OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING THE PRESENT AFFAIRS.  
OF HOLLAND AND THE UNITED PROVINCES, Made by an English Gentleman there lately resident, & since written by himself from Paris, to his friend in ENGLAND.  
Printed Anno M.DC ●●●   

THE AUTHOR'S EPISTLE TO HIS FRIEND.  
WORTHY, & well-beloved Friend, you shall please to understand, that at my late being at the Hage in Holland, I received your letter, wherein you desire me to describe unto you the Country; & condition of the people, as also to know my opinion of their cause and quarrel against the King of Spain, about which they have so long troubled the world: Moreover how I find them in their thankfulness unto our State, for so long sticking unto them, and aiding them: And what those differences are which are lately risen up among them about matters of Religion.  
This letter of yours I had no time to answer from thence, neither would the answering it there have been convenient; I therefore deferred the answer, until my coming into France, to which journey I was resolved before the receipt of your letter; because (to deal truly with you) I could not any longer endure to hear the lavish and vile speeches, which a sort of base unbridled people daily disgorged against the Majesty of our King, whereof in the ensuing discourse somewhat more shallbe spoken. And indeed this intolerable demeanour of theirs toward the Majesty of so great and so bountiful a Prince, and to whom they are so much beholding, hath given me good cause aswell to look into the justness of their wars against the King of Spain, as into their in gratitude unto the King and State of England, and thereby to become the more able to give you satisfaction to the demands in your letter.  
I must notwithstanding confess, that since my arival here in Paris, I have for some while deferred it: for as on the one side I had a great desire thereunto, so on the other side, I found in myself a kind of unwillingness to begin it; which unwillingness I protest unto you, proceeded of a conceived fear to offend you, when in delivering you the very true and plain truth of things as they are, you might find me altered in mind and judgement from what I was when I was conversant with you in England. But considering that the true duty of a friend is, with his friend to deal unfeignedly, I have now at last undertaken the task so to do. And in such regard must entreat you, to excuse me, and not to let my ignorance of the time when I conversed with you be put in opposition against the better knowledge which experience of riper years hath yielded me; for you must think that by travailing abroad in other Countries, & conversing with men of understanding of diverse nations, who in these parts are accustomed to freeness of speech; by reading the judicious writings of such credible Authors, as have noted down the actions of State of this time; as also by the observations which myself have made, I have seen as it were a mist wiped away from before mine eyes, and thereby am come to discern that, which truth & reason hath made manifest unto me, as I make no doubt you also will become to do, when with unpartial patience you will have pleased to read, what here for your satisfaction I have written; that thereby we may agree aswel in mind & judgement, as we do in ancient amity. And thus leaving you to God, in all kind affection I take of you my leave.  
You know the hand. From Paris the 20. of March, after this style & computation.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS.  
A Brief description o● the Country, & People of Holland; with a true relation of the beginning of their rebellion against their ●lawfu●l Sovereign Lord, King Philip the second of Spain. Chap. I.  
How dishonourable it was, for Queen Elizabeth of England, to take the Hollanders parts against the King of spain: how she oppressed and impoverished her subjects for th●ir sakes, and endangered her own Crown and Kingdom. Chap. II.  
Whether England hath received any benefit by defending the quarrel of the Hollanders; or whether the Hollanders have endeavoured to deserve the friendship they have received from thence, or have any way showed themselves grateful for it. Chap. III.  
Whether England can expect any benefit by continuing to take the Hollanders parts; and whether the Hollanders do deserve the same, by wishing, or desiring the continuance of the State and Government of England as now it standeth. Cham FOUR  
Of the present state of the Hollanders; & of the division among them about matters of Religion: and whether respect of Religion may urge England still to assist them. Chap. V.   

CHAP. I. A brief description of the Country and People of Holland; with a t●u● Relation of the beginning of their rebellion, against their lawful Sovereign Lord, King Philip the second of Spain.  
HOLLAND at the creation of the world was no Land at all, and therefore not at the first intended by God or nature for a dwelling place of men, for it was then & long after a sea, and consequently the habitation of fishes. Had it been meant for a habitation of men, it had not only been such high ground, that it should not have been continually subject to the inundation of the ●ea, but also have been able to have yielded the inhabitants bread to eat, & wood, or stone to build withal; and the four elements would not have conspired together to be there all naught, & by being naught unto men, to show their dislike of usurpers that deprive fishes of ●heir due dwelling places.  
Being then at the first wholly sea, by reason of the fla●s & shallows thereof, ●t was partly by banks raised of 〈◊〉 and earth, through the labour of m●n, and partly by sandy downs o● 〈◊〉 driven together by the r●ge of the waves, encroached upon & gotten from the sea, by the old Ancestors of the now Inhabitants. The Co●n●rey then except these banks and do●●nes, lieth all as low and levelly as water hath made it. In it are neither mountains nor fountains, nor hath nature afforded them within the earth the meanest of the seven metals, or any mineral matter at al. But what shall I speak of their want of mines in the earth, when they have want of earth itself; and yet notwithstanding their want thereof, are feign to make use of that little they have for their fuel, and so begin to burn up their Country before the day of judgement.  
Grass they have, and that is all the greatest good that their ground can afford them, and hereof butter and cheese are the witnesses: but for this one benefit, they want many which other Countries have that have this as well as they. To say the truth, I do not know any benefits peculiar to themselves whereof they may boast, except only two: the one is their having of a Country which is the fittest for rebellion in all Christendom; and the other is, that by reason of the great lowness of their dwelling, they are the nearest neighbours to the Devil, of any nation living upon earth.  
For other singularities among the people, I have noted, that they are generally so bred up to the Bible, that almost every Cobbler is a Dutch Doctor of divinity, and by inward illumination of spirit understadeth the Scripture as well as they that wrote it. Yet fall those inward illumination● so different, that so mety mes seven religions are found together in one family; the man of the house being of one religion, the wife of another, and the children and servants of others: but many more may there be in one house if the family be greater, by reason of the great store of religions that are there daily increasing & currant; for there were not more different languages at the tower of Bah●l, then there are different beliefs in Holland; upon which plurality of Sects a friend of mine made this Epigram: 
The first confusion that the World befell,  
Was in the many speeches variation,  
When men had sought, ●igh unto Heaven to dwell,  
By making on a Tower their habitation.  
But to the World's astonishment and grief,  
A new confusion now is fall'n again,  
Consisting not in language, but belief,  
And far exceeding seventy sorts and twain:  
Which make their choice in this low Land to dwell,  
Where they are nearest neighbours unto hell.  Those of Holland & the adjacent parts rerme themselues of the United Provinces; but never people in this world lived in a more disunited unity; so great a confusion hath this freedom brought amongst them of every Idiots babbling out of the Bible.  
Hell is nothing so odious unto this people, as is the Spanish Inquisition, albeit they live in more danger of hell then of it. The reason why they so much hate it, is because it hateth the Babel of their belief But notwithstanding their professed freedom of all Religions, they can find means without using the name of ●n Inquisition, to depress two Religions, to wit, the Oldest, and the Newest, that is to say, the Catholic Religion, and the Arminian Religion: these they let not to punish in body and in goods, with imprisonment also, and banishment.  
They had rather hear blasphemy uttered against God, than any word of the abridging of any their privileges, which they conserve so inviolably, that they have quite broken the best, and abused all the others: so as the reason why they stand so much upon them, appeareth to be, because they would have no body to be the breakers of them, but The high powersull Lords the States themselves.  
The words of Sovereign authority Sic volo, sic iubeo, are in tolerable in their ears, for their taking place before right and reason, as Langenes telleth us, in his book of Maps printed at Amsterdam 1599  
It seemeth they much affect the Stork, because, as they say, she seeketh not to live in any Country that is governed by a King, and therefore when she comes into Europe, she holds her residence most in Switzerland, and Holland.  
The regiment of a Beast with seven heads pleaseth them best, because it is a monster that riseth out of the sea, and because possibility giveth hope that any Beer-brewer, or Basketmaker by vulgar commendation of his friends, may at one time or other be raised to the dignity of one of The powerful Lords the States.  
One great prerogative I must confess this people to have, which they do not brag of, and this is, that when at the day of judgement the wicked shall say unto the Mountains fall upon us, & unto the hills cover us; those that be wicked in Holland because they have no hills, shall but need to cut their banks through, & the sea of itself will strait ways over whelm them. I am verily persuaded, that if this people had been the rebels of any other King or Prince in the world then of th● King of Spain, he would as well have made the sea to have holpen him to revenge his quarrel upon them, as they have made it to assist them in their rebellion against him: and that this by the sea might be brought to pass is apparent enough, and the sea itself gave proof thereof, when not forty years before this their great rebellion, it drowned four hundred & four of their villages. Nor would themselves omit to do the same, if they might thereby have the like advantage against the King of Spain: for in sundry places both of Flanders and Brabant, they have long since begon some practice of it, to the disadvantage of the said King, and the detriment of such of his subjects as lived under him in their due obedience.  
But now to be no longer tedious unto you in this Country and people's description, I will come unto the beginning and original cause of their rebellion. Yo● shall therefore understand, that King Philippe the second beforenamed, departed out of these Netherlands towards Spain in the year of our Lord 1559. then being in full possession of all the seventeen Provinces, to wit, of the seven now united in rebelon, whereof Holl●nd is the chief, and the ten others. The Sovereignty of all which Provinces, he received as true and sole heir successively from his Father the Emperor churl the fifth, who in like manner had them successively from his Father, to whom they likewise were descended from his Ancestors.  
At his departure, he left all these Countries in peace & plenty, having no civil broils amongst themselves, nor wars with other Nations. Their religion was the same whereunto above eight hundred years before they were brought, when first they were converted from Paganism to Christianity: to the maintenance of which Religion, as also of the Ecclesiastical state in all her rights and privileges, the said King was sworn, as to one of the chiefest of all other privileges.  
He left for supreme Governess under him in these Provinces the Lady Margaret Duchess of Parma his natural sister by the Father's side: but neither left he any Spanish Lieutenant Governor of any of these Provinces under her, nor had he any army or troops of Spanish soldiers in all the Country, but left each particular government to the Nobility of the Country itself, with other benefits bestowed upon every of them. And besides the sundry benefits both in titles of honour, and in riches which the aforesaid Emperor Charles had bestowed upon William of Nassaw, Prince of Orange; this King Philip his son, not diminishing but much augmenting them, left him also Lieutenant Governor of some of these Provinces.  
Thus departed the said king Philip into Spain, without giving the least cause of discontentment to any of the Nobility or people of these Countries, leaving them all in obligation of love & loyalty, & in more flourishing estate than ever they were before. But as prodigal servants are wont to bear themselves in the absence of their masters, so some of this foresaid Nobility bearing themselves far above the limits of their means, became greatly behind hand, and indebted, & thereupon attendant for some one or other remedy (now in the absence of their Sovereign Lord) which might keep their estates from declining wholly to ruin. And amongst these, there lurked in the heart of the v William of Nassaw Prince of Orange, as well a desire of revenge, as of remedy for the underpropping of his decayed estate. This desire of revenge was not for any wrongs or injuries done or suffered to be done unto him by the king of Spain, but a revenge forsooth, because the greedy appetit of his insatiable ambition was not fully satisfied. For knowing that the King of Spain after he had received possession of these netherlands Provinces, must needs return again into Spain, and leave some general Governor thereof behind him, he laboured by what means he might both by himself and such of the Nobility as were of his faction, that this authority might be given unto the Lady Christierna Duchess of Lorraine, & daughter unto the sister of the Emperor Charles the fifth, who was married unto Chri●●iernus the third, King of Denmarcke; and this Duchess had a daughter called the Lady Dorothy, and with this Lady the aforesaid Prince of Orange meant to have married, that by this means after the death of the Duchess Christierna he might have come to have been Supreme governor of the whole low Countries. But by reason of the Duchess of Parma her being preferred unto this dignity, & his designment broken, he out of conceived revenge went and married with a daughter of Mauritius Duke of Saxony being in religion a Lutheran; and with her returned again into the Netherlandes, retaining still in his heart the mali●e which he had conceived, & the expectation of some occasion of further revenge, with reparation of his decayed estate.  
Now is it to be noted, that albeit Martin Luther the New-religion-maker of Germany, died not passed three years before king Philip departed out of these Netherlandes, yet were there already, by means of him and his disciples six several religions risen up in these Countries, to wit, The religion which Luther himself had first begun, The religion of the Anabapstists, The religion of the Caluinists, The religion of the Loyistes, The religion of the family of love, and the religion of the Georgists: of which six, for your more satisfaction I will here give you (though briefly) some particular relation.  
Martin Luther when he had made his revolt from the Catholic Roman Church, finding that there were some things taught, and observed in the same Church, that were thereto descended by ancient tradition, and also deduced from the scriptures, though not expressly therein mentioned, thought with himself that the only way for him to draw many disciples after him, was, to proclaim in all his sermons and writings, that we ought not to believe or do nay thing concerning faith & religion, but that which was expressly commanded and set down in the written Word of God. By this device in the beginning he found great applause, especially among the vulgar sort, into whose hands he had thrust Bibles and Testaments translated by himself into Dutche, to the best advantage of his doctrine. But it was not long after that some of these his disciples grew so subtle, as to examine his doctrine by his own rule, and to see if all that he had taught them were expressly to be found in the written Word of God. In which examination, they found that the Christening of young children was not there to be found; and thereupon esteeming the baptism of children to be of no force, they revolted from him and rebaptised themselves, and so began the sect of the Anabaptists.  
After these, Andrew Carolostadius, one of the first and greatest disciples of Luther, who with him allowed the baptism of children, although not expressed in Scripture, began to descent from 〈◊〉 in opinion of the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament, albeit expressed in Scripture; which opinion being embraced by Zuinglius and others, and afterward published by john Calvin, left unto his followers the name of Caluinists.  
The Loyists took their name of one Lo●, by occupation a Slater, and a townseman of Antwerp, who was so confident in his right understanding of Scripture by inward illumination from heaven, that being furnished of money by certain rich Merchants of that city whom he had brought to be of his Sect, travailed to Wittemberge to dispute with Luther, and to convert him to his religion: but Luther finding him so to interpret the Scripture as to deny the resurrection of the dead, to hold that the souls of the good are immortal and do go to God, and that the souls of the evil do consume away and come to nothing, and consequently that there is neither Devil, nor Hell, except the hell of this world, and the Men-divels in it; Luther offered rather to dispute with him with fists, then with Scripture: whereupon Loy finding such harsh entertainment returned to Antwerp again, & left Luther unconuerted. But having in Antwerp seduced and brought many to be of his opinion, after he had recanted his doctrine and fallen to it again, he was finally burnt.  
The family of Love began by one Henry Nicholas a Mercer, or Seller of Silks, also of Antwerp, who held among other things, that man ought to be Deified in God, and God ho●●●fyed in man; and that men may have their heaven first here in this world by living in that deified love they ought to do, and hereafter in Heaven also.  
The last of these six was the sect of David George a Glass painter of Delft in Holland. This monster secretly taught his disciples, that in himself was infused the soul of the true Messias and Saviour of the World, that he was more than Elias, more than S. john Baptist, yea more than Christ.  
These six sects beginning now to grow and spread themselves in sundry parts of the Country, though some increased more than some, the Georgistes keeping themselves more secret than any of the others; there was now no remedy for the preservation of the subjects from so great confusion in religion, as also from the daily increase of more Sects, & the great inconveniences justly feared thereby to arise, then by putting in practice the Placarts or Ordinances of the Emperor, being no other than consonant unto the ancient laws of all other Countries in Christendom, as also for the preservation of the Oath which the Emperor, and his Son the King of Spain had take in this Country, for maintenance of the ancient established Religion and Clergy.  
These laws then being now begun to be put in execution, and diverse of those that were of these Sects put to death, but of none more than of that of the Anabaptists; certain of the decayed Nobility aforesaid, of which faction William of Nassaw was the chief, seeing that all this made for them, & that something must needs come of it, whereby they might fall to fishing in a troubled water, sought by all means to get themselves beloved of all these Sects, that in the end they might benefit themselves by that which most prevailed. Whereupon in the Month of April in the year of our Lord 1566. in the Town of Brussels they exhibited unto the L●. Margaret v a supplication, wherein they required a repeal or moderation of all rigorous Placartes, or Laws made concerning Religion.  
Let now any man of reason or judgement consider of the lawfulness of this demand, and whether themselves that demanded it, could with good conscience move the same, the very moving of the demand itself plainly arguing little respect or conscience in the demaunders, & declaring plainly, that the thing they sought was for their own ends; and that taking part at the last with that Sect which came to domimere above the rest, as in the end one must needs do, they might stick thereunto, and so by flat and open rebellion make up their mouths by the overthrow of the ancient Clergy that was in possession of good 〈◊〉 and huinges, to which all these new Sects did bear equal hatred, albeit each or them did nevertheless hate one another.  
This request being as is aforesaid presented unto the Lady Margaret in the month of April, she promised them to send it into Spain, and to require from thence, resolution and answer thereof. The request she sent, but the answer they attended not, but gave forthwith such heart and encouragement unto the Sectaryes, that within few weeks after the request was sent away, they began to preach publicly in sundry Towns and Cities, upon a self assumed authority, even in despite of all Laws and Magistrates; and thereupon fell to robbing and spoiling of Churches throughout all the Country.  
Upon this the King of Spain as a Prince most careful of his Oath, and of the good of his subjects, was enforced to send into these Netherlands the Duke of Alva, to take upon him the general government, which in so troublesome a world was too great a charge to be managed by a woman.  
This Duke arriving in these parts in the month of August, in the year 1●67. which was the year following; the Lady Margaret resigned unto him the government, and departed out of the Country. The Duke now being placed in the government, began to learn out, and inform himself what persons they were that had conspired together in this business, and had given the onset and countenance unto these rebellious Sectaryes, and Sacrilegious Church-robbers; & finding the Earls of Egmont and Horn, and some other Gentlemen to be culpable of this crime, they were apprehended, and beheaded in Brussels But William of Nassaw Prince of Orange, the chiefest Ring leader of this sedition, so soon as he heard of the arrival of the Duke, got him away into Germany, and by his flight declared himself to be guilty, as by experience afterward it proved.  
here now it is to be considered, whether in the sight and judgement of the whole World, the King of Spain had not all right and reason on his side, to use such means as he did for the punishment of such capital offenders, and to employ the subjects of one Country, for the chastisement of the Rebels of another, when he had no other remedy. And whether any King or Prince living in the world, could in honour, or justice wink at, & put up such great and capital crimes and insolencies committed by his subjects, as is a general and public sacrilegious Church-robbery, and the spoiling of the Clergy, for the preservation of whose privileges he had so solemnly taken his oath, and to suffer the doers quietly to pass unpunished, & to let every man openly profess & follow such new and never heard of doctrine, as his own fancy should invent, or of his own choice he should best like; which even those themselves that are at this day the successors of these first rebels in some of these Netherlands, do find so inconvenient, for government, that notwithstanding their first profession, that every man ought to have his free exercise or Religion according to his own conscience, they do prohibit to such, as they like not.  
The Duke of Alva having caused justice to be executed, first upon some of the principal conspirators, and after upon other inferior offenders, did at last in the year of our Lord 1570. by order from the King of Spain, cause a general pardon to be proclaimed, whereof if William of Nassaw Prince of O●ange and his adherents had taken the offered benefit, all further troubles had ceased: but to the contrary they laboured, both by secret seditious preachers, as by other such like agents to spread abroad that the King of Spain had broken the Country privileges; as though the Country had had privileges that churches might forsooth be robbed, & no man called in question for it, & that every man might profess what religion he listed, were it never so naught, or new, the prohibiting whereof and the conservation of Ecclesiastical privileges, to which the King was sworn, being the only cause, as to all the world was apparent, why the said King was constrained to send the Duke of Alva, and Spaniards into the Country, which else had never been thought of. So as the true blame which the King of Spain hath deserved, is not for breach of privileges, but for seeking to restore privileges which his disobedient subjects had broken; the which if he had not done, then might he have been thought negligent and careless of his Oath: but this, the equity of his conscience would never permit.  
I am not ignorant that some fools have made other fools believe, that the King of Spain at his departure out of these Netherlands, did promise every seven year to return thither again, and that the breach of his promise gave cause sufficient for these his subjects to rebel. This foolish allegation deserneth no answer. Yet lest some wiser people might be abused by fools, I ●ill leave them to consider, that there was no cause why his Majesty should bind himself to any such condition, his predecessors before him having been free, and the Country coming unto him by right of succession, as it did to them: Experience having also showed the inclination of the people to rebellion, being grown proud by reason of their Wealth, and new-fangled also by reason of the choice of Religions; in so much that the Duke of Alva saw it necessary to maintain certain garrisons of soldiers in castles & convenient fortified frontier places in the Country; which he made known unto the King of Spain, & sent unto him for provision of money, because he found the said King unwilling to have his subjects of this Country burdened with any more taxations thereabout. But what success hereof ensued, shall appear in the next Chapter.   

CHAP. II. How dishonourable it was, for Queen Elizabeth of England, to take the Hollanders parts, against the King of spain: How she oppressed, and impoverished her subjects for their sakes; and endangered her own Crown and Kingdom.  
BEFORE I begin to speak of Queen Elizabeth of England her assisting the rebelled subjects of Holland against the King of Spain, it is not impertinent to the purpose, to call to mind whether there were any cause of enmity given unto her by means of any wrongs or injuries offered her by the King of Spain, in former time, in regard whereof she might now take the opportunity of revenge.  
This King Philip the second of Spain having been married in England to Queen Mary, was never known to have been disaffected to the Lady Elizabeth, for so was she then called; but contrary wise did show himself to be the greatest friend ●he had in the world: which heese in brief to declare, you must nor, that this Lady E●izabeth, being then a subject unto her said sister Queen Mary, chanced to fall into sundry troubles, for which she was imprisoned in the Tower of ●on●on, and retained in durance at Woodsto●k▪ and other places. M. Fox the Author of the English Protestant martyrologue, writing of this Lady's inprisonment, declareth not any cause why; but because he putteth her in his history of others that suffered for protestant religion he intendeth to have his reader imagine her to have suffered some persecution also for the same cause, whereby he thinketh not a little to honour her. But had her troubles been for Religion indeed, Fox would then never have omitted to set down her examinations about the same, and her answers thereunto, in defence of some such points as are in controversy between Catholics & Protestant's; as about the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament, or about prayer to Saints, or prayer for the Dead, or some one or other point, as well as he hath set down, the examinations and answers of so many others, to their great glory, as he takes it: but here is nothing found, Fox in this in silent, and leaves his reader to imagine of himself that it was for religion. For something it was, but that it was for religion be could not make manifest, for that this Lady in all the time of the reign or her sister, daily did hear Mass, went usually to Confession, and in all points showed herself a Catholic; yea three weeks after she was proclaimed Queen she had Mass in her own Chapel in the Court, and permitted it to be said in all Churches throughout the whole realm for the space of seven months after, which is no sign of being so resolve da Protestant as that she would suffer imprisonment for that religion. Her troubles, in very deed, were for sundry offences against Queen Mary her sister; which being found to be such, as might perhaps have cost her her life, if they had come unto public trial of justice; the King of Spain was so greatly her friend that he stayed the proceeding thereof, and so not only saved her life, but quit her also from the public blot and stain of treason: and heerin he was so earnest, that on a time, when she was to have come to her answer, he did so importune Queen Mary his wife, to let the matter pass in silence, that she said unto him, My Lord, You speak very earnestly now for her, but I pray God she do not one day make you repent it. A certain Spainsh Author writeth that the King was thereunto also moved upon some consideration of state: for Queen Mary of Scotland being then married unto the french king Francis the second if the Lady Elizabeth had died, there had in appearance been great possibility that the Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ir●land might come to have been annexed unto France, the said Queen of Scotland being the next heir in blood unto them all.  
Queen Mary of England at last happening to die, King Philip her husband, notwithstanding the caveat given him by his late deceased Queen, did so continued his good affection unto the now Queen Elizabeth, that being then in the Netherlands, he sent over unto her Monsieur de Assonuile, to congratulate her advancement, and to signify his gift unto her of all Queen Maries jewels, which being his own, he might justly have detained unto himself, if he would. These jewels she seemed very thankfully to receive, and said unto this Monsieur de Assonuile, that she thought her brother the King of Spain might think much in her for change of religion; but, quoth she, there is but little difference between his religion and ours, almost all that he hath in Latin we have in English: and we do not as others do, for we maintain a clergy of Bishops and other Prelates, so us we are in effect, as before.  
And whereas there was held a treaty of peace between the Spanish & French Kings upon the taking of S. Quintin's, the king of spain would yield unto no agreement with the French, unless it were also conditioned that Calais should be restored back unto Queen Elizabeth of England▪ and heerin were his commissioners that treate● with the French so earnest, that in the end the french to be rid of their importunity were feign to confess unto them, that they knew that they took more pains than they were desired to do; for that the English had plainly told them that they had not set them on work in any such business; which was a sign that they desired not to be beholding unto the king their master. Of which when the king had knowledge, he stood no more upon the rendering of Calais, but concluded his peace with the french without it, which as things did afterward fall out, proved a happy turn to himself.  
These proofs of this Kings good will unto Queen Elizabeth being thus made manifest to the world, who would have thought that she would not only have omitted all signs of gratitude, but within a little after, become an enemy to such a friend, yea and so great and capital a one, as seldom any History can give witness of the like.  
Seeing then that no acts of gratitude are to be sought after; let us then see what effects of enmity ensued instead thereof. First then to begin withal (omitting her refusal of the King of Spain's kind endeavours for getting the French to restore unto her the Town of Calais) we will return unto the duke of Alva & his expected provision of money from Spain, mentioned in the former Chapter. This provision being the sum of six hundred tho●sand Ducats, coming out of Spain 〈◊〉 the Netherlands in the month of D●cember in the year 15●1. was on the West coast of ●ngland seized upon, and arrested by the English. By means of which wrongfully detaining this money of the King of Spain's, the D●ke of Alva was forced to demand the tenth pennv of every man's goods, that was of ability for his supply; ●ut this demand of his (caused chiefly through the said English arrest) was cause of a far greater detriment unto the King of Spain, then that wrongfully detained money came unto: so as the one great wrong was the cause of another far greater. For hereupon all the netherlands people began to mutter, to show a general unwillingness unto the so wide stretching of their purses; the sediously affected took Occasion by her Forelockes, and to the fear of this tax added the feigned fear of the bringing in of a Spanish Inquisition.  
One Monsieur de Lymmay, understanding by detaining of the K. of Spain's money in England, what hatred that Queen began to bear him, posteth out of France into ●ngland, where showing his readiness to any rebellious attempt, received such encouragement by promise of aid from thence, and such fit instructions, that he came over into Holland, and there on the first day of April in the year 1572. he surprised the town of Briel, the first in all the Low Countries, that set itself in open rebellion; after whose example, Flushing, Enchusen, and others followed. Hereupon was made over out by England unto these rebels by means of Sir Thomas Gressam threescore thousand pounds sterling to begin withal; and presently after followed over with troops of English forces, Morgan, Gilbert, and Che●●er; and after these again North, 〈◊〉 Ca●aish, and Norris, all made Colonels; and coming thither with whole regiments, received from time to time great supplies of money and forces from England, which grew afterward so heavy that for some ease in the sustaining of the whole ●urthen, it was devised to draw the Duke of Alancon Brother unto the French King Henry the third, into E●gland, under colour of treaty of a match between him and Queen Elizabeth: but in the end it proved an infortunate match between him, and the Lady Belgica▪ for he was sent over into the N●therlands, & there made Anti▪ Duke of Brabant, where his success was such, as retiring from thence into France with dishonour, he there not long after, died of grief.  
In this designment, the English saw their expectation greatly deceived. For albeit K. Henry the third of France had refused to take the Hollanders parts, hating them for that cause which no Kings can love such people; yet they thought by getting his own brother aforesaid invested in the Duchy of Brabant, he must then of necessity take his part. But the matter now falling out otherwise, the burden returned and remained heavier upon the Queen and Realm of England then before. And the Prince of Orange soon after the death of the Duke of Alan●on being slain, the Hollanders remained as a body without a head, until the Queen of England sent over unto them the Earl of Leycester, with great provision both of men, and money, accompanied with diverse Noblemen and Gentlemen of good account. And albeit this Earl afterward returned into England again, yet continued she her aiding the Hollanders, both with men and money unto her dying day. And it is thought by such as have made calculation of this great and long continued charge, that she so oppressed and burdened her subjects for the Hollanders wars, that she had more money from them by Grants & Subsides, & such other means, than had all the Kings of England from the time of the Conquest unto her days, who had the greatest wars with France. And I have heard some Lawyers affirm, that she did extremely wrong her poor Subjects, by sometimes pressing them, and sending them perforce to her service out of the Realm; seeing, as they say, no Prince by the Laws of the Realm can compel any of his subjects to serve in war, unless it be for the defence of the Realm at home▪ or for the recovery of some lost Patrimony of the Crown abroad; & seeing now that Holland was never known to have been any part of the patrimony of the Crown of England, nor any pretence of just war could be made by England to that end, it was the greater wrong and injustice.  
And here by the way I must also note unto you, that at the beginning, for a long time of her aiding the Hollanders, though she did disguisedly make show of friendship & amity with spain, and had not only her Ambassador in Spain, as the King of Spain had his also in England; and in all her public Proclamations, wherein any mention happened to be made of Holland and the adjacent parts, she did always call them, The Low Countries of her loving Brother the King of Spain, & thereby acknowledged that which she could not deny: yet even at this very time she employed Sir Francis Drake to rob him of his treasure in the West Indieses, Don Bernardino de Mendoca remaining Ambassador Ledger for the King of Spain in England, both then and long after, yea even at the very time when Drak was arrived home with his booty, (which was in November in the year 1580.) and being all this while an eye witness not only of the said Queen's oppressing and impoverishing her own subjects at home, for the aiding of the foresaid Hollanders abroad, & rebellious subjects of the King his Master; but of her sending forth also to rob him, in his own dominions, thereby to aid them unlawfully with their Lords own treasure.  
If now from the first to the last, the deportement of the Queen of England towards the King of Spain in the long continuance of so many great wrongs and injuries, be but indifferently considered; what man, though but of mean capacity can judge, but in the end, he must needs be provoked to do something against her, were it but in regard of Honour, he being a King so great and potent. And therefore it was no wonder, that after so many former years' patience, he was in the end (and that also with an addition of eight years' forbearance) after the taking of his aforesaid treasure (in which time all detriments that could be done him, both by Sea & Land, besides the aiding also of Don Antonio (the pretended King of Portugal) being put in practice) forced to prepare that great Armada against England by sea, which he did in the year 1588. though with no success. And therefore, as I have heard Strangers that are indifferent to both Nations, wonder very much, why there should be more hatred discovered now in a time of peace and amity, between England and Spain, in the English Nation to the Spanish, then in the Spanish to the English (the English having given more cause a great deal for Spaniards to hate them, than the Spaniards have given to Englishmen:) So have they likewise noted, that notwithstanding the misusage in England of the Spanish Ambassador himself in his own person; yet the Spanish in Spain do not for all this misuse the Ambassador of England; the cause whereof is the discreet consideration of the Spanish Nation, who can discern this misusage to proceed from such pure-strayned Ministers, as are possessed with the fury of the spirit, or from the common debauched people, that do not consider, or have not so much wit, as to think when they see a Spanish Ambassador in England, that his Majesty likewise hath an English Ambassador in Spain: Nor yet to set before their eyes the example of the carriage of the chief Nobility, and of the better and wiser sort towards the said Ambassador and Nation; nor chiefly and above all his Majesties' amity & friendship with the King of Spain, and the fear of his indignation and punishment due unto such barbarous insolencies.   

CHAP. III. Whether England hath received any benefit by defending the quarrel of the Hollanders; or whether the Hollanders have endeavoured to deserve the friendship they have received from thence, or have any way showed themselves grateful for it.  
TO examine and search out the benefits which England may have received by means of the Hollanders, I know not whereor which way to begin. The Hollanders, or their friends may perhaps say, that it was a benefit great enough for the English to assist them, in reason of state, because thereby they kept out war from their own Country. But what an excuse this is? when as the English never needed to have feared war in their own country, but for their cause, and for taking their parts: for it was for their cause that the English seized upon the six hundred thousand ducats which were sent out of Spain to the Duke of Alva; which was a capital cause of enmity, and indeed the only cause that enforced the said Duke to demand the tenth penny of the people's goods, whereby the whole common multitude became disposed the sooner to rebellion. For the king of Spain's money, was not detained by the English upon any covetous desire to have it for themselves, but because the Duke Alva should not have it to employ against the Hollanders, and that it might be transported from England unto the Hollanders, & so come to be used by them against the said Duke, to whom it was sent to have been employed against them for their Rebellion.  
But it may be further alleged in excuse of the Hollanders, that they were so grateful, as they offered unto the Queen of England the Sovereignty of the Netherlandes, which benefit she would not accept of, and therefore it was not their fault that if she obtained it not. To this may be said, that the Devil offered to have given Christ all the kingdoms of the world if he would have worshipped him, and so was more liberal of giving that which was none of his own, than were the Hollanders. But the Queen well knowing that by accepting this gift whereunto they had no right, she should have been sure to have drawn a perpetual war, and the whole charge thereof upon her shoulders, and therefore refused this their liberality; yet was she willing notwithstanding to aid them, without this obligation. And the reason was; because she still retained a hop to be wholly disburdened, or at least much holpen in the bearing this charge by France, or Germany, or by bringing the Hollanders to the full possession of the whole seventeen Provinces, whereby they might depend upon themselves.  
It may also be alleged, that she had the Cautionary Towns of Briel, Flushing & the other places, delivered into her hands. True it is, she had so, and thereby enjoyed the benefit of being at more expense both of men and money. Other benefits can I remember none; nor can there be any found, & so will spare the labour to look any further after them: yet because ill turns, and damages may more readily be discovered to have hereby happened to the Queen and state of England, I shall set down what in this kind I have observed.  
First then to begin with the afore mentioned Cautionary Towns, it appeareth, that because the Hollanders would so soon as they could, be the freer to set the English at naught, having by means of the Truce with the King of Spain, and the Archduke Albert, gotten together some spared money; they so laboured with their feed friend Sir Ralph Winwood (a better Hollander then an Englishman) that for paltry payment they got their bridle out of the English hands, and thereupon began straightways to show their gratitude in forbidding the bringing of English died, and dressed clothes into Holland, and their adjoined Provinces, without ever making the king or his Ambassador Ledger at the Hage privy thereunto.  
Soon after, to make amendes for this their saucy and unmannerly carriage, they came to offer the King's Majesty himself a more insolent affront. For whereas the Duke of Lennox, as Admiral of Scotland, by order from the King, had sent one M. Brown in the year 1616. to demand of the said Hollanders, then fishing upon the coast of Scotland, a certain ancient duty, called Size herring; with much a do they paid it, as in former times it was accustomed; but yet withsome speeches that it was the last time, that it should be paid.  
The same M. Browne coming the year following with the same authority and commandment, with one ship of the Kings only to demand the duty aforesaid, and with order, that if it were denied, he should take witness of the refusal in writing, and so peaceably depart; being come aboard one of their ships, and demanding the aforesaid duty, he was by the Master thereof denied it, who told him plainly that he was commanded by the States of Holland not to pay it unto the King any more, of which he took witness according to his order from his Majesty.  
Whiles this was a doing, there comes aboard that ship, the Master of of another ship of Holland, & demanding of M. Brown his name, he replied that his name was Brown: Why then (quoth he) if you be the man, I have order to arrest you, and to carry you into Holland: whereof M. Brown gave notice to the Master of the King's ship, requiring him to advertise his Majesty of this insolency, and so M. Brown was arrested and carried away prisoner into Holland.  
About this time, as I also have heard it credibly reported, one M. Archibald Rantkin a Scottish gentleman residing at Stockholme in Sweden, & there soliciting for the payment of certain money due unto some London Merchants; one Van▪ dyke lying there also as Agent for the States of Holland, said unto some principal persons of the Swedians, that they needed not be to hasty in paying the king of England's subjects any money, or to give them any respect, for that the said King's promises, were not to be believed, nor his threats to be feared. For which villainous and insolent speeches, being afterward challenged by Rantkin, he had no better excuse then to say, he was drunk when he spoke them (for deny them he could not) and so his excuse of playing the beast, excused him for playing the man.  
But now from these insolent affronts and speeches, let us come to deeds, and see how they have used our English Nation in the North seas, on the coast of Groonland & those parts, about the trayn-oyle fishing, where they have offered them sundry abuses by giving them blows, chase them away, and doing unto them diverse oth●● detriments; not admitting to understand that the sea fishing is free for every man, where it is not upon the coast of any Country, unto which the benefit belongeth by ancient prerogative.  
And yet is all this but little in regard of their usage of our Nation in the East Indieses, where they have as fiercely set upon them with open hostility, as if before their meeting there, they had of long continuance been mortal enemies, having slain many of our men, and sunk sundry of our ships. And when moreover they have taken some of our men prisoners, they have used them, in the sight of the Indians, in such contemptible and disdainful manner, as if at home in their own Countries, the English in respect of them were but an abject and a slavish Nation; and that the Hollanders were either their Superiors, & might use them at their pleasure, or the English so base and unpowerfull, as they durst not be revenged, but quietly put up any injury at their hands.  
And indeed the Indians might in reason conjecture that the Hollanders would never have dared so to domineer over the English abroad, if they had not had the mastery of them at home; after which accounpt & reckoning such actions abroad are wont to be looked into. What think you now of our English Proverb? Have we not bravely set beggars on horseback? Nay have not Englishmen (the premises considered) great reason to love the Hollanders, and to hate Spaniards? Yea, and to hate Spaniards only for the love of such courteous & grateful Hollanders?  
And as for the commodious trade which the English have had in Muscovy for more than threescore and ten years, and which the Hollanders have now quite gotten from the●●, and spoilt, what shall I say? Seeing they are about to make recompense for the same by doing the like with our English Merchants in Turkey. And it is a thing so natural & notorious for them to spoil the trade of other Nations, that when they cannot find occasion to do it, they will not stick to spoil one another, so great is their avaricious and insatiable desire of gain; and yet all this proceedeth but out of a certain covetous wretchedness; for, let any of them arrive to what riches he will, he knoweth not how to be Noble or Generous.   

CHAP. FOUR Whether England can expect any benefit by continuing to take the Hollanders parts; and whether the Hollanders do deserve the same, by wishing, or desiring the continuance of the State and Government of England, as now it standeth.  
THE end and scope whereunto the rebellious wars of the Hollanders have tended, hath been to bring themselves into as free and quiet a State as is the Republic of the Swissers, which they might have easily done by the help they have had from England & France, if the King of Spain had wanted the means or the will to have continued war against them. But admit they had arrived unto this their design and had freely and quietly gotten the full possession of all the seventeen netherlands Provinces, is it not like that they would then have gotten into their claws the duchies of Cleve, & juliers, with the other parts thereon dependant, seeing they have already gotten fotting therein? And having once incorporated these, is it like, that they would have suffered the Country of Liege to have remained in quiet, under the Rule of a Bishop? When as the colour of reformation of Religion had also been sufficient for the taking away of the Country from the true owner? Or may a man think, that they would stand upon titles of right, who hold not the least place they possess by any right at all? Or that they would make a conscience to detain from their Neighbour, when they make none to detain from their true Lord, and Master? Surely there is no reason to think other ways: and yet if any man should, let him but look into their attempt upon Huys, & also upon Liege the principal City of that Country, not long since put in practice.  
Put the case then, that they had arrived unto their desired greatness, that is to say, to have gotten the whole seventeen netherlands Provinces with the duchies of Cleve and juliers, & the rest thereunto dependant, as also the Country of Liege; how would they then have borne themselves towards England and France? How had they then been able to have given law to both these kingdoms; to the one by land, from the Country of Liege confining upon it, and to the other by sea, by being able to overtop it in shipping? what doubt may be made hereof, considering what a correspondent party they would have found in France by their most confident friends the Huguenots, and in England by no less friends the Puritans? Who cannot now discern that the King of Spain, by continuance of war against the Hollanders, hath highly benefited both England and France; and that England and France by assisting the Hollanders against the King of Spain, have laboured to their own cost.  
What policy might it then have proved for England and France, if the Hollanders had by their help prevailed against the King of Spain, when they should thereby have prepared an irremediable scourge for themselves.  
Let it then be truly considered, whether it had not been greater policy, more honourable, & more profitable, for both those Nations, and more for the tranquillity of Christendom, that they had suffered the King of Spain to have brought these his rebellious subjects to obedience, and so to have governed them in peace, to the end he might have employed so many millions, as he hath been forced to spend in the Netherlands wars, against the Turk. And that so he would have done, if he might here have enjoyed rest and quiet, who can doubt? Seeing notwithstanding these his long wars, and all other wars thereby occasioned, both by sea and land, he hath, to his everlasting praise and honour, never made either peace or Truce with that capital enemy of Christendom. And if those foresaid many millions might have been implo●ed against this common enemy, who can make doubt, but he might thereby not only have been driven out of Europe, but that Jerusalem, and all Palestine might have been recovered?  
England, as hath been said in the precedent Chapter, hath already received proof of the ingratitude of her costly Holland friends; and France no less, by having not long since discovered them to be more ready to take their parts that were in arms against the now regnant King, than the King's part against them. And if they had been so wary as to have dissembled some what longer their ingratitude & insolencies towards England and France, yet their audacious braving of the King of Denmark (notwithstanding they must pass with all their corn from Dansk through his Sound) were enough to have discovered their proud contempt of the majesty of Kings; and what Neighbours they would have proved to England & France, when they should have arrived to their expected freedom of an absolute Republic. Let it then be considered, whether England or France, could ever fear to be so much endomaged by Spain, as by them; or that Spain could have so ready means to endamage them, as the Hollanders; or could have correspondence in either Country with two such turbulent factions.  
Thus may England as well by example of the Hollanders ingratitude to France, as by the dear purchased experience in itself, clearly behold what appearance there may be of expectation of any least benefit by their means; since none can be found, none be looked for, albeit they were sought after with the lantern of Diogenes.  
If therefore no benefits can appear, either past or to be expected, let us then see what good fortune hath otherwise betided such as have been the gretest actors in this rebellious business, whereby it may appear to the World, how their endeavours have been pleasing to God.  
The first man that began the surprise and open rebellion of Towns in Holland, was the aforenamed Monsieur de Lymmay. This man amongst other presents which were given him, when he was in England, one was a very fair great mastiff Dog, which he much esteemed; and on a time playing with him, he bit him so soar in the arm, that he could by no means be cured, but in the end died thereof, stark mad, and raging, in the Town of Liege. And thus came he to his death by being bitten of a Dog, that had been a wolf unto many Ecclesiastical persons, whose blood without all form of justice, or any offence by them committed, he had caused to be shed, aswell in the Town of Briel which he surprised, as in other places.  
The next great Actor in this ill business was the Duke of Alancon also before mentioned. This Duke after he had in the City of Antwerp been invested in the Duchy of Brabant, as absolute Sovereign; finding not withstanding that he was to be limited & governed by such as he accounted his subjects; & seeking thereupon to make his authority more absolute, drew certain troops of his soldiers into the Town to have surprised it, himself being with his whole army hard without, who, through the resistance of the Townsmen, were all put to the sword. Whereupon he with his whole army (the Artillery from the walls of the Town playing upon him) was forced to retire thence in extreme disgrace, and melancholy, as a defeated enemy; and in the end to return into France, where considering the tricks that had by n put upon him in England, and what disgrace he had thereby received in Flanders, on the 10. day of june in the year 1584. he died of conceived grief, in the town of Chastea● Theiry, and so lost his fair possibility of wearing the crown of France, unto which he was the apparent Heir.  
The next and chiefest stirrer in this business, was William of Nassaw, Prince of Orange, who because he was the Arch-rebel, or principal Actor in this great rebellion of all other, I hold it not unfit, before I come to speak of his death, briefly to run over the things of most note in his life.  
This Prince, as in the first Chapter hath been said, retired himself into Germany so soon as he heard of the Duk● of Alva his arival in the Netherlandes; and albeit he came afterwards back again to push forward his begun rebellion; yet was he fayne to fly the second time into Germany, from whence when he heard that the Town of Briel, and one or two more were openly rebelled, he came secretly back into Holland, and being in very poor and bare estate, he took up his lodging in the Town of Tergow, in the house of one Kegeling an Apothecary, keeping himself very secret, because this town as yet held for the king of spain, as also did all the other Towns of the Country except two or three. But the Duke of Alva his demanding the tenth penny aforesaid, having bred a general disgust and aversion in the minds of the people; certain scouts of rebellion were secretly employed abroad in the Country to sound the people about their forwardness to revolt. Which being done, answer was returned that they were found to be thereunto ready enough, so they might have a head, but who this head should be, that knew they not. The Prince of Orange heerupon, in whose behalf these scouts had been employed, called a consultation of some five or six irreligicus Politikes (for such best fitted to be his counsellors) to consider what religion he were best to be of, for of all the religions now currant he could not be; and not declaring himself to be of one, all might hold him to be of none. For he had so carried himself until this day, that the Catholics held him affected to them; The Lutherans to them; The Anabaptists to them; And the Caluinists also to them.  
The Catholics took him for their friend, because they thought him not to hate their religion, but indifferently well to affect it, in regard that he had been brought up in it, long professed it, and had made as yet no open opposition or profession against it; and for that he protested to undergo this business for the maintaining of their rights and privileges, and to free the Country from that terrible exaction of the tenth penny aforesaid.  
The Lutherans took him for their friend, because they held him in heart to be of their religion, since he had married the daughter of the Duke of Saxony, who was now a Lutheran, in public profession; and that he must in reason keep good correspondence with the Lutherans of Germany, in hope of having aid from them.  
The Anabaptists took him as greatly to favour their religion, because his Chamberlain being the chiefest man about him, was an Anabaptist, (called of his fellow Anabaptists by the name of Mardochaeus) by whose means this Prince became greatly beholding unto them, for the loan of sundry good sums of money, which he had received of them.  
The Caluinists thought him assuredly their friend, because he was an enemy unto Spain & Spaniards, and because he could not but see them more forward in action of Rebellion, than any of the others; seeing Briel and other Towns were already surprised by those of their Nation and Religion.  
The aforesaid Counselours considering that this indifferent carriage of the Prince, could but argue a dispersed affection, & might breed many jealousies and factions, and whereby he could not procure to himself the assured affection of any one side to stick fast unto him; their resolution must now be taken without longer delay, of which of these he would declare himself absolutely to be, albeit he might promise favour and protection to the rest. There was no great need of learned Devins to dispute the matter, Scriptures and ancient Fathers were not important to be looked after, Faith and Conscience had heerin no claim, and Reason of State did put the Holy Ghost to silence.  
It was therefore first debated whether it were best & most for this Prince his advantage to declare himself a Catholic, because the face of the State was yet Catholic. To this was alleged, that if he should so do by favouring all opposite to the Catholics, the Catholics would therefore disfavour him, seeing the other through his favour would insult upon them: and so might there be danger of their returning to the obedience of the King of Spain, whom thev were sure was of their religion, and would maintain them in it. All which considered, it was not thought fitting for him to declare himself to be a Catholic  
To declare himself a Lutheran, was also thought unfit, because the Duke of Saxony, albeit a Lutheran, was yet a friend unto the Emperor, and the house of Austria; and besides the Lutherans were but phlegmatic & cold fellows, and too far offto give him assistance, if need should require.  
To declare himself an Anabaptist, was held less fitting, for albeit they had showed more heat of zeal, in their greater number that had suffered for their religion, than any of the others; yet were they but of the meaner sort of people, not having any potent persons among them, nor any foreign Prince or State to take their parts.  
In fine it was resolved that it was most convenient for him to declare himself a Caluinist, in regard of their stirring spirits, whereof they had given greater proof than any of the others, & that there was appearance of assistance from England, and of good correspondence with the Huguenots of France. Upon this resolution, followed straightways the conversion of this Prince of Orange unto Caluinian-Protestant religion; and his new gained greatest friends so bestirred themselves, that Town upon Town rebelled especially after he had by solemn Oath sworn to maintain the Catholic Clergy in all their rights and privileges, and in public exercise of their Religion▪ about which point yet the town of Amsterdam amongst others, very precisely capitulated with him, and he very seriously also protested and swore performance of the conditions: which Oath notwithstanding he made no more conscience soon after to break, than he had done sundry oaths before; as the great and solemn Oath which he took of Fidelity to the King of Spain, when he received the Order of Knighthood of the golden Fleece; the Oath of fidelity, which he also took at the said Kings making him Lieutenant Governor of Holland etc. besides his sundry other perfidious breaches both of oaths and promises.  
And because there is not any fidelity or honest dealing to be expected, where there is laid no ground of Religion and virtue it is the less wonder that this irreligious Noble Man so carried himself in choice of religion. Certain it is, that he was at the first a Catholic; and notwithstanding that his malice had transported him so far, as to protect and shelter some most sacrilegious Church-robbers; yet upon the arival of the Duke of Alva, and before his flight into Germany, he sent for his eldest some Philip (who was Prince of Orange next after him) at that time a student in the University of Lovayne, and most straightly charged him, to live and dye in the Catholic Roman Religion, as the said Prince hath at sundry times to diverse persons yet living protested; whereby it may seem, that at that time he had yet retained some regard of religion; and holding that for the best, commanded his son to remain still therein.  
Four wives he had, the first was a catholic, the second was a Lutheran, the third and fourth were Caluinists; which perchance was because he found no noble woman fit for him to match withal that was an Anabaptist, that so he might have had four wives of four several Religions; yet to show his great good will unto the Anabaptists (albeit he could not match amongst them) he gave them under his hand writing the privilege & freedom for exercise of their religion in their own houses, which they yet in Holland enjoy.  
When I consider the life and actions of this man, I wonder in myself, that the blindness of the popular multitude, could be so great, as to honour and extol him so highly, and to account him the great Patron and Protector of their Country, that was the greatest enemy thereof that ever it had; and who was the cause of spilling so much blood, aswell of the people of his own Country, as of other Nations; and such an one as was the betrayer, & transporter also thereof, unto another Nation, as much as in him lay, who had no right or clay me thereunto.  
To come now to touch the end of this man, when I consider, I say, what it was, there cometh to my remembrance this saying of a Pagan Poet: 
Tyraennous Lords, that cause Landes to rebel,  
Without some blow, can hardly come to Hell.   
About some four years before the death of this Prince, he was for his offences deprived by the said King of Spain his sovereign Lord, of all the authority and power which in former times the said King had given him, & proclaimed for a public enemy unto the King, the peace, and Weal-publike of the Country; and his goods & person exposed to open violence by public sentence. In the end after some attempts to that effect, the Prince perceauing, what victorious success the Duke of Parma (that then under the King of Spain commanded in the Netherlands) now began to have in Flaunders, and Brabant, he fled secretly, from Antwerp (where he had laid lurking for a time) unto Delft in Holland, in his Armour; for it was the greatest praise (forsooth) that this valiant Captain achieved in these wars, that he did commonly put on his Armour when he was eight or ten leagues from any place of danger.  
Being arrived at Delft, where he thought himself in greatest safety, he was upon the tenth day of july in the same year 1584. slain with the shot of a Pistol, by one Ealtazar Gerard (aliâs Serach) a Burgundian, of the age of five and twenty years, a month after that the Duke of Alancon died at Chasteau-Theiry; for the Duke died on the tenth of june, & this Prince was slain on the tenth of july next following, as though his life had been limited by lease, to last but just one month after the death of the other.  
The next of the greatest Actors in this rebellious Tragedy, was Robert Dudley Earl of ●eycester, who after he had been the chief Commander of Holland, in these broils (in which wa● slain his sister's Son Sir Philip Sidney, a Knight worthy to have deserved more Honour, if he had served in an honourable cause) he grew weary of the Hollanders, and they of him; in so much, that by a justification of his worthless actions published in Print, he was driven to accuse & blame them of breach of promise and performance of covenants made unto him, that so by laying the fault upon them, he might repair his own reputation, and excuse of gaining so little honour among them as he had. Returning therefore with great discontentment into England, he soon after sickened and died, and as it is reported was poisoned, and prevented by one whom himself had thought by such a means to have made away.  
He died without any sign of a Christian; and being dead seemed so ugly a corpse, as even amazed the beholders. His body was opened and in his stomach were great holes eaten through with the poison. His Lands were all presently seized on for his debts to the Queen, whereby he was now, as much disgraced being dead, as he would perhaps have been, if he had lived but a little longer; and as his life was not much laudable, so was his death not greatly lamented.  
The next in this ●anke must be Queen Elizabeth herself, by whose means, as this rebellion at the first began, so was it by her aid (even to her last end) continued. And if a happy death be the true happiness of the precedent life, she cannot be said to have had it, neither in regard of the good of herself, nor yet of her subjects; for she sought not the one, and she had not the other. She sought not the good of her subjects, which in all reason and right she was bound to do, both before God man, because she prohibited both speech, and even the knowledge as it were, of any successor to her Crown, as all the world well knoweth. In so much, that if some of the Nobility, presently upon her death, had not resolved to receive unto her Crown & dignity the true & lawful Heir that now reigneth, the blood of many thousand of her subjects might have been spilt, for aught she did to prevent it. Some do report her to have said, that whiles she lived no Heir apparent should be declared; and after her death, she wished that she might for a while remain between heaven & earth, to see how they would tug for the Crown. Surely the desire of seeing such a sport could little deserve the love that her subject's bo●e unto her; and hereby may we see, upon how little cause and reason, vulgar affection is oftentimes grounded.  
That her death was not happy, appeareth, in that it is no happiness to dye distracted, and not to have had, from the beginning to the end of her sickness, the perfect use of reason, and consequently not to have been able most earnestly to call upon God; which as it is most fit that at their end, a●l men should do, so is it most requisite, that in the end of a life which hath been entertained with all the pleasures that the World could afford, it should be done with the greatest compunction & contrition of heart that may be▪ And I have heard it confidently reported, that Sir Thomas Gressam, more than thirty years before Queen Eliza●eths death, did in private discourse, tell unto some friends of his, and namely unto Sir Philip Scidamore (than not Knight) that at the death of Queen Mary, he then being in the City of Antwerp, a woman coming into a house where he was, said unto him: Your Queen Mary is now dead and Queen elizabeth that succeedeth her, shall in the end come to dye mad. Whether this woman had the spirit of prophecy, or no, I cannot say; but certain it is that she seemed not in her sickness, nor at her death to be in her perfect senses, whereby she could neither be careful for the future good of her subjects, by not then declaring that which she needed not any longer to have concealed; nor in calling upon Almighty God, for mercy, for a soul that so greatly had need thereof.  
Let us now lastly come unto the great Statesman, and Menager of this State composed of States, the Holland-aduocate Berneuelt. This man after the death of the Prince of O●ange aforesaid, when his son Count Mauri●e, and his other children were but young, and the State and government wholly raw and out of order, devised and set down the plot and means for the maintaining of it in the form of a Republic: he made the alliances between it, and other Princes and States abroad, and became a most careful Tut or for the bringing up of the Prince of Orange his children; yet in the end about realousies and wranglings grown up among themselves, this great Advocate of Holland, and Sterne-holder of that whole State, having deserved so well thereof as any man could, came to dye on a scaffold, as a criminal malefactor, by the hands of the hangman; whereby the King of Spain, and their Highnesses the Princes of the Netherlands, whom he had most offended, and had not the means to punish him, did see him punished by those whom himself had most served in offending them.  
Some may here allege that the Archduke Mathias, who afterward came to be Emperor, had been a chief Commander and governor also over this rebellious faction, and yet came not to any unfortunate end. To this I answer, that true it is, this Prince had such a charge laid upon him, when by reason of his youth he wanted judgement perfectly to discern what he did, William of Nassaw the unhappy Prince of Orange before mentioned, being his chief Lieutenant under him, and the only man that disposed of al. And yet escaped this young Archduk not without disgrace among them, when they neither cared for him, nor much respected him; & in their ordinary speeches gave him the name of their Foster child, esteeming him but as a child, or as a cipher that only served to supply a place. But in the end this noble Prince discovering their unjust courses & his own error, left them, and gave over that mistaken government, and retiring himself into Germany, sought, and found means to reconcile himself unto his Cousin the King of Spain, whose grace and favour he obtained, which none of the former that came to unfortunate ends, ever sought for. And by this means all former soars were salved, & this Prince by leaving to follow this wrong course, was not only freed from coming to an unfortunate or disgraceful end, but came to die as a good Christian Prince, and in the most high estate of an Emperor.  
Thus have I here briefly related unto you, how ill they have sped, who have been the chiefest Actors in so ill a business as is rebellion, & the assisting of rebels against their most just and lawful Sovereign; what may succeed to others, that do, or intent to continue the same unjust course, must be reserved to the manifestation of time; but apparent it is, by that which here hath been showed, that the most high and supreme Ruler of all, hath, by permitting these their disgraceful ends, showed his dislike of their actions; & contrariwise to such as have been obedient to his will, his benediction hath been manifest in a copious manner.  
The benefits then which England might expect by continuing to take the Hollanders parts, must be understood to be, endless Charges, great Dishonour, and the high Displeasure of Almighty God, together with the Hollanders recompensing the same with contemptuous ingratitude; which are motives to move mad men to be their friends.  
Some may perhaps suppose the Hollanders to deserve the same in regard of a kind of love and affection which they bear unto that State, albeit no effect or show of good deeds to prove it, doth any way break out. This invisible affection, must then be imagined to consist in a true desire they have to the countiwance of the present State & Government as now it standeth. Les us than see how likely it is, by first of all calling into consideration the affection they manifest themselves to bear unto our King's Majesty of England; for this aught to give the first and best light unto this great obscurity.  
Surely, if I should relate unto you what mine own ears have heard in this point, you would stand amazed. Respect of conscience and duty, doth not permit me to repeat those most odious Epithets which without any respect of Majesty, are every where common in these rebellious Hollanders mouths And I protest unto you, that I verily think, they did never more spitefully rail against the King of Spain, whom they hold for their greatest enemy. Their words, as I said, I will not repeat, for fear lest an alleadger of the calumnies of others, might be taken for a subtle calumniator himself: but if you doubt of the truth hereof, make further enquiry of such, as since the late famous battle fought in Bohemia, have come out of Holland into England; for there want no witnesses to affirm this to be true. And if you shall chance to meet with One who for affection to the Hollanders, will rather dissemble then confess the truth, especially being demanded thereof in England; I doubt not but you will meet with Two, who will affirm it, and withal confess that there is not any remedy to ●h●rme their dirty mouths, and much less to any purpose for an Englishman to oppose himself against the lavish tongues of such an unbridled multitude of cocks crowing upon their own dunghill. And who can otherwise imagine, but that they who are in authority amongst them, be content that the common sort do speak that which themselves also think, and in private speak the same, as well as they, seeing in public they show no dislike thereof.  
That the Hollanders do desire the continuance of the present State, and Government of the Realm, as now it standeth, by wishing the long reign of his Majesty of England, and of the Prince his Highness after him, who can imagine; since all their drifts do wholly tend to their own ends; and that the Count Pa●atine, by his Mother's side is of the house of Nassaw, to which house of all other upon earth they are most devoted: and that by the said Count Palatine his attaining to the Crown of England, diverse of the same house that want livings as well in Holland, as in the Duchy of Bullion, as also in other places, might come to be advanced in England. And no doubt, since the Count Palatine hath already had the taste of one Crown, they will the more desire the pleasing of hi● appetite with another.  
The religion of England they also like not, and therefore in regard of a more pure and perfect Reformation, they do out of zeal and conscience the less desire the continuance of the State, as it is. Their friends the Puritans, have long since given them to understand how ilfauour●dly the Religion of England is now reform; and what great want they have of a Holland-discipline, and such a worshipfall Consistory of Church-counsellours as they h●ue there in every of their Towns. They have also informed them of the great livings that certain men in England do possess, who bear the name of Bishopes, and whose large revenues would fall out very fit for sundry poor Countess of the aforesaid house of Nassaw, to begin withal, till confiscation of English Nobleman's livings might be able to make them the more capable of the titles of Dukes and Princes. And this being matter to reflect upon, I will so leave it unto your further ponderation, and proceed to give you satisfaction according to your demand in the rest.   

CHAP. V. Of the present state of the Hollanders; and of the division among them about matters of Religion: and whether respect of Religion may urge England still to assist them.  
THAT the Hollanders have a will to continue their wars, to the end that at last they might in quiet possession attain to their wished great Republic, of the whole seventeen netherlands Provinces, with such adjacent and Anseaitcke places as they could come to incorporate and annex unto them, there is no doubt: but their want of means to undergo this charge, whereof no end can be determined, is also out of doubt. It is now about some two years ago that I saw a note of calculation made of their debts, which then appeared to be about six millions of florins, for the which they paid, & do yet yearly pay interest. It is not like that this debt is diminished, but that it is rather, since that time, much augmented; besides their yearly charge of maintaining their presidies, and fortifications, they have been at a great deal of lost cost in their monthly great sums of money disbursed for the aiding of the Count▪ Palatine.  
Their means and traffic of merchandise is well known to be nothing so good as it hath been, and daily to decline to worse and worse; for they have not only had ex●reme losses by pirates, but have showed themselves so unpartial, that because the English Merchants should not think them only bend to spoil their trade▪ they spoil their trading amongst themselves; in so much that Holland doth not only spoil the trading of Zealand, but even in Holland they daily study to spoil the trade one of another: so as it hath been noted, that when in Amsterdam itself, some Merchant having gotten private advice from his correspondent else where, that in such or such a place, such and such a commodity will be well vented, and that this Merchant thereupon fraighteth a ship with wares accordingly; another that perceiveth him to be freighting, though not knowing whither his voyage is intended, will strait ways, and with all diligence freight a ship also with the self same wares, and follow and dog him by sea, till he arrive to the same Haven unto which the other is bound; and so by hindering of his gain catch away the bread out of his mouth. And as by this, so by all other ways and means, ●ch one seeks to spoyke and hinder another; for all will be Merchants, aswell the Boors in the Villages, as the Burghers in the Town.  
This then trading then thus hindered what by Pirates, what by the multitude of Merchants, and other ways spoilt, they cannot draw sufficient means for the maintenance of war only out of tolls and customs; neither can it be raised by taxes and impositions laid upon the people, they being already more heavily burdened that way, than they are able to bear; and far beyond the tenth penny which the Dulled of 〈◊〉 demanded. What remedy then? 〈◊〉 loans and borrow be required of the best moneyed Merchants▪ 〈◊〉. The Catholics, the Arminians, & the Anabaptists, which have the best purses, have little reason for it. The Catholics and the Arminians are forbidden the exercise of their religion, and they will rather go and reside out of the Country. The Anabaptists that have exercise in their houses cannot bear the burden alone; and if all these th●ee would be willing to lend, how could ●bis lending continue, when they shall see their money still cast into a bottomless pit of expenses, where there can be no hope of getting it out again; and so shall they be sure to find, who do assist them, if after the now approaching expiration of the Truce, wars do begin again.  
Thus having briefly delivered unto you my conceit of their present means; I will now also endeavour to give you satisfaction to your demand about their so great difference in Religion. I do not mean the great difference that is between Sect and Sect, for that is beyould all calculation; but the late great difference risen up among the Holland-Protestants themselves.  
You shall then understand that about the year 1607. one jacobus Arminius a Doctor and professor of Protestant Religion at Leyden (according as it is there professed) did, after that he had, diverse years believed and taught as they did, begin to fall into further consideration then before he had done of certain points of their doctrine, and especially their doctrine of Predestination, which is, That God hath absolutely and precisely chosen and ordained some people to salvation, and some to damnation, before themselves have either done good or evil: And that to those whom God, of an absolute will, hath ordained to perdition, he hath determined to deny, and actually doth deny, the grace which is needful and sufficient for Salvation, so as they neither can, nor may believe or be saved.  
Against this doctrine Arminius opposed himself, affirming the same to be contrary to the Nature of God, as repugnant to his Wisdom, to his justice, and to his Goodness. That it also is against the Gospel, which commandeth conversion and belief, and promiseth the grace of the holy Ghost, Remission of sins, and everlasting Life. And that which is more, it impugneth Free will, with which, and in the which, man was by God created. Moreover it hindereth the diligence unto the doing of good works; for (saith he) man being driven (as these maintainers of this Predestination affirm) by means of the safe-making grace, then must he work, and cannot leave so to do; but not being driven by the same grace, he cannot so do, but must leave it undone.  
Thus doth Arminius refute the common Caluinian opinion in the doctrine of Predestination, and teacheth plainly, that man hath Freewill, and showeth that good works are needful to Salvation; affirming also that the contrary doctrine to these points, doth overthrow and quite destroy the foundation of Religion, as further may be seen in his declaration printed at Leyden in the year 1610.  
Arminius himself died, before this his declaration came forth in print; but certain Ministers that embraced his doctrine, did after his decease cause it to be printed; and these men proceeding forward in the same doctrine, and finding many of the most learned ministers to embrace it, and many thousand of people, which daily more and more increase, ready to receive it; they wrote sundry Books in defence thereof, wherein they gave themselves the name of Remonstrantes.  
Heerupon some of the Ministers that remained in the former and direct Caluinian opinion, writing against them, called themselves the Contra-Remonstrants: but because the common people called those that followed the opinion of Arminius aforesaid, by the name of Arminians, the otherside gave unto the Contra-remonstrants, the name of Gomarists; because of all other who opposed themselves against the opinion of Arminius, one Franciscus Gomarus was the first and chiefest. And albeit the said Gomarus taught not otherwise then did Calvin, or do other Caluinists; yet are those of his side called by many in Holland, and generally in all the Netherlands by the name of Gomarists, except by themselves; for they call not themselves Protestant's, but The Reformed, as they did before this discord fell out.  
About this difference in Religion there hath been between them very many bickerings, and virulent books and pamphlets have been written on both sides, the one against the other. But because it would perhaps be too tedious to make but recital of their titles in ●his place, I will therefore here only set down un to you, what I have translated out of a certain printed table, concerning three of the points of Religion which are in controversy between them, whereby you may see what places of Scripture are alleged abou● these points by the Armintans; and what Calvin and the Gomarian Caluinists allege to the contryry.  

The first point is,  
Whether God hath created any people unto damnation.  
Places of Scripture alleged by the Arminians to prove that he hath not.  
Genes. 1. vers. 27. And God created man to his own Image; to the Image of God he created him.  
And vers. 31. And God saw all things that he had made, and they were all very good▪  
Psal. 145 vers. 9 The Lord is loving unto every man, and his mercy is above all his works.  
Isay 45. vers. 22. Turn you unto me, so shall you be saved, all ye ends of the earth.  
Ezech. 33. vers. 11. As true as I live, saith the Lord, I have no pleasure in the death of the ungodly, but that the ungodly do turn from his wickedness & live. Turn you therefore now from your wickedness; why will you then dye, you of the house of Israel?  
joan. 4. vers. 10. 11. You pity the stalk of the wild grape, whereon you have not laboured, nor have nourished it, which is grown up in one night, & is again withered: And should not I then take pity on the great City of Ninive, in which are more than one hundred and twenty thousand souls, who know no difference between the right hand and the left.  
Matth. 11. verse 28. Come ye to me all that labour, and are burdened, and I will refresh you.  
Marc. 16. vers. 15. 16 Going into the whole world, preach the Gospel to all creatures; he that believeth, and is baptised, shallbe saved; and he that believeth not, shallbe condemned.  
Luc. 2. verse 30. 31. Mine eyes (saith Simeon) have seen thy salvation: which thou hast prepared before the face of all people.  
Ibid cap. 9 vers. 56. The son of man came not to destroy souls, but to save them.  
joan. 3. vers. 16. For God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten son, that every one who believeth in him perish not.  
Ibid. cap. 12. vers. 47. I am not come (saith Christ) to condemn the world, but to save the world.  
Act 17. verse 30. God denounceth unto men, that all, every where do penance.  
Rom. 11. vers. 32. For God hath concluded all into incredulity, that he may have mercy upon all.  
1. Tim. 2. vers. 4. God will that all men be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the Truth.  
Tit. 2. vers. 12. For the grace of God our Saviour hath appeared unto all men.  
●. Pet. 3. vers. 9 God is not willing that any perish, but that all return to penance.  
1. joan. 2. vers. 2. He (to wit Christ) is the propitiation for our sins, & not for ours alone, but also for the whole worlds.  
These are the places of Scripture alleged by the Arminians for their opinion in this point. Now followeth the doctrine of the Gomarian-Caluinists to the contrary, to wit, That God hath created some to damnation.  
john Calvin Instit l. 3. cap. 23. b. Seeing the disposition of all things is in the hand of God, and seeing he hath the power of death & of salvation, he ordaineth then with his counsel and will, that some are borne, who from thei● Mother's womb are certainly delivered over unto death, to the end that by their destruction the name of God should be praised.  
The same Calvin upon the 18. verse. of the 9 cap. to the Romans. The destruction of the ungodly is not only foreknown, but they are also purposely created, to the end they should come to destruction or perdition.  
Idem in his book ad ●alumn. Nebulon. pag. 867. Say you, that it is not permitted unto God to damn any body, but such as have done evil? There are taken away out of this life an infinite number of young children. Cast now out your poison against God, who taketh away innocent children from the breasts of their Mothers, and casteth them into the depth of hell, in eternal death and damnation.  
The●. Beza in his little Annot upon the Romans 9 vers. 22. Let us then again be licenced to say with Paul, that some men are of God the workmaster, created unto destruction.  
Amandus' Polanus on the 9 vers of the 13. of Osee. Those whom God hath predestinated to eternal perdition, he hath also created unto eternal perdition; & all those things strengthen them to ●●●●nall perdition, that strengthen the elect unto salvation.  
The same Polanus in his doctrine of the truth of Predestination, pag. 139. saith: Abjection is an inward, and eternal work of God, which in truth differeth not from the essence of God itself.  
Fr Gomarus in his translated dispute of Predestination Thes. 23. saith: Abjection is God's predestination, through which out of reasonable creations, he hath in gross, and without foreknown limits, according to his privilege and pleasure, from eternity, rejected some f●om eternal life, an● hath also before hand ordained them to eternal death, and contempt.  
The Contra-Remonstrants in the conference at the Hage, pag. 53. ●he cause why God hath determined to elect some and not others, is only his pleasure & grace; and not, that he hath foreseen that one should believe in Christ, & not another.   

The second point.  
Whether God necessarily causeth man to sin.  
Places of Scripture alleged by the Arminians for the negative.  
Genes. caD. 4. vers. 6. The Lord said to Cayn, why art thou angry, and why is thy countenance fallen? If thou do well, shalt thou not receive again? but if thou dost ill, shall not thy sin be present at the door? but, the lust thereof shallbe under thee, and thou shalt have dominion over it.  
Psal 5. vers. 5. 6. 7. Thou art no God that hath pleasure in wickedness: the evil shall not converse with thee. The foolish shall not stand in thy sight: thou hatest all those that work iniquity. Thou shalt destroy them that speak lies: the lord abhorreth both the bloodthirsty and the deceitful man.  
Psal. 45. vers. 8. Thou hast loved righteousness, and hated iniquity: Therefore hath God, thy God, anointed the with the oil of gladness, above thy fellows.  
Isa. 59 vers. 2. Thy iniquities do separate thee & thy God, one from another; and thy sins do hide his face from thee, that thou canst not be heard.  
Ose. 13 vers. 9 Israel, thou bringest thyself into unhappiness, for thy salvation standeth only with me.  
Matt. 1 v●rs 21. Thou shalt (saith the Angel to joseph) call his name jesus, for he shall save his people from their sins.  
Luc. 1. vers. 74. 75. That without fear being delivered out of the hands of our enemies, we may serve him, in holiness and justice before him, all our days.  
joan 8. vers. 44. The devil when he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own, because he is a liar, & the father thereof.  
Rom. 1. vers. 18. The wrath of God from heaven is revealed upon all impiety, and injustice of Men.  
Galat. 5. vers. 16 Walk in the spirit, and the works of the flesh you shall not accomplish.  
jac. 1 vers. 13. 14. 15. Let no man when he is tempted, say that he is tempted of God, for God is not a tempter of evil; and he tempteth no man. But every one is tempted of his own concupiscence, abstracted and alured. Afterward concupiscence when it hath conceived, bringeth forth sin, but sin when it is consummate engendereth death.  
1. Pet. 3. vers. 12. 13. The face of the Lord is upon them that do evil things; but who is he that can hurt you, if you be emulators of good.  
1. joan 2. vers. 16. All that is in the world is the concupiscence of the flesh, and the concupiscence of the eyes, and the pride of life, which is not of the Father, but is of the world.  
Ibid. cap. 3. vers. 8. He that comitteth sin is of the devil, because the devil sinneth from the beginning; for this appeareth the Son of God, that he might dissolve the works of the devil.  

The affirmative doctrine of the Gomarian-Caluinists, to wit, that God doth necessarily cause man to sin.  
Calvin Instit. lib. 1. cap 18. 2. I do confess, that God in the abject doth work through the service of the devil; but so, as Satan through God's provocation doth his work.  
Ibid. lib. 3 cap. 23. 9 The abject sinning willbe excused, because they cannot avoid the necessity of sinning, seeing through the ordinance of God such necessity is laid upon them; But we fear that they are not thereby rightly excused, for the ordinance of God, by which they complain to be ordained to perdition, hath her justice, which albeit unknown unto us, yet it is very certain.  
Theod. Beza against Castalio. We confess to be true, that God hath predestinated all such as he listeth, not only unto damnation, but also unto the causes of damnation.  
Zuinglius de provide. tom. 1. cap 6. pag. 366. No man can say, that the murderer is excused, because he hath killed through God's provocation, for he hath sinned against the laws. But you will, say; he was provoked to sin: I agree hereunto that he was provoked to sin, howbeit to the end, that one should be saved, and another hanged etc.  
Ibid. pag. 365. One & the self same wickedness, as for example either Adultery, or Murder, if the same come from God, as the Author, mover, and provoker, is a work, but no misdeed; but if so be it proceed from man, than it is sin.  
Zanchius de Natura Dei lib. 5. pag. 172. We acknowledge that the abject (with a necessity to sin, and consequently to perish) do through the disposition of God lie constrained and bound, yea do so lie constrained and bound, that they cannot leave to sin, and to perish.  
Ibid. Thes. 4. de reprobat. The elect as well as the reprobate, are unto sin (as being sin, in as much as the honour of God thereby is advanced) before ordained.  
Io. Piscator praefat. disput contra. Schafman. pag. 7. The fifth principal point that we are charged withal, is that God doth secretly enforce a man to do the sin that he forbiddeth; but the same, being well understood, the Scripture teacheth.  
In the Treatise of Predestination published by D. Pezelius, Lichae, Anno 1604. If for an Author you understand such an one, as giveth counsel, urgeth forward or enforceth, or in any sort giveth cause to do aught, then may you assuredly name God to be the Author of sin.  
Nicasius Vander-scheuren in his brief Institution, pag. 15. saith: God ruleth not only the body▪ but also the heart and mind of his creatures, as well unto good as unto evil.  
Ibid pag. 16. If so be God hath power to ordain man to damnation before he be borne, & being borne then presently, before he have committed any evil, to cast him into the bottomless pit of hell; wherefore should he not then have much more power to move the heart of man to sin, and to direct it? For whether is more, to damn him that hath done no evil, or to move & direct him to sin? And seeing God will damn the abject, is it not all one how he damneth him, whether after that he hath moved & directed him to sin, or before?    

The third point.  
Whether God do invite any man to salvation whom he hath resolved in any case not to save.  
Places of Scripture alleged by the Arminians to prove, That God inviteth all men to salvation.  
Deuter. cap. 30 vers. 19 I call for witness this day Heaven and Earth, that I have proposed to you life and death, blessing and cursing: choose therefore life, that thou mayst live, and thy seed.  
Psal. 95 vers. 8. This day if you hear my voice, harden not your hearts.  
Proverb. 1. vers. 24. 25. 26. Seeing I call and you refuse, I stretch forth my hand, and no man regards it, & you let pass all my counsels, and will not accept of my correction: So will I also laugh in your mishap, and deride you, when that happeneth unto you that you fear.  
Isay 5. vers. 4. What might more be done unto my vineyard, that I have not done unto it? Wherefore hath it then brought forth wild grapes, when I expected it should have brought wyne-grapes.  
Matth. 23. vers. 37. Jerusalem, Jerusalem which killest the Prophets, and stonest them that were sent unto thee. How often would I gather thy children as the Hen doth gather together h●r chickens, under her wings, and thou wouldst not.  
Marc. 1. vers. 15. The time is fulfiled, and the kingdom of God is at hand, be penitent, and believe the Gospel.  
Luc. 7. vers. 29 30. And all the people hearing, and the Publicans justified God, being baptised with john's Baptism: but the Pharisees and the Scribes despised the counsel of God against themselves, being not baptised of him.  
joan. 5 verse 40. You will not come to me, that you may have life.  
Act. 7. vers. 5. You stiffnecked, and men of uncircumcised hearts and ears, you always resist the holy Ghost.  
Rom. 10 vers. 21. out of Isay 65 vers. 2. All the day have I held out my hands, to a people that believeth not, and contradicteth me.  
Apec. 3. vers. 20. Behold I stand at the door and knock, if any man shall hear my voice, and open the gate, I will enter in unto him, and will sup with him, and he with me.  
Ibid. cap. 22. vers. 17. He that thirsteth, let him come, and he that will, let him take the water of life gratis.  

The doctrine of the Gomarian Cal●inists to the contrary, to wit, That God inviteth not all men to salvation.  
Calvin. In●tit. lib. 3. cap. 24. vers. 12. Those whom God hath created unto eternal death, to the end they should be instruments of his anger, & become examples of his severity; those bereaveth he sometims of the power to hear his word; sometyms he doth blind them, & maketh them more ignorant through the manifestation of his word, because they should come unto their end.  
Ibid. cap. 13. Behold he speaketh unto them, but to the end they should become more deaf; he kindleth his light, to the end they should be the blinder; he declareth his doctrine, but to the end they should thereby become unintelligible; he useth means, but to the end they should not be saved.  
Calvin. lib. ad calum. Nebulon. pag. 858. Why doth God willingly let err, (yea through a secret resolution hath ordained to err) such as himself commandeth to go the right way. Not to know this becometh measured modesty, but saucily to be prying into it (as you do) is a foolish boldness.  
Theo. Beza against Castalio pag. 398. God sendeth forth his servants, because they should declare the Gospel of salvation to all people, yet keepeth he secret to himself, in whom he will that the preaching of the Gospel shallbe of force, and in what moment; and also, who he hath resolved by the same preaching to blind, and to obdurate.  
10. Piscator in disput. adversus Schafman. Pag. 7. It is manifest out of God's word that God doth also call some outcasts unto salvation, and that he notwithstanding will not that any of those outcasts be saved, as being such as he with an unchangeable resolution, hath ordauned altogether to perdition.  
Ibid Pag 143. God acknowledgeth, or witnesseth with tongue by the ministers of the Gospel, that he will that the outcasts which he speaketh unto in the number of the elect, shall believe the Gospel, in as much as he commandeth it; and yet will he not that they believe; for were it that he so would, then should he afford them the grace to believe, without the which no man can believe.  
Aug. Marloratus in his Annot. joan. 15. So standeth then this sentence firm, that he whom God hath elected before the creation of the world, cannot perish, and that he whom he hath rejected can not be saved, although he do all the works of the Saints; So irrevocable is the sentence of God.  
And now having truly translated and laid down the different opinions upon these points, I will leave you to judge of them according as piety and reason shall direct you. There was a Synod held, about the controversies between these two sides, at Dort in Holland, in the year 1619. gathered together from sundry foreign parts, aswel as out of Holland itself, as other Provinces; but the Synod refusing to hear the Arminians, as dilinquentes condemned them & their doctrine, being reduced into five capital articles; and heerupon, by a severe Proclamation were the Arminians forbidden to preach, or hold assemblies for the exercise of their religion; some having been killed for attempting the contrary, some banished, some sustained confiscation of their goods, and some imprisonment, where they yet remain; though in the mean time their number doth not diminish, but daily more and more increase throughout all the Country, aswel in villages, as in cities.  
Thus have you the beginning and ground of this great controversy whereof no end can be determined. It resteth now for Conclusion of my intended discourse, that here I set down, whether in respect of Religion, the State of England may be moved to continue their help and assistance to the Hollanders.  
The religion therefore of Holland is first to be rightly known and conceived, and then well to be considered: I mean that which hath been, and yet is principally maintained by the States thereof, to wit, that which is opposite▪ unto the Arminians, and doth now vulgarly bear the name of Caluinian or Gomarian doctrine, as hath been sa●d. The Arminians against whom they of this religion do contend, did in the time of their formamed Advocate Berneue't, solicit and ●abour, that the States might have the authority given them of Supreme Headship of the Church; and some affirm that they also sought to have Bishops after the manner of England; but herunto the Caluinian Gomarists, in all earnestness, opposed themselves, and especially against the having of supremacy or superintendency in their Churches; wherein they went so far, that they published openly in their printed books, that whatsoever they were that went about to make men the heads of Churches, would make of men Idols, and of themselves by so doing, Idolaters.  
What think you now of the conformity of this religion, to that of England, where by established Acts of Parliament it is death to deny the Temporal Prince to be supreme Head of th● Church? He that denyeth this in England is by the law to 〈◊〉 as a traitor: he that affirmeth it in Holland is by their doctrine to be held for an Idolater. Our Bishops in England were wont to persecute Puritans for denying their authority; what would they say to these professors of Reformation that make them Idolaters? These be purer than Puritans, being distilled into a far purer strain or quin● essence Is not this a religion, trow you, that deserveth by English Protestant's to be fought for, & to have the wealth of England consumed for upholding the cause and quarrel thereof? What may we think of our most Royal Kings express Commandment to have the Communion received kneeling? They would show themselves to have legs as st●●fe as the legs of Elephants, rather than they would find an● knees to bow thereunto, let it be commanded by what authority it would. And I do verily believe, they would be without communion all the days of their life, rather than to receive it with so much unease, as of not sitting.  
And as for the Cross, which his Majesty hath likewise commanded to be used in Baptisms; how is it possible they would endure it, seeing they stick not to say, It is the mark of t●e 〈◊〉? By which saying the world may ma●ke that themselves are beasts indeed. And England may think itself very ill advised, and very unhappy, to a first the quarrel of a people in regard of religion, whose Religion is so opposite to theirs as this is; and the professors whereof, if they were subjects of England and there resident, would by the laws of the Realm be severely punished.  
But much more unhappy should England be, if hereafter by the failing of his Majesty, & the Prince his Highness (both whom God long preserve) such a Sect should come to be set up and advanced there. Doubtless most welcome to their Puritan Brethren, who then would triumph and jump with them to the full, and with them bear the only sw●y in persecuting the Protestant's in England, as the others now do the Armintans in Holland.  
One conceit more cometh to my mind, to note unto you, before I take my leave; and this 〈◊〉 that whereas in the late Synod of Dort, some of our English and Scot●ish d●uines, being sent thither to assist the Ca●uinian-Comarists, about the condemnation of the opinion of the Arm●nta●s, they could so notwithstanding piettily put to silence the ●omarists, for making of them Idolaters, as though there had been no such matter ever by them thought upon; and that on other side the Gomarists could be so kind, as to sit in the company of English Idolaters, and quietly hold their peace from challenging them to be such: yea and without all scruple of conscience, to eat and drink with them; and to part very good friends. Surely here is in this case a great moderation and suspension of spirit to be noted in both, seeing the one knowing what the other kept in his bosom, no reproach of being traitors or Idolaters did burst forth between them.  
Thus having given you a brief, and true Relation, according unto your demand, I will not be further tedious unto you, but with respectful remembrance, and of as great desire of your good, as of my own, recommend you unto him, from whom only all good proceedeth.    
FINIS.   

Faults escaped in the Printing.  
Page Line Fault Correction. 17. 17. from all from him Ibid. 22. published polished 29. 8. honorified homofied.  
IFany other faults have escaped, it is desired of the Gentle Reader, to correct them of his courtesy, the Author being far absent from the Print.