth by a bill endorsed with Master Fields hand, thus: the order of Wandesworth.) In which order the Elders names, eleven of them, are set down: the manner of their election is declared: the approvers of them, (one Smith of Micham, and Crane of Roughampton) are mentioned: their offices and certain general rules, (then given unto them to be observed) were likewise agreed upon, and described. CHAP. II. The secret meetings for Discipline, and the matters handled in them here in England from 1572 till 1583. How they grew to be so far gone at Wandesworth, that I find not: they of London, at that time, were nothing so forward. And yet, as it appeareth by the lawful deposition and oath of one, Tho. Ed. both before the Commiss, and in the Star Chamber. (then of that faction, but now a very honest man, a Bachelor of Divinity, and an ancient Preacher) they had then their meetings of Ministers, termed brethren, in private houses in London: as namely of Field, Wilcox, Standen, jackson, Bonham, Seinctloe, Crane, and Edmondes, which meetings were called conferences, according to the plot in the first and second admonitions mentioned. In these London-meetings, at the first, little was debated, but against subscription, the attire, and book of common prayer. Marry after (saith he) that Charke, Travers, Barber, Gardiner, Cheston, and lastly Crook and Egerton, joined themselves into that brotherhood, than the handling of the Discipline began to be rise: then many motions were made, and conclusions were set down. As for example. That forasmuch, as divers books had been written, and sundry petitions exhibited to her Majesty, the Parliament, their LLs, and yet to little purpose: therefore every man, should labour, by all the means he could, to bring into the Church, the said reformation themselves. That the present government of the Church, by Archbishops & Bishops, was Antichristian: & that the only Discipline & government of Christ, (as they termed it,) uz. by Pastors, Doctors, Elders, and Deacons, should be established in place of the other. That for the better bringing in of the said form of Discipline, they should not only, (aswell publicly as privately) teach it, but by little and little, as much as possibly they might, draw the same into practice, though they concealed the names, either of Presbytery, Elder, or Deacon, making little account of the name for the time, so that their offices might be secretly established. There was an assembly of threescore Ministers, appointed out of Essex, Cambridgshire, and Norfolk, to meet the eighth of May, Pig. to Field. 16. of May, 158●. 1582. at Cockefield, (Master Knewstubs town) there to confer of the common book, what might be tolerated, & what necessarily to be refused in every point of it: apparel, matter, form, days, fastings, injunctions, etc. Of this meeting it is thus reported. Our meeting was appointed to be kept very secretly, and to be made known to none, etc. That this assembly was also kept accordingly, it appeareth by these words. Concerning the meeting, I hope all things were so proceeded in, as yourself would like of: aswell for reverence to other brethren, as for other matters. I suppose before this time, some of the company, have told you by word: for that was permitted unto you. Another meeting was also appointed to be held, that year, Pig. to Field. ibid. at the Commencement in Cambridge, as is plain by these words. Concerning the Commencement, I like well your motion: desiring it might so come to pass: and that it be procured, to be as general as might be: which may easily be brought to pass, if you at London, shall so think well of it, and we here may understand your mind: we will (I trust) as we can, further it. M. Allen liketh well of the matter. CHAP. III. A form or book of Discipline is drawn, and a resolution is agreed upon, how far they might proceed for the practice of it, without breaking the peace of our Church. Whilst the brethren in the Country, were coming thus fast on forward (as you have heard in the end of the former Chapter:) you must not think that the Rabbis in London were in the mean time idle. Hitherto it should seem, that in all their former proceed, they had relied chief, upon the first admonition and Cartwrights' book: as having had no particular and several platform, that was generally allowed of amongst them, for the Church of England. But now at the length, (about the year, 1583.) the form of Discipline (which is lately come to light) was compiled: and thereupon an assembly or Council being held (as I think at London, or at Cambridge) certain decrees were made, concerning the establishing and the practice thereof. In which decrees, mention is made of a collection; concluded upon for the Scottish Ministers, fugitives here in England, 1583. (which showeth the time when they were made:) & order is likewise taken for the putting in use of the Synodical Discipline; which also proveth the age of that book. The decrees themselves are extant to be seen, under Master Wights hand; a man of that brotherhood. But it may not be omitted, that you must think; how the godly brethren in all these and such other their zealous courses, had never any meaning to disturb the present state established. And thereupon (forsooth) in this conspiracy or council mentioned, (like good and quiet spirited men) they had an especial care, that the peace of the Church might not be broken, by any order or decree of theirs. So as then the question amongst them was, (seeing the Discipline must needs up) how far they might proceed in the establishing and practice of it, keeping notwithstanding the peace of the Church, established already by her Majesty. And it was overruled accordingly, as it followeth in the decrees themselves, faithfully translated, word for word, out of their own Latin copy. The title thereof, uz. These be the things, that (do seem) may well stand with the peace of the Church. The Decrees. Let no man (though he be an University man) offer himself to the Ministry, nor let any man take upon him an uncertain and vague Ministry, though it be offered unto him. But such as be called to the Ministry by some certain Church, let them impart it unto that Classis or conference, (whereof themselves are,) or else unto some greater Church assembly: and if such shall be found fit by them, then let them be commended, by their letters unto the Bishop, that they may be ordained Ministers by him. Those ceremonies in the Book of common prayer, which being taken from Popery, are in controversy, do seem, that they ought to be omitted and given over, if it may be done without danger, of being put from the Ministry. But if there be any imminent danger to be deprived, than this matter must be communicated with the Classis, in which that Church is: that by the judgement thereof, it may be determined, what ought to be done. If subscription to the articles of Religion, and to the book of common Prayer, shall be again urged: it is thought, that the book of articles, may be subscribed unto, according to the statute 13. Eliz. that is, unto such of them only, as contain the sum of Christian faith, and doctrine of the Sacraments. But for many weighty causes, neither the rest of the articles in that book, nor the book of common prayer, may be allowed: no, though a man should be deprived of his Ministry for it. It seemeth, that Churchwardens and Collectors for the poor, might thus be turned into Elders and into Deacons. When they are to be chosen, let the Church have warning fifteen days before, of the time of election, and of the ordinance of the Realm: but especially of Christ's ordinance, touching appointing of watchmen and overseers in his Church: who are to foresee, that none offence or scandal do arise in the Church: and if any shall happen, that by them it may be duly abolished. And touching Deacons of both sorts (uz. men and women) the Church shall be monished, what is required by the Apostle: and that they are not to choose men, of custom and of course, or for their riches, but for their faith, zeal, and integrity: and that the Church is to pray, (in the mean time) to be so directed, that they make choice, of men that be meet. Let the names of such as are so chosen, be published, the next Lord's day: and after that, their duties to the Church, and the Churches towards them, shall be declared: then let them be received unto the Ministry, to which they are chosen, with the general prayers of the whole Church. The Brethren are to be requested, to ordain a distribution of all Churches, according to these rules, (in that behalf) that are set down in the Synodical Discipline, touching Classical, Provincial, comitial or of Commencements, and assemblies for the whole kingdom. The Classes are to be required, to keep acts of memorable matters: which they shall see delivered to the comitial assembly that from thence they may be brought by the provincial assembly. Also, they are to deal earnestly with patrons, to present fit men: whensoever any Church is fallen void in that Classis. The comitial assemblies are to be monished, to make collections for relief of the poor and of scholars: but especially for relief of such Ministers here, as are put out, for not subscribing to the Articles, tendered by the Bishops: also for relief of Scottish Ministers and others, and for other profitable and necessary uses. All the provincial Synods, must continually, afore hand, foresee in due time, to appoint the keeping of their next provincial Synods: and for the sending of chosen persons, with certain instructions, unto the Nationall Synod to be holden: whensoever the Parliament for the kingdom shall be called, and at some certain set time ever year. Hitherto the Decrees of this grave Council, whereby it seemeth to me, that when they resolved, they might proceed thus far, and keep (notwithstanding) the peace of the Church of England established: they opposed (in that resolution) the word peace, to war: as though they should have agreed, how far they might run on in this race, without urging of their followers, to force & arms. For otherwise, how could any sober men, so much as once have imagined, that they might, in this sort, overthrow (in effect) the present government, and establish their own devices, and yet never break the peace of the Church? But I will not press this point. It is more agreeable to my purpose to pursue the chase. CHAP. FOUR About the year, 1583. they fell again to the practice of their Discipline, and of a Consistorian question. TO make good laws, and not see them executed, is but labour lost. And therefore it should seem, that these wise Lawmakers, were presently after, as careful to put the said orders in practice, as they were before to resolve upon them: as it may appear by a letter, written to Master Field from Antwerp, the 25. of june, 1583. by one Cholmeley, in answer of a former Letter, sent unto him from the said Field. For thus Cholmeley writeth: Laetor intùs & in cord, de meliori successu rerum vestrarum, quòd cum de conventibus vestris audiam, tum de Disciplinae Ecclesiasticae formali 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 multò lubentissimè. Dicam quòd verum est, serò nimis incepistis: quisquis iam tandem vel incipere recusaverit, vel a tam praeclaro incepto desistat, peccatum suum feret: paenitendumest de priori lentitudine. I am glad with all my heart, for the better success of your affairs, not only in that I hear of your assemblies, but most willingly of all, in respect of your effectual practising of the Ecclesiastical Discipline. I will tell you that which is true, you have begun this course too too late. Whosoever shall now, either refuse to begin, or shall desist from so notable an enterprise, he shall bear his own sin. You ought to repent you for your former slowness. And afterward, thus out of the same Letter, Philip. 1. to encourage Master Field and the brethren. In nulla re terreamini ab ijs quise opponunt, quod illis quidem est exitij indicium, vobis autem salutis, idque a Deo. In nothing fear your adversaries, which is to them a token of perdition, but to you of salvation, and that from God. In july the next year, Gelibrand to Field. uz. 1584. some of the Scottish Ministers afore spoken of, went to the Act in Oxford: where Master Gelibrand with his brethren, gave them great entertainment. At that time, there was a notable question propounded amongst their favourers there, by the said Ministers, as is manifest by these words. Here have been a good company of godly brethren this Act. Master Fen, Wilcox, Axton: the Scottish ministers, and we have had some meeting and conference, to our great comfort that are here. One point (which then was moved) I would wish to be thoroughly debated among you and them, concerning the proceeding of the Minister in his duty, without the assistance or tarrying for the Magistrate, etc. What was resolved amongst the brethren of London, about this matter at that time, I know not. Marry this I find, that presently thereupon, they grew more violent, and prepared themselves to proceed more resolutely, in the challenging of their Discipline, as it is plain by the dealing both of them, and of their favourers, that year in November and December after, at the Parliament, 27. of her Majesty. And beside, let the said Master Gelibrands' words, in a Letter to Field, dated the 12. of january after, uz. 1584. be considered. For (as it seemeth to me) they either tend to sedition, or to the admitting, in Oxford, of the foresaid Decrees or Discipline. Sure I am, that they can hardly (for aught I see) receive any good construction. Thus he writeth I have already entered into the matters, whereof you writ, and dealt with three or four of several Colleges, concerning those among whom they live. I find, that men are very dangerous in this point generally favouring reformation: but when it cometh to the particular point, some have not yet considered of these things, for which others in the Church are so much troubled: others are afraid to testify any thing with their hands, lest it breed danger before the time. And after: many favour the cause of reformation, but they are not Ministers, but young students, of whom there is good hope, if it be not cut off by violent dealing before the time. As I hear by you▪ so I mean to go forward, where there is any hope, and to learn the number, and to certify you thereof. Furthermore, at the time of the Parliament last mentioned, I find, that there was a national Synod held likewise in London by these brethren: according to their former decisions and Synodical Discipline. This appeareth by three letters. The first was, from eleven ministers of Essex, to Field: wherein they desire to be certified, 26. ja. 1584. whether the brethren meant to be exercised, in prayer and fasting, and upon what day. The second was, from nine of the said Ministers, to Field and Charke: 2. Febru. 1584. wherein they writ thus: We have elected two Godly and faithful brethren, Master Wright and Master Gifford, to join with you in that business. 29. novemb. 1584. The third was, from Gelibrand, to Field: Wherein he excuseth himself of a great oversight, in these words. Touching my departure from that holy assembly without leave, etc. I crave pardon, both of you & them, etc. And thus (saith he) commending this holy cause to the Lord himself, and your godly counsel to the Precedent thereof, I take my leave. CHAP. V. Their Book of Discipline is reviewed: it was after sent abroad about, 1587. it was put in practice, in Northamptonshire and many other places. NOtwithstanding that the book of Discipline was abroad, as it hath been noted, (in the third chapter,) and that the brethren had framed themselves (as they might) unto the rules thereof: yet there were found, some imperfections in it: which in the Synod, mentioned in the former chapter, (as I take it) were referred to Master Travers, to be corrected and ordered by him, as his leisure will permit. Which appeareth by a letter of Master Fields to Master Travers, in these words. Concerning our other business: I would wish, that the Discipline were read over with as much speed as could be, Field to Travers. 3. julie. 1585. and that some good directions were given, for the brethren abroad, who are earnest to enter some good course, for the furtherance of the L: cause. And after in the same place: I find many abroad, very willing to join with the best: to put in practice that which shall be agreed upon, by the brethren. If it might please the brethren therefore, that those or the like instructions (which we had) with a perfect copy of the Discipline, might be sent, I would wholly employ myself in that service. Another also upon the longer stay thereof. I pray you hasten the form of Discipline and send it. And the same man again: Gelibrand to Field. 9 of novem. 1585. I pray you remember the form of Discipline, which Master Travers promised to make perfect, and send it me when it is finished. Gelibrand to Field, 30. januarie. We will put it in practice, and try men's minds therein, as we may. According to these requests, the draft of Discipline was at the last finished: and then sent abroad, to be approved generally by all the brotherhood, as may thus appear: The discipline we have received, and we give you and the brethren hearty thanks for it. Gelibrand to Field. As yet we are not resolved in all points of it: having had but small time to peruse it, nor the commodity of often meeting about it. But we have taken order for our monthly assembly, and after our own consents yielded unto it, for associating other into our company, Sands to Field 20. june 1587. whom we shall think approved. And an other. We heartily give God thanks (saith one) for the godly & most Christian pains of the brethren, in the travail of the Discipline: which is come to our hands to be considered-of Gelibrands' letter of his receipt of the book of Discipline, was written in the name of the brethren in Oxford. At which time there was another Synod held in London: whither (saith the letter) Master West and Master Browne were sent from Oxford: to whom they referred the estate of their Church, to be related: and by whom they desired to understand, directions from the Synod, how they might deal afterwards in those matters. Within a while after, This appeareth under M. Wights hand. uz. 1587. (as I suppose,) there was in like sort an assembly or Synod held of the Cambridgeshire brotherhood: accompanied peradventure with some of other shires. About which time also, upon the new edition of the foresaid book, the further practice of the Discipline mentioned by Cholmeley, 1583. (as is before showed) began to spread itself more freely, into the most parts of the Realm: but especially (for aught I do yet understand) it was most friendly entertained, amongst the ministers of Northamptonshire, as it appeareth in record by some of their own depositions, 16. of May, 1590. in these words following. About two years and a half, since the whole shire was divided into three Classes. M. johnson. So in effect M. Litleton M. Sharpe. 1. The Classis of Northamptonshire, consisting of these Ministers: Master Snape, Master Penrie, Master Sibthorpe, Master Edward's, Master Littleton, Master Bradshaw, Master Lark, Master Fleshware, Master Spicer, etc. 2. The Classis of Daventrie side, consisting of these: Master Barebon, Master Rogers, Master King, Master Smart, Master Sharpe, Master Prowdloe, Master Elliston, etc. 3. The Classis of Kettring side: consisting of these: Master Stone, Master Williamson, Master Fawsbrooke, Master Patinson, Master Massey▪ etc. This devise (saith Master johnson) is commonly received in most a M. Snape reported as much, as Edward Smith. Ri. Hawgar & Ri. Holme have deposed parts of England, (as I have heard in sundry of our meetings:) but especially, in Warwickshire, Suffolk, Norfolk, Essex, etc. The manner of every particular Classis is this. At b M. Sharp and M. Litleton do likewise herein agree with M. johnson. their meeting (which is always in some private house, but yet in their Mother Cities) first a moderator is chosen▪ in this sort: one of them conceiveth a prayer, for God's direction in that choice. Then he, that conceived the prayer, sitteth alone in scrutonie: and every one giveth his voice secretly unto him. He that hath most voices is chosen. The moderator, thus chosen, conceiveth another prayer: that God would bless him in the course of his office. Then being set at the table's end, with his brethren by him: the names of all the brethren are called. If any were absent at their first sitting down, he sitteth after in order, as he cometh, for avoiding of superiority. The authority of the moderator endureth until the next meeting of that Classis. At the breaking up of every Classis, there is ever some certain time appointed, when they shall meet again: which is sometime within a fortnight, but commonly three weeks at the furthest: If any thing do fall out in the mean time, fit to be consulted upon: the moderator may call the Classis together sooner, according to an order made amongst themselves. It is a Mast. Litleton deposeth as much. a general order, that when any is admitted into a Classis: he doth promise under his hand, that he will submit himself, and be obedient to all such orders and decrees, as shall be set down by the same Classis to be observed. As for example: these were part of the particular articles, whereunto every one of Northampton Classis did subscribe, at his entering or admittance into it: we do promise to submit ourselves, unto such orders and decrees, as shall be set down by our Classis: We do promise to submit ourselves, to be censured by our brethren of this Classis, in all matters concerning doctrine and Discipline, etc. In this Classis it was furthermore concluded and agreed upon, that when any controversy did arise, touching any matters of doctrine, or about the interpretation of any place of Scriptures: every one of that Classis, should always yield therein, unto that interpretation and resolution, which the brethren of that Classis should determine of. And so also when any questions did rise amongst them of greater difficulty. As for example, Master Stone moved this question to the Northampton Classis in the behalf of one: uz. two are contracted: one of them marrieth with a third: he or she so married are free again. The question is: whether the former contract, do now again bind. And the resolution was: it did not: which was a false Resolution. The determinations and acts concluded upon in this Classis, Mast. Sharp to the same purpose of Daventry Classis. were registered in a book by Snape: chosen Register by the company, and who always kept the same. Besides these particular Classes, there is another kind of meeting, which is termed the Assembly. And it consisteth (for example) in Northamptonshire, of the number of six: that is two of every Classis, which are sent thither by election. The ordinary place of this assembly in Northamptonshire, was at Northampton: where Snape commonly was one, and a chief man, Barbon & King, were the men that usually came from Daventry side: and Stone and Williamson from Kettring side. At the meeting of the six, there is always a moderator first chosen, in manner and form, as in the Classis: and so likewise for their further order of proceeding. The moderator continueth his authority, over all the three Classes, until the like meeting happen again: which is never certain. But yet commonly within six or eight weeks, upon occasion signified from the Classes unto this moderator. For unto him belongeth the calling of this assembly. The matters, which here are handled, are those of great moment; such as concern the state of the Church generally. As for example: the writing of letters to the brethren at Oxford, Cambridge, & London: The like Ma. Sharp of Daventry Classis to certify them of their proceed, & to know what course is held amongst them, in those places, for the Discipline and government, which they term Reformation:) to the intent, that the particular Classes, upon their advertisements, may direct themselves, and their Churches accordingly. It is likewise always concluded, at such times, which of the six assembled, shall pen the letters. And in this choice, Snape was commonly the man. The men, to whom they usually did write: were one in Cambridge; Travers in London, and Gelibrand in Oxford: When any answers were returned from those places: they were commonly directed to Snape, or to him that had written to them, in the name of the brethren. Two especial points (I remember) were concluded in this assembly: the one was, for a survey of all the Churches in Northhamptonshire: M. Sharp to to the same purpose of Daventrie Classis. th'other, for an order to be observed at the last Parliament, which then drew near. The survey was, to know what every benefice in the shire was worth, how many souls by a general conjecture, were in every parish: who were the incumbents, and of what life, pains and qualities they were. To this purpose, the fittest men, and such as were best acquainted in the shire were nominated: as Litleton for Haddon deanery, etc. Which duty he performed for his part to the uttermost: and brought a most railing Discourse, against every Minister, which was not of our company. The end propounded of this survey, was: uz. that if upon signification to the brethren abroad, what was done there: they would likewise make the like survey in other countries: the Parliament (if need required, and to the better furthering of their purposes) might have a general view, of all the Ministers in England, that impugned their desires. The second point before mentioned was this: uz. a conclusion to send up to London, one or two of every Classis in Northhamptonshire, with letters of credit, to attend at the Parliament: to join themselves with the brethren of other countries: and to offer disputation, (if it should be so thought meet) and to undertake any other such matter, as should then and there be determined of amongst them: and that there should be letters written, of this resolution, to know how the brethren abroad liked it: or what other course they would hold, at that time, for the bringing in of Discipline and Church government. These two points, were penned by Snape: and sent to the brethren abroad, as it was ordered. What answer was returned to Snape, from the brethren in Oxford & Cambridge, I know not: but well I remember, that Traverse did write to Snape, a very cunning Letter: wherein he showed himself not to mislike the foresaid survey to be generally made, but signified, that the Parliament drawing on so fast, it could not be done so soon. But for the second point: that (he writ) was liked, and meet to be followed. Whereupon the Classes of Northamptonshire, did send up some three or four, as Settle for Northampton, Rogers for Daventry, etc. with a further conclusion, that if any of them (upon occasion) should be committed, others should be sent up in their places. Although the time was short, This survey hath been made in the most shires of England: as by the surveys themselves to be showed it appeareth. They are in manner of heathenish libels. for the general accomplishing of these forenamed points: yet this examinate thinketh, some thing was done in the first: uz. as he hath heard, a survey was made to the purpose before touched, of the Ministers in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex. And for the second, true it was, that many were sent to attend at the Parliament, from the most parts of England. And one resolution was, that some twenty or thirty of them, should have come in their gowns, with all gravity, to the Parliament-house-dore; and there have desired by petition a disputation. Furthermore, concerning some censures used, there was a general consent and purpose, amongst the brethren, touching a secret kind of excommunication: for example's sake. A lay man committeth some sin. One of the Elders was to admonish him. The party is obstinate. The Elder must take two or three with him the second time. And if this serve not, than he is to be debarred from the communion. In this case, if the said party should (notwithstanding) intrude himself to communicate, than it was agreed to repel him, upon pretence of certain words in the communion book. So as thereby, they might keep their own course, for their Discipline, and yet have a cloak to cover them withal, out of the book. Again, an other thing is notable to this effect. About a year and a half a go, john Nelson of Northampton, an Elder or a Deacon of Saint peter's, (as I think) having either his daughter, or his sister gotten with child, in his house, by one of his servants, Master Snape dealt with the said servant, to urge him to public repentance: and at the last, so far prevailed with him, (as it was thought,) that he promised the next sunday so to do: but came not. Whereupon Snape made a very bitter Sermon against him. The next Sunday he came indeed. And then Snape made a long prayer, that God would give him grace, to make a faithful acknowledgement of his sin etc. That done, the penitentiary, made public confession etc. Which being performed, Snape absolved him; and then entered into a great discourse how clear the party was, and free from that sin committed, even as though he had been newly born: charging the congregation, that no man should presume, at any time after, to object the same unto him. But that, which was most wondered at: whereas this poor man was thus dealt withal, Snape caused lame Pretty, a Soldier of Berwick (who without any calling in the Church at all, saving that he had a toleration to read, did such service in that place, as was appointed by Snape to be read, till he came to Church) the next morning to marry the said penitentiary to the woman with child before named, without any bringing of her, unto any such public repentance. Hereof, grew amongst the people great speech, that the poor man was so used, & the cicher man's sister or daughter was so freed. The said lame Soldier, hath married many in that place, upon Snapes commandment: for that Snape holdeth, that duty to appertain no more to the Ministers office, then to any other man. And as touching that point mentioned, of the brothers submitting of themselves, by subscription, to be censured in their Classis: it was thus used in the Northampton Classis. The brethren being together in a chamber, the party to be first censured, (as they were all to be in course) goeth forth out of the chamber. Then the moderator asketh every man's opinion of him: how he behaveth himself aswell in his life, as in his ministery: and every man, having spoken his opinion, the party is called in: and then, if he were not any way touched, he is greatly commended: if otherwise, then reproved, as the causes require. For example, Edward's of Cortnall coming under this censure, was blamed for using the Cross in Baptism: and at his comming-in again, was wonderful sharply dealt withal for the same. Thus far Master johnson of the Northampton Classis. With whom do also agree in the principal points: Master Littleton, as touching the same Classis, Master Sharpe, & Master Walker, Preachers and persons deposed, concerning the Classis of Daventry side: and Master Stone (a Preacher likewise) upon his oath, for that of Kettring side. One or two points I may not omit, Stone in the star-chamber. which Master Stone hath delivered. He confesseth that at divers times, Master Snape, Master Barbon; Master Sharpe, Master Prowdloe, Master King, Master johnson, Master Sibthorp, Master Spicer, Master Baxter, Master Littleton, Master Williamson, Master Bradshaw, Master Fleshware, Master Harrison, and he, have met in Northampton: and likewise at Kettring: and at his house, the most of them, with some others as Master Rishbrooke, Master Atkinson, Master Davies, Master Massye, Master Okes etc. about matters of discipline. And he saith further, that in an assembly had, either at his house or at Kettring, it was propounded, treated, and concluded, that the Apocrypha writings were not to be read in the Church. And in an other assembly, which of them he doth not remember, he affirmeth likewise, that it was debated and concluded upon, that the superiority of the Bishops of this land, over the rest of the Ministers, is not warranted by the word of God. To these depositions, concerning the Northamptonshire Classes, I might add the depositions of one master Parker, Vicar of Dedham in Essex, for the proof of the Classes in that shire: as of one about Brayntree side, consisting of these Ministers, master Culuerwell, master Rogers, master Gifford etc. another about Colchester, consisting of these Ministers, Doctor Chapman, Doctor Chricke, master Dowe, master Farrar, master Newman, master Tey etc. and so likewise the depositions of others. Ego singulis sabbatis, si non alius adveniens locum suppleat, cum prescripta leiturgias formula nihil habens commertij; Hen. Asker to Field. Apr. 14. 1585. in coetu concionem habeo: idque reverendorum fratrum consilio, qui suos habent singulis ferè hebdomadis conventus, qui etiam me in eorum numerum, (sic est mihi propitius Deus,) benign ascripserunt. I preach every Sabbaoth day, (if no other that cometh by chance, doth supply the place) having nothing to do at all with the form or book of Common Prayer: and that by the counsel of the reverend brethren: who have their meetings almost every week, who have also, (God being so merciful unto me) admitted me very kindly into their number. But in following of that course, I should be too tedious. I will only set down, one man's witness more, agreeing with Master johnson; for the proof, that the like Classes, are or have been held in most Shires in England: and so referring you to judge of them all, by that of Northampton, I will go forward. About two years since, Master Snape did say and affirm, in the presence of Edward Smith, Robert Vicars, Edward Bird, Richard Holmes, & himself, that there were three or four small Classes of Ministers in every shire, where there were any learned Preachers, who did use (in their meetings) to debate of the Discipline, by Pastors, Doctors, Elders, & Deacons, and that the said several small Classes, did send their resolutions and opinions, to the greater assemblies at Cambridge at Sturbridge Fair time, and at London at Bartholomew Fair time, which did meet together also for the same purpose: and that if the said great assembly did like of that, which was done by the smaller Classes, than was the same (so liked of) generally concluded, to be that, which ought to be, or stand, in the Church. (As for example.) That it was concluded and agreed upon, both in the said Classical and general assemblies; that the dumb ministery was no ministery, or else no lawful ministery: and that the Ministers in their several charges, should all teach one kind of doctrine, tending to the erecting of the foresaid government, by Pastors, Doctors, Elders and Deacons: which points (saith Holmes of himself in another examination) were concluded in the Synod at Sturbridge Fair last. uz. 1588. CHAP. VI A Synod is held at Coventrie, 1588. many questions are resolved, the book of Discipline is subscribed unto. THere is mention made, in the last chapter, of a Synod or meeting, 1587. of the Cambridgeshire Classical Ministers, and peradventure of some others also with them. In which meeting there were certain questions propounded & dealt in: the which questions were afterwards sent by their direction, to the Warwickshire Classes, or brethren assembled in those parts, to be further entreated of and resolved. The next year after, uz. 1588. the said Warwickshire Classes, etc. assembling themselves together, in council, (as it seemeth at Coventry,) the questions mentioned, were determined upon: and beside, other matters were also concluded, as by the acts themselves following (to be showed under Master Wights hand, and are acknowledged in effect upon two men's oaths in the star-chamber) may sufficiently appear. Thus the proceedings of that meeting are entitled. Acta conventus Classium Warwic, die decimo, quarti. 1588. The Acts of the assembly of the Warwickshire Classes the tenth day of the fourth month. And touching the questions specified. Questiones a fratribus ex Synodo Cantabrigiensi, anno superiore delatae, eâ quae sequitur formulâ sunt explicatae. The questions brought the other year, from the brethren of the Cambridge Synod, are resolved in manner as followeth. I will not trouble my paper with the form which they used, but these were some of their resolutions: uz. That private Baptism is unlawful. That it is not lawful, to read homilies in the Church. That the sign of the Cross, is not to be used in Baptism. That the faithful ought not to communicate with unlearned ministers, although they may be present at their service, if they come of purpose to hear a sermon. The reason is, because lay men, aswell as ministers, may read public service. That the calling of Bishops etc. is unlawful. That as they deal in causes ecclesiastical, there is no duty belonging unto them, nor any, publicly to be given them. That it is not lawful, to be ordained by them into the ministry; or to denounce either suspensions or excommunications sent from them. That it is not lawful, to rest in the Bishop's deprivation of any from the ministery, except (upon consultation with the neighborministers adjoining, and his flock) it seem so good unto them: but that he continue in the same, until he be compelled to the contrary by civil force. That it is not lawful, to appear in a Bishop's Court: but with protestation of their unlawfulness. That Bishops are not to be acknowledged, either for Doctors, Elders, or Deacons, as having no ordinary calling. That touching the restoration of their Ecclesiastical discipline, it ought to be taught to the people, data occasione, as occasion should serve. That nondum (as yet) the people are not to be solicited, publicè (publicly) to the practice of the discipline: donec, (till) they be better instructed in the knowledge of it. That men of better understanding, are to be alured privately, to the present embracing of the Discipline and practice of it, as far as they shall be well able, with the peace of the Church. And thus far the provincial Synod of the Warwickshire Classis. Likewise at that time, there was in the same assembly, a great approbation obtained of the foresaid book of Discipline, as to be a draft of Discipline, essential & necessary for all times: and certain articles (being devised in approbation, and for the manner of the use of that book,) were then brought forth, treated-of, and subscribed unto, (as Master Nutter & Master Clevely, two that were then present, have deposed,) Nutter and Cleveley in the star-chamber by Master Cartwright, Master fen, Master Wight, etc. who promised to guide themselves by the said Discipline, and according to it, as it is set down in the said articles, which hereafter shall be likewise declared. It appeareth also by the said parties depositions, that divers others did subscribe at the same time, (or at the least within a short time after,) but they might not (forsooth) by reason of their own consciences, name them. Howbeit the matter is otherwise plain enough, who they were: by a note taken with Master Litleton: uz. john Oxenbridge, Edward Gellibrand, Hercules Clevely, Anthony Nutter, Leonard Fetherstone, Matthew Hulme, Edward Lord, etc. This book, having thus at the last received this great allowance, more authentically: was carried far and near, for a general ratification of all the brethren. It was offered to the Daventry side Classis, Sharp and Walker before the Commissioners. as Master Sharp and Master Walker have deposed; and likewise at Northampton by Penry, as Master Litleton affirmeth. But that, which Master johnson hath set down, johnson before the Commissioners. is worthy the remembrance. The effect of it, is this: that when the book of Discipline came to Northampton, to be subscribed unto: there was a general censuring used amongst the brethren there, as it were to sanctify themselves, partly by sustaining a kind of penance, and reproof for their former conformity, to the orders of the Church, established by her Majesty, and other matters of conversation: and partly to prepare their minds for the devout accepting of the foresaid book. In which course of censuring used at that time, there was such ripping up, one of another's life, even from their youth, as that they came unto great bitterness, with many reviling terms amongst themselves, one growing thereby odious to another, and some did thereupon utterly forsake those kind of assemblies. CHAP. VII. The book of the pretended Discipline is made perfect at Cambridge: certain Synods are kept: and of their estimation. IT might have been deemed, that after so many views, Synods, and subscriptions, this worthy draft of discipline, would have grown to great perfection: but it falleth out otherwise. For (as it is confessed upon oath) at Sturbridge Fayre-time, the next year (after the said Classical counsel of the Warwicke-shire brethren) uz. in the year, 1589. there was another Synod or general meeting, held in Saint john's College in Cambridge. Where (saith M. Barber) they did correct▪ altar, and amend divers imperfections contained in the book, called Disciplina ecclesiae sacra, verbo Dei descripta: and (as master Stone affirmeth) did not only perfect the said form of Discipline, but also did then and there, (as he remembreth▪) voluntarily agree amongst themselves, that so many as would should subscribe to the said book of Discipline after that time. The persons, that met in this assembly, were as these two last deponents affirm,) master Cartwright, master Snape, master Allen, master Gifford, master Perkins, master Stone, master Barber, master Harrison, with others, etc. I find mention also of another Synod, 1589. held (as I take it) at Ipswich. Thus one john Warde did write, that year, to certain at Ipswich: I think not to come over, till the Synod, which is (as I take it) a month after Michaelmas. It hath been observed before, out of master edmond's deposition: cap. 2. who were the Classical brethren of London. It is also fit to be understood, who they are, that most commonly met there also, at their more general, provincial or national assemblies or Synods. And this both master Barber, and master Stone, do sufficiently declare. For the space of about four years last passed, (saith master Barber,) and since the last Parliament, (saith master Stone,) there have been several meetings in London at the houses of master Gardiner, master Egerton, master Travers, and master Barber. The persons, that usually met in these assemblies, (saith master Barber,) were master Cartwright, master Charke, master Travers, master Egerton, master Gardiner, master Oxenbridge, master Gelibrand, master Culuerwell, master Browne of Oxford, master Allen, master Gifford, master Sommerscales, and himself. Master Cartwright, master Travers, and master Egerton, were at sundry times chosen Moderators or Precedents in the said assemblies. And afterwards generally of the office of the Moderators. The resolutions, conclusions, and determinations of such matters, as were disputed-of, and agreed-upon, by the more number of them, that so disputed in the said assemblies: were by the said Moderators or Precedents, before named, at the times and places of the said several assemblies, summarily and briefly, either written in a book, or otherwise setdowne in lose papers, as to the said Moderators, or Presidents should be thought meet or convenient. As the Classical assemblies of London were of greater estimation, than those in the Country: so these more general meetings or Synods last mentioned, were of highest authority: and indeed the grand test of all the rest. It may be said truly of them both, that they have been the kindling sparks of all those flames, which are in the Church. What was there ordered, went, as perfectly currant. From thence, the brethren, of other places, did fetch their light. As doubts did arise, thither they were sent to be resolved. The Classical and Synodical decrees in other places, were never authentical indeed, (as it seemeth,) till there they were ratified. The chiefest directions, for all the brethren elsewhere, were sent from thence. It is wonderful to consider, how men so obstinate and wilful in their own ways against the Church of England, established by her Majesty; should be brought to submit themselves in such sort, as they did, to be led by these assemblies, as elsewhere it doth appear. CHAP. VIII. Upon some detecting of the premises some were called into question: they refuse to be examined: all they were charged, which is in effect confessed. IN the year, 1590. upon the detecting (before some of her majesties Commissioners in causes Ecclesiastical) of the most of these things, whereof I have hitherto spoken: Interrogatories were drawn, containing in them the effect of all the premises; and divers such Ministers were sent for, as were said to have been the chief ringleaders in all those actions, Accordingly they appeared: but in the place when they should be examined, In the Preface they refused to answer upon their oaths. divers pretences thereof were made, as one; that first they would see the Interrogatories, whereof they should be examined. The general sum of them, was imparted unto them: and it was likewise told them, that they should be charged to answer no further, then by the laws of the Realm they were bound to do. But all this would not serve. Whereupon the Interrogatories themselves were showed unto some, as namely to Master Snape, who stood most at the first upon that point, and did pretend, that if first he might see them, he would then answer unto them. But the issue was accordingly, as it was expected: For having perused them, he was further-of, than he was before: and writ to his friends, what was the sum of them: to the intent they might be forewarned, and so (as he said) become better armed. Which course taken by him: was not without the great providence of God. For thereby their whole plot, and all in effect, that was laid to their charges, was discovered. His Letters were intercepted, wherein he writeth after this sort. Reverend and beloved, this day April the 7. I have been again before the Commissioners: Snape to N. N. 1590. After much ado, I obtained to see and peruse the Articles against me, (but briefly and in their presence only,) they are many, (36. 37. besides those under mine own hand,) and very large, some twelve, some twenty lines long, consisting of many branches. As far as I could (for the time) conceive and remember, they may be referred to these two heads: some concerning may self, together with others, and some touching myself alone. The former sort are touching Classes and Synods: wherein there are mentioned particular places: (London, Oxford, Cambridge:) times (Act, Commencement, Sturbridge fair, Term:) persons, (Cartwright, Perkins, Travers, Charke, Egerton, Barbon, Stone, Snape, Knewstub, Allin, Dike, & divers others, etc.) and some things dealt▪ in and agreed upon, etc. By all which, besides many other things specified, it is most evident, that they have manifest and certain knowledge, not only of generals, but also of specials and particulars. Beloved, Snape to Barbon April 11. 1590. and so also to Stone. I have twice appeared before the high Commissioners: the first time, the issue was prison: the second, close prison. This is my state now: the causes of both, and the proceed in both, you stall receive of Master knightly, the former more large in a Dialogue, the latter more briefly in a Letter: both unperfect, both unperused: read them, and return them with what speed you may: for I have now no copy of them: let them be wisely kept, lest they breed more anger. I have procured another copy to be sent to Master Stone, that in both places you might be forewarned, & forearmed. Touching the conferences, those of our Country, are yet more particularly discovered: persons (besides those there named) King, of Coleworth: Prowdloe, of Weeden, etc. Spicer, of Cogenho: Edwardes, of Cortenhall, etc. places: Sharpes house at Fawseley: Snapes chamber at Northampton, etc. Si quis coniecturae sit locus: I would judge john johnson to have been the man: because (to my remembrance) persons and things of his time being mentioned, he only is not named. Whosoever and howsoever, we see the Lord calleth us to be more resolute. They will not, they cannot be any longer concealed: now whether it were better and more safe, that one man with the consent of the rest, should boldly, freely, and wisely, confess and lay open, etc. or that some weak (or wicked) man should without consent, and in evil sort acknowledge, etc. judge you: the thing they ayme-at, is: A conventicle. It must come to trial. In the cause of murder, etc. it is wont to be inquired, whether the party fled upon it: consider and apply to this matter, and the Lord give us wisdom in all things. It were good you sent to T. C. with speed. CHAP. IX. Cartwright is called for, by authority: a Synod is held in London: it is there resolved that he shall refuse to be examined upon his oath. afterward the same year before mentioned, 1590. (in September, as I take it,) Master Cartwright upon occasion was sent for, by the said Commissioners. Now, about a week or a fortnight before, Cartwright was committed, (saith Master Stone) whereas, Depos. in the star-chamber. the question mentioned by Snape to Barbon & the brethren: (which, as it seemeth, troubled them all:) uz. whether it were not fit, that one man with the consent of the rest, should boldly, freely, and wisely, confess and lay open etc. came to be disputed in London. There was a Synod or meeting, held at Master gardiner's, by these brethren, Master Cartwright, Master Charke, Master Traverse, Master Egerton, Master Cardiner, Master Barbon, Master Barber, master Oxenbridge, master Gelibrand, master Culuerwel, myself, and certain other Ministers: and they did then and there debate and consider amongst themselves, whether it were fit or convenient, that the said master Cartwright, (after his commitment to prison) should discover or reveal, all or any the matters, which passed in conference and disputation, in any of their former assemblies, or not. What the resolution hereof was, whether through the examiner's oversight, or Master Stones perverseness, (I know not) but it is not set down. Howbeit the effects which followed, do make it manifest. For master Cartwright, about the time before limited, being convented: and moved in the Consistory at Paul's, by the Bishop of London, the then two Lords chief justices, master justice gaudy, master Sergeant Puckering, now Lord Keeper of the great Scale of England, master Attorney General, now Lord Chief justice of England: and divers others her majesties Commissioners then present to take his oath to answer to certain Interrogatories: yet notwithstanding that the chief points of them were then delivered in general terms unto him, & that the said both honourable and grave persons, did (every man) severally assure him upon their credits, that by the laws of the Realm he was bound to take his oath, & thereupon to answer, as he was required: he desired to be borne withal, and said that he thought he was not bound by the laws of God so to do. CHAP. X. Further proof for their practice of their Discipline: collected out of the rules of their subscribed book. IF hitherto, as yet the point (I have in hand) be not sufficiently proved: uz. that our English reformers have attempted after the Scottish Ministers fashion, to bring into the Church of England, their pretended Disciplinarian government, of themselves, and by their own authority, without any further staying (as they had done) for the civil Magistrate, albeit they pretend now the contrary: than it is fit that I produce some further matter to this purpose. Amongst sundry things in the said book of Discipline, let these few be well considered of, & weighed. It is there said: Presbyterium in singulis ecclesiis constituendum est, there ought to be erected in every Church a Presbytery. Now if they had meant, (as it is pretended) not to have put their book, or at the least some chief parts thereof in practice, until it should have been established by Act of Parliament, they would have said for constituendum est, there ought to be erected, constituatur, let there be erected in every parish a Presbytery. Again, Cap. de convent. ecclesiae. in all their assemblies prescribed in the book, this was one point to be still inquired of: utrum disciplina vigeat, whether the Discipline had any life in it, or were esteemed, or continued: which question had been frivolous, and very unmeet to have been continued, as prescribed by Law, if the Discipline itself had been allowed by Act of Parliament, before that question should have been moved. Furthermore saith the book: Cap. de concionibus ad ecclesiam habendis. in funeribus desuescendum est commodè, ab habendis concionibus, quod periculum sit, ne superstitionem quorundam foveant, aut vanitati inseruiant: The Preachers must leave-of by little and little, as they may conveniently, to preach at burials, lest thereby they nourish the superstition of some men, or give over themselves to the preservation of vanity. Likewise, festi dies sunt commodè abolendi: holy days (as we term them) must be abolished, commode, as they may, handsomely. Now, if this book had not been meant, to have been put in practice in these two points, before it had come forth, authorized by law: they would have said for the reasons alleged: from henceforth let there be, or it is ordered, that there shall be no more preaching at burials, nor holy days observed, or let them henceforth be abolished. Moreover: reliquae liturgiae tota ratio in sacramentorum administratione, Cap. de reliqui. Liturg. officiis. & ex usu ecclesiae in nuptiarum benedictione consist it. Cuius forma commodissima est, quae ab ecclesiis usurpatur, quae disciplinam ex Dei verbo instaurârunt. The rest of the liturgy doth consist in the administration of the Sacraments, and (as the use of the Church is,) in blessing of marriages. The form whereof, is most fit and commodious, that is used by those Churches, which have erected the discipline, according to the word of God. In the Parliament (27. of her Majesty: as I remember) the brethren having made another book, termed at that time: A book of the form of common prayers, etc. and containing in it the effect of their whole pretended discipline: the same book was penned, altogether statute and lawlike, and their petition in the behalf of it was: uz. May it therefore please your majesty, etc. that it may be enacted, etc. that the book hereunto annexed, etc. entitled: a book of the form of common prayers, administration of Sacraments, etc. and every thing therein contained, may be from henceforth authorized, put in ure, & practised throughout all your majesties dominions. See here, when they hoped to have attained their purposes by law, and to have had the same accordingly established: they offered to the Parliament a book of their own, for the form of common prayers, etc. and thought it (as it seemeth) altogether inconvenient, to leave every minister to his own choice, to use what form he list, other than such as were allowed in some Church, which had received the Discipline: for any such they liked-of indefinitely. Whereby it to me it seemeth manifest, that they never meant, to have required the enacting of that Chapter, de reliquis liturgiae officijs, but only to set down, what course their brethren should follow for the interim, until they might take further order for a book of their own. Lastly, in all this whole book of Discipline, there is not once mention made of any authority, or office, in or over the Church; belonging to the Christian civil Magistrate. He hath not so much, as either voice or place, in any of their Synods, as a member thereof: except he be chosen to be an Elder. He hath not any power assigned unto him to call a Synod: no, though it be a Nationall Synod: nor so much as to appoint the particular times or places of their meetings, nor (which is most strange,) so much as that his assent, is to be required to any of their Canons. But all these things are set down in this book, as of right to appertain unto their Ministers and Elders. For the trial whereof: I must needs refer you to the book itself, which is in many men's hands: where you shall find the brethren ascribe that to themselves, which in the greatest darkness of Popery, all the BBs. in the Land (for aught I do remember) durst never challenge. Which is a proof sufficient, that either they meant by cunning to have deprived her Majesty, by her own consent, of all her regal authority, in these and such like causes of the Church, as not of right belonging unto her (which they will not acknowledge:) or otherwise, that they had agreed without her consent, to take this authority unto themselves: which (if they had any conscience) they would not stick to confess: that being assuredly their currant doctrine, as in some other place it shall hereafter more fully appear. But it may be said that these are only collections. Well let them be, as they are. Indeed there is no cause, why I should stand upon collections, having yet in store most evident demonstrations. CHAP. XI. Further proof for their practice of their Discipline out of the articles they subscribed. THere hath been often mention made, of the articles, whereunto the brethren subscribed, for their allowance and practice of the said book of Discipline: and they are word for word, as here I do set them down, according to the deposition of those, that subscribed unto them, and as they are to be showed under Master Wights hand. We the brethren assembled together, in the name of God, having heard and examined, by the word of God, according to our best ability and judgement in it, a draft of discipline essential, and necessary for all times, and Synodical, gathered out of the Synods, and use of the Churches; have thought good to testify, concerning it, as followeth. We acknowledge and confess the same, agreeable to Gods most holy word, so far as we are able to judge or discern of it, excepting some few points, which we have sent to our Reverend brethren of this assembly, for their further resolution. We affirm it to be the same, which we desire to be established in this Church, by daily prayer to God: which we promise (as God shall offer opportunity, and give us to discern it so expedient) by humble suit unto her majesties honour able Council, and the Parliament, and by all other lawful and convenient means, to further and advance, so far as the laws, and peace, and the present estate of our Church, will suffer it, and not enforce to the contrary. We promise to guide ourselves, and to be guided by it, and according to it. For more especial declaration of some points more important and necessary, we promise uniformly, to follow such order, when we preach the word of God, as in the book by us is set down, in the Chapters of the office of Ministers of the word, of preaching or sermons, of Sacraments, of Baptism, and of the Lords supper. Further also, we promise to follow the order set down in the Chapters of the meetings, as far as it concerneth the Ministers of the word. For which purpose, we promise to meet every six weeks together, in Classical conferences, with such of the brethren here assembled, as for their neighbourhood may fit us best: and such other, as by their advise we shall be desired to join with us. The like we promise, for Provincial meetings every half year from our conferences, to send unto them, as is set down in the Chapter, concerning the Provinces, and the conferences belonging unto them, being divided according to the order following. Likewise also, that we will attend the general assembly every, year, and at all Parliaments, and as often as by order it shall be thought good, to be assembled. Hitherto the Articles. Now by these articles, and by their subscription unto them, it is most evident, that the pretences made by some, are but merely shifts: as that their purpose only was, to have the book in readiness against a Parliament, and that they subscribed the articles to no other end, but only to testify their agreement in judgement, for that they were charged to disagree amongst themselves. For if that had been their intent, it had been sufficiently performed, by subscribing to the first article only. But they proceede-on further: and entered into a certain league, or association, binding themselves by promise; under their hands, what they (for their own parts) will attempt, and as they might perform. In the second article, (as it is apparent,) there are other lawful means promised to be undertaken, (for the advancing of the Discipline,) than prayers to God, and supplications to her Majesty and the Parliament. Litleton. Whereupon Master Litleton (a subscriber) being examined, what he understood those means to be: Before the Commissioners. answereth upon his oath, that he thinketh their private conferences, were meant, to be those lawful means mentioned in the article. Which is according to the resolution of the brethren in of London, set down before, out of Master Edmond's examination: uz. that seeing they could not prevail, Before the Commissioners. by suit to the State: the Ministers themselves should set up the Discipline, as they should be able. And Master johnson, is also as direct upon his oath, to the same effect, saying. It was a general conclusion amongst all the Classes, and brethren, that forasmuch, as the Discipline required by petitions, could not be publicly established by law, it was thought in conscience necessary, to establish it and practise it privately: to which purpose also, every man was to use his endeavour, to increase the number of such, as would conform themselves that way. Again it is promised in the same Article, that they would proceed with their said means, for the advancement of their Discipline, so far as the peace of the present state of our Church would suffer. Now how far that is, it hath been before touched in the decrees of one of their Synods, 1583. for as men most strangely bewitched) they imagined, that they could so cunningly play their feats, as that they (might in effect) set up their own Discipline, secretly, under hand, and yet never disturb the present government of the Church. For as peace is here taken in their sense, one King or government may invade another, with all kind of hostility, and say (as they do) that they mean but peace. The truth is, they may have peace in their mouths, but in their actions, there is nothing less. So as this their restraint (being but a vain pretence) doth no way indeed impaeach my assertion. Furthermore, whereas also it followeth in the same article, (and not enforce to the contrary,) Master Littleton being examined upon his oath what that should mean: In the Star Chamber. answereth that he himself, Master Snape, Master Proudloe, and others did agree, to put the said articles and Discipline in execution and practice, so far as the peace and the present estate of the Church will suffer, and not enforce to the contrary. That is to say: till the Magistrate did enjoin them or enforce them, to leave the practice of the said Discipline: and in another place, till the Magistrate did inhibit them to the contrary, and force them to leave it. And further, he also saith: that they did agree to guide themselves by the said book of Discipline, and according to it, with the same limitation. Now what if by their secret practices, (to draw away the people's hearts from the present government of the Church) they could have procured such strength and number, to have followed them, as that no reasonable restraint, or force of the Magistrate had been able to have encountered and suppressed them? I do but ask the question. In the rest of the Articles, there are but two general points: the one contained in the third Article, concerning the uniformity, which they promise to use in their Ministry: and the other is, as touching their agreement, to follow the orders set down for their meetings: Classical, contained in the fourth: Provincial in the fift: Nationall in the sixth article. So as where before in the second Article, they had mentioned other means, whereby they had promised to advance their Discipline, besides prayers to God, and supplications to her Majesty: they do now in part explain themselves, in the other Article following, and do set down, what means they that were Ministers would use and put in practice, for the advancement of it, uz. the two points mentioned, that is, their uniformity in preachings, and their meetings: according to Master Littleton's deposition: in these words: they meant by those means, in the second Article, their conferences, as he thinketh. But to carry this matter past thinking: In the Star Chamber. let Master Fen be heard: who saith: that he agreed to put some things of the book in execution, according to the subscription: let Master Lord be heard: who saith, that he agreed to put some things of the said book in practice, as in the Articles is contained. But let their Coryphaeus Master Cartwright himself be heard: who saith, that he agreed to put two points of the Articles in execution: uz. touching the order of preaching, and touching the assemblies. CHAP. XII. It is confessed that they agreed to put one point of their book in practice without her majesties assent: what it is: & of strange names given to children. NOw because it appeareth, in the third, fourth, fift and sixth of the said Articles, that concerning both these points, they refer themselves to certain Chapters of their book of Discipline: I have thought it very convenient, to set down, out of the said Chapters, some of those particulars, which by their said subscription they bond themselves to practise, without any further staying for the civil Magistrate: and withal to adjoin some part of their constancy, (if so I may abuse a good word▪) in the performing of their promises touching the said particulars▪ Master Littleton being sworn, Exami. before the Commi. dealeth (as it seemeth) very directly to this purpose: for (as he saith) concerning the contents of the four last Articles, he for his part, whilst he was of that company, performed his promise, and (he thinketh) that the rest that subscribed did the like. But to the particulars: and first of the first point. The Minister, that is to preach, shall appoint the Psalm that is to be song, De officio. Minist. etc. etc. After the Psalm, let there be made a short admonition to the congregation: how they shall prepare themselves rightly, to pray. Let a Prayer follow, containing the confession of sins, etc. and concluded with the Lords Prayer. After the Sermon, let Prayers be made for grace, that the auditors may profit by the doctrine delivered: also for the whole Church, and all particular callings: and let them end likewise with the Lords Prayer. Then a Psalm, etc. and lastly let the conclusion be made, with some short form of blessing the congregation, taken out of the Scriptures. For the practice of this order: I refer the proof of it to all those, who have observed the manner of any of the brethren's behaviour, in their several Churches. The most of them, that are but Doctors, (as they term themselves) and readers of Lectures in other men's charges, do seldom or never come to the service, which is read in the Church according to her majesties Laws: but under pretence of studying for their sermons, do absent themselves, until service be done, or at the least almost finished, and then they come in, (gravely I warrant you,) and do go to this their own form of service. The rest of the fraternity, that have cures of their own, some of them will have a Parliament Minister, (as they term him) under them, to say service: and then he himself dealeth, as it hath been noted of the Doctor: but others, that are not able to have such a one, they for their safer standing (as their term is) do use some piece of our service-book, and peradventure read a lesson, (which things they affirm, as it hath been touched, may be performed as well by those, that are not ministers, as by them.) And then they in like sort, do begin their own ministerial function, and proceed according to the foresaid fashion, subscribed-unto, and promised. But to proceed unto their practice of other points of that book. The Preachers must leave off, Deioncionibus habendis, etc. by little and little, as they may conveniently, to preach at burials, lest thereby they nourish the superstition of some men, or give over themselves to the preservation of vanity. Let not women only offer infants to Baptism, but the father, if it may be conveniently, De Baptismo. or else some others in his name. Let persuasions be used, that such names, as do savour either of Paganism or Popery, be not given to children at their Baptism, but principally those, whereof there are examples in the Scriptures. Whether these points, (especially for two of them) have been practised by the brethren or not, the new Churchyard in London, and many brabbles in the country, about urging of the natural fathers to become Godfathers to their own children, etc., can more than sufficiently witness. And for the third, it is also sundry ways apparent. Fenner. Barbon. air. Wigginton. etc. Before the Commissioners. For whence else do these new names and fancies proceed? The Lord is near. More-tryall. Reformation. Discipline. joy-againe. Sufficient. From-above. Free-gifts. More-fruite. Dust. and many other such like. But Richard Hawgar of Northampton, did first under his hand, and after upon his oath, deliver an especial history (to this purpose) of giving names. Snape would not baptize one Christopher Hodgkinsons child, because he would have the child called Richard. The order was this. Hodgkinson obtained promise of Snape: that he would christian his child. But (saith Snape) you must then give it a Christian name, allowed in the Scriptures. The party told him, that his wives father, whose name was Richard, desired the name. Well (saith Snape) you must do as I bid you: that, when you come, the congregation be not troubled. But notwithstanding, the said Hodgkinson not thinking it would have been made a matter of such importance, the child was brought. Snape proceeded in the action, till he came to the naming of the child. And when he heard, that they called the child Richard, & that they would give him no other name; he stayed there▪ and would not in any wise Baptize the child. And so the child was carried away thence, & was baptized the week following, at All-hallows being named Richard. Of likelihood, the brethren have found this thing to be a matter of great importance: that they will rather leave an infant unbaptized, then give him such a name. CHAP. XIII. A second point of their Book confessed to be agreed upon, for the practice of it, without her majesties assent. NOw I will come to Master Cartwrights' second point, that is, of the meetings: and set down the Chapters, whereunto in the Articles subscribed, they referred themselves: that thereby hereafter no man, that will read them, may doubt of their purpose, of not staying for the Magistrate: which are as follow, so near as I could by translation of them out of Latin, express their meaning. Mutual conference is to be practised in the Church by common assemblies: Of the asssembly of the Church. but in these, matters Ecclesiastical are to be handled, and such chiefly as concern those Churches, whereof the assembly doth consist. They shall not determine, (except they be requested,) of any thing touching other Churches: but shall only decree, that such matter is to be referred to the next greater assembly: Let the matters and order of things to be handled in them be thus. Next after the view or calling of those that be present, (wherein withal, the names of such as be absent must be noted, that in the next Assembly, they may either yield sufficient reason of their absence, or else be censured, by the judgement of the assembly,) first let the Acts of the next assembly afore, (that was of the same sort) be read: to the intent, that if any thing of them were left then undone, it may be dispatched. Then, let those matters be done, that are peculiar to the Assembly in hand. And first, let every of them deliver the instructions from their Churches, in the same order that they sit, together with the Fiduciary or Letters of credence of the Churches: next, let there be * censures had of the Churches of that assembly: uz. inquisition (as I take it) is meant. whereby may be understood how they are framed and used: whether the doctrine and the Discipline have their course in them, and whether the officers of them do that which appertaineth, and such like. Besides let them decree those things, that shall concern either the common behoof of all the Churches of that assembly, or of any one of them: and this course will be sufficient enough, for the view and oversight of the Churches. Lastly, (if it so seem good) let there be inquiry & Censures had, even of those, which be delegated to meet in that Assembly. Such as are to meet in the Assemblies, let them be chosen, by the Suffrages of those Churches or Assemblies, that have interest or to do in it: and out of these, let such only be chosen, as hath exercised some public office in that Church, either of a Minister, or of an Elder, and which hath subscribed both to the doctrine and Discipline, and which have undertaken to behave themselves in all things according to the word of God. It shall be lawful for other Elders & Ministers, yea & for Deacons and Students in Divinity, by the appointment of the assembly, (especially if they be such, as do exercise themselves, in interpreting the Scriptures in the Assembly,) to be both present, & to be asked their judgements: these of the latter sort are therefore to be admitted, that their judgements to handle the affairs of the Church, may hereby both be tried and sharpened. Yet let none be counted to have a voice, but those only, that were chosen by the Church, & which bring their commissions consigned unto them. If any matter be to be consulted of, that is of special importance, let the Precedent of the last superior Assembly, or the Minister of that Church, in which the next Assembly is to be made, send it over in due time unto the Ministers of all the churches of that assembly: to the intent they may afore treat thereof, with those of their charge, and so may know and report their judgements. In making choice of a place for the Assemblies, respect is to be had of nearness, and other opportunities: in case any party may justly find himself grieved above the rest. It is expedient, that in every Ecclesiastical Assembly, there be a Precedent, which may govern the assembly, and that he be from time to time changed, if it may be conveniently: & he must be thus chosen, viz. He that was Precedent of the last Assembly of that kind afore, or the Minister of that congregation, where the Assembly is made, (conceiving first a prayer directed to that purpose) shall prefer unto the Assembly, the motion for choice of a Precedent. The Precedent being thus chosen, conceiving first a Prayer fitting unto the whole action and Assembly,) shall call over the names of those, which be present and which be absent, and note them: that the absents may be called-upon at the next assembly, to yield a reason of their absence. Which if it be not sufficient, let them be censured, by the authority of the Assembly. Then let him read the Acts of the last Assembly, that if any thing thereof remain, it may then be dispatched. Then shall be ask of every one, in order as they sit, their letters fiduciary or of credence, and their instructions signed. Which being propounded in the same order, and sufficiently debated by all their opinions, he shall ask their judgements, and gather the suffrages, and pronounce what the greater part adjudgeth, Which be shall procure to be put into Acts, that the Delegates of the several Churches, may procure copies and transcripts to be made, which they may impart unto those Churches, to whom it appertaineth. The Precedent also, by the judgement and authority of the Assembly, is to give answer, either by word of mouth, or by letters, to such as require it. If any censures be to be inflicted, he is to perform them. He shall also take care, that all things be godly and quietly carried, by exhorting them unto quietness, and moderation of mind, one bearing with another, as need shall be, and by preferring up, such as be wilful and contentious, unto the Assembly: lastly, he shall propound unto them, touching the time of their next meeting: and then with exhortation unto them, cheerfully to go forward in their duty, and with thanksgiving, he shall courteously dismiss them. Before the dismission of the Assembly, let no man departed, but with leave. The assemblies according to their several kinds, if they be greater, are of more; if they be less, they are of less authority. Therefore it is lawful to appeal from a less assembly to a greater, if any man think he have injury, except the fact be most evident and plain unto every man: but yet none otherwise, but that the judgement of the assembly shall hold, until it shall be otherwise adjudged, in an assembly of greater authority. Assemblies are either Classes, or Synods. Classes are conherences of the fewest Ministers of Churches, standing near together, as for example of twelve. The chosen men of all the several Churches of that assembly, are to meet in conference; that is to say, for every Church a minister and an Elder: and they shall meet every fortnight. They shall chief endeavour the oversight and censure of that Classis: searching particularly, whether in them every thing be done, according to the holy doctrine and discipline of the Gospel: uz. Whether any question be arisen, touching any point of doctrine. Whether the Ecclesiastical discipline have his course. Whether any Minister be wanting in any of the Churches, that they may speedily provide a fit person. Whether the rest of the Elders and Officers of the Church, be appointed in every Church. Whether care be had, over scholars, and the poor. In what points the Classes do want advise, for the further advancing of the Gospel among them. Before they make an end, let some of the Ministers present, make a sermon, either in course, or being chosen thereto by voices. Of whom the rest of the Ministers (secluding the Elders) shall judge among themselves: and if in any point, it shall be requisite, they shall monish him brotherly: weighing every thing, according to the course, afore laid-downe in the Chapter, touching those things, which are to be performed by him that preacheth to the congregation. Synods. A Synod is an assembly of chosen men, from ●oe Churches, than those that be in one Classis, or conference. In these, the Articles of the holy Discipline and Synodical, must always be read: also in them, (after all other things be finished,) censures or inquisition made, upon all that be present: and the supper of the Lord shall be celebrated by them, in and with that congregation, where the Assembly is made, if conveniently it may be. Of Synods there be two sorts: the first is particular, and this containeth under it both Provincial and Nationall Synods. A Provincial Synod, is an assembly of those, which be delegated from all the Classes or conferences of that Province. Let every Province contain in it 24. Classes. This may be fit order, for the assembling together of a Synod Provincial, uz. Let this care be laid upon some certain Church, by consent of the Synod: let that Church, with advise of the Classis whereof it is, prefix the place and time for the Assembly: let other Churches, send unto such Church, those matters which seem unto them of some difficulty to determine: and likewise those matters, that do appertain to the whole Province, and that diligently in convenient season: to th'intent, that that Church may in due time give advertisement unto all the Classes of the Province, both of the time and place, and of the matters to be handled: so that such as are sent, may come better prepared, & and that they may judge thereof, according to the resolution of their own several Classes or conferences. Let every Classis send unto the Provincial Synod two Ministers, and as many Elders. It shall be called every half year, or more often, until the Discipline be confirmed. But before a Nationall Synod be celebrated, let it be called three months afore, that they may prepare, and furnish up those things, that belong unto it. Let the Acts of all the Provincial Synods be sent unto the Nationall, by that Church, in which the Provincial assembly was had: and let every Minister be furnished, with the copies of the Acts, and with the reasons used. The Nationall, is a Synod consisting of the Delegates from all the Synods Provincail, that are within the dominion of one commonwealth. Let the manner of calling it, be the same, that is appointed for calling the Provincial, except the Synod itself shall take other order herein: vz: by some certain Church: yet so, as the said Church do appoint for place and time (to hold it in) such as the Provincial Synod of that Church, which shall next ensue, shall determine, and think good. For the Nationall Synod, three Ministers and three Elders must be chosen, out of every Synod Provincial. In it, the common affairs of all the Churches of the whole nation and kingdom, are to be handled: as of Doctrine, Discipline, and ceremonies: causes not decided in inferior Assemblies, Appellations, and such like. By the decree of the Nationall Synod, one is to be chosen, which shall reduce the commentaries or Acts of all the several Churches, into one body. Hitherto concerning particular assemblies. Now follows the universal or ecumenical Synod of the whole world. And this is the Synod, that consisteth and is gathered together, of the chosen men out of every particular Nationall Synod. The Acts of all Synods, are to be reduced into one body. And thus far these Chapters of the meetings: the particular points whereof, master Cartwright, and his companions, have bound themselves, by their subscriptions, to put in practice, without any further expectation for her majesties assent. And according to these points, (as their numbers and opportunities have served their turns) they have accomplished their bonds and promises; as by that which hath been said, and by depositions upon oaths, concerning their meetings and dealings in them, is most apparent, to any that is not blinded with wilful obstinacy. CHAP. XIIII. More points of their book put in practice: fasts: calling of Ministers: presbyteries: censures, etc. furthermore also, they have not contented themselves with the execution of these things only, but they have beside proceeded, in like manner, with the full practising almost of all the rest of the book. It is most notorious, that according to the doctrine thereof, they have taken upon them, to appoint public fasts: and then especially they have done it, when their fellows have been most busy, to trouble the present estate of the Church. Besides that, these fasts with their several sermons and other prophesyings, have had another principal use: uz. (as Lord did write to Fen of master Cartwrights' pleasure) that the day following, the brethren might talk of other matters. Likewise (saith master johnson) touching the election and making of ministers, johnson before the Commissioners. I think they observe, as much as they can, the order prescribed in the said book of Discipline. As about Proudloe, of Weedenbeck his admission, (〈◊〉 I have heard) and Snapes and Larks. The manner whereof is, that they renounce the calling, they have had of the Bishops, and do take it again, from the approbation of the Classis. And again: they will be content to accept orders from the Bishop, as a civil matter, but do not thereby account themselves Ministers, until the godly brethren of some Classes have allowed them. But more fully Richard Hawgar. Rich. Hawgar his deposition. The first degree they have entered into, is this: that teaching all Ministers, which are called according to the order of the Church of England, to be unlawful: they do urge, such as they dare trust, and who are Ministers already) to seek at their Classis a new approbation, which they term the Lords ordinance. In this action, the Minister before allowed of, must renounce his former calling, and take that calling▪ (whereby he must stand) of them. The manner whereof, is this: when any do yield hereunto, they appoint a day of their Classis, etc. As the example following will show. One master Hocknel, being to have a benefice, was willed (by his Patron) to bring some testimonial, of the Ministers of the shire for his good conversation. Whereupon he came to Master Snape. Who dealt with him (as is afore mentioned,) and Hocknell having been a Minister before, (some six or seven years) yielding: Snape, with his companions gave him a text, and appointed him a day. At which time the Classis met in Saint Peter's: and he preached. After, they assembled themselves, willing Hocknell to stand aloof. Then Master Penry began to make a speech, exhorting them to be careful, to call upon God: to deal without affection in this their action etc. After which, they fell to the matter. Some liked, that the man should be admitted, & some otherwise. Those that were against him made these two reasons. First, that he had not jumped meet, in delivering the Metaphor, which was in his text: secondly because he was neither Grecian nor Hebrician. So as they overruling the rest, Hocknell was called for, and in some sort commended: but yet the speaker of the Classis told him, he must take more pains at his book, before they could allow of him, as a fit Minister. Hereupon Master Hocknell and they fell out: and he (contemning their censure) did proceed, and took possession of his benefice. When they call a man, that is not already a Minister: then having used the order before mentioned, they command him to go to the Bishops, as to a civil Magistrate, for his writings, (which they term by a pretty name that this ex. hath forgotten: and this they say, is only for his safe standing in his former calling, received of them: not that thereby he receiveth any power to be a Minister. On this sort was Master Lark (dwelling a little from Wellingborow) called. After this calling by them, the parties so called, may preach here and there, as he thinketh good, until he be called to a charge: & then he must go to the Bishop, for his better standing, and so the people calling him, he is a full Minister. Master Snape being a Minister already, renounced that his first calling: was called by the Classis: by that calling he preached, but would not administer the Lords Supper. After the parish of Saint Peter's knowing, that he must not account himself a full Minister, until some particular congregation, had chosen him, they chose him for their Minister, and so he standeth at this present. Thus far Hawger. It is likewise deposed by two, Rich. Holmes. Rich. Hawgar before the Commissioners. that Master Snape for the answering of a question propounded unto him, said, that rather than he would have stood, by virtue of any Letters of orders, he would have been hanged upon the gallows. But let Master Snape speak himself. Snape in a writing of his own hand. Touching the substance of my calling to the ministery: I affirm, that I had it of the church of God, being approved by the learned & godly neighbour Ministers, and chosen by the people of my charge, to that function. Touching that allowance, that I had of the Bishop, I take it to be a thing merely civil, belonging to a civil Magistrate: which authority he hath by Act of Parliament, & which therefore I might lawfully receive at his hands, for the peaceable execution of my Ministry. Again, concerning the Presbyteries, (which the book affirmeth should be in every parish:) they (want in effect) nothing of all their whole platform: if they could but once attain unto the public erecting up of those thrones. And how far it is likely they have already prevailed therein, without staying any longer for her Majesty; let these things following, whereof some have been touched already, make it known unto you. Mention hath been made of a Presbytery set up at Wandesworth. Ma. edmond's It was a decree of the London brethren, that the Ministers should by little & little, as much as possibly they might, draw the Discipline into practice, though they concealed the names, either of Presbytery, Elder or Deacon, making little account of the names for the time, so their offices might secretly be established. There was an order set down, in an assembly (1583. as I take it) for the converting of Churchwardens and Collectors into Elders and Deacons: as before in the Acts themselves it appeareth. According to this order the brethren afterward sent their directions abroad, to their fellows, for their execution of it. Barbon to Field. I received (saith Master Barbon) from our faithful brother Master Gelibrande, a direction of the brethren, concerning the Converting of Churchwardens into Elders, and Collectors into Deacons. Holmes. Richard Holmes affirmeth that by such speeches as he hath heard, he doth verily think, that the Ministers in their Classes have resolved, to erect up their several Presbyteryes, in their own parishes. With him agreeth Master johnson: johnson, according to the rules of that book, I think that sercetly in most places, where the brethren of the Classes are, there are Elders chosen, and that they put the Discipline in practice, so far as they may, amongst themselves, without any apparent show thereof, to the overthrow of their safe-standing. Further also he deposeth, that he himself hath been blamed divers times, privately, in that he would make no such choice of Elders, (where he preached,) to practise the Discipline. And what else should Gellibrand mean, by these words in a Letter to Field? I have written to Master Cartwright severally, and jointly to him and the Elders, signifying my readiness, and what adversaries there are. Lastly there was a nomination of Elders, at Kilsby in Northampton-shiere, made by Master Lee the Pastor, in the year 1588. Their names as it was deposed before Sir George Farmer and Sir john Spencer, were, William green, Roger Cowley, joh. Browne. Thomas Hall, Richard Wolf, john Browne, and William Mariat: which six (saith the deponent,) Master Lee thought sufficient to determine and end all matters of controversy in the said town. Henry Pinson also affirmeth, that he being informed of this election of Elders, by the said Browne and others would not yield his consent thereunto, but said he would stand to the laws of this realm, appointed by her Majesty. One especial reason, (as it was informed) why Pinson refused in this sort to join with his neighbours, was: for that there should have been some punishment, inflicted by the said Elders upon his son, for flinging a stone at Elder-Mariats window, which he would none of, but was feign to fly to her majesties laws. So here then it appeareth (in some sort,) whether the brethren meant, to stay any more for the civil Magistrate, in erecting of their Presbyteries: then they confess they did, concerning their uniformity in Sermons and tripartite meetings. Besides, it doth also appertain to the further proof of the said Presbyteries, that (as it seemeth) some of those censures have been used: for example, excommunication: Which (by the rules of the Discipline book) are of right to be exercised by them. One Bluet a Minister (as I suppose) being excommunicated (as it seemeth) did write a Letter to Field and Egerton: wherein he is most earnest, that upon his repentance he might be restored again to the Church. Woe is me (saith he) that I am cast out of your presence this day: but shame and sorrow is unto the cause. And if this woe and shame did but touch the body, it were tolerable: for then at the day of death I should end my misery, and no more hear the words of reproach. For now every one that seethe me, reproveth me: and I am become a rebuke unto all men. But this is not all. Woe is me, that there is a partition-wall, between heaven and my conscience, etc. If my offence may not be passed by, without further confession: even before God and his Church in London, will I lie down and lick the dust at your feet, and confess more against myself then any of you know. Severe Cato's, I warrant you. But is this the matter they contend for, that men may fall down, and kiss their feet? There is also another example to this effect, worthy of your remembrance: one La. Thomson writeth in this sort of it. I think of him as an unsound member, unfit to be continued in the body, unless he would be subject to the government of a body, especially the body of our saving God. The party meant by Thomson, was (as I take it) master Wilcox, the author of that admonition, which caused the first breaking-out, of all those troubles, that since have ensued. This appeareth by four letters, written about the year 1583. three of them from Field to Wilcox, and one from Wilcox to Field. What the cause was, though it be expressed in one of the said Letters, I omit to rehearse it, no ways minding to touch any man's private behaviour or infirmities. But this I must tell you, that the brethren, (that is in Thomsons sense, the body of our saving God,) were so displeased and angry with him, that they suspended him from his ministery, and did use their censure of excommunication against him. If you ask me how Wilcox took this course at their hands, I answer, even as Pinson before named did, when his son should have been punished: he disliked it so much, as that he began to call their authority (for such kind of their proceed,) in question, he refused to submit himself to their censures, and told Field plainly, that he had been dealt disorderly withal, both for matter and manner: adding that he had perhaps concealed as great infirmities of Fields, and of some others, as his were. With these and many such like words Field was greatly provoked, and for his own part defied him. Whereas (saith he) for the hiding of your own shame, you begin to score up my faults, which you say are six in number, as great as yours, if you should utter them: I say it is no help to you, but testifieth that old pride, hypocrisy and malice, which long time hath lurked in that cankered heart of yours, etc. But I do defy you, etc. And for his refusing of their proceedings: you ought not (saith Field) so lightly to esteem, that holy censure of the brethren, but in true repentance to have hidden your face, etc. Again: if God hath made you an instrument, to seek for the advancement of Christ's Sceptre: kiss it yourself and be subject unto it etc. Again, if you love Christ and his Church, before your own glory, and your own sins have shut up your mouth: then be silent for ever. And notwithstanding that Wilcox took exception to their authority, yet in the Letter wherein Field answereth that point, and many others, he beginneth thus. The Lord jesus open your eyes, and give you such a true sense, and feeling of your sins, that howsoever you for) a time) be thrown to Satan; in the end your soul may be saved, and you may feel assurance of eternal life, etc. What the issue of this matter was amongst them, I find it not. It seemeth that in the end, Wilcoxe for lack of his former maintenance, (which was withheld from him by the brethren's procurement, & upon persuasion that after a time he should be restored to his ministery again, and in the mean space be relieved) he was feign to yield and to submit himself unto their censure, (by them termed the Sceptre of Christ) Marry still he thought himself to be hardly used, and after some time of expectation, desired (as it seemeth) to know, how long he should undergo their heavy indignation. Whereunto Field answered thus. The brethren thought meet to admonish you, utterly to surcease. For how long or how short, me thinks you should not inquire, considering the circumstances: who know very well yourself, that if an otherwhere in your case, that no time can be limited. Nevertheless, if you doubt the judgement to be too hard, that already is given, you may ask the private opinions of others your best friends, as of Master Cartwright, and M. Thomson, who are of mind that you are for ever disabled to that function, etc. CHAP. XV. They have joined themselves into an association or brotherhood, and do appropriate to their meetings the name of the Church. THere is often mention made, in the premises of the brethren, but yet in none other sense, than they approriate to themselves, in sundry of their writings and Letters, as a Barbon to Field. Pig to Field. Snape to Stone. Salute the brethren. Salute the b Barbon to Field. reverend brethren, Master Travers, Chark Barber, Gardner, Egerton. Salute c D. chapman to Field. our most reverend brother Master Cartwright. Salute d Pig to Field 1586. our reverend brother Master Cartwright, and the rest of the brethren. The e Gellibrand from Oxford to Field. brethren salute you. Commend f Wake to Field. me to all our brethren. Commend me g Knew stub to Field. to all the brethren with you: the brethren with us here are in health. Commend h Wade to Field. me to Master Charke and Master Travers, with all the rest of the brethren. Remember i Barbon to Field. me to the brethren. Let him k L. Thomson to Field. be accounted among the brethren, as he deserveth. I writ to my Mother, to speak to you and our good brethren, to provide me of some honest brother, to catechize my family. To l Lord to Field. Master Field, with the rest of the Godly Ministers, his brethren, in London. To his beloved m Wigginton to Field. brother, Master Field, and to all other his faithful brethren, namely of the Ministry, at or about London. Our n D. Chapman to Field. brethren have determined. I'trust o Gellibrand to Field. you are so linked together, by the bond of brotherly love, and the desire of the pure Discipline of the church, that nothing may sunder you. The brethren assembled: the Godly brethren: our poor brethren here, (at Oxford) do long to hear from you: and, in the Articles whereunto they subscribed: we the brethren, etc. Upon the occasion of these terms, and many other such like: it is found out by examination, that this Classical and reforming consort, with their followers; have divided themselves from all the rest of the ministery, and Christians in England: Cricke to Field. and linked themselves into a new brotherhood, with this link, uz. (as Doctor Cricke termeth it) the desire of the pure Discipline: thereby showing themselves to be most notorious schismatics. When Salutations are written, johnson. (saith master johnson) by the brethren that seek reformation, as unto the godly brethren: the meaning is, (as I ever took it) to such as have submitted themselves unto the holy Discipline. Again, when the name brother, is given to ministers, it signifieth them to be of some Classis, for their consulting and setting up of Christ's kingdom: and when to the laity, those that generally do join with the ministers for the discipline, and do every of them submit themselves to a minister of some of the Classis, etc. And these, both ministers and people, are the godly brotherhood, denying the name properly of a godly brother or sister to any other. The same also (in effect) hath he deposed in the star-chamber: where he further addeth, that thus he thought himself, when he was of that brotherhood, and that it was so commonly maintained, both by him, and by the rest of the Northampton Classis. And master Edmondes, Edmondes. in like manner, hath deposed as much to the same purpose, both in the star-chamber, & before her majesties Commissioners for causes ecclesiastical. This (saith he) I do know, that when salutations were sent, or letters written to London from some Ministers abroad, as from Fen or Cartwright, etc. to master Field & the rest, etc. thereby was always meant, properly, the ministers or the brotherhood of the Ministry in London: and when they use the name or phrase of godly brethren, or sisters, or godly brotherhood or sisterhood, they mean generally both all the said Ministers, and likewise as many, as do depend upon them for the cause of reformation. So as the rest of the Ministers and people, who and wheresoever, that do not join with them, (as is before said) are altogether excluded out of their brotherhood: insomuch, as they will avoid the company of all other, as much as they can possibly, refusing either to buy or sell, or to eat or drink with them. Again, it may not in any wise be omitted, that in their several said letters & other writings, they use oftentimes the name of the Church, and of the Churches: in as lewd a sense, as they do the name of brethren. Thus they writ. I know a Snape to Field. the state of this Church: Make known to us the state of the Church with you: Our Churches b Knewstub to Field. are in danger of such, as having been of us, do renounce all fellowship with us. The c Knewstub to Field. hand of God is like to be heavy upon our Churches here, if the malice of Satan and his instruments be not prevented. A woman with us, etc. sometimes thought to be a friend to Religion, &c: giveth it forth, that Master Walsh had laid witchcraft upon her. She would have had him convented, by some of the justices: but when he was once named she was repelled. Now she is come to London &c: She deviseth new matter against him, and against us all, Good justice. as that we should have had meetings at her house etc. and that we have a private jurisdiction among ourselves, thinking that this will make her entrance unto the Archbishop, or high Commissioners etc. I pray you first confer with master Walsh: and then deal, (as secretly as you may) to medicine these mischiefs. It is long d Blake to Field. since I heard from you, (saith one Blake) of the state of the Church of London. Another, By M. West e Gelibrand to Field. & M. Browne, you shall understand the state of the Churches, wherein we are. A third: If my offence f Rob. Bluet to Field and Egerton. may not be passed by, without a further confession, even before God and his Church, in London will I lie down, and lick the dust at your feet, and confess etc. A fourth: I received a letter g Fen to Field. from you in the name of the rest of the brethren: whereby I understand your joining together, in choosing of myself, unto the service of the Church, under the Earl of Leicester, etc. I am ready to run, if the Church command me, according to the holy decrees and orders of the discipline. By these their speeches it appeareth, that as they have cut off themselves from the fellowship of the rest of the Christians in England, by joining themselves into a several brotherhood: so have they already seduced her majesties subjects, by gathering them together into a new society, whereunto they do appropriate the name of the Church: as though all other Churches in the realm, were but as jewish Synagogues or heathenish assemblies. This is not, (you shall see) my bare collection: hear the witnesses, what they hereof have deposed. In these brethren's speeches of the Church or Churches: johnson. it is to be understood, that by the Church of England, they mean the Church according to humane laws and the Popes: which is ruled, (as they term it) by an Antichristian government. And by the Godly Churches, or the Churches of God in England, they mean such places, congregations, or assemblies, as do embrace the reformation, and have such a minister, as is of some Classis. Sometime also by the Church, (as the Church of God in London) is meant the Classis of the brethren, or their Synods. And so master Edmondes: Edmondes. when they use these, or the like speeches, in their writing or otherwise: uz. the Church or Churches of God here, with this or that, or the Church in London hath done this or that: they by they especially mean the Ministers themselves. But for the further clearing of this matter: because the chief Rabbis of this conspiracy, do themselves preach in our material Churches, it is to be observed, that the parish where they preach, being assembled, is not the Church properly in their sense: but as many thereof only, as are joined unto them with that inviolable bond mentioned: uz. the desire of the godly discipline: and those furthermore, who leaving their own parish Churches, do come unto them. As for example: The Church of God (forsooth) in the Black Friars, doth consist, besides that parish, of a number of men and merchants wives, dispersed here and there throughout the whole City. Be content to hear the depositions, that are taken to like purpose. Master Snape Snape. affirmed (as Richard Holmes Holmes. and Richard Hawgar Hawgar. have deposed): that here one, & there one, picked out of the Profane and common multitude, and put apart to serve the Lord: maketh the Church of God, and not the general multitude. Master johnson saith, that the brethren of the laity do seldom come to their own parish Churches, nor receive the communion there, otherwise than they are compelled for fear of trouble. For they account those their pastors only, whom they do so choose. And master edmond's, Edmondes. upon his experience in London. The people of this brotherhood, do seldom come to their own parish Churches, otherwise then for fear, to incur some danger of laws: neither do they account the minister of their parishes, to be any of their pastors properly: except he be some one of the brethren Ministers, before specified, or very effectually inclining that way. It is likewise to be observed, that if any of this faction, brotherhood, or sisterhood, do lie dangerously sick: they do seldom or never, send for their own pastors to visit them: nor move them to pray for them, publicly▪ in their own parish as neglecting their prayers: but do send to the Readers abroad, whom they have chosen for their pastors, both to come unto them, & to pray with them, and for them, in their assemblies. This also is to be observed, that the stricter sort of this crew, when they lie at the point of death, will have no bell tolled for them: and many of them do take order, before their death: that afterwards, they be not buried in any Church: that there be no sermon: nor any wanner of burial used, which is prescribed. CHAP. XVI. A ridiculous pretence of laws: with a recapitulation of the sum of this third book. AS they countenance these their conventicles, & unlawful assemblies before specified, with the name of the Church: so with the like boldness, (to the same purpose) some of them are not ashamed to affirm: that by the doctrine of the Church of England, and by the laws and statutes of this Realm, the present government of the Church of England, under her Majesty, by Archbishops and Bishops, is to be accounted wicked and unlawful, and withal (in effect) that by the said doctrine, laws, and statutes, all the former proceed, Martin jun. decrees, etc. of the brethren, are to be maintained and justified. As by the particular proofs following, it will appear. The offices a Martin jun, of Lord Archbishops and Bishops, etc. (saith Martin junior) are condemned, by the doctrine of the Church of England. The doctrine that condemneth the places of Lord Bishops is b Thes. 49 approved by the statutes of this Realm, and her majesties prerogative royal. To be c Thes. 50 a Lord Bishop is directly against the Statute: 13. Elizab. According d Thes. 78. to the doctrine of the Church of England, our Prelates have no authority to make Ministers, or to proceed to any ecclesiastical censure: their e Thes. 82 citations, processes, excommunications, etc. are neither to be obeyed nor regarded. Men ought f Thes. 83 not to appear in their Courts: a g Thes. 84. man being excommunicated by them, ought not to seek any absolution at their hands. And in the behalf of the brethren, he doth also further affirm: that by the h Thes. 72. said doctrine of the Church of England etc. all Ministers be of equal authority: that the i Thes. 80. godly ministers ought to ordain those, that would enter into that function, without any leave of the prelate's, and not so much as once to suffer them to take any approbation of the prelate's: that k Thes. 85. every minister is bound to preach the Gospel, notwithstanding the inhibition of the Bishops: that l Thes. 86. a man being once made a minister, is not to be kept back from preaching, by the inhibition of any creature: and m Thes. 106. that by the said doctrine, etc. all ministers are bound by subscription, etc. to disavow the Hierarchy of Bishops. When you shall read these strange assertions, so far passing any ordinary bounds of common modesty: think with yourselves, that it is no marvel, to see their writings so full of authorities. For I do assure you, that even in the like sort, and with the same sincerity & faithfulness, do they allege for their platforms, both Scriptures, Counsels, Fathers and Histories. Moreover, what with the pretence of God's law, of man's law, and (I know not) of what law, they have been suffered to go so far against all laws: that now they have taken such heart, as that some of them are not afraid to affirm (and that in print because the people might take notice of it): that there is no authority, which may lawfully suppress their foresaid proceedings. Martin jun. Thes. 17. 18. 22. No Magistrate (saith one of the brotherhood) may lawfully maim or deform the body of Christ, which is the Church: no lawful Church government is changeable, at the pleasure of the Magistrate: of necessity all christian Magistrates are bound, to receive this government, etc. And thus hither to you have seen the proceed of our English reformers according to their ringleaders actions in Scotland: they have had their draughts of discipline: they have subscribed a particular book for England: they have put their former platforms, & their said particular book, (for the most part of it) in practice, as near as they could: they have had their meetings and Synods, generally throughout all the land: they have made decrees & conclusions, not only to further their own conspiracy, but also to overthrow the present government of the Church: they have had in some places their Elders: they have exempted themselves from the ecclesiastical government in this Realm, accounting the same, (in some respects,) to be Antichristian, and so not to be obeyed, (& in some other) to be a mere civil, and a parliament church-government: and in that regard, only after a sort, to be yielded unto, for their better & safer standing, in their own seditious and consistorian ways. They have, by their false gloss, seduced many of her majesties subjects: they have combined themselves together, into a strange brotherhood. They challenge to their unlawful and seditious assemblies, the true and most proper name of the Church. They say their doings are according to law. They affirm (in effect) that no Magistrate may lawfully overthrow that, which they have builded: in as much, a The humble motion pa. 84. as now it is said, that the Bishops, in seeking by the authority which her Majesty hath given and confirmed unto them, to maintain (as they are bound) the present church-government and state, established by her highness laws within this Realm, and to suppress and reform their schismatical & seditious disorders, and such like, are the disturbers of the peace of the church: that the Bishops begin the b The humble motion pa. 84. quarrel in disquieting of them, who in town and country, were very greatly at unity, & took sweet council together, for the profiting of the Church. That c Epistle to the discovery of R B. etc. the Bishops are the schismatics, and not they: that the crime of schism, which the prelate's would fasten upon them, doth justly cleave to the Bishops: and that d Register pa. 69 Bishops may be discharged by the Church. And they have entered already into this consideration, how Archbishops, Bishops, chancellors, Deans, Cannons, Archdeacon's, Lord to Fe●. 158. 9 Commissaries, Registers, Apparitors etc. (All which, by their said pretended reformation, must be thrust from their livings.) should be provided for, that the common wealth be not thereby pestered with beggars. Whereby it appeareth, that (in their own conceits) they have already attained their sovereignty. They and their conventicles (forsooth) are the true Church: and all England beside is in a schism. So as now it may be daily expected, when these godly brethren, for a full conclusion of their attempts, will take upon them, (as their masters did in Scotland) to discharge the estate of Bishops, Declaration B 2. and to direct their commissioners; to her most excellent Majesty, commanding both her and her highness most honourable privy Council, under the pain of excommunication, to appoint no Bishops hereafter, because they have concluded that state to be unlawful: and that furthermore her Highness, under the same penalty, shall not presume from thenceforth, either any longer to maintain the present Antichristian Church-government, or once to attempt the overthrowing of theirs. And thus much of this matter, uz. concerning our English reformers, and their imitation of the Ministers of Scotland, in that seeing they could not prevail, with their suits & supplications to her Majesty and the Parliament, for the setting up of their discipline: they have taken upon them to do it themselves. The end of the third Book. THE FOURTH BOOK OF DISCIPLINARY GROUNDS and Practices. CHAP. 1. Some of them seem to grow desperate, and propound to themselves a strange example to follow, for the adauncing of their Discipline. As the Ministers of Scotland with their adherentes, finding sundry impediments in their foresaid proceed, and in the setting-up of their discipline, did grow to be very angry, & thereupon oftentimes before they came to arms or violence, did cast out many great speeches and threatenings (as it hath been before declared): even so also it fareth now rightly, with our Disciplinarians in England. They threaten and brag above measure, what shall come to pass: and I pray God they be suffered to go no further. One of the brethren, (in the name of the rest,) complaining, that they are oppugned, and (as he saith) persecuted, desireth, that the same may be provided for: and addeth therewithal these words. 2. admonit. pa, 59 It is the case already of many a thousand in this land: yea it is the case of as many, as seek the Lord aright, etc. Great troubles will come of it, if it be not provided for. None seek the Lord aright but this brotherhood. Great joy of them. But what troubles mean they? That, an other seemeth to clear: where he sayeth, that they can endure no such hard dealing, as is used against them any longer. Suppl. pa. 61, Alas (saith he) we are never able to stand against the poverty, losses, imprisonment, discountenance, by our superiors, that our brethren have sustained &c. Never able to swallow up the slanders, and bitter names of puritanes, precisians, traitors, seditious libelers etc. Why? what will you do? The best that can be gathered of his words, is this. Come, (saith he) let us make a Captain, and return again into Egypt. If they have not their minds, the danger may be, which in deed will bring some troubles that they are not unlike to become either Atheists or Papists. Shortly after the strange attempt before mentioned that was made against the king of Scotland, Anno 1585., by ten thousand of his own people at Sterling: (whereby the consistorian Ministers prevailed, aswell against their Sovereign, as against their Bishops, for the advancing of their presbyteries): there came out a railing Dialogue, here in England published abroad in print and scattered by the brotherhood, throughout the whole Realm. This Dialogue is entitled: the state of the church of England laid open in a conference, between Diotrephes (representing the person of a Bishop,) Tertullus a Papist, (brought in to plead for the orders of our church,) Demetrius, a Usurer (signifying such as live by unlawful trades:) Pandocheus, an Innkeeper, (a receiver of all, and a soother of every man for his gain:) and Paul a preacher of the word of God: (sustaining the place and persons of the consistorial brethren.) Where, (by the way,) see again the account they make of all that do maintain the present state of the Church: they are but ambitious worldlings: Papists: livers by unlawful trades: and men pleasers. But themselves are Apostles. In this Dialogue, Paul is set forth as a man desirous, (upon the Innkeepers motion,) to hear some good news from Scotland: who meeting with the Bishop, he useth him according to the Consistorian humour: that is, most proudly, most spitefully, and most slanderously. He condemneth both the calling of Bishops as Antichristian, and censureth all their proceed, as wicked, Popish, unlawful, and cruel. He affirmeth that all the good, that hath been done for the present flourishing estate of the Gospel in England: hath a E. 1. been brought to pass, by those men, whom the Bishops despise, and by that course, which they were ever enemies unto. He saith, that b F. 1. very many of all degrees, are fully persuaded in the matters of reformation, and that he is persuaded, this will come of it, uz. that he shall see the government of the Church,, (by the rules of their discipline) set up before it be long. The Bishop is supposed to have been sent out of England into Scotland, for the suppressing of the presbyteries there: and so is made, upon his return homeward, to be the reporter of the Scottish affairs, and withal to signify his great fear, lest he and the rest of the Bishops in England, should be served shortly, as the Bishops had lately been in Scotland, namely at Edinburgh and Saint Andrew's &c. Ah (saith the pretended Bishop) my host. The Puritans in Scotland have got-up their discipline, ●. B and utterly overthrown all the sovereignty of Bishops: by which they prevailed so mightily, that we feared, our fall in England shortly to ensue. Whereupon I was sent, together with this my friend (Tertullus,) who came out of France into England: to go and seek the subversion of their great assemblies, and the rest of their jurisdiction: wherein I prevailed a while, but now it is worse than ever it was. And it came so to pass: because the whole land cried for Discipline again; and the Noble men so stiffly did stand to it: and lastly the Ministers that came home from England, dealt so boldly with the king; that I was utterly cast out, without all hope ever to do any good there again, and now I make homeward in haste, lest I lose all there also. Here you have the brethren's approbation of the aforesaid attempt in Scotland: whereby it is apparent, that if they shall be able to bring the people to such a kind of clamour, and the nobility to such a manner of stiffness: they can be well content for their parts, to have her majesty used, as the Scottish king was: for it is according to their Geneva Divinity. Tertullus the Papist, F. 2, & 3, etc. he is made the Bishop's only councillor, in the whole course of the government of our Church: by whose advise, (the author of the Dialogue saith) that the Bishops do bear with the Popish recusants, and that so many ways are sought to suppress the Puritans. This Tertullus, together with the Host and the Usurer, do relate to the Bishop those occurrents in England, which had fallen out and happened in his absence. And upon the occasion of this question, asked by the Bishop: uz. have not the Bishops yet suppressed the Puritans, neither with countenance, nor by authority? Tertullus maketh this answer. Suppressed? no, my Lord: a friend of mine writ unto me, that one of their preachers said in the Pulpit; he was persuaded that there were a 100000. of them in England, and that the number of them increased daily in every place, of all estates & degrees. Is it not time for the Magistrates to look about them? They do take it in scorn to be thought so weak, as that they could be suppressed. Be it, they flatter themselves therein: yet their desire is apparent, that (if they be suffered, and shall ever be able) they will bring it to that pass. And if this be not a necessary consequent of the premises: my judgement faileth me. But to proceed. CHAP. II. Of their doctrine for making a reformation themselves, and how the people must be thrust into that action. ABout four years since, it should seem that some of the brethren, were of opinion, that they had dealt long enough in the practice of their Discipline, after such a secret manner: and that then they were bound in duty to proceed to the public exercise of it, notwithstanding any danger, that might thereby ensue. For thus one of them writeth. pain to F. Our zeal to God's glory, our love to his Church, & the due planting of the same, in this horheaded age should be so warm & and stirring in us, as not to care what adventure we give, and what censures we abide etc. The jesuits & Seminaries, their diabolical boldness, will cover our faces with shame etc. And after also in the same letter. We cannot be discharged, of great disloyalty to our coming Christ, except we proceed with practice, and so to further the Lords cause by suffering: forasmuch as that dutiful suffering, for so honourable a matter, is as sure a sign of subjection, as obeying, the time so urging that bounden duty. It is verily more than time, to Register the names of the fittest and hottest brethren round about our several dwellings, whereby to put Master Snecanus godly counsel in execution: uz. Si quis obijciat etc. If any man object, that the setting up, and the lawful practice of the discipline in the Church, is hindered by the civil magistrate: let the magistrate be freely and modestly admonished of his duty. If he esteem to be accounted, either a godly or a Christian magistrate, without doubt he will admit wholesome counsels. But if he do not, yet let him be more exactly instructed, that he may serve God in fear, and bend his authority to the defence of the church and of God's glory. Marry, if by this way there happen no good success, then let the ministers of the Church, execute their office, according to the appointment of Christ. For they must rather obey God then men. In this last point, we have dolefully failed, which now or never standeth us in hand to prosecute with all celerity, without lingering and staying so long for Parliaments. This advise of Pains, was thought by the brethren, (as I guess) to be somewhat too rash. For of likelihood they could not find at that time, so sufficient a number of such hot brethren as might serve their turn. Whereupon (as I suppose) out cometh the decrees of the Warwickshire Classes, that for the increasing of the said number, every minister, (as occasion served,) should teach the Discipline unto the people, as well as the other parts of the Gospel. And for the moderating of Pains too hasty advise, it was thus determined. Non dum solicitandum esse publicé universum caetum ad praxim Disciplinae, donec meliùs instituantur homines in eius cognition: that is: As yet the whole multitude are not to be alured (publicly) to the practice of the Discipline, until men be better instructed, in the knowledge of it. As though for the answering of pain, they had said; that when by that means they had gotten, a sufficient number to assist them, than his counsel should be followed. For you must understand, that their chiefest trust is reposed in the people, as it may be further made more plain unto you by the deposition of master edmond's, whose words I will set down, as they remain in record. I do well remember (saith he) that after I had left that company, meaning the London assemblies, meeting with Master Field, I talked with him, what harm was already done, by inveighing against the present state of the Church, and by their proceed, in beating this their new reformation into the heads of the common people, because they were already grown thereby amongst themselves, into great divisions: very contemptuous, insolent, & intractable, etc., Whereunto he answered, tush, hold your peace: seeing we cannot compass these things, by suit nor dispute: it is the multitude and people, that must bring them to pass. But I will leave their endeavours a while, how they may seduce the people, and enter into a discourse to their further proceed. CHAP. III. They would have the nobility and the inferior Magistrates to set up their discipline: & of their supplication with a 100000 hands. IT is here to be considered, what course they take, to bring the Nobility and inferior magistrates of England, to the before said stiffness, Suppl. to the govern. of Wales. pa. 15. 16. 36. 37. 38. 39 (mentioned in the first Chapter) that was in them of Scotland: Master Penry exhorteth the Lord Precedent of Wales, by the examples of Moses, jehosuah, David, Solomon, jehosophat, Hezechiah, joshua, Nehemiah, etc. & to take in hand their pretended reformation, in that country: proving that he hath authority thereunto, because he is a governor under God, and that if he refused so to do; he could have no commission to rule there, in that thereby Christ being rejected, he was become but the Lieutenant of Satan. Here you have Allobrogical, and consistorial stuff, able of itself, (if it were received) to fill all Christian kingdoms, with all kind of mutinies, sedition, Goodman with the conent of the Genevians etc. p. 214. 215 and rebellion. They would make the inferior Magistrates, under their Sovereign to believe: that they had, (for their times, and within their limits,) as absolute authority, as if they themselves were fully Princes there: and were not many ways restrained, by the supreme Magistrate. Surely if they shall be able, by these and such like persuasions, to draw unto them the justices of Peace, the Sheriffs or Lieutenants of every Shire, (and so make them the executioners of their good pleasures and platforms, without any further Commission or warrant from her Majesty:) they shall not need to expect either Prince, or Parliament, but may throw down and set up, as great builders do, whatsoever shall be most agreeable, to the mutability of their own affections. And whereas an objection might have been made, that if either the Noblemen, Gentlemen, or people should take upon them to cast down the Bishops, and to reform the church, according to their reigning frenzy, without her majesties commandment, that in so doing they should greatly disturb the state of the Realm, and highly offend her most excellent majesty: these points are both of them passed over with a snuff, & with great disdain, as being no such impediments, as aught to hinder the valiant courages of Consistorian subjects. Martin jun. Epilog. I tell you true, (saith one of their Captains) I think it a great blessing of God, that hath raised up Martin to hold tackling with the Bishops, that you may have some time of breathing, or rather a time to gather courage and zeal, etc. to set upon these enemies, etc. For if, as hitherto you have, you be so loath, for disturbing of our state, forsooth and the offending of her Majesty, not only to speak against but even utterly to reject this Hierarchy of our Bishops, even to have no more to do with it, then with the seat of the beast: you shall declare unto our children, that God can set up, but a company of whitelivered soldiers etc. Forsooth if this exhortation be according to their Discipline: it ought no longer to be termed Christ's, (as they term it) but the devils Discipline. Martin sea And yet, because they would not have her Majesty altogether neglected, an other of their Lieutennants can be content, that (before their soldiers mentioned, should begin the skirmish) there might be first, (as it were) for a parley, some little owerture of duty signified: that, if (as yet) her Highness would be ruled by them, they would desist. To this purpose he moveth all the Puritans, (as he termeth them,) in England both Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Ministers and people, to offer a supplication to her Majesty: in effect, for the full obtaining of all their desires. To this (saith he) an hundred thousand hands would be gotten etc. and then thou (speaking to his reader) may well think, what a stroke so many would strike together, etc. It should appear, that they are not few, and of small reputation, but in a manner the strength of our land, and the sinew of her majesties royal government, which our Bishops do falsely note with the names of Puritans, The consideration whereof, I tell thee, even in policy, would make, that this their suit should not be hastily rejected, especially in such a time, as wherein we now live, in danger of our enemies abroad, and therefore had need of no causes of discouragement at home. I like it well when men will deal plainly, You see indeed their hearts. And is it not then evident, whereat they aim? In such a time no policy? Indeed the return of the Spaniard was then expected. No need then of discouragement at home? Why? wanting your desires, would you have taken no part, if the Spaniard had come? or purposed you, to have made a more ready passage for him, by rebelling at home, before he should have come? or would you have joined with him, if he had come? or meant you thereby, (through terror) to have enforced her Majesty, to your purposes, lest you should have taken some of these courses? Chose which of them you list: the best is seditious. CHAP. FOUR Presuming upon some unlawful assistance, they use very violent words. HOw true it is, that they have a hundredth thousand, ready at their direction, I know not: but they have surely too many: if the companion of the brotherhood, that sent his humble motion abroad, may be herein believed. Thousands (he saith) do sigh for this discipline, pag. 39 and ten thousand have sought it: and approved and worthy men of every shire, have consented unto it. But certain it is such is their hope, to thrust the people, with the rest of their confederates, into some unlawful execution, of their distempered designments: that they are come to a wonderful resolution and assurance, as having almost (in their own conceits,) obtained already, the very sceptre of their kingdom. The Eldership is at hand, (saith the humble motioner.) And again: using reasons, why the state here in England should presently embrace their government, he falleth upon these two points, (jumping justly, with the Scottish ministers logic, mentioned before by Diotrephes, the pretended Bishop,) uz. the people are inflamed with zeal, and (as it seemeth) the second reason dependeth upon the first: that is, because it is hard, dangerous, and impossible to stand against it. In effect, the people cry for the Discipline, and therefore it must needs prevail. Indeed they have slanderously set out supplications and complaints in the name of the commonalty: thereby to terrify their withstanders. But I trust the people generally are not so mad, although there be some that are strangely bewitched: unto this conceit of the people's readiness it seemeth to me, that M. Snape had relation, when he used these words following, as they are set down by the oaths of some of them, to whom he spoke them. How say you (quoth he) if we meaning himself and his fellow ministers, Holmes, Hawgar. etc. with their adherentes devise a way, whereby to shake off all the Antichristian yoke, and government of the Bishops: & will jointly together erect the discipline and government all in one day: but peradventure it will not be yet, this year & a half. An other, (of his more than superabundant charity) foreseeing the mischiefs that are ready to fall by his brethren's procurement, upon the Bishops of this realm: giveth them warning to begun in time. Epistle to mart▪ epitome. Bee packing Bishops, (saith he you strive in vain: you are laid open already. Friars and Monks were not so bad. Look to yourselves: for my sons will not see their father thus persecuted at your hands. W. F. We protest (say the authors of a certain supplication, drawn to her Majesty: and found in one of the brethren's studies: but he will not confess, by whose advise it was penned:) We protest (say they) unto your Majesty: that we will be no longer subject unto the Bishop's unlawful and usurped authority etc. Wherefore let them not look for it at our hands. Epistle to the Demonst. And an other. The truth will prevail (speaking of the discipline) in spite of your teeth (meaning the Bishops,) and all other adversaries of it. Likewise an other dealeth as charitably with the common wealth, as his fellow did with the Bishops: Martin iun. Thes. 98. 103. 100 105. that is: he warneth to take heed: saying, that it will be very dangerous to our state, to maintain two contrary factions: that the Magistrates are then bound, even for the quieting of our state, to put down the one: that those, that stand for the discipline, neither can nor will give it over, (so as they will not be put down): and that the said Magistrates cannot maintain the corruption of our Church, namely Archbishops and Bishops, without the discontentment of their subjects. And an other: we have sought to advance this cause of God, by humble suit to the Parliament, by supplication to your Convocation house, by wrighting in defence of it, and by challenging to dispute for it: seeing none of these means used by us have prevailed: if it come in by that means, which will make all your hearts to ache, blame yourselves. And to conclude. Martin's protestation. In this one point (saith another) the Bishops are of my mind: uz. that reformation cannot well come to our Church, without blood. Let the place be thoroughly considered. The words are ambiguously set down: of purpose to cover (in some sort) the cruelty, which lurketh in their own hearts. For in my simple judgement, his speeches can have no other good & coherent sense, than this, uz. that as the Bishops do think (as he slanderously deemeth) that there can be no reformation of the Puritans disordered proceed, without the blood of some of their brotherhood, so he is of mind, that the reformation which he and his companions do seek for, cannot be attained unto, without the blood of some of those, that do withstand their platforms. It is true that he there only prosecuteth the cruel opinion, which he ascribeth to the Bishops: saying that no blood can handsomely be spilled, unless they be the butchers. But he passeth cunningly by his own mind, as very well knowing his companions capacities. Indeed, if they do take upon them to spill blood, they cannot (thanks be to God) as yet, do it handsomely. The Lord of his infinite mercy grant that their opportunities, to such a mischief, do never serve them better, than hitherto they have done. CHAP. V. Upon Cartwrights' committing to prison: some strange attempts were looked. BEsides, prayers to prevent such outrages (as are mentioned in former chapters) there must be other means diligently looked into. For out of question, it is high time. Every one is acquainted with the execution of Hack. but few do understand, the secrets of those attempts. They stretch much further than they are supposed. You may remember, Buch, de iu●e regn. 57 the disciplinary men's doctrine (before mentioned) uz. Goodman. pag. 185. junius Brutus. 170. that when Princes grow to be tyrants, (whereof seditious spirits will be the judges, (and that the inferior Magistrates will not do their duties: Beza de authorit. magist. insubd. p. 97 the people then, (if any jonathan will step forth, to be their captain) are bound to join themselves unto him, and may use the sword in their own right: I. P Of obedience. whittingham's preface Goodman pag. 196, I. P. 121. or otherwise some private man, that is moved with zeal extra ordinem, may execute vengeance, upon prince or Potentate, Idolater, wicked persons, etc. even as the spirit shall move him. The which doctrine (as I said) they take upon them to confirm, out of the scriptures: by these examples uz. of Phineas, who in zeal killed the adulterers: of Ahud, who in zeal killed king Eglon, in his private chamber: of jael, who in zeal killed Sisara: of Matathias, who in zeal killed a jew, for committing Idolatry: and of the same Matathias, who in the same zeal killed likewise, at the same time, the king's commissioners, that commanded the people to conform themselves to the kings proceed. etc. To those that know these principles, how can it be either obscure or difficult, what they are both to think & judge, when they shall hear of any extraordinary callings, and secret motions, in private men? whereby they shall take upon them, (through the assistance of giddy & seduced malcontents,) to correct and amend, to set up and throw down, to deliver and restrain, to punish and execute, how, what, where, when and whom, etc. according to their own pleasures: and all under pretence of such directions, as they shall affirm that the holy Ghost doth minister unto them. Upon the proceed, held by course of law, against Udall and some others: and likewise by reason, that certain Preachers, but especially master Cartwright, being called before her majesties commissioners in causes ecclesiastical, for their aforesaid undutyfull proceed, were (upon just occasions) committed to prison: the matter was greatly grudged at, & so taken to heart; amongst the reforming and zealous brotherhood, as that many devices and complots, were (as it seemeth) in deliberation not only how the said prisoners, might (for the present) be defended and delivered: but also how thereupon they might proceed, for the setting up of their Discipline. To this purpose, Wigginton, to Porter at Lancaster, 6. novemb. 1590. in mine opinion these words of Wigginton's are very pertinent. Master Cartwright is in the Fleece, for refusal of the oath (as I hear) and Master Knewstubs is sent for, and sundry worthy ministers are disquieted, who have been spared long. So that we look for some bickering ere long, and then a battle: which cannot long endure. How far these words may be drawn, I leave it to be considered of, by those that can discern of such like kind of phrases. This I can assure you of, that (upon what grounds I know not) through the course which was held by the magistrates here, against the said prisoners: there was great expectation, and as it were a hope conceived by their favourers, in another country, of some bickering amongst us, (about that time,) as Wigginton writeth of. P. A. 7. De. cemb. 1590. Thus a man that hath been of especial account in Scotland, did write unto a friend of his in England. I attend your next answer, aswell of the estate of your Church, as of all other affairs. For there is here great word of sundry uproars, which I trust be false, or repressedin due season by her Majesty. But that passeth all (to this purpose,) which falleth out most apparently, by the view taken of such letters and papers, as were found upon the apprehension of Hacket and his Prophets. CHAP. VI One Edmond Copinger took upon him to work Cartwrightes etc. deliverance: he pretendeth an extraordinary calling and acquainteth divers with it: one Gibson a Scot: P. Wentwotrh, Cartwright, Wigginton, Charke, Travers, Egerton, etc. Whilst some were devising of one way, and some of an other, for the good of the said prisoners, etc. One Edmond Coppinger, with his familiars, could find no means to be looked for, except it might please God, according to the foresaid positions, to stir up some zealous brethren, by some extraordinary calling, to effect their desires. This cogitation (as it seemeth) no sooner grew upon them, but that by and by they felt, (as they thought) in themselves: some certain slender instigations, to such a heavenly purpose. It appeareth that towards the latter end of December, 1590.▪ Copinger, Arthington, and john Bentley, a Coppinger examined, 19 of july. Arthing. discourse. master Knightlies' man, did hold a fast, at one Thomas Lancaster's house, a schoolmaster in Shoe-lane. It began upon the Saturday at night, and held till Sunday at night. In the time of this fast, uz. the Saturday b Coppinger to T. C. at night, Coppinger (as he said) found himself very extraordinarily exercised &c. with a wonderful zeal, to set forth God's glory any ways, which lawfully he might enter into. At that time also, (I mean at that last fast: Arthington had likewise his extraordinary calling. Thus Copinger did write of his matter to Lancaster: the letter was also subscribed unto, by Arthington, In c Coppinger and Arthing to Lancaster, the 15. of july 1591. your house, in your presence, and partly by your means; I had my first extraordinary calling, and of the same mind is my brother Arthington. Copinger the next day after the said fast, did ride into Kent: and upon his return, (which was with some speed) he signified unto his fellow-fasters, how he had been extraordinarily called, both before his going, the said Saturday at night: & also in his journey, since he departed from them: uz. how God had revealed d Arthing, discourse. unto him, such a secret mystery, as was wonderful. By the way (saith he) as I rid, I fancied to myself, Cop. to T. C. that there was leave given me, to speak to God, in a more familiar manner, then at any time before: also I persuaded myself, that his spirit did give me many strange directions, wherein the Lord would use me to do service to his most glorious Majesty, and to his Church. Concerning the substance of his said revelation, he also told, Arthington & Lancaster thus much: uz. arthington's discourse. that he knew a way, how to bring the Queen to repentance, and to cause all her Counsel and Nobles, to do the like, out of hand, or else detect them, to be traitors that refused. After the relation of these things, within a day or two, this Copinger and Arthington, Cop. to T. C. held another fast by themselves. Whereupon (saith Copinger) I was again stirred up, to such business of such importance, as in the eyes of flesh and blood, was likely to bring much danger to myself, and unlikely to bring any good success to the Church of God. Of these his instigations, or revelations, he writ to some preachers in the Realm: Cop to T. C. and to some without: as namely a letter the last day of December, 1590. to one Gibson, a kind of preacher in Scotland. Copping to Gibson. Wherein he greatly complaineth of the present state of our Church: and desireth of him, to be instructed from the brethren there, in divers points, concerning an extraordinary calling. Thee state of our Church (saith he) groweth worse and worse: our zealous ministery and Magistracy are daily disgraced and displaced: the means of help is taken away, except, that God would either move her Majesty inwardly, she being bereaved of those holy helps▪ which Gods servants enjoy in the public exercise of religion: or else stir up, some faithful zorobabel or Nehemiah, to let her see how the lords house lieth waste, and how usurpers of Antichristian tyranny, do keep Christ jesus from governing in his kingdom. And then he addeth. Myself am acquainted with some, who, to do service herein, would adventure the loss of their lives, so that they might have warrant from the word, for their so doing, and have approbation by the Church. And to this end they fancy to themselves to have received an extraordinary calling, wherein they fear to be abused by Satan. Then followeth his petition. And therefore I, though most unworthy, have adventured to write unto you, to beseech you in the bowels of Christ jesus, to have conference with such, as are most able to advise you on our behalf, and to return answer, how a man may examine himself in this matter, and what be the extraordinary things, which must be in him, that is so called: what course he is to take, to have his extraordinary calling known: first to himself, and then to the Church. After he had sent away this letter into Scotland he began to draw his doubts into some Method: and did propound them all in eight questions. The chief sum whereof, it this, whether in these days, and in this country, where there is but preaching here and there, where the Discipline is not established, but oppugned, by the public Magistrates, whether there be place for any extraordinary calling, immediately from God, of workers and helpers to his Church etc. These questions thus contrived he sent them to his old acquaintance Wigginton: who justly according to copinger's humour, answered them all affirmatively: as his answers are to be showed, under his own hand, and as Copinger did also write unto master Cartwright; the effect of which Letter will follow in course. Upon copinger's receipt of this answer, that there was high time, for such extraordinary callings: presently after, there was an other fast procured by Copinger, for a better comformation of such his manner of calling, Cop. to T. C. and to see, if any more might be drawn thereby into the same conceit. This fast was held upon the Wednesday, in a merchants house, where Wigginton then lay, Cop. exam. 19 julie. and Wigginton himself with three or four others was present at it. But before this fast was held, means was used (saith Copinger) to have some notice given to some of the Preachers in Prison, of the day of their humiliation, and of their desire to have them commend unto God in their prayers the holy purposes, Cop. to T. C. which any fearing God, should in time attempt to take in hand, by seeking the glory of God, and the good of the Church. The effect of their prayers in this fast, Copin exam. 19 julie. was this, uz. They humbly beseech Almighty God, that if he had appointed to use any of them, to do any special service to him and his: and that to that end would extraordinarily call them, Cop to T. C. that he would seal up his or their so calling by some special manner, and by his holy spirit, and give such extraordinary graces and gifts, as were fit for so weighty an action. How the rest of this company sped hereby, I find it not: but Copinger (as he saith) was called again the same night in a dream. Copin. exam. The manner whereof, he thus describeth. About the mid part of the night, I thought myself in my sleep, to be carried into Heaven, and there being wonderfully astonished with the Majesty of God, and brightness of his glory, I made a loud and most strong noise etc. since which time, I find every day more & more comfort: and suppose, there is somewhat in me etc. to work (he meaneth some strange reformation.) As before it hath been partly touched, Copinger did not only crave the advise of some ministers in these his great actions, (as oft he termed them): but also of such of the Laity, as he thought were most fit to join with him, or to advise him: and I doubt not, but that he dealt as plainly with them, as he had done before with Dauison a Scotte and others. This doth appear in some sort, by a Letter written unto Copinger by Peter Went worth, the five and twentieth of januarie 1590. in answer of one sent unto him before, from Copinger. P. W. to Cop. 25. lan, 1590. It seemeth that Copinger having desired master Wentworth to come unto him to London, that they might confer together, etc. for answer he excuseth himself in respect of his lameness. etc. and of his debility and weakness, to give advise in matters of importance, wherein I perceive (saith he) you are labouring. And further (saith he,) I do assure myself, that the purpose tendeth unto the true service of God, and of her Majesty. I beseech you resort to the Lord, to direct your labours both in matter and manner. For an ill manner may mar a good matter. You are in a plentiful soil, where you may use the advise of many godly wise. Use the benefit thereof, and then as josuah said, be bold, and of good courage: fear not to be discouraged. Besides it appeareth by a Letter of Copingers to Thomas Lancaster, Cop. to L. 29, jau. 15. 19 the Icholemaister, dated the nine and twentieth of januarie: that he had disclosed, (as it should seem, all the premises, unto diverse of the Ministers of London, desiring to have had some conference with them: and offering himself to be directed either to proceed, or draw back, as the Church should advise. But they supposing the matter to be too hard to be effected: and him an unfit man to manage it, refused to admit of any such conference. In the same letter, it is also evident, that Copinger had made the night before a rude discourse (as he termeth it) to Lancaster of these matters, which Lancaster disliked. And touching some speeches had with master Egerton, thus he there writeth. Most true it is, that he refused to take trial of me, and of my gifts: alleging, that he was a mean ordinary man etc. and one that could not judge of extraordinary gifts: and withal, most Christianly, wisely, and lovingly persuaded me, to be careful & circumspect over myself: to take heed lest I was deceived by the subtlety of Satan, and so misled: whereby I might endanger myself, both for my liberty, estate, and credit, and also be an hindrance to the great cause, which I would seem to be most desirous to further. But withal he concluded, that he would be loath, to quench the spirit of God in me, or to hinder my zeal. In another letter also, to the said Lancaster from Copinger: concerning other his proceed with Egerton, he saith: it cannot be denied, but that the cause is good, which I desire to be an actor in: but it is said by some, that it is impossible that I should be fit to meddle therein. He also desireth Lancaster, to deal with Egerton, that he might have a sight of all the letters, which he (the said Copinger) had written unto him about these matters. About this time it also appeareth, that Copinger fell in to some dealings with M. Cartwright, concerning the premises: and that he had sent unto him, the questions before mentioned, for to know his resolution, whether it would be agreeable to Wigintons. He writ a letter unto him, dated the 4. of February 1590. beginning thus. Right reverend Sir, your most wise and christian council, together with offer to take knowledge by writing from me, of such matters, as might induce me to suppose myself, to have received some hope of special favour from god, to some special use: doth move me more and more to admire his mercies towards me etc. In this letter, he signifieth to M. Cartwright (as before I have noted,) the number of their fasts, his several callings, his writing to some preachers within the Realm, and to some without: and his confirmation by Wigintons' said answers, and maketh these petitions unto him: uz. that the church (I mean, saith he, yourself & such as you shall name unto me:) would look narrowly into him, for the trial of his extraordinary calling. If (saith he) I bethought to be any ways misleaded, I crave sharp censuring▪ If I be guided by God's spirit to any good end, (as hereafter shall be adjudged,) I shall be ready to acquaint you and them, with generalities and particularities, so farfoorth as you and they be desirous to look into them. And his second petition was, uz. to have (saith he) your further answer to some questions, wherein I desire to be resolved▪ with your direction also, what hereafter I am to signify to yourself, concerning the matter itself. After M. Cartwright had received this letter from Coppinger, he sent unto him a message, that he should attempt nothing but by advise, and that he should be wise and circumspect. Besides it seemeth, Copinger to T. C. 13. of febr. 1590. that upon Copingers so earnest suit made as hath been specified, there was a time appointed, that he might be conferred withal. These things do appear to be true, by a second letter of Coppingers to Cartwright, the 13. of February. Wherein he greatly complaned that he had been put back from that service of god and his church, which he had in hand, (and that by his friends:) he desired M. Cartwright that the day appointed for conference might hold, and he addeth this reason. The danger which some stand in: for their lives, is not unknown: and if I had not been letted, I durst have ventured my life, to have procured their release ere now. And again to the same effect. As I may, I command you in the name of God, that you advise the preachers, to deal speedily and circumspectly, lest some blood of the Saints be shed. In the end he signifieth, that the next day, he with some others, did mean to humble themselves in fasting, and that the prisoners did know of it. Whilst Copinger was in expectation of the said conference: how it fell out I know not, but (as it seemeth) council was taken, & the matter overruled, that the ministers appointed, should utterly refuse to have any conference with him. Whereupon M. Cartwright, Travers, Charke, and Egerton, sent him word by M. Hockenhull, that they would leave him, to himself: or rather to Satan: and that they thought him unworthy, to be conferred withal. Coppinger. to Charke, Travers and Egerton. And this appeareth by coppinger's letter to Charke, Travers & Egerton beginning thus: Right reverend fathers etc. About the delivery of this message, Copinger did after, (in some sort) challenge M. Hockenhull: and told him also, Cop to Hockenh. 24. Feb● 1590. that seeing he had been refused to be conferred withal, by those godly, wise, and zealous preachers, who had promised to have had conference with him etc. occasion thereby was offered unto him, to approve himself. About this time or a little before, Coppinger received a letter in answer of his, from Gibson (the Scottish Minister above mentioned:) dated from Pententland in Scotland the sixth of February 1590. concerning the points of Coppingers said letter unto him. Wherein he writeth very cunningly, touching Coppingers question, and shifteth it over (like his craftes-maister) with an indirect and uncertain answer. But in these points he is very plain: uz. that he had showed Coppingers letter to sundry: that he had conferred of it with the best of their ministery: that their Church was not forgetful to do all good offices, for the weal of the brethren here: that there was a writing ready to send to Germany to junius, that he would travail with some of the good & well affected professors there: that (of his knowledge) travail was to be made with some others, as namely the King of France, and that their ministry would themselves travail with her Majesty. No doubt if junius or any other, at their request shall take upon them, to deal with her highness, for men of coppinger's humour or for any of those, whom he would have delivered, the suggestions (which either are, or must be made unto them,) are like to contain many slanders and untruths. But to go forward. CHAP. VII. How Coppinger and Arthington came acquainted with Hacket: of their conference with Io. Throg. coppinger's letter to Io. Throg. and his answer. SHortly after this time, Hacket to Wigginton 3. march. 1590. uz. the 3. of March 1590. William Hacket, an old companion of Wigintons did write unto him, and doth comfort him then in prison, with the examples of Gideons' empty pitchars, of the deliverance by Moses through the red sea, and of Haman that was hanged upon the same gibbet, he had prepared for an other. He useth also these words. Master Wigginton: I desire to communicate my spirit at large with you: but I know not your keeper etc. Good M. Wigginton, make my sound heart, known to M. Cartwright, M. Snape, M. Udall, M. Lord. In the Easter term, this Hacket came up to London, of likelihood to communicate his spirit with Wigginton, & to grow into acquaintnance with the parties named: but his pretence was, partly to see what would become of job, Throgmorton, Hackets discourse. and partly to reckon with Wigginton, about the making of malt between them together. He had not been long in London, but he came to Wigginton, who (amongst other discourses) told Hacket that there was a Gentleman (meaning M. Coppinger) in the City, a very good man etc. He describeth him unto Hacket, and the matter also he was entering into: signifying further, how Coppinger had been wonderfully discouraged (in his purposes) by the Preachers in London: but that he (for his part) had not so done. etc. He also commended Arthington to Hacket, Arthing. ex 19 julie 1591. to be an honest man. Then Wigginton sent for Copinger, and by God's providence he came forthwith unto him: and M. Wigginton willed Copinger and Hacket, to take acquaintance one of the other: assuring Coppinger, that he knew Hacket to be a man truly fearing God, and such a person, Arthingt. ex 30. of july 1591. as God might minister some comfort to Copinger by his conference: that Hacket had been tormented, and that for the a credit of Hackets sufferings, a hundredth could witness. About this time also, Arthingt. ex 19 of july 1591. Arthington by Wigginton's and Coppingers' means (as he saith) fell into acquaintance with Hacket, meeting first with him at Mistress lawson's house, M. job Throgmorton also being then at London, grew into some conference (as it should seem) with these three companions, Coppinger, Arthington, and Hacket. And this is gathered by coppinger's letter to job Throgmorton, after his departure from London, that term: and by the answer, returned from him under his own hand, and sealed with his seal of arms. Both the letters are fit to be considered. Thus Coppinger writ unto him, as it appeareth under his own hand. My own dear brother: myself and my two brethren, Where Hacket then lay by coppinger's appointment. who lately were together with you in Knight-rider street, do much desire conference with you, which will ask some time. The business is the Lords own, and he doth deal in it himself, in a strange and extraordinary manner, in poor and simple creatures. Much is done since you see us, which you will rejoice to hear of, when we shall meet: and therefore I beseech you, as soon as you receive this letter, hasten an answer in writing, to my sister Randolphes house, at S. Peter's hill foot, by Paul's wharf. Therein advertise (I beseech you) when I may come to speak with you: for delays are dangerous, and some of the great enemies begin to be so pursued by God, as they are at their wit's end. The Lord make us thankful for it, who keep us ever to himself, to do his will and not ours. Your very loving brother in the L. most assured to command. This copy remaineth thus endorsed. The copy of a letter to M. job Throgmorton, from E. C. And now followeth throgmorton's letter, being an answer (as I take it) unto Coppingers. My good brother, etc. (I rejoice that you will vouchsafe so to account of me.) Your godly conference at any time, when opportunity shall serve, I will not refuse. And albeit our business may hinder us now to meet, yet there is no time overpast, but that it may be performed, when it please God. The next term, (you hear) I must appear here again upon my band: at which time you shall find, that I will be glad of your christian conference, or of any other brothers, by whom I may be enlightened. Lord deliver me, from that pride of heart, to reject or refuse that while I live. That course you speak of, intended by you, I was never (you know) in particular acquainted with. And therefore, for me to like or dislike a matter, that I had no knowledge of, had been (I take it) without ground or warrant. Only I confess, I heard some buzzes abroad, of a sole and singular course, that either you, or some other had plotted in his head, which was greatly feared, and condemned of the brethren. What that was, as I know not, so had I small reason to speak of it with prejudice. Only I would wish you, and all that bear good will to the holy cause, in this perilous age of ours, to take both your eyes in your hands, (as they say) and to be sure of your ground and warrant, before you strive to put in exeecution. For as I like not of coldness of zeal, under colour of discretion: so on the other side, I think that this sentence of our saviour (be ye wise as serpents) was not written in vain neither, and had great need to be practised of some in this age. A sanctified cause, (you know) would always have a sanctified course. Our rule and square, must be the word of truth, which so long as we lay before us, as our level, we shall not lightly serve much from the mark. The Lord therefore direct us, in these fearful and miserable days, and let not our infirmities be a bar to his mercies. I know, (my good Brother,) that the greatest works of the Lord: are wrought by the weakest instrumeuts, least men should boast in the arm of flesh. And therefore, (were it not for my sins and unworthiness,) I could easily persuade myself, in regard of my weakness, that the Lord might effect something by me, who am privy to mine own wants, and far short of those good gifts, it pleaseth you (of your love) to load me with. But this work, that you speak of, (howsoever the instrument be compassed with weakness,) must sure be wrought by a more sanctified heart, than myself can yet without hypocrisy boast of. And therefore, though in affection and good will I join, yet I resign the honour of the work, to those, that the Lord hath more enabled. The man you speak of, (if he be at Oundhell,) dwelleth hard by a Sister of mine, and thereupon I shall have the better occasion to see him, when it please God. Forget me not in your holy prayers and meditations, and salute good Giles with many thanks, whose debtor I am in the Lord. Blessing upon Zion: confusion upon Babel: hast this 18. of the 5. month. Ever yours in the Lord. CHAP. VIII. Copinger to Hacket of an appearance in the star-chamber: his letter to Udall: why Cartwright, &c: refused to confer with him: Cartwright resolved some questions of Coppingers: of eight preachers that did fast and pray for coppinger's success. AFter some few days, that Hacket had tarried in London, the said Easter term, he returned home again to Oundle: having first promised Coppinger, that he would come up again unto him, whensoever he sent for him. Now Coppinger, by his said conferences and acquaintance with Hacket, was grown (as he said) very bold and courageous. Copinger to Hacket. But yet shortly after, vz, (as I think) the seventeenth of May, he liked so well of Hackets company, that he sent for him again, to come up unto him: saying, If God's spirit direct you to come, come: if not, stay. But writ with all speed, Copinger to Hacket. 17. of May. 1591. and convey your letter, and enclose it in a letter to him, who brought you and me acquainted: (that was Wigginton): put not too your name, for discovery, etc. And in the same letter, he sendeth Hacket this news. The zealous Preachers (as it is thought) are to be in the star-chamber to morrow. (I think, he meaneth the last day of Easter term last.) The L. by his holy spirit be with them, and stay all evil that is intended against them. Myself, if I can get in, am moved to be there: and I fear, if sentence with severity shall be given, I shall be forced in the name of the great and fearful God of heaven and earth, to protest against it. About this time also, he writ a very courageous letter to Udall in prison: (for he confesseth it was written about ten weeks, Copinger to Udall. May 1591. before his examination: which was the nineteenth of july). In this letter he telleth him, that (notwithstanding some brethren's hard opinions of him, and other discouragementes) yet now the Lord hath not only enabled him to fight, but at the length (in some sort, to vanquish and overcome. He signifieth also unto him, that the next day, there were some few, that purposed to join together, in a holy fast, in regard of the afflicted Saints in general, etc. He greatly commendeth the Minister's cause and sufferings, that are in prison, assuring himself that God will bless all the actions in it. He saith, there were diverse out of prison, lying hid, that in this great work were hammering their heads, bestowing their brains, Hacket and his fellows. and spending their spirits: who do hope (in short time) to be brought forth into the sight of their and your enemies, to defend the cause you stand for: whose presence (God assisting them,) will daunt the enemies more than yours: for that they be men void of learning, wisdom, and gifts, such as can challenge nothing to themselves, but must give all to God: who in all the greatest works, that ever have been wrought, hath used the weakest means, least men should boast in the arm of flesh. And therefore (I beseech you) cheer up yourselves in the Lord: for the day of our redemption is at hand: and pray, that the hand of the Lord, may be strengthened in them, whom he hath appointed to take part with you in this cause. Here (you see) he was grown to a wonderful resolution. But yet there is another letter of his, that will make the same more evident, and likewise lay open more plainly, some of the premises, than hitherto they have been. He showeth therein, that he could be still well contented, The Copy of Cop. letter to a friend 21 May. 1591. to have some conference with Master Charke, Master Travers, Master Egerton, Master Gardiner, Master Philip's, and Master Cooper. But (saith he) I make not this suit, for that I would seek to have approbation from them, or any other living creature, but from God himself. You have heard before, how these Ministers have refused to confer with Coppinger. And what should a man think, the cause might be? Surely a fear they had: lest he should (by entering into some particulars) bring them, within the compass of his dangerous complots. This may be necessarily there also gathered, in that as showing he could be content, to confer with the said parties, not because (he protesteth) that he would seek any approbation from them: so doth he likewise remove that doubt, saying, that he purposed not to acquaint them with the courses, which he purposed, by God's assistance, to take in hand, whereby great danger might grow to them, and little good to him: but that they might be witnesses of his humility, etc. You have heard also, of one of Copingers petitions to Master Cartwright, for his answer to those questions mentioned, that he had before propounded to Wigginton. Whereunto it should seem, that (although at the first he misliked that motion) yet in the end he yielded. My humble desire to you is (saith Coppinger) that you (in my name) give great thanks to good Master Cartwright, Ibidem. for satisfying me in some questions, which, at the first, he thought little use to be made of. Likewise it also appeareth, that Master Hockenhull did his aforesaid message unto Copinger, from the preachers, in harder manner than he had Commission. For (saith he) his counsel, Ibidem. (that is Cartwrights') and carriage of himself, the Lord did direct and bless it unto me: though the Messenger etc. in his carriage of himself, failed somewhat, both in that he delivered from him, and the rest of the Brethren. And whereas further more in like sort, notice being given to the Ministers in prison, of one of Copingers fasts, it appeared not, what regard they had thereof: that point also is now cleared in the same Letter. I beseech you also give thanks, on my behalf, to the other eight preachers: for upon notice given unto them, by some of God's children, that somewhat was intended to be done, Ibidem. wherein God's Glory might appear, and request made that the religious desires, and godly purposes of the faithful, might be strengthened by their holy prayers: they thereupon, (as it is credibly signified unto me) humbled themselves in fasting and prayer: and such an extraordinary blessing came to me thereupon, as it is not fit to be repeated. CHAP. IX. Of Hackets first coming to Wigginton: of his gadding up and down: and of the designment to have been executed in the Star chamber. EDmond Copinger, having thus proceeded in the course you have heard of: at the length he did send again for Hacket: the spirit (as it seemeth) moving Hacket: before, to stay at home. Cop. to Hack. Marry now, he straitghtly urgeth him to be at London, three or four days, before the beginning of Trinity Term: which he could not be: but came up the first day of the Term which was the fourth of june 1591. and lodged at Islington. Hackets discourse written by Copinger. The day following, he went to the Counter, and there dined with Wigginton: 4. june. 1591. and after dinner, he began his Pageant, uz. to cry out against certain of her majesties most honourable privy Council, and to utter against them most villainous speeches. The next day being Sunday, he went to have heard master Phillippes preach: but he preached not that day there: as the Sexton informed him. Then he went to have heard Master Cooper: but seeing a Surples lie there, he departed thence, and went to Master Egertons' Sermon. At night, not knowing where to lie, he went to Wigginton: where he met with Coppinger, and by wigginton's appointment, he lodged at Master Lawson's. The next morning, viz. the seventh of june, he proceeded with his slanderous outcries against the said honourable Councillors: and so continued two days after. In the one of which two days, he was commanded, (as is set down) to go out of Paul's by London gate, and say: by your leave London: because he knew, he was shortly to remove his dwelling. The same day also, in the forenoon, he went to the Fleet, to have spoken with Master Cartwright: but missing of his purpose, he left his message with the porter, uz. that master Cartwright should deal faithfully in the Lord's business etc. Of his afternoons work, thus it is also in the same place recorded. He was commanded to sit that afternoon at master lawson's shop: but the purpose of the Lord in that, and what some of the Citizens themselves know, (he saith) I forbear to speak. These courses held by Hacket, Ibidem. in the streets, of exclaiming against such persons etc. did proceed (as it seemeth) by the advise, or at least by the allowance of Wigginton. For it appeareth under his own hand, that he approved (after his fashion) such outcries in the streets to be lawful, by two examples: one out of josephus, and an other of a Yorkshire man, that heretofore had used the like in London, as Wigginton recordeth. About this time▪ uz. in june, (as I guess,) one john Boman, a servant, Boman to Wigginton. june. 1591. in Oundell, did write thus to master Wigginton: I desire you to send me a Copy of a writing, which you had from Master Cartwright, upon the Court matters, when Goodman Hacket was with you the first time. Also, shortly after the aforesaid outcries were finished, and many other things thought upon amongst them, (you may be sure to such seditious purposes:) the end of Trinity Term drew near: when it was commonly expected, that Cartwright and the other ministers in prison, should have come to their answer openly in the star-chamber. Whereupon a Letter was written, by Copinger to his most dear friend Thomas Lancaster, the Schoolmaster, from whom he could keep nothing, that Lancaster in policy would suffer to be told him. Which Letter Lancaster saith: he did tear in pieces, but confesseth under his hand, that in the same these words were contained: uz. If our Preachers in prison do appear to morrow in the star-chamber, and our great men deal with them so, 24. june. 1591. as it is thought they will: if God do not throw some fearful judgement amongst them, so as some of the chief of them go not alive out of the place than never give credit to me, in any thing, whilst you live. But master Cartwright and the rest appeared not this day: and so the parties threatened, escaped this judgement. CHAP. X. A preparation towards the intended disloyalty: two of Copingers Letters to Master Charke: and to another: Cartwright and wigginton's commendation of Penrie's being then in London. NOt long after this time, (if not before) master Wiginton and Copinger, Wigg. ex. were very busy, for the better preparing of the people's minds, to the readidier acceptation of their further purposes, to publish in print two pamphlets of wigginton's penning, as he himself confesseth. The one was of Predestination, as though (by the abuse of that doctrine) they meant to have had the blame of all the wicked and intended mischiefs, both of themselves and of their partakers, removed from themselves, and laid upon the lords shoulders: as though he should have moved them to such lewd attempts. The other was a kind of Ballad, directed for advice, to a young courtier, wherein they make way (as it seemeth) for their friend Hacket, and that with wonderful quotation of Scriptures. I will trouble you only with four of the verses. A Christian true, although he be a clown May teach a King to wear Sceptre and Crown. And after. For God will sure confound such, as devise His ordinance or church to tirannise. To these rhymes, both for manner and matter, I may well resemble those, made (I doubt not) by the same spirit. Either from country or Court, Epist. to Mart. Epitome. Martin marprelate will do you hurt. Now that Copinger was a dealer in these things, with Wigginton before they were printed, Hack. decla. it appeareth by these words of Hackets in his last declaration to master Young: wigginton's boy can declare all his Masters writings: for the boy and Master Copinger, sat writing half a night, by this examinate's bed side, but what they writ, he cannot tell: but one word he heard: that the Country Clown, can teach the king to wear the Crown. Afterwards (as I take it) uz. the 9 of july, being friday M. Charke preached at the black Friars, Cop. to Chark 9 july. 1591. at which Sermon Copinger was present: who misliking (as it seemeth) some words then uttered, did write a letter presently to M. Charke: wherein amongst other points, he saith. Right reverend Sir etc. I do not deny (good Sir) but I have now a long time taken a strange and extraordinary course, but such as hath offered occasion of suspicion, of my not only doing hurt to myself, but also to the best sort of men now in question, and to the cause itself. But by what warrant I have done this, that is all. For if the holy Ghost hath been my warrant, and carrieth me into such actions, as are differing from other mens etc. What flesh and blood dare speak against it, etc. Forbear to censure me and such other, as should deal extraordinarily with me, in the lords business, committed to our charge, and judge of us, by the effects which follow: which if you hereafter see to be wonderderfull great, then let all ordinary men call themselves to an examination etc. And after. The waste of the Church cannot be denied to be great, so that there is a place for extraordinary men, etc. Again, my desire heretofore hath been to have had counsel and direction: but now by comfortable experience, I find, that the action which the Lord hath drawn me into is his own: and he will direct it himself by the holy Ghost etc., To conclude, I beseech you (saith he) to show this letter to M. Travers and M. Egerton. M. Charke, upon the receipt of this letter, preaching again the Sunday after, in the same place, uttered in his sermon, these words, which (Copinger saith) were meant of him, in respect of his foresaid letter: there are some persons so desperate, that they would willingly thrust themselves upon the rocks of the land. This also appeareth by an other letter, concerning this second sermon, Copin. to a preacher the 13. or 14. of july. written about the 13. or 14▪ of julie, to an other preacher in London, but he is not named: it had been to good purpose, if he had been named. For it seemeth he was as thoroughly acquainted with Coppinger, and his fellows designments, as it may be well supposed, that Wigginton was. In my letter (unto Charke) I manifested myself to have an extraordinary calling, and signified, that the Lord had so called others besides myself, who would approve ourselves, to be the servants of the Lord, in a high calling. Again the ship (that is the Church) had perished, if the Lord had not immediately called three of us, to help to recover it etc. My calling is especially to deal with Magistrates: another hath to do with Ministers, who hath written a letter to you of the City etc. The third is the chief, who can neither write nor read, so that he is the executioner of the Lords most holy wil He further offereth to acquaint this Minister, with their whole course, and willeth him to show this letter to his brethren, and to publish it, where ever he should go. Hacket confessed, Hack. last ext. that being about this time, (as I take it) with Wigginton, the said Wigginton affirmed, in the presence of two gentlemen and others, that if the Magistrates did not govern well, the people might draw themselves together and to see a reformation. Upon the 15. day of july, Copinger and Arthington did write a joint letter of purpose to have drawn Lancaster unto them, for the making up of a quaternion. And this was one persuasion. If I Ed. Coppinger, do not prefer you, before any one man in the land, whosoever, for your wise, holy, loving, and religious course, both in the general calling of a Christian, and in your particular calling, the Lord confound me. After Lancaster had received this letter, notwithstanding he writ unto him, of some mislike he had of their proceed, yet (as Hacket saith,) he came unto them all three, the same night, Hack. ex. 21 of july. to one Walkers house at Broken wharf, where they conferred together about an hour after supper. Of what great account this Lancaster and some others were, with these companions, it doth further appear by that which followeth. 16. of july The same day in the morning that Copinger and Arthington made their seditious Proclamation in Cheapside: they two together first, and afterward Hacket, came unto Wigginton, & amongst many things, (as Wiginton himself confesseth) they told him; that M. Cartwright had done more against Antichrist then any in the world before him, since the Apostles times; and that Wigginton, was comparable unto him, and that M. Lancaster was above them both, in the estate of heavenly glory, because he had kept himself undefiled from the common corruptions of these times, and had a most simple heart to God. Likewise also they said to Wigginton, at the same time, that Reformation and the lords discipline should now forthwith be established: and therefore charged Wigginton in the lords name to put all Christians in comfort, that they should see a joyful alteration, in the state of Church government, shortly. Arthington, after being examined said, that Penry had sent him word by a letter out of Scotland, that reformation must shortly be erected in England: and that he took him (in so writing) to be a true Prophet. It is not also unlikely, but that Penry was a Provoker of these men to such their outrages: hoping, that upon their outcries & proclamations the people would have risen. For he was then in London to have played his part if their attempts had found the good success, jenk. joh. ex they looked for. Marry when he saw Hacket executed: he presently (the same day) posted back again towards Scotland. CHAP. XI. Of the traitorous intendments which were towards the Court. BEfore this their intended insurrection, it is to be further remembered unto you what was disclosed amongst themselves in their own discourses and prophecies, (as since it appeareth,) concerning the means, whereby they thought to have prevailed, for their discipline, arthington's prophesy. etc. by those their most lewd, seditious, and traitorous attempts. Her majesties course held, for the maintenance of the present government of the Church: was their chief grief, (which course they termed the defence of abomination: Udall. etc. the bearing of the beasts mark, the thrusting of jesus Christ out of his own rule & government) and the arraignment of some, with the imprisonment of Cartwright & others. If the star-chamber day (before mentioned) had held some of her majesties most honourable privy Counsel, (whom they supposed to stand most in their light) should never have departed thence alive. After that plot failing they devised how by their imprecations and cursing of themselves they might persuade the people, that certain of the Lords of the said most honourable Counsel, were traitors. Wherein how they prevailed I know not: but this I find, that they had not only determined to have removed them all from her Majesty: Coppinger in a letter. & to have placed others in their rooms, (whom they had already named particularly,) but likewise to have proceeded against their LLs. with very hard censures. The Lord pardon their souls, (saith Copinger) for in their outward man, they must be punished, though they repent. Nay in their own conceits: they had likewise already deprived some of the chief of their LLs from their great places of honour: so as when they took occasion, to speak seditiously of them, they used their bare names, without any of the honourable titles, belonging unto them: as such a man lately such an officer, Chancellor or Treasurer, etc. Besides (when the time of their said intended insurrection grew nigh,) they sent to have her Majesty moved for the committing of her said Councillors: lest in the uproars, which they meant to stir, their LLs. might have been violently surprised etc. they having peradventure some purpose, to bring them afterwards to some of their own more public courts of justice. Ibid. I do advise (saith Coppinger,) that every one of her Council, be commanded, to keep their house or chamber for fear of stir & danger: and that such and such, etc. be appointed to wait upon her: and that master Wigginton, (in more favour with God than any man of his calling, whosoever,) be commanded to be near her highness, to pray to God, and to preach privately, etc. But that which is especially most horrible, (although they might seem, by this last provision, for her Majesty, to have indeed some good regard of her safety) yet is it confessed to have been affirmed amongst them: that her highness was worthy to be deprived, Arthin. exam. 19 of july for giving credit and countenance to the Bishops and such other wicked persons: and for misusing her good subjects, I think they meant the imprisonment of Cartwright and the rest. It is also further confessed by Arthington, that his fellows refused to pray for her Majesty: and in his second examination, he acknowledgeth, that he verily thinketh, that Hacket meant her Majesty should have been deprived: and in his long Apology unto the LLs. thus: In my conscience Hacket meant to murder those noble men, that hindered his purpose, one way or other, etc. and after, etc., to have done that, which my heart and hand for trembling cannot express. Agreeable hereunto, are Hackets words, both before he was condemned, and after. If (saith he) Copinger, one Catiline late of Oundell, Hack. on the torture. & Wigginton were straightly examined: Hacket examined. 24. july they could utter and declare matters of treason. And at an other time: If these fellows (meaning Copinger and Wigginton, etc.) were well sifted, they could declare all the treasons. And the morning before his death. It was a gracious and an happy turn, Hacket to M. Young in presence of diverse. that these treasons were in time revealed: for otherwise it would have cost a number of innocent men their blood: hut now (I trust in God,) that they will reveal their treasons. And thus you see the end and drift of the foresaid extraordinary callings, for the setting up and establishing of the pretended holy discipline. CHAP. XII. That of long time, some such attempts as Hacket made for Discipline: were of great likelihood purposed. MY purpose was not, from the beginning, either to set down, or to prosecute, the full history of these desperate reformers, (which is most effectually performed already by another), Conspiracy for Discipline otherwise than they do concern some other persons, and especially those, not of the meanest of our Disciplinarian Ministers, and are thereby very pertinent (in my opinion) to show the point, I have in hand, of the brethren's imitation of the Scottish ministers reformation. For I trust (as I said, in the entrance to this part,) it will not now be denied but that great & many threatening speeches are published: One telleth us, that great troubles will come of it, if that brethren may not be suffered to do what they list: another, that they can no longer endure to be used as they are: another in effect: that our Bishops shallbe used, as they were in Scotland: and that there are more of this confederacy, then can be suppressed: another, that it is more than time, for the hottest brethren to set up the Discipline themselves, without any further staying for Parliaments: a Synod, that the people, being first instructed, are then to be thrust into the public practice of the Discipline: another man, that seeing the brethren cannot obtain their wills, by suit nor dispute, the multitude and people must work the feat: another, that inferior Magistrates of their own authority, within their limits, are to make this new reformation: another, that it is a shame for all the favourers of this faction, in that for fear of disturbing of our state, (for sooth,) and offending of her Majesty, they had not before this time cast out our Bishops: another, that there are a hundred thousand of this brotherhood in England, who if they come with a petition for the discipline to her Majesty, cannot in policy be rejected, without danger: another that approved and worthy men of every shire have already consented to this Discipline: that the Eldership is at hand: that the people are inflamed with zeal, & that it is impossible to stand against it: another, that there is a devise amongst them, how to obtain their desires all in one day: another, that Bishops are to be packing after the Friars and Monks: another, that they will have their Discipline in spite of all the adversaries of it: another, that it is dangerous to the state, if they have not their wills, in regard of the discontentment, which will ensue thereby, in the hearts of her majesties subjects: another in effect, that the Discipline is like to come into our Church, by such a means, as will make all the bishops hearts to ache: and another, that he is of this mind, that reformation will not be had without blood. Now if any man, to extenuate these things, shall say: let every man bear his own burden, & be charged with his own particular actions: what some in the heat of their zeal have published it ought to have a charitable construction, & cannot well be further extended, to touch any other: as if all the factioners had entered into such a seditious conspiracy, as the said threatening speeches do import, I answer, that some indeed there be, that do cast these & such like colours over this matter, to blear men's eyes withal. Some commends their zeal, but not their discretion: some allow their matter, but not their manner: and some will take upon them to excuse both: but as yet I never heard any of that crew, but he would either in one respect or other, find some occasion to commend the worst of them. Besides where so many of any one sect do concur in their writings, about any new point: it is commonly taken to be the judgement of them all. And who knoweth not, that if Cartwright and the rest, had not secretly clapped such fellows on the backs for their zeal, and laughed in their sleeves to see them go so forward, but had disliked them: his earnest reproof of the first (being their Apostle and worthy) would have prevented all the others that followed, being his Disciples. But if it be true, (that I have heard reported) that upon the coming forth of Martin's Epistle: Master Cartwright should say: seeing the Bishops would take no warning: it is no matter that they are thus handled: Surely those words, from him were enough to set these men agogge. So as, that which is commonly reported of great robberies: may fitly serve to satisfy the bowlsterers of such lewdness. There are (say they) in such attempts not only executioners, but also setters, receivers, and favourers: and in matters of treason concealers: who are all of them within the danger & compass of law. How this may be applied, I leave it, to any reasonable man's consideration, that shall be pleased to weigh the premises, aswell concerning the said threatening speeches & great brags: as also the course which was held, by the ministers in prison, and those of the London-fraternitie, together with some others, touching the attempts, which Coppinger and his fellows took upon them to effect. CHAM XIII. Brief collections: whereby it may summarily appear: that certain Ministers in London did know, what Coppinger intended. WIgginton (as you have heard) upon cartwright's commitment, etc. writeth of a bickering, and then a battle to be looked for. Coppinger with his companions fasteth, & so dreameth of a way, how to work wonders. He sendeth into Scotland concerning an extraordinary calling, signifying that some did fancy to themselves such a manner of calling, who would hazard their lives, that Christ himself, by the abolishing of the Antichristian tyranny, (which he affirmed did reign in our Church,) might govern in his own kingdom. Wigginton afterward approveth the lawfulness of such a calling, in these days, our Churches lying waist etc. Copinger and Wigginton with some others, do thereupon fast again, to know which of them should be so called. The lot (forsooth) falling upon Copinger chief he is not silent: but master Wentworth (amongst others) must be of his privy Council. He also disclosed himself, (after a sort) as you have heard, to certain of the Ministers in London before mentioned: and namely to Master Cartwright, imparting unto him his several callings to an extraordinary course for the discipline, etc. His said writings into Scotland, and Wigginton's said approbation of an extraordinary calling. He sent Master Cartwright the same propositions, that Wigginton had allowed: whereof master Cartwright, afterwards thought, there might be good use: he signified unto him, that by his calling, he was to take in hand such business, as in the eyes of flesh and blood, was likely to bring great danger to himself, and unlikely to bring any good success to the Church: he told him, that if he had not been discouraged, he had before that day procured the release of some, that stood then in danger of their lives, meaning (as I suppose) Udall, and Newman, etc. As he dealt with Cartwright, so did he with the other Ministers, and with some of them more plainly, desiring still of them all, both Cartwright and the rest, and that most instantly, that he might be conferred withal, offering himself to be altogether ruled by them, either to proceed (if they thought meet) in his said so dangerous business, or otherwise wholly to desist and leave it off. He also offered to impart unto them all his designments, as to M. Cartwright, not only in generality what he intended, but also the particular means, whereby he purposed to bring the same to pass. Afterwards when through his acquaintance with Hacket, by wigginton's means, & other encouragements given him by an other of his lay friends: and by Wigginton etc., that he grew to be more resolute: he signified the same to M. Charke, (not past six days before their fury broke forth,) still yet desiring conference with him, Travers, Egerton, Gardiner, Cooper and Philips. CHAP. XIIII. The cunning dealing of certain ministers in London, how notwithstanding they wished Coppingers plot to go forward: yet they might be (if it were possible) without the compass of law. COnsider I pray you the policy, which the said ministers (mentioned in the end of the former Chap.) used. They at the beginning, no sooner heard of copinger's conceit of an extraordinary calling, to work such great matters: but by & by, (as men acquainted with the foresaid Geneva positions,) they very well knew, whereunto that matter tended. And therefore whereas the poor misled gentleman, would have imparted unto them, all his secrets: they started from that point, and refused wholly to take from him any knowledge of them. They sent him some cold messages, of their dislike of his proceed, (which they after qualified, as it hath been showed,) not so much to withdraw him from his lewdness, as that thereby if things fell out amiss, they might have some means to clear themselves, by the testimonies of such their messengers, as Hockenhull and others. And touching conference that was also by them denied, and surely upon good and provident reasons. For if thereby, they should have yielded in opinion unto him, they knew it might have broughr them into apparent danger. Besides, they were not unlike by sufficient arguments to have dissuaded him, from such a fantasy: which (as it seemeth) was very far from their meaning. And lastly, it was almost impossible, but that in their debating with him of his pretended calling, he must needs have made some mention of such particulars, as with their own safety they durst not have concealed▪ & so that way also his platform would have been dashed. The safest way therefore, for them was, not to have any conference at all with him: and that course (for aught I find) they took: to the hardening of coppinger's heart, and his fellows: and to the great adventuring of all the mischiefs, that were intended. It was not denied amongst them, (as Coppinger saith,) but that the cause was good, which he desired to be an actor in: but the thing that stuck in their teeth, was this: uz. they thought it impossible that he should be fit to intermeddle in it, without the endangering both of himself (as Egerton said,) and of the great cause which he would seem to be most desirous to further. Howbeit though Egerton would not take upon him, to approve his extraordinary calling, (for fear of himself:) yet (for all the said danger) he thought it no policy greatly to discourage him, when he qualified his speeches after this sort: uz. he would be loath to quench the spirit of God in Coppinger, or to hinder his zeal. josuah was called extraordinarily by God himself, Numb. 27. Deut. 31 to cast the enemies of the Israelites out of the land of Canaan, that they might possess it. josuah. 1. 9 Which example M. Wentworth applying to Coppinger, and encouraging him, upon advice taken, as the Lord did josuah: vz: be bold & of a good courage, fear not to be discouraged etc. he showed no great mislike of Copingers purposes. Likewise, though M. Throgmorton, notwithstanding his conference, (as it seemeth) with Coppinger, Arthington and Hacket, was not acquainted (as he said,) with Copingers particular platforms: yet in that he confesseth, he had heard some buzzes abroad of a sole and singular course intended, & doth not only advise him to imitate the serpent's wisdom, but saith also, that in affection and good will he joined with him: it could not otherwise be, but that Coppinger was thereby greatly animated. When Copinger told Udall that certain unlearned men, then lying hid, would shortly take upon them the defence of the cause, which he and his brethren in prison stood-for, and would thereby daunt all their enemies, more than they could, willing both him and the rest, thereupon to cheer up themselves, (for the day of their redemption was at hand: I do greatly marvel, what Udall thought to be Copingers meaning. It might well have stood with M. Charkes duty, (seeing Coppingers full resolution to enter into some desperate attempt, by virtue of his extraordinary calling,) to have disclosed the same to the state. When he preached in the Black Friars, to the brotherhood there, about two days after his said intelligence of copinger's resolution, and but five or six days before their proclamation that there were some persons, so desperate that they would willingly thrust themselves upon the rocks of the Land, thereby to have dissuaded Copinger, (who then was present,) or for what other purpose, I know not: he should forth with have acquainted the said rocks also, what boisterous tempests and violent storms had been ready to assault them. In this brief summary, I omit the rest of wigginton's actions, referring you to his fellow Hackets judgement, both of him and them. They are so apparent, by that which hath been said, as they seem to me, to be passed conjectures. And I would withal my heart, that all which hath been hitherto said of the other ministers, touching this point, did only depend upon probabilities. For than charity would bind us to judge the best. But men may not call good evil, nor darkness light, nor treasonable conspiracies, ecclesiastical policies. Mark them (if it please you) for disciplinarian practices: and then bearing that brand, own them, who list, and term them as you fancy. CHAP. XV. If Hackets treasons had prevailed for the pretended discipline, how they might have been defended by the disciplinary doctrine. I Am not ignorant, that now, if any of the said ministers or their favourers were asked, how they like of Coppingers and his companions proceed: no men will more eager exclaim against them. When Hacket with his adherents, found themselves prevented, and that they were cut of in the beginning of their race, than (to save their lives) they could confess, their extraordinary purposes, pretended before with tears, with fasting, (with groans and imprecations, to have proceeded from the spirit of God,) to be nothing else, but illusions of Satan, cruel, bloody, & traitorous designments. But if they had prevailed, what would have been said of them then? Surely it is no hard matter to guess. If Coppinger, Hacket, and Arthington, had murdered two or three of the Lords in the star-chamber, the last day of the said Trinity Term, the Consistorian doctrine would easily have defended it: especially if their further intents for the discipline, had thereby succeeded. I will tell you a notable history to this purpose. About the year 1545. (M. Calvin then reigning in the Consistory at Geneva,) The hist. of the church of Scotland. pa. 143. 144. 145. one Norman Lesly son to the Earl of Rothsey, fell at some jar with the Archbishop of S. Andrew's, than a Cardinal: for a private cause (saith our Chronicle & Buchanans') betwixt them two, for his dealing, concerning the burning of one George Wisehart, (saith the history of the Church of Scotland.) Whereupon the said Norman, F. Thine. and Buchanan. with some of his partakers conspired the Cardinal's death, they being the rather animated thereunto, through the Council of some great men of the Realm, that had conceived some deadly hatred against him. The effecting of which conspiracy, Hist. of the church of Scotland. proceeded after this sort, as is set down in the said Ecclesiastical history. The 29. of May 1546, the said Norman, with 16, or 17. more, entered by a wile into the Castle of S. Andrew's, (where the Cardinal dwelled) early in the morning: and after some course taken for possessing themselves of the castle, Norman Lesly, james Meluin, and Peter Carmichaell, got into the Cardinal's chamber, where finding him set in his chair, and crying unto them: I am a Priest, ye will not slay me? the said Leesly struck him first, once or twice, and so did the said Peter. But james Meluin (a man, you may be sure, of nature most gentle and most modest,) perceiving them both in choler, withdrew them, and said: This work and judgement of God, (although it be secret,) ought to be done with greater gravity. And presenting unto him the point of the sword, said. Repent thee of thy former wicked life, but especially of the shedding of the blood, of that notable instrument of God, M. George Wisehart, which albeit the flame of fire consumed before men, yet cries it a vengeance upon thee, and we from God are sent to revenge it. The godly fact and words of jam. Meluin. For here before my God, I protest that neither the hatred of thy person, the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble, thou couldst have done to me in particular, moved, or moveth me to strike thee: but only because thou hast been and remainest an obstinate enemy against Christ jesus and his holy Gospel. And so he struck him, twice or thrice through, with a stog-sworde: and so he fell. The Cardinal being thus murdered, F. Thin. and Buchanan. they seized upon the Artilllerie and munition, wherewith that fortress was plentifully furnished, and likewise upon the rich hangings, household stuff, of all sorts, apparel, Copes, jewels, ornaments of Churches, great store of gold and silver plate, besides no small quantity of treasure in ready coin. Some amongst us in England, have laboured very earnestly to qualify Copingers words, where he said, that God would throw some fearful judgement amongst the Lords, so as some the chief of them should not go alive out of the place: as though there had been no violent course intended by him & his associates, but that (in his fond conceit (he had imagined, that God himself from heaven, should have showed that judgement, for the deliverance of Cartwright and the rest. And in my conscience, one gentleman of good credit, not acquainted at all with the Consistorian doctrine, in these & such like matters thought so in his heart. But here this mask is plucked from such faces as could not be ignorant, what was meant, in that the same spirit which Was in Copinger, speaking before in james Meluin, or rather (as I think) in Knox, and his fellow-ministers, (according to whose humour he penned that history,) do term the said cruel murder of the Cardinal, to be the work and judgement of God, & that for the manner of the execution of it. Besides in the margin of the Book: over against the Stabbers blasphemous words, this note is set down, uz. the godly fact and words of james Meluin. But that, which moveth me most, and for the which I have troubled you with this history, is this: that men are animated to commit the like murders, and the doctrine thereof is stoutly justified according to the heathenish conceit, of a certain tyrant, whom Cicero also (a heathen man, but yet of better judgement) doth confute. Dionysius, having spoiled the temple of Proserpina, at Locris, of jupiter in Peloponesus, of Aesculapius at Epidaurus, because Proserpina drowned him not, Cicer. de natura deorum lib. 3. as he sailed to Syracuse nor jupiter struck him in pieces with his thunderbolts, nor Aesculapius made an end of him by some long & miserable consumption, both he himself, and many others, accounted such his sacrilege, to be both just and lawful. And even so it falleth out, for the murder I speak of. He that hath eyes to see let him see. After the foresaid castle was surprised, and the Cardinal was murdered, Lesly with his company, Knox and the rest kept the same castle by force against the Governor. The hist. of the church Scotland. But at the last they were compelled to yield it up: and being thereupon sent (as prisoners) into France, they were (by directions there) committed some of them to the Galleys, and some to other prisons. Howbeit in the end they all escaped with their lives, by one means or other, saving the said james Meluin, who died in prison, whereupon cometh in this notable Consistorian doctrine, borrowed of the said heathenish conclusions. This we writ, uz. (how all but Meluin escaped) to let the posterities to come understand, (saith Knox and his fellows) how potently God wrought, in preserving and delivering of these that had but a small knowledge of his truth, & for the love of the same hazarded all. That if that, either we (now in our days,) having greater light, or our posterities, (that shall follow us) shall see a fearful dispersion of such as oppone themselves to impiety, or take upon them to punish the same, otherwise then laws of men will permit: if (we say) we or they shall see such left of men yea as it were despised and punished of God, yet let us not damn the persons that punish vice, (and that for just cause:) nor yet despair, but that the same God, that dejects (for causes unknown to us) will raise up again the persons dejected to his glory, and their comfort. Again if our said seditious persons had prevailed with the multitude, (in their other plot) concerning their purposes of removing some of her majesties most honourable Privy Council, from her service in that place: and in appointing others to succeed them, (whom they fancied to be favourers of their Discipline): you should have heard (I warrant you) no cries of the brotherhood, nor complaints in your streets, of any of that faction. It would have been said, as Goodman taught at Geneva, that seeing the said Councillors were enemies to Christ's kingdom, and did seduce her Majesty now, that God had raised them up, an Othoniel or a jonathan to assist them, why should they not have joined themselves unto him? Oh (would some have said) the holy discipline, the holy discipline, the holy discipline: what Prince or Potentate may resist the holy discipline and prosper? Others. See the hand of the Lord: when men do fail what God can do. Others, the greatest works, that ever were done in the behalf of the Church, have been brought to pass by the basest means. Others, this is the work of God, and it is admirable in our eyes. Others, thus josuah being extraordinarily strengthened by God, threw thirty kings out of the land of Canaan. Others, sufficient warning was given, & what would they have had men to have done? Then should you have had such a declaration, or proclamation, as you have before heard of: penned (no doubt) by some of the Consistorian ministers in Scotland: uz. of the just and necessary causes, moving them and their assistants her majesties faithful subjects, Declaration 1582. before mentioned. to repair to her Majesty: for resisting of the present dangers, appearing to God's true religion and professors thereof, etc. and to seek redress and reformation of abuses, removing from her Majesty, the chief authors thereof etc. that with common consent, redress and remedy might be provided: Or termed. The repairing towards Greenwich to the Q. Majesty, Proclamation at Sterling. 1585. F. Thin. as else where such attempts have been coloured. Likewise, if yet things had not squared to their like, and that they had gone further with good success in any violent course against her majesty, (as it is confessed they purposed to have done,) then also the Geneva-divinity must have borne the brunt, for the justification of such extraordinary judgements of God. And thus you should have had these matters smoothed over, as partly it may appear by the assault mentioned at Sterling, wherein the king was present in person: and partly by the Consistorian propositions, (before set down) touching this point, with many other things, both to be noted in the premises, and also in those books, out of the which the said propositions are drawn. I will not trouble you any further with Ifs, although I could add, that if the said traitors had proceeded on forward, with their confessed purposes, to have touched her maisties' estate: there wanteth no less defence, by Disciplinarian learning, for such a matter, then for the premises. You may remember the seditious & intolerable propositions before mentioned, as they are truly collected out of our own country men's books, infected at Geneva with that pestilent doctrine. Many examples also would have been brought, for that purpose, out of Buchanan, Beza, Knox and the rest of that humour: especially the grave resolution given by Knox and Wollocke, Histo. of the Church of Scotland. pa. 372. 373. generally against all Princes, but particularly then urged and effected, by the deposing of the king of Scots grandmother, from her civil government of that land. And peradventure a part of the said Knox his exhortation to England written from Geneva the twelfth of january 1559. Exhort pag. 91. 92. (as soon as he heard of her majesties possession of the royal Crown of this Realm,) would have been justified: where he saith, that no power, nor liberty, aught to be permitted to any state, degree, or authority, (whatsoever they be:) to live without the yoke of Discipline, &c: and that if Prince, King or Emperor, would enterprise to change or disannul the same, he ought to be reputed an enemy to God, and therefore unworthy to reign above his people. And thus you see how all these treasons, if they had happened, with what Consistorian zeal they might have been defended afterward, by the Disciplinarian doctrine, which hath been sent abroad into this Island from Geneva: and meetly well practised already, in some parts thereof, by men of that stamp. Whereupon I do collect, (the premises considered) by Cartwrights' & other the ministers intelligence, with Copingers desperate purposes, that they cared not what mischiefs had ensued, so they themselves might have been safe. For (as it is most evident, by the threatening speeches before mentioned,) there is nothing more laboured for, amongst that sect, then to thrust their many thousands, or some of them into some mutiny or bloody attempt. Their hope was, that upon any such occasion, their chief favourers would not cease to solicit her majesty, (for fear of further trouble) to grant their desires, or (at the least) to take some other course, for their contentment, than hitherto (in their opinions) there hath been taken. They knew, that whatsoever either could or should fall out, under the pretence of seeking for Christ's kingdom, and for the extirpation of the present government of our Church (termed by them to be so abominable & Antichristian,) if it had good success for their devised platforms, yet the said Consistorian examples, with their Allobrogical new learning, would have borne it out sufficiently, and maintained it. I pray God deliver England from these and such like points of Discipline. For mine own part, I would not have, urged matters in this sort, were it not, that I think (in my conscience) it is more than high time, that her majesties faithful subjects should learn to know these practices, and withal to beware of such sectaries, as (under their many, both godly and goodly pretences) do thus seditiously endeavour to disturb the land. And the rather also, I did it, because I see there are diverse, that will needs hoodwink themselves, and stop their ears, with the Serpent in the Psalm of purpose, because they would gladly have these things smothered up. For hereby it will be apparent to our posterity, that if any such mischiefs, (which God forbidden) shall happen hereafter, they were sufficiently warned, that both should and might (in good time) have prevented them, and withal it would then be found true which Livy saith: urgentibus rempublicam fatis, Dei & hominum salutares admonitiones spernuntur. Lib. 5 dec. l When the Lord for the sins of the people, is purposed to punish any Country: he blindeth the eyes of the wise, so as they shall either neglect, or not perceive those ordinary means, for the safety thereof, which very simple men, (or babes in a manner) did easily foresee. Which judgement I pray God turn far away, and long from this and all other true Christian lands and kingdoms. Amen. FINIS.