THE BRUTISH THUNDERBOLT: or rather FEEBLE FIER-FLASH of Pope SIXTUS the fift, against HENRY the most excellent King of Navarre, and the most noble HENRY BORBON, Prince of CONDIE.  
Together with a declaration of the manifold insufficiency of the same.  
Translated out of Latin into English by CHRISTOPHER FETHERSTONE Minister of God's word.  Nahum. 3. 
I will reveal thy filthiness upon thy face, and will show thy nakedness amongst the nations, and thy shame in the kingdoms.  
Imprinted at London, by Arnold Hatfield, for G. B. and R. Newberry. 1586   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, THE LORD ROBERT DUDLEY, Earl of Leicester, Baron of Denbigh, Knight of the most noble orders of the Garter, and of S. Michael, Master of the Queen's horse, one of her highness most honourable privy Council; and Lord Lieutenant and Captain general of her majesties forces in the Low countries.  
THE EXPERIence of your honourable acceptation of my last simple travel in translating Master Caluins Commentaries upon Saint john's Gospel, hath emboldened me further to present your Honour with another slender fruit of the same. Which, though it be not of like quality with the former, yet I doubt not, but it shall prove profitable to as many, as with diligence and indifferency shall vouchsafe it the perusing. The Author (albeit not specified herein by name) seemeth to be a man of great reading, singular judgement, and excellent dexterity, in handling the matter which he undertook. The work a notable discovery of that Abaddon, or destroying enemy, the son of perdition, that sitteth in the temple of God, as God; wherein both his defacing of the glory of the son of God in heaven, whose vicegerent he would be counted, and his trampling under feet whatsoever is called God amongst men, besides his manifold violences committed against the Church and Saints of God, are most lively depainted and set before our eyes. Many worthy wits of rare gifts have traveled in laying open his usurpations, villainies, and outrages, with the original and process, causes and effects, precedents and consequents of the same, according as they were occasioned. But this man hath drawn into one entire body a great many memorable points, which are dispersedly found in others; so that he that listeth may at once take a view, as it were, of such an ugly monster, as would trouble the strongest fantasy in the world to imagine, and the most curious hand to portray the like. Howbeit, it is not much to be hoped for, that the Italianate atheists and discontented Papists (of which there are such swarms amongst us) will any thing at all be moved with the clear light of these most evident demonstrations, to reform their judgements and prejudicate opinions already conceived and rooted within them touching his pretended supremacy over God's Church. For it is greatly to be feared, least, by a just judgement of the almighty, they are become past feeling, so that they grope as the blind at noon day, given over to all deceiveableness of unrighteousness through a strong spirit of delusion, because they would not receive the love of the truth that they might be saved. But howsoever their hearts be as hard as the adamant, and their eyes covered with the mist of palpable darkness even to this day: yet wisdom shall be justified of her children. Whom God hath foreappointed to be beholders of his glory, they shall in their due time be enlightened with the knowledge of his saving truth, and come out of Babylon with as great speed, as ever the Israelites posted out of Egypt. Yea, they shall clap their hands at the ruin of that Antichristian synagogue, which being now tottering and ready to fall to the ground, laboureth with might and main, by force and fraud, by treacherous attempts, by cruel practices, and open invasions, as it were by mingling heaven and earth together, to uphold itself: as may be seen in most places of Europe at this day. But he that sitteth in heaven, laugheth them to scorn, the Lord shall have them in derision. Whose words touching the overthrow of Babylon, cannot fall to the ground, but must be fulfilled in their time. For doubtless Babylon must fall, & be rewarded according to her works: the kings of the earth shall loathe and persecute this universal strumpet, to make her desolate & naked, to eat her flesh & consume her with fire. Thrice blessed are they, that band themselves together, & bend their whole forces to execute these judgements of the Lord, which he hath decreed upon her. In which respect your H. hath great cause to magnify the Lord for his gracious mercies toward you, in that he hath vouchsafed you this honour, to stand in arms against one of her principal lovers, in so just and holy a quarrel, as is the maintenance of his sacred religion, and the delivering of the helpless out of the hands of the oppressor, so advisedly and necessarily undertaken by her excellent majesty. A thing justifiable by the laws of God and man, of nature and nations, yea warranted by the like practice of most Christian Emperors in former ages, and sundry other good precedents of antiquity. Now, seeing God hath dealt so mercifully with you, it is your H. part, to behave yourself valiantly, and to fight the Lords battles with courage. He is on your side: therefore you are on the mountains, and your enemies in the valleys: he shall be a brazen wall to defend you on every side, if you set his fear before you, and repose your trust in him. The guard of his holy Angels shall be a surer protection unto you, than any trench, bulwark, or fortress you can devise. The prayers of all the godly in the land being deeply touched with an inward sympathy and fellow-feeling of their neighbours calamities, are powered out continually for your safety and happy success in this noble enterprise: and your H. may be well assured, that they shall procure more favour to you at the hands of the Lord, than any either adversary forces, or associations of the holy Tridentine league shall be able to prevail to the contrary. Wherefore, my Lord, arm yourself with Christian courage, policy and wariness against these uncircumcised Philistines: remember that they with whom you fight are devowed vassals to that beast, which is described in this book: whose power (God be thanked) hath been found too weak to shake the throne of our gracious Sovereign, notwithstanding his often assaults. His thunderbolts of excommunications and bannings have been esteemed as paper-shot by those noble Princes of the house of Borbon and Vendosme in France. He sitteth in his Vatican as one at his wit's end, destitute of counsel, knowing that the assurance of his kingdom standeth but upon one or two such Egyptian reeds, as are mentioned by the prophet, of no great safety or surety to be leaned upon. Should not the consideration of these things increase your fortitude and magnanimity, that you never faint nor give over before you see a blessed end of your labours? Which the Lord of heaven in a tender regard of his poor Church in this corner of the world, grant unto you, that in the end returning home, you may be received with such joyful acclamations and songs of triumph, as David was by the daughters of Israel after his victorious subduing of the Lords enemies; and in the life to come may be crowned with those precious blessings, which are reserved for them that to the uttermost of their power help the Lord against the mighty.  
Your honours most bounden and at commandment in the Lord, CHR. FETHERSTONE. London. The third of October. 1586.   

To the Reader.  
CHristian Reader, my only drift and purpose in translating this Treatise, was, to acquaint my countrymen, who are not skilful in the Latin tongue, with such papal practices as are herein described. The title whereof being in the Latin copy, BRUTUM FULMEN, I was first of opinion that I might well english it, THE BRUTISH THUNDERBOLT. But when I remembered with myself that words are no otherwise currant than as they are allowed by use; and the philosopher giveth good advise when he saith, Loquendum 
Arist. Top. 2.  cum vulgo, sentiendum cum sapientibus: Our speech must be such as is commonly used, howsoever our thoughts be the thoughts of the wiser sort; and it hath not been lawful for the emperors themselves to give as it were freedom of city to words in Rome, when they might enfranchise what persons they listed without controlment: I would not adventure to be the first coiner of so strange a term (strange indeed in respect of that sense to which it was to be applied) without better warrant, than I have any; and therefore I have expressed the author's meaning in some other manner, thus, THE FEEBLE FIER-FLASH that is 
* Bruta fulmina & vana, ut quae nulla veniant ratione naturae. Plin. lib. 2. cap. 43.  dull of force, vain, and whereof no sufficient cause can be given in reason. For such now a days (who knoweth not?) are those ordinary anathematical lightnings that break forth from the see of Rome, as the Poet in his Aeneis attributeth to king Salmoneus, 
Virgil. Aeneid. 6.  which may happily amaze and seduce the hearts of them that have been all their lives long noosled up in superstition & error: but as many as God hath enabled by his grace to try spirits, they make no more reckoning of such foolish flames, than they that walk in the night do account of that fire which is commonly called Ignis fatuus, by which no wise man would suffer himself to be misled. For the rest: I submit all my travel to thy gentle and courteous interpretation. I have done what I might, seeing what I would, I could not, by reason of sickness 〈◊〉 upon me. In which respect, I shall the 〈◊〉 pardon for those sundry oversights which have escaped me, for want of sufficient conference with my friends. Only I pray thee, let not the tedious narrations of Dominick and Francis setdowne almost in the first entrance, keep thee back from wading through the whole work. No doubt, but the author himself was half ashamed to make recital of such gross stuff, and absurd follies, saving that he had good reason to do that he did, partly in respect of the present Pope, and partly because such beastly vanities are highly esteemed in the church of Rome. I confess that the jesuits are not altogether so palpably gross in outward show, (howbeit, he that listeth to take a taste of their extreem impudency in lying, may read 
* To which Melch. Canus apply their common country proverb, De luengas vias, luengas mentiras.  their letters written from japan, and the Indies, with many other reports set down in the life of their father Ignatius Lay●●●, full of like vanity.) They have learned to lay fairer colours on their filthy corruptions to dazzle the eyes of the simple and ignorant. But remove those colours, and they will quickly appear to be birds of the same nest. Their first Founder was never yet of greater name and fame, than Dominic & holy S. Francis. Their doctrine, vows, rules, & profession, either the same in substance, or not very much differing. The other had their time of flourishing in the world, and so must these have likewise, till they return back again to the bottomless pit, out of the smoke whereof they ascended, (Revel. 9 2. 3.) to give place (peradventure) to some other new upstart progeny of Locusts, by whom the light of their credit also shall be obscured & quite extinguished. The Lord make us thankful for all his mercies towards us, and either convert or confound the enemies of his everlasting truth.  
Thy brother in Christ Christoph. Fetherstone.   

The blessings of our most holy Lord Pope Sixtus the fift, against the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condie.  

Pag. 2.  
We exercise the weapons of our warfare against two sons of wrath, Henry Borbon sometimes King of Navarre, and also against Henry Borbon sometimes Prince of Condie. The former having from his youth followed heresies, hath stood stubbornly in defence thereof.   

Pag. 4.  
The same lying wallowing in filth, being the head, captain, and patron of heretics and rebels, hath borne weapon against his most Christian king, against him and the rest of the catholics: he hath with violence enforced his subjects to become partners in his impiety: he hath caused conventicles of heretics to be kept.   

Pag. 6.  
The Prince of Condie having two heretics for his parents, having followed the heresies of his father and mother, entering the way of his father being a most wicked persecutor of the catholic church, showed himself an author of civil war and sedition, he used alkind of fierceness and cruelty: being the detestable and degenerate issue of the house of Borbon.   

Pag. 8.  
We pronounce them to be heretics, relapsed into heresies, to be impenitent, captains and favourers of heretics, & guilty of treason against God, and also to be enemies to the Christian faith, that they are deprived and put from, the former of and from the kingdom of Navarre, that the other, and the posterity of either of them are deprived of all principalities, dukedoms, lordships, and fees, honours and princely offices: that they were and are unfit and uncapable to retain the same.   

In the same Page.  
And in like sort that they are deprived, uncapable, unfit to succeed in dukedoms, principalities, and kingdoms, and specially in the kingdom of France: and moreover and beside of that high authority we have, we do deprive them and their posterity for ever, and we make them unable to succeed in dukedoms, principalities, lordships, and kingdoms, & namely, in the kingdom of France.   

Pag. 9  
We absolve & set free the Nobles, feodaries, vassals, and all other which by any manner means are sworn to them, from all such oath, and duty of faith and allegiance: we forbidden them that they presume not to obey them.   

In the same Page.  
We admonish and exhort the most Christian king of France, that he be diligent in executing our sentence. Given at Rome the fift of the Ideses of Septemb. Anno 1585.   

Psalm. 109.  
O Lord, they shall curse, and thou wilt bless: those which shall rise against me shall be confounded, but thy servant shall rejoice.    

THE BRUTISH THUNDERBOLT of Pope SIXTUS the fift, against HENRY the most noble King of Navarre, and the most excellent HENRY BORBON Prince of Condie:  
Together with the protestation and declaration of the manifold nullity or invalidity of the same.  
Whereas of late there was a declaration pronounced by Pope SIXTUS the fift of that name, being a Franciscan Friar, and it was shortly after published and printed, that Henry the most noble King of Navarre, and also Henry Borbon the most excellent Prince of Condie, should first be excommunicate as notorious heretics from among Christians; and also that they should be put from their empires, honours, and all dignities, and principally from hope of succeeding in the kingdom of France: secondly, that their subjects and vassals should be absolved from the oath of allegiance wherewith they were bound to them: last of all that they should be set upon by force, sword, arms, and camps by the most mighty king of France: the most excellent and noble Princes aforesaid, have thus protested touching that matter: that with the good leave of all Catholics, and without any hurt of the concord of both religions, which the same princes do greatly desire to be kept entire in France, that proscription or declaration of the pope being a Franciscan Friar, was pronounced, published, & divulgate against all laws divine and human: and that for that cause it is in law none, and to be accounted for none: & that all that furious curse is nothing, but a brutish thunderbolt of the Roman papacy, whose force is frivolous, vain, and of none account: & that principally for four causes: namely, for the incompetency of the rash judge, the falseness of the allegation, the want of judicial order, and for the foolishness of the form wherein it is written: whereof we will hereafter entreat in the same order wherein they are set down.  

Of the incompetency or insufficiency of the judge.  
THerefore the first cause of Nullity is the incompetency of a rash judge, which appeareth thereby, because the papacy of Rome which hath taken this judgement upon it against so great princes, hath long ago been condemned for seven most grievous crimes, by the most part of Christendom: namely, England, Scotland, Denmark, Sweveland, the most part of Germany, and also the most part of Helvetia: namely, for impiety, for exercising tyranny in the Church, for corrupt religion, sacrilege, treason, rebellion, and forgery. And it is certain, that although the popedom had not been condemned for so great crimes, but had been only found guilty, yet notwithstanding I do not say that it is not lawful for it to be a judge, but not so much as to accuse the basest or simplest man of any crime of offence, until it have fitly purged itself of all crimes: so far off is it that in this so great a state of matters the pope can condemn so great, and so famous and mighty princes of so great wickedness, especially being unheard and before their cause is tried 
a l. neganda, 19 c. de publ. iudic. . Which the Canonists themselves do teach 
b 4. quaest. 1. c. 1. 25. q. 1. c. omnes. 24. q. 1. ca ait. & duobus cap. seqq. . And which more is, seeing in this cause of the foresaid princes the matter and state of the paparie itself is handled, none, either civil or natural reason, doth suffer the pope to sit as judge in his own matter, and to give sentence for himself in his own cause 
c l. qui iurisdictioni. D. de iurisd. l. 1. c. ne quis in sua causa iud. l. Julianus, 17. de iud. . But and if the pope be not a fit judge in this matter, but an uncompetent and unfit judge, as it shall plainly appear by those things which we shall hereafter speak: it followeth that the sentence pronounced by him is none in law, & that of itself, and without any appeal it falleth to the ground. And we cannot doubt, but that 
l. 1. & pass. ca si a non compe. iud. l. 6. § quod si quis, D. de injust. rupt. test.  the judgement and authority of the most part of Christendom aforesaid, shall be of great importance with magistrates and orders, and principally with the parliament of France: seeing it is evident that this is the law of all nations, that in deliberations especially being hard & weighty, judgement be always given according 
l. item si unus. 17. § vlt. & l. seq. D. de recep arbit.  to the sentence and opinion of the most part: especially where the more part is judged not only by the number of persons, but also by the manner and quantity of the universal order: as when of three parts of judges, two make a departure: suppose eight of twelve: but that England, 
l. 3. de decret. ab. ordin. fac. l. 3. & l. 4. D. quod cuiusque univer l. nominationum. 46. c. de decurio. l. quod maior. 19 D. ad municip.  Scotland, Denmark, Sweveland, the most part of Helvetia, and part of high and low Germany, are two parts of three of Christendom, and that therefore they shall have great weight and authority with the orders and parliament of France, we neither can nor aught to doubt, for our singular judgement of their wisdom. Moreover, it seemeth that we ought not to let slip even that, that the pope is rejected for an unmeet and incompetent judge, not only of the most part of Europe, but also of those Churches and nations, which in Africa, Egypt, Syria, the East, Asia, and Grecia do profess their name among Christian Churches.   

The manifold crime of impiety, and first for arrogating to himself the Godhead.  
THerefore the first crime whereof the papacy is convict and condemned of the most part of Europe, we say is impiety, and that threefold: the first because the pope doth get to himself a certain Godhead: secondly, he derideth and mocketh Christian religion: last of all he bringeth in into the Church false and forged religions. The testimonies of the first impiety are these: The pope doth both rejoice and boast that he is called God *: where it is written thus: It is sufficiently declared, 
dist. 96. satis.  that the pope cannot at all be either bound or loosed by the secular power, who, as it appeareth evidently, was called of the most godly prince Constantine, God: seeing that it is manifest that God cannot be judged of men. Which place Augustine Steuche a most earnest defender of the pope, and the keeper of his library in the book of the donations of Constantine, pag. 141. praising and reciting, addeth this: Dost thou hear that the highest bishop was called of Constantine, God, and that he was taken for God? This was done when he adorned him with that excellent edict, He worshipped him as God, as the successor of Christ and Peter: he gave him divine honour, so far as he could, he worshipped him as the lively image of Christ. Thus writeth Steuchus in the foresaid book, printed at Lions, anno 1547. Of the same kind of impiety is that of the gloss in the preface of Clement: The pope is neither god nor man, but he is a neuter between both. Also that other in ca fundamenta, de elect. in 6. where, when it was written in the text, that the pope is subject to no man, he addeth thus, And in this point the pope is no man, but God's vicar. There followeth another blasphemy out of the book of the pope's ceremonies. The pope, saith he, in the 
1. tit. 7.  night of the nativity of the Lord doth bless a sword, which he doth afterward give to some prince, for a token of the infinite power given to the pope: according to that, All power is given me in heaven and earth. Also, He shall bear rule from the one sea to the other, and from the river unto the world's end. But there is no more deadly and detestable blasphemy found any where than is that *, where 
in c. quoniam, de immunit. in 6.  the pope calleth the Church his spouse. We saith he, being unwilling to neglect our righteousness, and the righteousness of our spouse the Church, etc. For all men agree in this, that this is proper to Christ only, to be called the husband of the Church, and that the Church should be called his spouse: as it is in Paul *, I have coupled you to one husband, 
2. Cor. 10.  to present you a pure virgin to Christ. But let us hear other, such as is that, The pope is he whom the whole Church ought to obey. 
1. dist. 93.  Also, When the pope dissolveth matrimony, 
C. inter corporalia de translat. praelat.  it seemeth that God alone dissolveth it, because the pope is canonically chosen to be God upon earth. The pope hath 
Fel. in cap. ego N. de iureiur.  the place upon earth, not of a pure man, but of a true God. Also, If the pope should 
c. si Papa, dist. 40.  thrust into hell whole troops of souls, yet were it not lawful for any man to ask him this question, Why dost thou this? Is there any that thinketh aright of Christian religion, which in these monsters of words doth not plainly know Antichrist? of whom Paul saith thus, 2. Thes. 2. That wicked man shall be revealed, that son I say of perdition, which setteth and extolleth himself against that which is called God, or divine power: so that he sitteth in the temple of God, boasting himself as if he were God. What? that he durst also profess and openly boast that the force and holiness of his seat is so great, that what bawdy person soever, or man how wicked soever, perjured person, or ungodly person shall sit in that seat, he doth draw holiness forthwith from that sitting? Of which wicked blasphemy this 
in cap. non nos, dist. 41.  testimony is extant. Saint Peter transmised the everlasting gift of his merits with the inheritance of his innocency, unto his posterity. That which was granted him by the light of his actions, appertaineth to those whom like brightness of conversation doth illuminate. For who can doubt that he is holy whom the top of so great dignity doth advance? In whom if good things gotten by merit be wanting, those are sufficient which are performed by the predecessor of the place. What? me thinks we hear that fable which the poets feigned touching the thrée-footed stool of Apollo, and of the deep hole, from which came such a breath, that so soon as the prophetess of Apollo was once set upon that stool, having received behind her the spirit of divination, she did forthwith power 
Strab. 9  out oracles? And yet that detestable blasphemy of the pope's champion is shortly after 
a in c. multi. , most manifestly reproved by the words of Chrysostom: by which and six hundred other places of the decree of Gratian we may judge of the folly of that book. But go to: let us now bring to light other testimonies. The pope is God upon earth according to Baldus 
b in l. ultim. c. sent. rescind. Decius in c. 1. de const. Felin. in c. ego N. de iure. . The pope and Christ make one consistory: so that except sin, the pope can do as it were all things, which God can do, and he can be judged of none: according to Abb 
c in c. licet. de elect. . and those things he doth, he doth them as god, not as man 
d c. inter incorpor. de translat. praela. Car. Paris. in conc. 63. num. 162. vol. 4. . The pope is a certain divine power, and as it were bearing a show of a visible God: as Ludovicus Gomes. saith 
e in reg. cancel . The pope can make righteousness of unrighteousness 
f ca debitus, de appellat. . The pope can dispense against the Apostle, and against the Apostolic canons 
g 31. dist. c. lector. 87. dist. praesbyter. . The pope is above the law 
h c. proposuit de conc. praeb. . That which the pope doth, must be counted as done of God 
i c. quanto de transl. praelat. . A part of which blasphemies Philip. Deci. 
k in consil. 137 diligenter pro tenui. num. 3. vol. 1.  reckoneth up. And jason, besides these before mentioned, reciteth these out of the opinion of the same canonists: which notwithstanding (as it doth plainly appear) he doth not allow. The pope is all, and above all, according to Baldus 
l in l. Barbarius, De officio Praetoris. . The pope can do all things above law, contrary to law, and without law, according to Baldus 
m in c. cum super, de causis prop. & pos. . The pope is Lord of lords, and he hath the authority of the King of kings over his subjects 
n in c. Ecclesia ut tit. pendent. , according to Baldus. The pope can change square for round: according to Hostiensis 
o in c. cum venissent, de iud. . It is sacrilege to doubt of the pope's power 
p l. sacrilegij, c. de crim. sacril. . For the pope is the cause of causes. Wherefore we must move no question about his power, seeing there is no cause of the first cause: according to Baldus 
q in d. c. Ecclesia, ut tit. pend. . And no man can say to the pope, why dost thou so? according to Specul 
r in tit. de leg. § nunc ostend. ver. 89. & Bal in praelud. feud . Thus writeth jason word for word 
s in consil. 145. circa primam, num. 3. vol. 1. . Which self same things in a manner he doth repeat again, only a few words being changed 
t in consil. 95. requisitus. coll. pend. vol. 4. . Me thinks we have set down arguments enough of the first impiety of the pope, so that the famous counsellors of the king of France, and the Senators of the parliament may know and understand, that the most part of Christendom hath for most just and weighty causes rejected and refused the papacy. But notwithstanding we will add moreover some other things, and that especially: That, the pope hath so great power both in purgatory, and also in hell, that he may deliver by his indulgences, and forthwith place in heaven, and in the habitation of the blessed, as many souls as he will, which are tormented in those places: as it is in the bull of Clement the 6. and in Ant. Florent. That the pope hath so great power in heaven, 
part. 3. tit. 22. cap. 6.  that he may canonize and place in the number of the Saints, what dead man soever he will, maugre the heads of all the bishops and cardinals. Thus writeth Troilus 
in tract. de canonis sanct. 3. dub.  Maluit. By which and such like we may know how true that oration of Eberard sometimes Archbishop of Salisburge, was, which he made two hundred years ago in a public assembly of the Empire of Germany, which we will recite out of the 7. book of john Aventine his Chronicle, printed at Ingolstade, anno 1554. The chief priests of Babylon, saith he, desire to reign alone: they cannot abide an equal. They will never have done until they have trodden all under their feet, and they sit in the temple of God, and they be exalted above all that which is worshipped. Their hunger for riches, and thirst for honour, can never be satisfied. The more you grant to a greedy man, the more he desireth: reach out your finger, and he will covet your whole hand. He which is the servant of servants, doth covet further to be Lord of lords, as if he were God. He speaketh great things, as if he were God. He changeth laws, he establisheth his own: he polluteth, he robbeth, he spoileth, he coseneth, he slayeth, that wicked man whom they commonly call Antichrist: in whose forehead is written a name of blasphemy, I am God: I cannot err. He sitteth in the temple of God, he beareth rule far and wide. Thus saith Eberard. Moreover in the same Aventine in the same book, there is extant this complaint of Fredrick the 2. being Emperor, in an epistle which he wrote to Otho Duke of Bavaria. The pope's of Rome do seek after lordship and divine power; namely, that they may be feared of all no otherwise, yea more than God. For it is evident that there be many Antichrists amongst those Romanists: and that none other are the overthrowers of Christian religion. And shortly after: That man that is called the pope, namely, being become very wealthy, with the great loss of Christian godliness, doth think that he may do whatsoever he will, as tyrants use to do. He will render an account of his doings to none, As if he were God. He usurpeth that which belongeth to God alone: that he cannot err, or be holden with any religion of a lie: he doth require most impudently and imperiously to be believed. Thus writeth he. Moreover, Erasmus in his Annotations of the new Testament. 1. Tim. c. 1. doth witness, that in his time in the schools of the divines, these things were wont to be called in question and disputed upon. Whether the pope could abrogate that which was decreed by the apostolic writings. Whether he could decree any thing which is contrary to the doctrine of the Gospel. Whether he can make a new article of the faith. Whether he have greater power than Peter, or like power. Whether he can command the Angels: whether he can take away all purgatory: whether he be only man: (O detestable blasphemy) whether as he is God, he do participate both natures with Christ, whether he be more gentle than was Christ, seeing it is not read that he called back any from the pains of purgatory. Whether he alone of all men cannot err. Six hundred such like things are disputed in great printed books. And that by great divines, especially famous for the profession of religion. These things doth Erasmus write in as many words, Annotat. pag. 663.   

The crime of mocking religion.  
But some peradventure will say, it is only impiety & blasphemy of words. Let us therefore bring to light the wicked facts of the same papacy, a few of many, as it were for examples sake: that every one may understand, that the pope's many years ago did make but a mock and scoff of Christian religion. And first of all, that of Gregory the seventh, which we will lay down in the words of cardinal Benno. The Emperor Henry the third (saith he) was wont often to repair to prayer, to the church of S. Marry, which is in the mount Aventine. But Hildebrand, who being afterward made pope was called Gregory the seventh, when as by his spies he made diligent inquiry after all his works, he made the place be marked where the Emperor was wont to pray: and he persuaded one by promising him money, to lay great stones upon the beams of the church secretly, and that he should so order them, that he might throw them down from above upon the emperors head as he was at prayer, and so beat out his brains: which thing when he that was appointed to do so great wickedness, did make haste to accomplish, and sought to lay an huge stone upon the beams, with the weight thereof, the stone drew him down, and the board being broken under the beams, both the stone, and the miserable man by the just judgement of God, fell down into the church floor, and by the same stone was he quite crushed to pieces. Of which fact after that the men of Rome knew, and of the order thereof, they tied a rope to the wretch's foot, & caused him to be drawn three days through the streets for the example of others. But the Emperor of his wonted clemency caused him to be buried. Thus far goeth Benno. Whence we understand how detestable the impiety of the pope was, who having no regard either of the place wherein the Emperor prayed, and which the pope professeth to be holy to himself: nor of the time, wherein he prayed, but serving his blind fury and madness, sought the destruction of the Emperor & his prince. But go too, let us cite another testimony of impiety out of the same Benno. john bishop of Portua, (saith he) who was throughlie acquainted with Hildebrands' secrets, went up into Saint Peter's pulpit, and amongst many things in the hearing of the clergy and people, he saith, Hildebrand hath done some such thing, for which we ought to be burned alive: speaking of the Sacrament of the Lords body, which Hildebrand, demanding oracles from God against the Emperor, threw into the fire, though the cardinals his assistants did speak against it. These are the goodly testimonies of the papal piety in Gregory the seventh. Now let us cite another touching Sylvester the second, out of the book of john Stella a Venetian, written unto the patriarch of Aquileia, being cardinal priest of the church of Rome of the title of Saint Mark. Last of all (saith he) he was made pope of Rome through the devil his assistance. Yet upon this condition, that after his death he should be wholly his both in body and soul, by whose crafts he had attained unto so great dignity. After this Sylvester asked him how long he should live pope? He answered, thou shalt live until thou shalt say mass in Jerusalem. Last of all, in the fourth year of his popedom, when as in the Lent-time in the solemn feast of the holy cross, he song mass in Jerusalem at Rome, he knew forthwith that he should die by destiny. Wherefore repenting himself he confessed his fault before all the people: and he prayed them all, that they would cut in quarters and pieces his body that was seduced by the devils policy, and being cut and torn a sunder, they would lay it in a cart, and that they would bury it there, whither the horses should carry it of their own accord. Therefore they say that the horses came by God's providence (that wicked men may learn that there is place left for pardon with God, so they repent in this life) of their own accord to the church called Lateranensis, and that he was buried there. Thus writeth Stella the Venetian. There is extant also a certain sermon made in the Easter time by john Gerson, governor of the University of Paris, wherein he left it written that pope john the xxij. did hold that the souls of the wicked are not in pain before the day of judgement. Which heresy of his the school of Sorbona in the same University did stoutly condemn, and caused that pope to recant his error. Of the same sort of impiety is that which we will set down in the words of raphael Volaterane, out of his fift book of Geography, where speaking of pope Sixtus the fourth, whose name this our Quintus took, and whose godliness also he doth follow, he writeth thus: The pope being privy and helping thereto, the conspirators come to Florence, and they meet all together in the church of S. Reparata at the mass and sacrifice in the morning. In the mean while Saluiatus departing the church privily with his confederates being armed, he goeth into the court, that he might speak unto the banner-bearer, feigning that he had some other business. Yet to this end and purpose, that when the murder should begin in the church, he might be present and ready to set upon the court and magistrate. Therefore when the watch word was given, in the Elevation time (mark the notable testimony of the pope's holiness: The watch word, saith he, being appointed in time of the Elevation) Bandinus did stick julian de Medicis brother to Laurence. Antony, which was desirous to be chief, setteth upon Laurence on the other side behind his back: and smote him a little below the throat. When as he forthwith turning himself unto crying did avoid the stroke, he fled with speed from him as he was about to strike again, into the vestry of the church that was near to him. Then the pope's ambassador (who gave that watch word to commit the murder in the time of the Elevation) being caught by the citizens, and led by them out of the church into the court, was committed to ward, and was handled as he had deserved. In the mean season Saluiatus bishop of Pisa, who of set purpose did protract his speech with the banner-bearer, that he might see the end, was forthwith caught, and was the same day hanged up at the court windows: which message when it came to the pope's ears, he did excommunicate Laurence de Medicis, who (as we have said) was feign to save himself by flying, because he had laid hands on God's priests and legate, and he proclaimed open war against the Florentines. Thus writeth Volateranus. Whereby every man may see, what great account the pope's use to make of their Eucharist. And yet notwithstanding they will have all Christian religion placed in worshipping, carrying about, reverencing, and honouring with all manner honour, the same. But we must bring forth another argument. For what more certain thing can be brought to show the impiety of the pope's, than that which is common in every man's mouth, that the order at Rome is, so often as the pope's go on progress, that that Eucharist being laid upon some lean carrian jade, about whose neck a bell is hanged, is committed to some horse-kéeper, and is sent before amongst the scullions and drudges, and other carriage, as a messenger to show the pope was coming. For in the book of the pope's ceremonies, 1. sect. cap. 3. it is thus written. After them is led by a friend of the Sextins clothed in red, and caring a staff in his left hand, a white horse, being gentle, caring the sacrament of the Lords body, having about his neck a shrill little bell. Next after the sacrament rideth the Sextin: who, as the other prelate's, hath an horse all covered with buckram, etc. Also sect. 12. ca 1. After them is led a white horse trapped, gentle, and fair, having a shrill little bell about his neck, which carrieth the coffer with the most holy body of the Lord. Also cap. 4. Before the pope is always carried the cross by the Subdeacon, and after the cross is carried the body of Christ upon a white horse with a little bell, etc. And these are the ordinances of the pope's pomp, but they are but ordinances. For those which frequent Rome, do with great consent witness both concerning the jade that is sent before, and also touching the sending of him amongst other carriage. There is a book extant written by john Monlucius bishop of Valentia, who was often sent ambassador to Rome for the king of France, which book was written touching religion to Queen mother: whose words are these *, being 
Pag. 101.  turned out of French into Latin; Quoties Papa, etc. So often as the pope goeth on progress, lest he seem to give too much honour to his Eucharist, he doth not carry it in his hands: but he sendeth it away before him three or four days before he himself goeth out of the city, being laid upon an horses back, wherewith he sendeth to bear it company, singers, mulitors, horse-keepers, and other such of his guard of his court, that is, cooks, kitchingboys, and courtesans (these are his words.) Then the pope who saith, that he is his vicar, followeth afterward guarded and trooped with cardinals, bishops, and other such peers. When he cometh to the town, then that which he calleth the body of Christ, which hath rested itself a while there, is brought out of the town to meet him: and straightway they salute one another by becking, saying not one word. And then he sendeth it before him again: but with how great honour? The pope is carried into the city under a rich canopy: the body of Christ is carried open. What need was there to bring that out of Rome, and to carry it into another city, seeing there is no parish that is not full of this sort? What need is there to send it away three, four, six, ten days before the pope's coming? If the pope have instituted that to this end, that it may be brought to meet him to accompany him, and to set forth his entrance into the town, there is no town so simple or poor, where there are not such bodies to be found. If it must needs be brought out of Rome, why doth not the pope himself bring it forth, or at least give commandment that it be carried with him: rather than send it before him amongst pack horses and his scullery? But if for obtaining of rain (as they use to do at Paris, and in other places) they carry the image of any Saint or Saintesse from one church to another, they use to do it with great pomp and assembly of men: they have torches, banners, crosses, and other ornaments borne before them. Nay for the most part those which carry those images are naked, and only clad in linen, or at least they go bare foot. And the pope will not be ashamed to send that before him, which he will have men to believe to be the body of Christ, with a little lantern, and shut up in a pyx, being laid upon an horse, and accompanied with the riff raff of his court? Who will think it to be a thing like to be true, that he that professeth himself to be head of the church, would commit so great an offence, if he had verily believed that the body of jesus Christ was corporally under that sacrament? Thus writeth Monlucius. Whereunto we may also add that, which is approved by the authority of many pope's, and is openly received in the Romish church, out of the book of the Conformities of S. Francis. As Friar Francis 
Fol. 72.  was saying mass he found a spider in the chalice: which he would not cast out, but drank her with the blood. Afterward as he rubbed his thigh, and scratched, where he felt it itch, the very spider came out of his thigh without doing the Friar any harm. Also, One named 
Fol. 67.  Bonelus would not believe that the consecrated host was the body of the Lord: and he said that his ass would eat the hosts: which when S. Anthony heard, he said mass, and brought a consecrated host to the ass, and showed it her. Forthwith the ass kneeled down, and bowing down her head did worship it. Which when Bonelus saw, he became a catholic. Doth it not seem that the pope learned in the school of this ass, that, whereof we spoke before, that when the Eucharist is brought to him, he useth to beck and bow down his head, and so to salute it.   

Of feigned religions.  
THe third argument of the pope's impiety remaineth. For although we have both a form of Christian religion, and also to worship God, prescribed both by Christ and also by his apostles, and though we have the same delivered unto us in the books of the new Testament, and God doth accurse those so often, which bring in feigned religions into the Church: yet the papacy hath brought in new inventions of religion, so absurd and ridiculous, that in so great calamity we must notwithstanding give thanks to the immortal God, that he hath suffered so great wickedness to befall the dull wits alone. The inventions of religions are these in a manner: first the innumerable troops of Munks, as Augustinians, Battuti, Benedictines, Bernardines, Carmelites, Capuchins, Cartusians, Caelestines, Dominicans, of ignorant Friars, Franciscans, Hieronymitans, Maturines: of which every order hath his particular form of cowléd gowns distinct from the rest, and of divers colours: every one of them have their proper and several prescript forms to worship their Gods, and (as they say in plain words) their prescript forms of their religion, their rites and ordinances, far unlike to the rest. Yet there is such a multitude of them, that in our Europe the number is thought to amount to five hundred thousand. Which we may easily conjecture. For Sabellicus hath left in writing *, that the sect of Franciscans did 
Ennead. 9 li. 6.  so swarm throughout the whole world, that there were of them forty provinces, and that under every one there were sundry keepers of the convent (Wardons they call them) and threescore thousand men. So that the master of the whole order, which they call their general, hath oftentimes been heard promise the pope, at such time as he was to set out an army against the Turk, of the family of the Seraphical Francis thirty thousand men of war, which could play their parts stoutly in the wars: without any hindrance of the holy service. Again, their inventions of miracles and doctrines are so false, that now the most of them are not only weary, but also ashamed of so great folly. Neither would it seem to be a thing like to be true in any man's judgement at this time, that the vanity of mankind was so great in times past, and that the darkness of religion was so great, unless there were proofs hereof extant more clear than the sun. For no man in deed denieth, that amongst the Romans, and other profane nations there were most absurd inventions of religions: but silly men lived then in cruel and dark clouds, and as it were in a night when the moon shineth not, that is, without any monuments of holy scripture. But when as the same books of scripture were extant, where Christ gave light to mankind as the sun beam, who would think, that sathan and the pope could prevail so much by their messengers, that in so great light, they should notwithstanding blind men's eyes, and as it were keep them fast bound with bands? Go to then, let us also fet out of the monuments of the Franciscans and Dominicans some examples of this kind of forgery. For seeing this pope Sixtus came out of that crew and sink, we must see what manner form of religion he bringeth us out of that school. Therefore let be ranged in the first rank that common oracle, which we will prove out of the book of the Conformities of Francis, to be commonly received and approved in the church of Rome, that Francis son of Peter Bernardo, was in a trance conjoined with Christ, and had as many stripes & marks, and was pricked by Christ in the self-same places, as Christ had when he hanged upon the cross: and that for this cause he was called the Typical jesus: that is, as it were a type and figure of Christ crucified. So that as the seal or print maketh a mark in the wax, so Christ did imprint his wounds in the body of Francis: like jesus Christ is the image of the father, so is Francis the image of Christ: finally, that Christ appeareth in the body of Francis as the image in the glass. Whereupon cometh that wicked and blasphemous verse in the beginning of the same book:  
Francisce, jesus typice, dux normáque minorum,  
Sedes nobis perpetuè da regni coelorum.  
Francis whom Typical jesus we call,  
The captain and rule of Minorites all,  
Grant us in heaven places perpetual.  
And now that every one may understand what manner marking that was, which the church of Rome setteth down to be believed of all the faithful, it is worth the pains to mark the very words of the writer: or rather of our Friar pope Sixtus, which hath decreed that that writer be believed, and reverenced commonly. For he saith *, Not only his hands and feet, were bored, 
Fol. 228.  but also nailed, so that the nails might be seen in them. Again, the heads of the nails were black: whereas notwithstanding they should have been like to the flesh or sinews, whereof they were made: thirdly, the heads of the nails were very long, and turned back again, whereas notwithstanding there was neither hammer nor stroke: four, the marks were imprinted in a bonny place, and not in any soft place: fifthly, though the nails were fleshy, or sinewy, yet were they hard as iron, strong & solid: sixtly, the nails themselves were not short, having only tops or heads, but they were long, and went through: seaventlie, the nails did not stick out on the other side, but they turned back, so that you might thrust your finger in under the crook and bend thereof: eightly, though the nails were made of flesh or nerves, and were bend on both sides of his feet and hands, and were longer than they were thick, truly neither his hands nor his feet were disfigured or drawn together: ninthlie, the nails were on every side separate from the other flesh, so that there were tents put in on every side, to stay the blood: tenthlie, the nails did wag, and yet they could not be removed from his hands or feet, though S. Clare and others had assayed to do this: elevently, the marks of the nails and of his side during this long time were not putrefied, namely for the space of two years and upward: tweltfthlie, the wound of his side was like the wound of Christ's side. Moreover it was a wonder how S. Francis (seeing his pain was so great by reason of the opening of his body in five places, namely in his hands, feet, and side, and the blood issued thence continually) could live so long, to wit above two years, all which time he lived after he had gotten his marks. Our cowled friar hearest thou this, who seeing thou hast so many years been a general chiefetane of the Franciscane order, and a great master, hast taught these fables in thy schools, being now the chief stay and top of the same order, and being become the pastor of the universal church (as thou sayest) thou goest about to deliver unto us these same monsters in steed of divine oracles? What? If there were in thee and thy franciscans any shame or shamefastness, should there remain & continue at Bless a noble city in France, that wicked superscription written openly upon the church doors touching Francis Bernardo: His sin shall be sought: And it shall not be found? But it delighteth us a little to declare whence these oracles have their authority. For a few lines after he writeth thus: The devil said, that when Christ saw that Francis was given him to be the standerd-bearer of so great an order, he imprinted in him the marks of his wounds, and the nails in his hands and feet, and the wound in his right side. Thus saith the devil. And why it was done, the devil being conjured by a certain priest to tell the troth, after more things, by the mouth of a woman abiding at Ravenna, called Santese, saith thus: There be two in heaven that are marked, namely Christ, & stout Francis. Therefore when Christ knew that he would give stout Francis the bull of his marks, he did not suffer him to receive a bull from the pope, made with man's hands. Thus said the devil. These 
Fol. 230. col. 4. & fol. 231. col. 1.  words are written in as many letters out of the same book of Conformities. Whereby we may understand what authority is due to these oracles, and to this worthy testimony of theirs uttered by sathan: although neither Christ, neither yet his apostles could abide that he should bear any witness of them. Now let the noble and famous Counsellors of France consider according to their singular wisdom, seeing that Sixtus the fourth, and Sixtus the fift, being both franciscans, and presidents of the franciscans, & many other pope's have brought in these forged and blasphemous fables into the church, and have confirmed them so long by their authority, and do so greatly confirm them at this day, whether they be justly or unjustly condemned by the most part of Christendom, of impiety and wickedness. Whereof that they may the more commodiously consider, we will also add another place out of the same book, where it is thus written: Francis was bodily lifted 
Fol. 231.  up in the holy mountain of Aluerne, as friar Leo his fellow saw him. For sometimes he found him in the air, lifted up so high, that he could scarce touch his feet, and then he did embrace them with tears: sometimes he found him lifted up from the earth; half as high as beech's: sometimes he found him lifted up so high that he could scarce see him. And friar Leo did oftentimes find him speaking with Christ. O good jesus! Who is he that doth not shake every joint when he heareth these monsters of words? For what other thing is it to deliver these things to the people in sermons, than to make Francis a bodied God, and to set him forth to be worshipped of the people of Christ? And yet there follow more cruel, and filthy things. For Francis himself is brought in speaking thus. After these things Christ jesus crucified, laid his hands to my body, and 
Fol. 232.  first to mine hands, and secondly to my feet, thirdly, I felt the mark of his side with great pain: and he did imprint them every time, when I cried out sore, and he told me certain secret words, which I never told any as yet. Doth our cowled Sixtus think that there is any so void of understanding in this our age, that he doth believe these blasphemous and wicked fables? Doth he think that the Counsellors of the king of France and the Senators of the parliament are so dull and sottish, that they do not detest these wicked inventions together with their author the son of Peter Bernardo? Unless peradventure some man will say, these things are shut up in the self-same cloisters and prisons of Munks, and are kept in as mysteries of Ceres, there where they first took their beginning: and that no man is at this day so void of wit, that he doth not know that these are old wives fables, and dreams of doterels. But on the other side behold, we have in our hands the fearful decrees of the pope's, wherein they most sharply forbid that no man presume to doubt of the credit of these histories: and they decree that they be received in the catholic Church of Rome: that if any man think otherwise, he be counted an heretic and a schismatic. For in the same book 
* Dist. 22. c. omnes. , it is thus written: Pope Gregory the 9 hath made sundry bulls of the holiness 
Fol. 234. col. 3.  of S. Francis and his marks, wherein he affirmeth that S. Francis had truly in his body imprinted by Christ the marks of the L. jesus; And he commandeth all the faithful to hold this, and to believe it, and that the wise man opposing himself against it, be punished for an heretic. The Lord Alexander the fourth, who saw the marks of S. Francis with his own eyes, whiles S. Francis was yet alive, speaketh thus in his bull. The eyes that saw faithfully, saw, and the most sure fingers of those that handled, felt, the marks in the body of the same S. whiles he was yet living. Thirdly, the L. pope Nicolas the 3. gave the like bull. Fourthly, the L. pope Benedict the 12. And forasmuch 
Dist. 11. in fi. dist. 12. c. 1. & seq. & dist. 22. c. reputatur dist. 22. ca omnes in fine.  as the determination of the holy Church of Rome is most true and certain (for the Church of Rome must be followed as a mistress in all things: and he that speaketh against her is counted an heretic 
* 24. q. 1. , because she hath never erred from the path of the apostolic tradition 
* dist. 11. c. palam. dist. 12. c. praecep. 24. q. 1. c. quoties. 11. q. 3. episcop. § Sola. 17. q. 4. nemini. , unto which we must have recourse in doubtful and hard matters *, and she is of force to judge all, and none is permitted to judge her *) and the same church of Rome hath declared that S. Francis was marked by Christ, as it appeareth by the foresaid bulls. Wherefore this must be holden most firmly as true, and he that holdeth the contrary must be despised of all as an heretic: and especially seeing the foresaid two pope's Gregory and Alexander did not only see it with their own eyes, but do also expressly say that it hath been witnessed by witnesses worthy of credit. And straightway. Sixtly, 
Col. 3.  the marking of S. Francis is made authentical even by the testimony of the wicked spirits, of whom we have spoken before. Thus far out of 
Fol. 234.  the book of the Conformities, so that all men may now plainly see, that it is not for nothing that we do so greatly urge these things. For our friar the excommunicator of kings and princes will not suffer these things to be counted but trifles: especially seeing he hath tumbled so long in the filth of the Franciscans, and doth now profess himself to be a patron and defender of that order, and commandeth that they be counted heretics, which will not believe and highly esteem of the church of Rome in all points. Whereof that no man may doubt, these things are taught not in one place of that book, that is fol. 234. but even in the very entry of the book also *, 
Fol. 3.  in these words: In what saint was the monstrous marking made? Surely in none other, but in our holy father Francis: as the church of Rome doth avouch, and commandeth the faithful to believe. Secondly, pope Benedict also granted the order a feast to be celebrated and kept for the marks. Moreover Antoninus bishop of Florence saith thus: Pope Alexander the 4. anno 1254. taking into his special 
Lib. hist. 3. tit. 24. § 10.  protection immediately the mount of Aluerne because of the impression of the holy marks made there in the body of S. Francis, and making the same subject to the church of Rome, and giving S. Francis great commendation, he gave an effectual commandment that the friars should never forsake that holy mountain. The same year being at Anagnia, he sent a servant to carry letters to the faithful servants of Christ, according to the tenor of Gregory the 9 touching the holy marks of Saint Francis, wherein he affirmeth that he saw them with his own eyes. Also he sent other letters to the Archbishop of Genua, commanding that he should personally cite and call before him those that had maliciously put out the marks of the image of S. Francis in the church of S. Marie and ministery of S. Xistus, to be punished as they had deserved, inhibiting under danger of cursing, that no man hereafter should attempt to do the like. Nicolas the third being pope about the year 1280. sent letters to all the faithful servants of Christ, containing a certain testimony of the holy marks of Francis. Thus writeth Antoninus. So that no man ought now to doubt, but that all Christians, especially so long as this Franciscane friar beareth rule in the Church, must prepare themselves either to abide the punishment appointed for schismatics and heretics: or else to embrace these inventions of the franciscans for divine oracles, given by the church of Rome. And that we may have other and more commodious store of choice, it seemeth not unappertinent, to cite out of the same book of Conformities certain other notable things, such as is that: A certain citizen, 
Fol. 66.  saith he, slept, and was rapt up into heaven, where he saw Christ and S. Marry, and other Saints, all which went as they go on procession, giving reverence to Christ and his mother. But when he saw not S. Francis, he said to the Angel that led him, where is S. Francis with his crew in this place? The Angel answered; Tarry, and thou shalt see S. Francis, and in what state he is, and he saw: and behold Christ lifted up his right arm, and out of the wound in his side came Saint Francis with the banner of the cross displayed in his hands, and after him a great multitude of friars, and others. Then that citizen gave his goods to the friars, and he became a friar minor. Also: S. Francis 
Fol. 2.  making a representation of the nativity, had Christ in his arms, and whiles he prayed the virgin that she would grant him comfort of her son jesus, the most beautiful virgin herself stood by him, and gave him to S. Francis to hold in his arms and kiss, from the evening till it was day. Some will say these are toys: and very babbles: but these trifles (as it was sometimes said) are counted among them matters of weight. Also by these we understand how wickedly these former pope's have mocked the Church of Christ in feigning religions, using the help of one Bartholomew Pisanus in patching these fables together, and in forcing them upon the unskilful multitude in steed of holy scripture. What? Whether may we call these trifles, or rather detestable and execrable things, which are written in these words: Francis was more than john the Baptist, 
Fol. 18.  because john Baptist was only a preacher of repentance: Francis was both a preacher, and also an ordainer of the order of Repentance. He was a forerunner of Christ: Francis was a preacher and standerd-bearer of Christ, wherein he surmounteth john Baptist. Also, Francis went before john, because he converted more unto the Lord, and in more places, namely in the whole world. john preached but two years and a little more: but Francis preached eighteen years. john received the word of repentance from the Lord: Francis received it both from the Lord and the pope: that's more. It was told by an Angel to john Baptists father, it was declared by the holy Ghost and the prophets what a one he should be. But S. Francis was declared to his mother and the servants in the shape of a stranger by the prophets, the Lord jesus Christ, and also by an Angel. S. john prophesied in and without his mother's womb: S. Francis foretold with joy in the womb, that is, being prisoner at Perusius, that he should be some great man. S. john was the friend of the bridegroom: S. Francis was like the Lord jesus Christ. john was the most singular in the world for holiness: Francis was the most excellent of all other with Christ, for the conformity of his marks. S. john was advanced in the Seraphical order: S. Francis was placed in the very same order in the place of Lucifer. What is it to mock Christian religion, and to deride the sacred history of S. john Baptist, if this be not? O God, thou Lord of vengeance, how long wilt thou suffer these monsters of pope's to mock thy most holy majesty so reproachfully? How long wilt thou suffer them to rage in thine holy temple? But surely there is another place in that same storehouse of blasphemies, almost more detestable. For * he saith: Francis 
Fol. 39  is better than the Apostles, because they forsook only their ship and other things, but yet not their garments, which they had on their back. But S. Francis did not only forsake all earthly things: but he did also cast from him his clothes and breeches, and offered himself being clean both in body and mind, to the arms of the crucified: which we read not of any other Saint. Wherefore he might well say to Christ, I have forsaken all, and followed thee. Where be those Pharaos', and the worser champions of the Pharaos', which count the juggling casts of the magicians better than the miracles of Moses: and make semblance that they take delight in these munkish monsters, that they may remove the unskilful people from reading the holy scripture, and from studying the same, and that they may abuse their subjects as beasts? And yet these things were believed in former ages: and no marvel, sith Paul foretold so plainly that Antichrist should come with the effectual working of satan, with all power, and signs, and lying wonders: and with all fraud of unrighteousness, in those that perish, because they received not the love of the truth, that they might be saved. Therefore God shall send unto them the efficacy of deceit, 
2. Thes. 2.  that they may believe a lie: that all that have not believed the truth, may be condemned.   

The invention of the religion of Dominic.  
BUt let these things hitherto be spoken of the feigned religions in the person of Francis Bernardo: let us hereafter see somewhat of the inventions of another friar called Dominic. Wherein we must give the first place to that wicked comparison, wherein Dominic (God the father of mercy pardon us, which are compelled to recite these blasphemies) is matched with Christ being God. For in Antony bishop of Florence it is thus written, The Lord 
In hist. par. 3. tit. 23. & ti. 24.  Christ, saith he, is Lord absolutely, and auctoratively: Dominic possessively. He had many divine visions: he saw Christ once purposed to judge and make an end of the world: but the virgin Marie besought him that he would stay, and send Dominic and Francis to preach. And again when he saw the heaven open, and friars of all sorts in glory: and he saw not his Dominicans, but it was told him by the son of God, that they were under the garment of the virgin Marie, whom he saw there: and a certain master of the order of the Minors, which made a very great masterly book of S. Dominic, saith, that in the said vision it might be said that Dominic did then see God in his essence, as Paul when he was caught up. But it shall appear that he was very like to Christ, by the discourse of his life and works. Therefore he was most fitly named Dominic being most like to the Lord Christ. The Lord saith, I am the light of the world: the church singeth of Dominic, You are the light of the world. All the prophets bear witness of the Lord: of Dominic and his 
Act. 10. Zach. 11.  order, Zacharie said in the person of God, I have taken to myself two rods, I have called the one Decorem or beauty, the other Funiculum or a little cord. Beauty or comeliness is the order of predicants: the little cord is the order of the Minors, because they are girt with a plain rope. Before Dominic was borne in the world, there appeared the images of two painted at Venece, in the church of S. Mark: the one whereof was like a religious man, in the apparel of the order of the predicants, with a lily in his hand. The other was like unto the Apostle Paul, as he was wont to be painted: over which was written Agios Paulus, S. Paul, and under the feet of the picture, Per istum itur ad Christum, by him men go to Christ: under the other picture was written, Agios Dominicus, S. Dominic, and under him, Faciliùs itur per istum, men go more easily by him. And wonder not at this writing, because the doctrine of Paul as of the other Apostles, was a doctrine leading unto faith. The doctrine of Dominic, a doctrine leading to the observations of Counsels, and therefore men go more easily by him unto Christ. 2. The Lord was borne upon the bare ground, but least the cold should hurt him too much, he is placed in a manger by his mother the virgin. When Dominic was borne being but a little one, and committed to the keeping of his nurse, he was often found gone out of his bed, and lying naked upon the ground, as if he did already abhor the pleasures of the flesh. 3. When the Lord was borne there appeared a bright star, which guided the wise men unto him, insinuating that the whole world should be illuminate by him. Dominic arose, and upon him when he was to be baptized, his spiritual mother saw a star in his forehead, foreshowing a new sun beam of the world. 4. The Lord being twelve year old was brought by his parents into the temple, and there he remained alone being but a boy. Dominic was carried by the neighbours into the church in his tender years to be put in a divine office, there was he left. 5. From that time until the time of his youth we find nothing authentically of the Lord, save only that he increased in age, as being true man, in wisdom and favour with God and men: but this outwardly. But Dominic did not only increase in body, but also in mind effectually. 6. When the Lord was baptized by john in jordan, the holy Ghost came down in a dove upon him, to betoken the fullness of grace, and he went into the wilderness. When Dominic saw the famine increase in all parts of Spain, and saw also that there were many that were in necessity, and that they had no comforter: in fervency of spirit he sold his books and stuff, and dispersed and gave the price thereof to the poor, and newly and apparently replenished as it were with the holy Ghost, he did straightway betake himself to the rule under Didacus' the bishop, as another baptism and spiritual desert, sequestered from pleasures and worldly vanities. 7. The Lord doth afterward gather together a few disciples; and in a short space multiplieth them, sending them two and two to preach the kingdom of God. Dominic taking with him but a few to lead a religious life, had afterward a great number, whom he appointed to preach the Gospel, and to heal the sick. 8. The Lord chose poverty in himself and in his Apostles: but he had bags to keep those things that the faithful did give, and these did judas carry: but Dominic was a true lover of poverty, and exhorted his brethren to the same. 9 The Lord when he led his disciples, they were so hungry, that passing through the fields they plucked the ears of the corn, they rubbed them in their hands, to eat them: and when it was now noon, being weary of his journey, he sent them into Sychar to buy meat, and they eat thereof by chance sometimes with unwashen hands. Touching the quality of the meat, it is verily believed, that they did eat no flesh, but the Paschal lamb for the keeping of the law. The patriarch Dominic, who spent sometimes the whole Lent, not only without meat, but also without bread and water, did moderate this sharpness in his disciples, giving them leave to drink wine, and to eat white meats. 10. Peradventure some man will say that it agreeth not with the similitude, that the Lord said to his disciples, Neither shall you have shoes on your feet: whereas notwithstanding Dominic and his go shod when they go abroad. But we must know that that was a commandment during but for a time, for which he granted a dispensation at his last supper. For we may see that both the Lord did wear shoes, in that which the Baptist saith, whose  latchet I am not worthy to lose; and also it was said to Peter in the Acts, Take thine hose: unless some man say that he did wear hose, but no shoes: which was not commonly used. And Mark a good imitator of him, gave a cobbler his  to mend when it was broken. So that the Lord and his disciples went sometimes shod, & sometimes barefoot. And so Dominic was shod when he was in cities, but in his journey he was oftentimes barefoot. 11. When the Lord was borne, none other person but his own mother Marie the virgin, did wrap him in swaddling clouts: and when he was grown up his mother herself with her own hands wove him his coat without seam, and his other garments: but of what colour it was we find not, namely, lest if it were known, false prophets should wear the like, and so should not be known to be ravening wolves. The most blessed virgin Marie showed Dominic and his order what apparel they should wear, and also the colour thereof. For she appeared to S. Raynold when he was sore sick, and healed him, showing him the garment which S. Dominic and his sons should wear: namely a great cope, and a coat with a cowl, all white. 12. The Lord and Dominic being both virgins in mind and body, and very humble, as the scripture doth witness: so Dominic was a most pure virgin and very humble. 13. Dominic as also Christ did not possess his own bed, scarce resting his body on the ground after his flood of tears. 14. The Lord's prayer was always heard, when he would, for which cause he said to the father, I knew that thou hearest me always: for though he were not heard in the garden, when he prayed that the cup might be taken from him: this came to pass therefore, because in as much he asked according to sensuality, he would not be heard, according to reason. But Dominic told a certain religious man in the Lords words, who was very familiar with him, that he did never ask any thing of God, but he did obtain it according to his desire. 15. The Lord by his own example did dedicate his Apostles to a mixed life, that is a contemplative and active in preaching: the virgin his mother and Magdalene to a contemplative. For Marie stood at the feet of the Lord, and heard his word. Lu. 10. But Martha and the other women to an active. So the Patriarch Dominic, like to another Noah, made the ark of his religion, which was made of wood glued together with the mortar of charity, having three roofs or lofts. Placing his brethren together with him in one, to behold heavenly things, and to preach the mysteries of salvation; taking to him the nuns that were shut up to contemplation: in the second applying both men and women to the active life; and in the third mansion bestowing the brethren and sisters which were called of the repentance of jesus, or the warfare of jesus Christ. 16. There departed 72. disciples from Christ, being offended at the doctrine of Christ which they understood not: who when they departed, Christ asked those that remained with him, will you also departed? But Peter answered in the name of them all, Lord to whom shall we go? And S. Dominic, when he had with him some disciples, being one day tempted they departed from him: only there stayed three behind; to which Dominic also said; will you also departed? To whom one made answer, God forbidden father, that forsaking the head we follow the feet. At length as the disciples of Christ which went away, returned to him again, so also the disciples of Dominic returned to him through his prayer. 17. The Lord did valiantly bear even until death, many mocks, slanders, and persecutions, of those that sought to entrap him in his words, sometimes to stone him, sometimes to break his neck. Dominic did not regard scoffings, reproaches, & speakings against: so that one did bind stubble upon his back in mockery: others did cast dirt and other vile things at him. 18. The Lord loved us, and washed us from our sins in his blood. And Dominic being not void of the perfection of charity, did bestow the night in God's service, giving himself to meditation and prayer: he did execute a threefold discipline as it were daily with his own hand, not with a cord, but with an iron chain, till the blood came: one for his own offences, which were the least: another for those that were in purgatory: the third for those that are conversant in the world. 19 When the Lord journeyed toward Jerusalem, when he saw the city, he wept over it, and he foretold many secrets of hearts, and events of things to come, for which it was said in his commendation, A great prophet is risen up amongst us. When Dominic drew near to cities, beholding in mind, he wept bitterly for their sins, and he revealed many hid and secret things as a true prophet: as the death of the king of the Aragon's in battle: the conversion of the heretic Adieu that was to come, whom he therefore commanded to be saved from burning. Thus far goeth Antoninus: whereby the counsellors of the most mighty king of France may judge, whether the most part of Christendom have justly or unjustly rejected these inventions of religion brought in by the pope's: seeing they durst so wickedly and heinously set Dominic the monk to be worshipped in the church of God for an idol, and to match him with Christ being God & our saviour. For we must not give ear to him that shall say that these are only munkish toys, which grave and learned men do loath. For that which we said before touching the Franciscane babbles of the same sort, do we say in this place of the Dominicans: seeing they are received for divine oracles in the church of Rome, that all Christians must either worship them, or else they must look for such punishments as are appointed for heretics, by this gallows, cowled, and cord bearing friar. But now let us hear somewhat else. It seemeth that nothing can be added to this impiety. But yet let us try what can be done. For the same Antoninus in the chapter following where he compareth the miracles of Christ and Dominic together, saith thus: Dominic raised 
Pag. 187.  three from death in the city of Rome, the son of the widow, which being known to the pope he would have published it: but Dominic for humility did utterly refuse it. The carpenter that was hired by his brethren, and crushed in pieces by a wall that fell upon him: and Neapoleon the cardinal of the new ditch his nephew, which fell from an horse, and was all rent in pieces. I am fully persuaded, that the Lord did also raise others, because he saith in the plural number, The dead shall rise again, namely 
Mat. 11.  by me: whereas yet he had only raised the ruler of the synagogues daughter, according to the Gospels. So likewise we find that S. Dominic did raise other that were dead though not so notorious. For what shall we think of those forty strangers which were in a ship in the great river beside Tholosa, who after they had stood long time under the water after that the ship was drowned, by the holy prayer of S. Dominic, they came out of the water safe and sound: what shall we think but that either they were restored to life, or else they were preserved in the water like fishes? 2. God did twice fill the hungry with bread that he multiplied, and he turned water into wine. Dominic did twice procure bread for his brethren from God, at Rome, and at Bononia: which the Angels brought from the heavenly bread: wherefore it was most sweet. He made an empty cask full of wine, and another time he turned water into sweet wine. 3. Christ did perfectly heal Simons mother in law that was sick of a fever, and also he healed many sick folks. Dominic did thoroughly cure a woman of a quartan ague. 4. Devils came out of many, crying and saying, Because thou art the son of God. Dominic freed many that were vexed of devils in soul and body. 5. Christ being made immortal entered in twice to the disciples when the gates were shut: but Dominic being as yet mortal (which is more miraculous) entered into the church by night the doors being shut, lest he should awake his brethren. 6. The Lord after he departed out of this world, drew infinite men to the way of truth: though Dominic had reclaimed thousands of heretics from errors, yet many more after his departure. O wonderful hope which thou hast given (singeth the church of S. Dominic) to those that weep to thee in the hour of death, whiles that thou hast promised that thou wilt profit the brethren after death. 7. And to come to an end, The Lord saith, Power is given me in heaven and earth. This power was not a little imparted to Dominic, of things in heaven, in earth, and in hell. For he had the holy Angels to wait upon him. Moreover, the very Angels coming to the brethren in man's shape, gave them bread to eat. If we speak of the elements, the fire forgot his force: when as the book of his doctrine being cast thrice into the fire, came out thrice unhurt, when the books of the heretics his adversaries were suddenly consumed. The rain coming down out of the air in great abundance doth obey the sign of the cross, when as not so much as one drop did touch him as he journeyed, though all that country were overflown with that shower. The water of the river into which his books fell as he passed over it, could not wet them: but being drawn out in stead of fish by fishers unhurt and dry as if they had been in a coffer: after a few days they were restored to him again. The earth also which containeth metals, did not deny him necessary money. For when as having passed over a certain river in a boat, the ferry man did earnestly ask his boat hire of S. Dominic, and he forasmuch as he was poor did avouch that he had no money, and the ferry man held him fast by the cloak ask his money, S. Dominic having prayed, and looking toward the ground, saw the money whereof he stood in need lying there, which he gave him, and so set himself at liberty: but also (which is more) when a certain clerk could not live chaste, having kissed the hand of S. Dominic as he returned from mass with a sweet savour, so great a habit of virginity was diffused through his mind, that afterward he could easily contain himself. What shall I speak of the infernal spirits? Surely the devils did tremble at his beck, neither were they able to refuse his power. Which appeareth: when he led him with him as he appeared in the shape of a friar, through the assemblies of the convent, namely, of the Dormitall, choir, fratry, locutorie, and afterward of the chapterhouse, and he asked him of every place, what he gained there with the friars? All which he was enforced to declare. Thus writeth Antoninus. By which we leave it to the king's Counsellors to be judged, whether this be the true religion of Christ, delivered to the Church by Christ's Apostles, or a feigned fable of satan, brought purposely into the Church by the pope's, that they might either utterly extinguish the desire to read the sacred scriptures, or at least that they might both be of like authority. Surely we hope that no man doubteth, but that the pope is already convict most manifestly of false and forged religions: and therefore if he excommunicate the king of Navarre and Prince of Condie out of the communion of his Church, which maintaineth these monsters, he doth not exclude them out of the Church of Christ, but out of the jakes of Dominicans, or rather out of the synagogue of satan. Which thing that it may more plainly and firmly be confirmed, we will cite out of the same Antoninus a like invention of the popish church. For in the chapter following he writeth thus: Dominic, saith he, being one night earnest 
Pag. 190.  in prayer, saw at the father's right hand the son rise up in his anger, that he might slay all the sinners on the earth: and destroy all that wrought wickedness. And he stood in the air being terrible to behold, and he shaked three lances or javelinings against the world that was set upon wickedness, the first whereof should pierce through the out stretched necks of the proud: another should let out the bowels of the covetous: the third should bore through those that were given to the lusts of the flesh. Whose wrath when no man could resist, the mild virgin his mother met him, and embracing his feet, besought him that he would spare those whom he had redeemed, and that he would temper his justice with mercy. To whom her son made answer: Seest thou not, saith he, what injuries are done to me? Then said his mother: Thou knowest, saith she, which knowest all things, that this is the way by the which thou shalt bring them back unto thee. I have a faithful servant whom thou shalt send into the world, that he may preach thy words to them, and they will turn to thee the saviour of all men. Also I have another servant whom I will adjoin to him to be his helper, that he may work likewise. The son said: Lo I am pacified, and have accepted thy face, but show me whom thou wilt assign unto so great an office. Then our Lady his mother offered to jesus Christ S. Dominic: and the Lord said to his mother: He will do that which thou hast said well and carefully. Also she offered him S. Francis, whom in like sort the Lord praised. Then S. Dominic marking his fellow well in the vision, whom before he knew not, on the morrow he reknowledged him by those things which he saw in the night, and kissing him with holy kisses, and embracing him sincerely, he said: Thou art my fellow, thou shalt run with me. And a little after: Dominic prayed by night in the church, and lo the hand of the Lord was suddenly upon him, and was rapt in spirit before God, and he saw God sitting, and his mother who sat at his right hand clothed in a cope, of a sapphire colour. And looking about him he saw rejoicing in the sight of the most highest infinite multitudes of spiritual fathers out of every nation, that had begotten both sons and daughters to Christ, of holy religions. And when he saw none of his sons there, blushing, and being pricked at the heart, he wept most bitterly. Therefore being abashed with the glory of God's majesty, he stood a far off, and durst not draw near to the countenance of glory, and to the excellency of the virgin. But our Lady beckoned to him with her hand that he should come to her. But he trembling and fearing, presumed not to draw near, until in like sort the Lord of majesty called him. Then came the man being pricked and of an humble spirit, and contrite with his tears, and did most lowly and humbly throw down himself at the feet of the son and his mother. But the Lord of glory, the comforter of those that mourn, said to him: Arise. Who when he was risen, and stood before the Lord, he asked him saying: Why weepest thou so bitterly? Who said: Because I see in the presence of thy glory men of all religions: but of the sons of mine order (alas for woe) I see here none. To whom the Lord said: Wilt thou see thine order? But he said: That is my desire Lord. Than the son putting his hand under his mother the virgin's cloak, he said to him: I have committed thine order to my mother. And when he continued in this godly affection, desiring to see his order, the Lord said to him again: wouldst thou so gadly see them? He answered: This do I earnestly desire. And lo the mother of the Lord pleased her son: and opening wide her golden cope wherewith she seemed to be covered: and holding it open before her mourning servant Dominic, and this was so large and huge a garment, that it did sweetly contain the whole country of heaven by embracing it. Under this covering of security, in this bosom of godliness, that beholder of high things, & viewer of the secrets of the Lord, Dominic saw an innumerable multitude of the friars of his order. Then his mourning was turned into joy, and his sorrow into solace. Thus writeth Antoninus. Ridiculously, blockishly, and absurdly: peradventure some man will say: Who denieth it? But as we said before of Bernardo his trifles, of what sort soever these be, yet are they both approved by the authority of the pope, and also received by the church of Rome: and therefore seeing religion is undivisible (for as M. Tullius saith, either take away religion quite, or else preserve it wholly) they must be counted in the place and number of oracles, of all those which will give their name to the church of Rome: a heavy decree being added, that he that shall think otherwise, be counted an heretic & schismatic: forasmuch as by these inventions allowed by the pope, as well Dominic as Francis is registered in the number of the Saints of the church of Rome, as the same author Antoninus doth witness. By which we 
Tit. 23. §. 17. fol. 197.  understand, first for how many & for how just causes, most Christian kings, princes, and magistrates, have condemned the papacy for impiety and forged religion. secondly, what authority this execrable declaration ought to have in the Parliament of France, which was published by Sixtus the fift, a friar lately uncowled: in which the most excellent princes aforesaid were pronounced heretics for none other cause, save only because they thought that they ought not to make like account of such inventions, as of the holy Scripture. For as they did oftentimes profess before, and at this day they do profess, so much as in them lieth, before all sorts and orders of men, yea they do openly denounce, seeing the church of Rome hath religion mixed and confused with such inventions and fables, those things which are drawn out of the pure fountains of Scripture, those do they most carefully embrace: those things which are brought in into religion out of these munkish pits & filthy sinks, do they reject and detest. And yet this is the only cause why pope Sixtus the fift hath so proudly & cruelly cursed them both. Of which pope Sixtus it seemeth good to me to speak somewhat in this place, that all men may perceive both what manner of man he is, and also from what roots he sprang to such pride, and became so haughty. Therefore his first name was Felix Peretus. He was borne in a base village nigh to Formana, called Montalto: in the year 1521. the thirteenth day of December. Being a boy he was brought up among monks, that is (not to say any more) among goat bucks, at length being a young man, he was chosen into the order of the franciscans: unto whose holy rites after he was admitted, & now grown up, he was at last chosen by the inquisitors of the Romish faith into their college. Which office when he did so execute a few years ago, that few could abide his cruel nature, it fell out so by hap at that time, that he called a certain noble man of Venece before him. When he did more cruelly handle the man unacquainted with hearing reproaches: not many days after he met the same noble man by chance: whom so soon as the same noble man perceived, he commanded one of his waiters to beat down with a cudgel he had in his hand, the pride of unfortunate Peretus. The unfortunate man who of Felix was become Infelix, went straightway to Rome, and told pope Pius the fourth, who was then high governor at Rome. The pope being highly displeased sendeth him back again to Venece with greater authority and power. So soon as he showed the senate his bull, the wise men which knew full well the troublesome nature of the man, and how that he was inflamed with desire of revenge, commanded forthwith a torch to be lighted: and did straightly command him, that before the torch was burnt, he should get him with speed out of their coasts if he were wise. Infelix going to Rome again, made his complaint to the pope. When the pope perceived that he was a man most fit for his purpose, he did first advance him to this honour, that he made him master of his palace: that done when Toledanus the archbishop, one of the spanish inquisition which is fearful to all nations, was suspected of heresy, the pope sent him into Spain, that he might be present at that question & judgement. It happened by chance at that time, that he that was then general, that is, chief prelate of the franciscans, (which is the highest office and dignity of that sort of men) died. Which inheritance the pope gave to Felix Peretus: who by this means was made the archcowled, chief cowled, and cloaked cowled friar of that order of franciscans: and a few years after he was also chosen cardinal by the same pope. At length when pope Gregory the 13. was dead, our archcowling Felix was chosen into his room, in troubling France by his commendation and favour, who is chief at Rome in furthering these matters, and whom he doth plainly aid in holding the residue of the kingdom of Navarre. By these degrees & proceedings, he which a few years ago was a cowled, a roped, a most vile friar creeping in his slitted shoes, is now become a thunderer, a thunderbolt caster, an excommunicator of kings and princes,  

Most mighty now with double sword  
And high advanced, to kiss whose toe  
Both Caesar comes and also kings,  
In broidered purple which do go.   
As Mantuan wrote of julius the second.   

The crime of using tyranny in the Church.  
IT followeth that we come to the second crime of the papacy, which consisteth in using lordship over the church of Christ. For the holy Scripture teacheth us that Christ alone is the head of the Church: & 
1. Pet. 2. & 5. Heb. 5. & 7. & 9 Eph, 4. 15. 16. Ibid. 5.  in another place, that Christ is the head of the body of the Church *. The same scripture giveth this name to Christ alone, that he is the chief pastor & high priest 
* 1. Col. 18. 1. Pet. 2. & 5. Heb. 6. & 7. . But the pope of Rome saith, All the church, saith he, through out the world knoweth, that the holy church of Rome hath right to judge all men: and no man may give judgement of his judgement, etc. And as followeth All the whole church throughout the world knoweth, that the seat of S. Peter hath power to lose those things that are bound by the judgements of any bishops whatsoever, which hath power to judge the whole church. Also: The pastoral charge of carefulness is enjoined 
Clement. pasto. de sent. & re judicat. Cap. 1. extrauag. de emp. & vend.  us by God over all nations of the Christian people. Also, Bearing rule over the government of the church universal, by the lords providence. Also, 
* Cap. ad Regimen, extravag de praebend. c. 1. de treug. & pac.  Being called by the disposition from above to govern the universal church. Also: * Being called to the government of the universal Church by the disposition of God's clemency. Also, * The bishop of 
c. 1. de consuet.  Rome is appointed by the Lord, over nations and kingdoms. Also, * The holy church of 
c. 3. de elect.  Rome, which by the Lord's disposition hath from God, the principality over all other churches, as being the mother and mistress of all the faithful. Also, That therefore all churches 
24. q. 1. c. rogamus, etc. sacrosancta.  are subject to the sea of Rome, because Peter's sea was translated from Antioch to Rome. Also, That the sea of Rome is the head and hinge 
d. ca sacro-sancta.  of all churches: and as the door is governed by the hinge: so all churches are governed by that authority of that sea. But to what end do we seek out those old things? Seeing our Franciscan Sixtus the fift began this his bull on this wise. That, The authority given him by Christ and S. Peter doth surmount the power of all kings and princes, and that the care for all churches, people, and nations lieth upon him. Thus therefore writeth the pope of Rome. Now we must also consider by what right or authority he taketh upon him so great power and lordship. For we see he bringeth and allegeth a double cause of this lordship and principality: the former from the decree of Christ: Feed my sheep: and, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock. For in that the Lord said, saith the pope, Feed my sheep, and that generally, Mine, not particularly, Those or These, by this it is understood that he committed the whole flock to him. The pope allegeth 
c. unam sanctam. extravag de maior. & obed.  another cause out of the Donation of the emperor Constantine 
* dist. 66. c. Constant. , wherein it is said that Constantine gave him the principality over all the churches of the whole world. But let us see whether the pope be not fallen into that error which is not wont to be tolerated in law and judgements, neither can it by any means be suffered, that a pleader should allege contrary causes of his intention. But these 
l. si quis. 7. D. de petit. hered. l. 1. c. de fur. l. Titius, 99 D. de cond. & demonst.  things are contrary one to another, that Christ gave the pope principality over all Churches (which he doth most plainly affirm in the places above written) and that The same principality was given him by Constantine, because that which is every man's own, cannot be his by more and especially by contrary causes. For their invention 
l. & an eadem, 14. § penult. D de except. rei iud. l. non ut ex plurib. 159. de reg. iur.  is intolerable, which dispute, that that principality was first given to the pope of Rome by Christ: and that Constantine confirmed that donation: and that so soon as the first emperor became a Christian, he gave Sylvester the pope the void possession thereof. First because a false Constantine writeth in plain words, that he giveth the gifts of two most great things: of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction over all priests that are in Christendom: which the pope's call the spiritual principality: and the lordship of the whole west empire, which the same call, the Temporal lordship. Of the former, the false Constantine writeth thus: Constantine gave this privilege to the bishop of the church of Rome, that in all the Roman circuit, the priests have him to be their head, as judges have the king for their head. And straightway: We decree that he bear rule as well over the four seas, of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Constantinople, as also over all Churches of God throughout the whole world. What could he write more plainly, to show that he did attribute to the pope a certain new kind of authority? Who is he that knoweth not, that a privilege is opposite to common authority? And that if Constantine gave a privilege to the pope, the pope had before like and the same authority, which all bishops did use? But if Constantine could give an universal principality ecclesiastical, surely he must needs have been lord of that principality by full right. Which even all the Canonists do grant to be most absurd, that a secular prince should possess a spiritual principality, that is, an universal bishopric over all churches, seeing he hath not the priesthood or bishopric of so much as of one little church. But if Constantine had no bishopric at all, how could he give the universal bishopric of all the whole world to Sylvester, seeing no man can give more right or authority to another than he himself hath. And we see that this argument was objected two hundred years ago to the pope by Marsilius of Patavium, who writeth thus: In the decrees 
Indefens. pacis, cap. 11.  there is found a certain privilege of the emperor Constantine, approved by the pope's, wherein he gave to S. Sylvester bishop of Rome, the coactive jurisdiction over all churches of the world, and over all the rest of the priests or bishops. And seeing the pope of Rome, and with him the rest of the priests or bishops doth grant that the said grant was firm, they must consequently grant, that the same Constantine had altogether the same jurisdiction or power over them. But let us return to the proposed Dilemma. For whether the pope hold that he had that principality from God, as he professeth in the places of late cited: or he hath it by Constantine his gift: we will prove both to be false. First by that repugnance or contrariety, whereof we spoke even now. Secondly, because he cutteth his own throat with his own sword. For in the decree he citeth this place out of Chrysostom: Whosoever he be that will desire principality upon earth, shall find confusion in heaven, neither shall he be reckoned among the servants of Christ, which will entreat of the primacy 
* l. 7. l. 8. de iureiur. in l. priuil. 27. c. de decur. l. 10. . Also: Let not the bishop of the chief 
Dist. 4. c. multi §. quicunque.  sea be called the prince of priests, or the highest priest, or any such thing, but only the bishop of the chief sea. But let not even the bishop of Rome be called the universal bishop. Which self same thing is repeated again and again 
c. primae sedis. dist. 99  in a manner in as many words, in the two chapters following. But if we must dispute out of the civil law, it is most evident, that there be three sorts of successors. For some be successors of right, and such be heirs, which are called universal successors: others be successors of the thing, as those to whom legacies be given, buyers, those to whom gifts be given: which are called particular successors 
* l. qui ius, 177. D. de reg. iu. cum simil. lib. . Last of all 
l. vlt. D. de excep. rei. vend. l. 1. §. in locum. D. quod legate.  some be successors of a personal office, which are called Functionis succedanei, Successors in an office *. The successors of the former sort have their right and cause from those whom they succeed, whether they be universal or particular *. But the third have not their right and claim from their predecessors, but from those by whom they are chosen and are put in their place: such as the successors of magistrates, tutors, curates, be. For it is a personal office, 
l. 1. §. 1. l. 6. §. vlt. l. vlt. D. de muner. & hon. l. 1. §. Sciendum. l. 4. l. 6. D de magist. con. l. 6. §. vlt. D. de his qui not. in fam.  that is upholden by carefulness and watchfulness of mind. Therefore when a magistrate or tutor is dead, one succeedeth him in inheritance, another in office. These things being thus set down, seeing the pope holdeth that he is Christ's successor, we may ask him of what kind of successor he professeth himself to be. For he cannot be called an heir and a successor of all the right, seeing that the inheritance of one that is alive cannot so much as be 
l. 1. D. de her. vend.  imagined *. But Christ is not dead, but he liveth both a blessed and everlasting life. No more can he be called the successor of a particular thing: seeing the kingdom of Christ hath neither communion nor division, 
Heb. 1. 5.  no not among the Angels: because God hath placed him, as Paul saith, far above all government, and power and principality, and hath put all things under his feet, and hath made him head over all 
Eph. 1. 21. 22.  things to the church. But how can he have a successor or vicar in his universal office, seeing he is neither dead, but liveth an everlasting and blessed life: and seeing he is perpetually present in his church, he doth always execute the office of the chiefest pastor and priest? Moreover, we may 
1. Pet. 2. Mark. 16. 20. Psal. 110. Heb. 2. & 4. & 7. & 9  add that also without any doubting, that no bishop can be called the successor no not of Peter, or of any other Apostle, as the canonists use to call the pope Peter's successor, 
Apud Decium, in l. qui per successionem, D. regul. iur.  in Decius, where when the lawyers use to say, that The heir of an heir that is the Testator, is the heir of the testator though he be heir by the longest succession: the Canonists reason that every pope is the successor of Peter, though there came many between. For no bishop hath his cause from Peter, or any other Apostle: but from the choice made by the authority of Christ: neither doth the place, sea, or chair make the succession, but the continuance of the doctrine of Christ: when as the religion received of Christ, is continually delivered by all the successors as by hands to the Christian people. Wherefore those new shifts of certain of the pope's clawebacks make nothing against us, who being moved by hope of some benefice dispute thus: that the pope of Rome is not the spiritual head of the catholic church, but the ministerial: because like as Christ doth govern particular churches (that is particular diocese) by particular bishops his vicar's: in like sort the same Christ doth govern his universal Church by some one universal vicar of his, namely, the pope of Rome: who keepeth in doing their duty those inferior and particular bishops, that are subject to his jurisdiction. For we answer this objection three manner of ways. First, that this principality is not only not ordained of Christ, but also that it is brought in by the pope of Rome by ambition and desire to lord it. For when Christ sent his twelve Apostles about to preach his Gospel, he gave not to some one some singular and principal commandment, but the like & one to them all: thus, Go ye into all coasts of the earth, and preach the Gospel among all people and nations. And therefore in the Revelation the heavenly jerusalem is not said to be founded upon one and a particular pillar, or especially upon one of all the rest, but simply upon twelve: and when as upon the day of Pentecost the holy Ghost was powered out upon the twelve Apostles, he was not powered out upon some one of them especially and chief, but he was simply powered out upon all. Last of all, when Paul describeth the functions and offices of the pastors of the Church, he doth not give to any one the principality or lordship over the rest, but he expoundeth to them the same in plain words: Christ is gone up on high, he hath led captivity captive, and hath given gifts to men. For he hath made some Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some pastors, and teachers, for the restoring of the Saints, for the work of the ministery to the edifying of the body of Christ. The other answer is, that if Christ or Peter had ordained any principality, and one ministerial head in his Church, no doubt the primitive Church would have retained that ordinance being so fresh in memory. But on the contrary we see that the most ancient general Synods of all, namely, the Nicene, that of Constantinople, of Ephesus, and Chalcedon, did ordain that over every city should be appointed a bishop: that done, that every province should have an Archbishop or patriarch, having all like dignity, authority, jurisdiction, power, degree: beside, that it was granted to the Archbishop of Rome, that for the antiquity and honour of the city, he should sit in the first place, but yet not in an higher place: and next him should sit the Archbishop of Constantinople, for the self-same cause, because he was bishop of new Rome, being the emperor's city: whereas if they had had regard of the more ancient Church, that first, or else the second place should have been due to the bishop of Antiochia: & then the bishop of Alexandria, & of Jerusalem, afterward the three archbishops of justinian, made by the emperor justinian for most light causes, should take place in like seats: which causes we will show afterward under the crime of forgery: where we will reckon up the forgeries, cossenages, and corruptions devised by the pope of Rome to fill up this his ambition. The third answer is, that seeing Christ did appoint his Apostles to be messengers and preachers of his commandments to go throughout divers coasts of the earth, we read not that any one of them was appointed to be an Archmessenger: especially to be mute and to be at ease, that he might lie busking and loitering at Rome, and hearken after those things that were done in other places of the world wheresoever, and might in the mean season serve his ambition. For bishops are nothing else but messengers of Christ, and proclaimers of his commandments, ordained in every city: like as in times past, the emperors of Rome were wont to give things in charge to the Proconsul's and Precedents, as all those that are students of the law and antiquities of the Romans do affirm. Therefore he that is dumb either by nature or will, that is, he that keepeth silence, and doth not execute the office of a messenger & herald, and doth not preach the Gospel, he is not only not worthy of the authority, but not so much as of the name of bishop or archbishop. But because the pope's in their decretals do in every third line inculcate that song: Because it was said to Peter, Feed my sheep, and Upon this rock: it is worth the pains to set down the true and natural interpretation of those places. For Augustine in his 124. tract. upon john: When (saith he) it was said to Peter, I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth: he meant the universal church that is founded upon the rock. From whence even Peter took his name. For the rock was not called Petra of Peter, but Peter of Petra or the rock: as Christ took not his name of Christians, but Christians of Christ. For therefore the Lord saith, Upon this rock will I build my Church, because Peter had said, Thou art Christ the son of the living God. Therefore upon this rock, saith he, which thou hast confessed, will I build my Church. For Christ was the rock, upon which foundation even Peter himself was builded. For no man can lay any other foundation than that which is already laid, which is jesus. Therefore the Church that is founded in Christ, receiveth from him the keys of the kingdom of heaven in Peter: that is, power to bind and loose sins. For the same which Christ is in the Church by property, the same is Peter in the rock by signification: by which signification is understood Christ the rock: Peter the Church. Thus saith Augustine, which thing he repeateth in his book against jud. paga. And also in the tenth tract upon john, and of the word of the Lord, ser. 20. Concerning which opinion Cyrillus saith: He called the rock nothing 
In dial de trinitate lib. 4.  else but by agnomination the unshaken and most firm faith of the disciple: wherein the Church of Christ is grounded. And this very 
In epist. ad Eph. ca 2.  same thing doth Ambrose 
* In hom. in Mat. 55. , Chrysostom 
* in c. quodcunque. 24. q. 1 , and also the Canonists * confirm. They allege this same saying of Augustine, Because in the person of Peter the Church herself received the keys. Which thing is inculcate out of Hierom 
* in c. omnibus ead. q. . But Bernard inveighing bitterly against that arrogancy of the pope's, breaketh out at length into these words: And in times passed truly 
In epist. 230.  you did rule as Lords over the Clergy contrary to the Apostle Peter: yea and ye ruled as lords over the faith of the whole world contrary to his fellow Apostle Paul. But now you have added some new thing, usurping also over religion itself: what remaineth but that you proceed to rule as lords, even over the holy Angels themselves? And Gregory surnamed the Great writeth thus to Mauritius 
Epist. 30. li. 16.  the emperor. I say boldly, that whosoever he be that calleth himself the universal priest, or desireth to be so called, doth in his pride go before Antichrist, because in waxing proud he setteth himself before the rest. The like whereof we may see in many places in the 
Lib. 6. epi. 188. & epi. 194. also lib. 7. epist. 3. & 74. & 79. & 80.  same writer and unto the said Mauritius. And thus much concerning the former part of the Dilemma. Now let us see touching the other, that is, the donation of Constantine. Though (seeing it may seem that we shall have a fit place to handle the same, when we come to entreat of the crime of forgery) it be fit for us at this time in this one word, to pass over all that disputation, namely, that all that instrument of the donation which the pope bringeth forth, is false, feigned, and forged, and that it came out of the same shop, out of which we showed before the volume of the Conformities of Francis came: whereof because we shall in their place bring to light 25. most sure arguments, we will now make an end to this second crime. Only in steed of a conclusion, we will propound a question of this Franciscane friar of ours, which will not easily be answered, as I think. Our Sixtus is pope and also a Franciscane: inasmuch as he is pope, he hath (as we have showed before) not only chief dignity upon earth, but also great in heaven, purgatory, and hell: inasmuch as he is a Franciscane, no doubt according to his duty toward his patron he granteth that S. Francis deserveth dignity above the Cherubins. We say not amongst the Cherubins (saith Antoninus of Florence) but above the Cherubins: and it is certain according to the doctors, that the Seraphins are above the Cherubins. Thus writeth Antoninus. Therefore the question is, when this pope departing 
Lib. hist. 3. tit. 23. ca 1.  this life shall be received by S. Francis, whether he shall be placed above the Cherubins, or the Seraphins? For we have showed that the Dominicane friars only are placed under the mantle of the blessed virgin. It causeth great doubtfulness, because, (as Augustine Steuchus writeth) the pope is God: as the Canonists dispute, half a God. But Francis (as we said before out of the testimony of the devil) is nothing but a stout friar. On the other side, this our friar calleth Francis the Typical jesus: as if one should say, Another jesus, or one that is made like to the former jesus. If we should place Francis above the pope, we should place him above his God or demie God, which were most absurd. If we should give him a place below the pope, nevertheless we should absurdly make another jesus subject to the pope: and peradventure the jesuits could not abide that for the high dignity of their name. What shall we say then? Bartolus was wont in hard questions to admonish his hearers, to bethink themselves. We in the mean season without any prejudice of the truth, will leave to this pope that same place which Gregory the Great giveth him: which, what manner one it is we shall set down shortly after, where we shall make mention of Lucifer's coming to hell.   

Of the crime of corrupt Religion.  
HItherto have we spoken briefly of the second crime of the papacy, according to our method and order set down. It followeth that we entreat of the crime of corrupt religion. For when as the pope took upon him that chief lordship over Christian religion; he then determined as it were by his own right to innovate, new trim and transform it at his pleasure. Whereof this is the first testimony. The holy Scripture teacheth us, that there is one only form of religion and worshipping of God, the same which is set down in writing, in the writings of the Prophets & Apostles: so that it is not lawful to add any thing thereto, or to take any thing there fro: no, not for an Angel in heaven. Therefore Christ saith: In vain do they worship me, teaching doctrines which 
john. 14. 2. Tim. 3. Matth. 15.  are the commandments of men. And jer. 7. Which I never commanded, neither ascended they into mine heart. Therefore Irenaeus bishop of Lions, an author most ancient: for he wrote about the year of Christ 198. After that, saith he, our Lord rose from the dead, and the Apostles had the holy Ghost given them, after that power came upon them from above, they were filled with all things, and they had perfect knowledge of salvation. Also: 
Cham 4.  We must not seek the truth at others: seeing the Apostles have most fully bestowed all things in the church, which belong to the truth: that every one that will may take of the same drink of life. Also Athanasius in the beginning of his second book against the Gentiles. The holy scripture, saith he, and inspired by God, is alone abundantly sufficient to all instruction of the truth. Thus saith he. But the pope setteth down on the contrary, that, The discipline of the Church besides holy scripture (so saith he in the Council of Trent) is contained in the traditions of the elders: 
Triden. council. session. 4. cap. 1.  which being delivered as it were by hands came unto us also, as being delivered either by word of mouth by Christ, or else by the holy Ghost. Now let us see what manner traditions, being delivered to us by our ancestors as it were from hand to hand, are to be observed. And first of all let us cite that: The pope useth upon a certain and set day to make certain little images like to a lamb, of white wax tempered with oil. He affirmeth that these, if they be hung about the neck, do in like sort purge men's sins, even as the blood of Christ doth purge them: he affirmeth that they drive away lightning, that they help women in childbirth, and that they save men from burning, and shipwreck. What more wicked thing can be spoken or thought upon. But these are called the traditions of the elders, delivered to this pope by his predecessors as from hand to hand. For in the book of the pope's Ceremonies it is written thus:  

Balm and pure wax with holy oil  
Together mixed a lamb do make: 
1. Sect, 7.   
Which gift of price and virtue great  
To the beloved I betake,  
As borne of fountain and adjured  
By sacred words. Whose power is great,  
For flashing lightnings it depels,  
And every evil away doth beat.  
It breaketh sin like Christ's own blood,  
It vexeth it, It doth preserve,  
Women with child, and infant saves.  
It gives those gifts that do deserve.  
The fires force it will destroy,  
And fair doth save from floods annoy.   
Let this then be the first tradition of the pope's, which is delivered to us with like & the same authority as the holy scripture. There followeth another: The holy scripture teacheth us that the sacrament of baptism is the sprinkling of the blood of Christ jesus for the remission of our sins, and the 
Acts. 22. Rom. 6. 1. Cor. 6. & 15.  imputation of his righteousness. But the pope's traditions do grant baptism to bells: and the priests of the papacy do abuse so great a sacrament every where so wickedly, and ungodly, that the emperor Maximilian the first wrote a complaint concerning that matter, which is extant among his gravamina or burdenings in these words: Also the suffragans have invented, that they alone, and none other priest, should baptize bells. That done, the simpler sort do believe, the suffragans affirming the same, that such bells thus baptized, do drive away devils and tempests. Wherefore they have sometimes an infinite company of Godfathers, and especially those that are of wealth are entreated. In the time of which baptizing, they touch the rope wherewith the bell is tied, and then the suffragan he singeth first (as they use to do at the baptizing of infants) and then they altogether make answer, and do double the name of the bell, and they put a new garment upon it, as they use to do to Christians. And shortly after: Therefore a thing so wicked and unlawful aught to be abolished. Maximilian saith excellently and clearly. But as the sow in wallowing, so are the pope's delighted in this filth and corruption. And concerning this most filthy customary pollution of the 
In tract. de super. num. 3. nu. 9 num. 14.  sacrament, let us read Martin, de Arles. Go to now, let us prosecute other corruptions of religion. The scripture teacheth us that there is but one mediator of God and 
1. Tim. 2. 1. joh. 2. Rom. 8. Heb. 7. Amb. in epist. ad Heb.  men, jesus Christ *. And therefore Ambrose saith: They are wont to use a miserable excuse, saying that by just men we may go unto God, as by earls unto the king. Go to now: is any man so mad, and so unmindful of his safety, that he will attribute the majesty of the king to an earl, seeing that if any be found but even to talk of this matter, they may by good right be condemned as guilty of treason. And these men will not think those to be guilty that give the honour of the name of God to a creature, and forsaking the Lord do worship their fellow servants: as if they could do God any greater service. For therefore do men go to a king by tribunes and earls, because surely the king is a man: and he knoweth not to whom he ought to commit the commonwealth. But to please and entreat God, who is ignorant of nothing (for he knoweth all men's merits) we need no spokesman: but a devout mind. For wheresoever such a one shall speak, he will answer nothing at all. This saith Ambrose. What? How religiously doth the papacy keep this ordinance of the holy scripture and the old Church? It denieth that there did ever any saint departed this life, which was received into the place of the blessed, which doth not execute the office of a mediator and intercessor. Only so? Nay whatsoever bawds, Francisses, Dominiks, and other deceivers and cozeners they would canonize among the saints, they brought us in the same for mediators and spokesmen. The scripture teacheth us that there be only two places for souls of the dead 
john. 5. Matth. 25.  after this life, heaven for the blessed, hell for the cursed. Therefore Augustine saith *: 
Lib. hypognost.  The faith of the catholics by the authority of God believeth the first place to be the kingdom of heaven: the second, hell, where every revolt and stranger from the faith of Christ is punished. Of any third we are altogether ignorant: neither do we find in the holy scripture that there is any such. Thus writeth he. But the papacy feigneth that there is a third place, where the souls of certain that are guilty of light, and (as they term them) of venial sins are purged before they go up into heaven: which place for this cause they call the fire of purgatory: as if over and beside the blood of Christ that was shed for our sins to purge us, we need either those pictures of lambs, or this supposed fire: whereas notwithstanding the scripture doth evidently teach us, that our souls are purged by the only blood of Christ, and that their blots are washed away by this medicine alone. 1. joh. 1. His blood purgeth us from all sin. And Mat. 26. My blood shall be shed for many for the remission of sins. Finally, these are the words of the Tridentine Council, that There is a purgatory, 
Sess. 25.  and that the souls that are there kept, are helped by the prayers of the faithful, and especially by that acceptable sacrifice of the altar. We see how great corruptions the papacy hath brought into Christian religion. 
Item sess. 6. ca 30. Sess. 22. ch. 2. etc. 3.  But besides these, innumerable other may be reckoned up. The scripture teacheth us that there be only two sacraments: namely, baptism and the supper: the former whereof was instituted, Matt. 28. Mark. 16. and the latter, Matth. 26. Mark. 14. Luc. 22. and 1. Corin. 11. 23. Therefore Augustine saith: Christ knit together 
Ep. 218. ad januar.  the society of the new people with sacraments in number fewest, in observation easiest, in signification most excellent, as baptism consecrate to the Trinity, and the communicating of the body and blood of Christ. Also: The Lord and the apostolic doctrine gave but a 
Lib. de doctr. Christ. ca 9  few signs: as is the sacrament of baptism and the celebration of the body and blood of Christ. And in like number Ambrose in the book of the sacraments acknowledgeth only two, baptism, and the Lords supper. But the papacy addeth over and beside these, five more: Order, Confirmation, Unction, 
Trident. con. sess. 6. c. 14. sess. 14. c. 1. & seq.  Penance, and Matrimony. The holy scripture teacheth us that matrimony is not only comely and honourable for all men, but also that it is in a manner necessary to 
Heb. 13. & 1. Cor. 7.  avoid fornication *. Therefore we read that Peter the apostle had a wife, * where mention 
Mark. 1. & Matt. 8.  is made of Peter's wives mother. Moreover Chrysostom * saith: The Apostle 
Ad Tit. hom. 1.  stoppeth the mouth of heretics, which slander marriage: showing that it is not a detestable thing, but so honourable, that with it they may go up into the holy throne even of bishops. To what end should I use many words? The pope himself saith: * If any man shall teach 
In decret. dist. 28.  a priest to despise his own wife under colour of religion, let him be accursed. Also: * Because it 
Dist. 31.  is provided that single life might not be fostered, and that he should be sequestered from the communion of the faithful, which doth separate himself from his wife because of ecclesiastical orders. Also dist. 3. c. si quis nuptias. But the same pope doth in the Tridentine Council so forbidden his clerks and nuns to marry, that he doth even enforce them when they enter his holy orders to take an oath that they will live in perpetual single life: which Paul showeth to be a sure 
1. Tim. 4. Titus. 3.  mark of Antichrist. The scripture teacheth that we must acknowledge that we have salvation and justification by jesus Christ from the alone mercy of God. jes. 43. I, I am he, saith the Lord, which blot out your iniquities. Also, Matt. 9 That you may know that the son of man hath power to forgive sins upon earth, I say to the sick of the palsy, Arise, take up thy bed and go home. But the pope saith thus in Bernardin. Rosetus. We can demerit eternal life with works. 
Serm. 20.  Therefore we ought to presume, and hold for a certainty, that after this life we shall assuredly have eternal life, for the reward of good works. Also in the summary de great. sanct. Good works demerit three things: namely, eternal life, increase of grace, remission of punishment. As if either the chastity or holiness of our flesh could be so great, that we should not always be accounted unprofitable servants, or that we can do those works for our Lord and patron, besides those that we of duty own, that we can merit any thing. But let us see the rest. The scripture teacheth, that in the Lord's supper as well the bread as the wine must be given to those 
Mat. 26. Mark. 14. 1. Cor. 11.  that come thereto *. But the pope will suffer the people to have no more save only the bread: and forbiddeth them the receiving 
Concil. Const. sess. 13.  of the cup and wine *. Which inhibition we may so much the more wonder at, 
De consecrat. dist. comperimus.  because the pope in his Decrees * hath left this in writing. We find that certain having taken only a portion of the holy body, do abstain from the cup of the holy blood: who undoubtedly let them either receive the whole sacraments, or else let them be kept from the whole: because there cannot be a division made of one and the same mystery without great sacrilege. The same scripture commandeth all, to take, eat, and drink. But in popery only the priests take, eat, and drink, which notwithstanding is manifestly forbidden in the same decree * in these words: When 
De cons. dist. 2. c. peracta.  the consecration is ended let all communicate, which will not want (be put from) the bounds of the Church: for both the Apostles did thus decree, and also the holy church of Rome holdeth this. The same holy scripture doth appoint, that in the Church and assembly of the godly all things be uttered in the common language, that the multitude may easily understand what every one saith: and addeth a reason, because if any thing should be uttered in a strange and unknown tongue, the multitude could not give their consent, and answer Amen. But in popery not only the priests, but also the multitude, and silly women which mumble up certain forms of prayers, do say all in latin. The scripture teacheth us, that Christ is the only bishop and priest, who did once sacrifice his body for mankind, according to that: * Christ was once 
1. Tim. 2.  offered that he might take away the sins of many. And: We are sanctified by the offering up of the body of Christ once made. And again: 
Ephes. 5. & Heb. 9 & 10.  By one oblation hath he consecrated for ever those that are sanctified. But the pope hath made infinite priests, whom he hath commanded that so often as they say mass they should so often sacrifice the body of Christ both for the living, and also for the dead. Whereupon cometh that form of Canon in the mass: We pray that thou wilt accept▪ and bless these gifts, these rewards, these sacrifices, which we offer up to thee for thy Church. Also upon Easter day in the secrets of the mass: Receive the prayers of thy people, with the oblations of the hosts. Also out of the mass for the dead: The sacrifices we offer unto thee for the souls of thy servants and handmaids. Also: O Lord, we offer to thee sacrifices for the soul of thy servant. Also in the book of the Conformities *. As friar 
Fol. 65.  john was at mass, and in the elevation of the Lords body, as he offered it for the souls of the dead to God the father: he saw an infinite number of souls go out of purgatory, as a multitude of sparkles out of a fiery furnace, and fly to heaven for Christ's merits, who is daily offered in the most holy host for the quick and the dead. But let these things hitherto be spoken touching the corrupt, polluted, defiled, and filthy religion of the pope's, only for examples sake. For seeing this crime of the papacy hath in many and great books for the space of more than fifty years together been most plentifully declared and handled by the Divines of Germany, Helvetia, France, and England, and by others also, it seemeth more commodious to come unto the fourth crime of the papacy.   

The crime of Sacrilege.  
HItherto have we spoken of the second crime of the papacy. Hereafter order doth require that we entreat of sacrilege, and of that wickedness which commonly they all Simony, of Simon Magus. For it is manifest that at Rome the pope keepeth two simony marks, of those things which they call spiritual. One is that, wherein benefices are openly sold without any dissimulation, and that is the most gainful. Another being not so gainful, but notwithstanding filthy & detestable, is that, which is called the tax of the Apostolic penance, when as impunity of all sin and wickedness is so manifestly sold, every sin having a certain sum of money set upon it, that even some canonists do detest that unsatiable covetousness, and robbery. As in the gloss *, where john the monk 
c. fundamenta. de elect. in 6.  saith, that Rome being builteby Pirates, doth as yet retain of his first beginning. And surely so it is, that yearly an incredible weight of gold is carried to Rome out of the most wealthy treasuries in the world, which the pope's and cardinals and other epicures of the same order do spend upon the most insatiable and bottomless gulf of their lusts, with great infamy of the name of Christians. The names and titles of the former are infinite: but of so great store these are chiefly reckoned. The tribute of first fruits or vacances: which is the name of the revenues of the first year, which the pope's gather into their treasury: but these are for the most part doubled, and tripled. Also the tribute of preventions, resignations for favour, commendations, dispensations for age, order, irregularity, corporal faults. Also of expectative graces, devolutions, benefices that are like to be void, privileges, exemptions for not visiting, or to visit by a deputy, of confessions of those that are agreed, of transactions made under the pope's good pleasure, of change of benefices with dispensation, of mandates of bishops, of expeditions in form by reason of congruity, for making notories and protonotories apostolic, with their coadjutors: for letters of greater or lesser justice, for secular dignities, for dignities ecclesiastical, for new foundations, or changing the old, or for reduction of regular monasteries into secular state, or for restoring them again, for receiving fruits during absence, for legitimations, portable altars, for non obstances, for indulgences of secular clerks, for revocations, and reductions, for Toleramus, or tollerances of concubines, and for rescriptions to suits. Time should fail us if we should go about to reckon up all sorts of their unlawful scrapings and robberies. Neither is it greatly needful. For there is a book of the pope's extant, concerning these matters & markets, having this title: The taxes of the Apostolic chancery, with the Notables, as they writ them at this day, of the church of Rome: in which book there is a worthy saying expressed in these words in a certain place: And note diligently, that such graces and dispensations are not granted to poor men: because they are not: therefore they cannot be comforted. Who is he that is so secure a contemner of God: who is he altogether so void of conscience amongst the king's counsellors, whom these monsters of robberies, sacrileges, simonies do not move? Who is so hard hearted, and such an enemy to his country, which is not thoroughly touched with so great spoil of the wealth of France, and with the ruin of the poor people, out of whose marrows and bowels this money is fet, which the deep lusts of the pope's & cardinals have devoured? That which we are now about to say, will seem a thing incredible, but yet it is certain and tried to be true. When as in times past the Roman empire stood, there was such abundance of wealth and riches, so great store of gold and silver carried thither out of all parts and places of the world, of the tributes and taxes of all people and nations in a manner, that, that city was commonly called by the Greek word: The little Epitome 
Athenaeus li. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of the whole world. What if we now show that the pope of Rome doth draw to Rome yearly by his shifts, cozenage, and wicked policies, out of Europe only, (which is counted but the third part of the world) no less store of gold and silver, than the emperors of Rome did exact of all coasts of the earth for so many legions that lay everywhere in garrison? Let us hear Flavius Blondus his testimony being a man that was an Italian, & a great flatterer of the pope's, out of his book of Rome restored 3. Now (saith he) the princes of the world do adore and worship the perpetual dictator, not of Caesar, but the successor of Peter the fisherman, and the vicar of the foresaid emperor, the chief and high bishop. Now the whole world doth worship the senate of cardinals in Rome, next to the pope. What? That almost all Europe sendeth to Rome tributes being greater then, at least equal with the tributes of ancient times, when every city receiveth from the pope of Rome benefices for priests? Thus writeth Blondus. But we must a little more diligently frame the reason of this cruel sacrilege. For Suetonius in the life of julius Caesar writeth thus: He brought all France into the form of a province, and he laid upon the same yearly four hundred sesterces by the name of a stipend. Eutropius left this same written in a manner in as many words in the sixth book of his breviary. If we follow William Budeus his account we shall find that this number of sesterces is in our coin, ten hundred thousand crowns: or as they commonly call it, a million: as the Germans use it, ten tuns of gold. This was a great tribute for France: which it did yearly pay to the emperors in such sort, that yet notwithstanding there was paid out of the same to some legions that lay in garrison, a stipend. What if we now prove that the pope of Rome doth with his jugglings and shifts gather to Rome yéerly no less sum, without paying any thing out of the same? Peradventure it will seem to some a thing incredible, and altogether monstruous: as I said before: but yet notwithstanding we shall prove by a most sure testimony that it is most true. Who is then a witness of that so great robbery or rather sacrilege? The senate of Paris that beareth chief rule in France, which about an hundred years ago, presented to Ludovicus the eleventh, certain requests for the churches of France, which Francis Duarene a lawyer translated into Latin, and published with the king's privilege, twice at Paris, and also twice at Lions: toward the end of the book concerning benefices. For in the 72. article of the same requests, it is thus written: That we may specially and particularly show how greatly the money of the realm is wasted within those three years, we must mark, that in the holy bishop's time there have been void in this realm more than twenty archbishoprikes, and bishoprics: and it is not to be doubted, but that as well for the yearly tribute which we call the first fruits, as for other extraordinary costs upon every bull, there have been paid down six thousand crowns, which sum amounteth to an hundred and twenty thousand crowns. The 68 article followeth: There have been void in this realm threescore abbots places: whereof every one cost two thousand crowns at the least: therefore the sum is an hundred and twenty thousand crowns. 74. At the same time there were void priorships, deaneries, provostships, masterships, and other dignities which have not the pastoral staff for their ensign, more than two hundred: and for every one of these benefices there were paid down, five hundred crowns: the sum therefore is, an hundred thousand crowns. 75. It is manifest that in this realm there be at least an hundred thousand parishes, which are inhabited and replenished. Neither is there any one wherein at that time some one did not obtain an expectative grace: and for every one of these they paid five and twenty crowns, as well for the charges of the journey, as for the making of the bulls: non obstances, prerogatives, annullations, and other especial clauses, which were wont to be adjoined to the grace's expectatives. Also for the executory process upon the same graces. This sum is twenty times five hundred thousand crowns. Thus saith the Senate of Paris. Now let us collect the total sum of the sums. We shall find that it amounteth to the sum of nine hundred six and forty thousand six hundred threescore and six crowns, and moreover to the eight part of one crown: which is the third part of that sum which the Senate of Paris showeth to have been carried to Rome in that three years space: namely, eight and twenty hundred and forty thousand crowns: or to speak plainly in our country speech, three millions of gold lacking an hundred & threescore thousand: or (as the Germans say) almost eight and twenty tons of gold. Moreover, we have found out that the tax of the vacations written in the books of the treasure-house of the cathedral churches and abbeys of France, being taxed only; doth every sixth year amount to the sum of six hundred, ninety seven thousand, seven hundred and fifty French pounds, besides the prelacies and other benefices that are not taxed, the exactions whereof do almost arise to that sum. And shall there be any in the king's parliament of France, that will confess that he can with a quiet mind suffer this whirlpit, or rather Scylla, Charybdis, or gulf? And will not rather so soon as he heareth this loss of so great sums, detest and accurse that huge and cruel beast with all prayers? And yet we will not cite this testimony only. Lo we have another out of the book whose title is, The Forest of common places, which was published about the end of the Council holden at basil, wherein is gathered into a gross sum, the sum of money that during the time of pope Martin the fifts popedom, was carried to Rome out of France alone, which is said to have amounted to ninety hundred thousand crowns. And do we wonder that that same Senate of Paris, did in the same requests, artic. 71. sore and bitterly complain, that so great a sum of gold and silver was yearly carried to Rome, so that they were compelled sometimes for the use of the common people of France to coin brass money for silver money? But let us hear the 62. article of the same requests. Heretofore (saith the Senate of Paris) the people of this kingdom ran to Rome by heaps, whereof some served the cardinals and courtiers: some being servants to no man, but being enticed by some vain hope, did spend their own and their parent's substance: other some, and that a great many went to Rome for this purpose, that they might procure trouble to the rest that stayed here, and that they might wring out of their hands by hook or by crook their churches and benefices. For we find by experience, that the greatest part of those which went hence to Rome, was wont to die straightway either through wearisomeness and danger of the journey, or through the plague, which is oftentimes very rife at Rome: and those which escaped out of these dangers, they procured trouble to old men, sick persons, and to such like, which were continually resident in their churches and benefices. But it did oftentimes fall out, that silly men being cited to the court of Rome, when as they could not defend themselves against these false accusers, were enforced to end their life through wearisomeness and sorrow. 62. Most of those that did hunt after benefices, did quite empty their parents and friends bags, and at length, they were brought to great poverty and beggary. Neither did they endure so great injuries upon any other hope, save only that they might sometimes bring home lead for gold: and it fell out sometimes that the gaping crow was deceived, and that the lead that was bought with gold, was nothing else but lead. For whiles they trusted to their leaden bulls, there came in one between, which brought at a sudden an annullation: and sometimes there were ten or twelve that did gape and catch for one benefice. And when the strife was once begun, they must back again to Rome to follow the suit: so that whiles all men ran to Rome from all quarters, the realm was miserably destitute of her people and subjects. And this surely was the complaint of the Senate of Paris, of the unsatiable covetousness, and greedy robbery of the pope's, above an hundred years ago, which was presented to king Ludovike, and yet not sprung from the new and fresh robberies of the pope's. For there is extant a decree of that Ludovic that was called Blessed, anno 1228. which doth plainly show how great the covetousness of the pope's was in France even at that time: The exactions 
Sub. tit. de Talijs.  (saith he) and heavy burdens laid upon the churches of our realm by the court of Rome, whereby the realm is wonderfully impoverished, or which shall hereafter be laid upon us, will we have to be levied and gathered no farther forth, save only for reasonable, godly, and most urgent necessity, and such as cannot be avoided, and according to our express and free consent, and of the church of our realm. It seemeth good to me likewise to cite in this place that excellent conclusion of the Abbot of Vsperge; out of the life of Philip the emperor, whereby it may be understood, 
Pag. 321.  how ancient this complaint was concerning the robberies of the papacy of Rome, which Sixtus the fift hath determined to maintain stoutly with all his tyranny. There scarce remained (saith he) any bishopric, or ecclesiastical dignity, or parish church, which was not in suit, and the cause itself was brought to Rome: but not with an empty hand. Our mother Rome be glad, because the sluices of the treasuries of the earth are set open, that the streams and heaps of money may flow unto thee in great abundance: Rejoice over the iniquities of the sons of men: because thou hast a reward given thee in recompense of so great evils. Be glad over thine helper discord: because she is broken out of the pit of hell, that thou mayst have many rewards of money heaped upon thee. Thou hast that after which thou didst always thirst. Sing a song, because thou hast overcome the world through the wickedness of men, and not through thy religion. Not devotion, or a pure conscience doth draw men unto thee, but the committing of many heinous facts, and the deciding of controversies gotten by money. Let us also hear the complaint of Theodore Nihemius being not unlike 
Tract. 6. c. 37.  to this; that the king of France his Counsellors may know, how freely many good men have long ago detested these sacrileges of the papacy of Rome: and have detested them at the same time when the Church of Christ was oppressed with the most cruel lordship of the same papacy. The pope's treasure-house (saith he) is like to the sea, into which all rivers run, and yet it doth not overflow. For so into this are carried out of divers parts of the world thousand weights of gold: and yet it is not filled: wherein there is a generation which changeth swords for teeth: that it may eat up the needy of the earth, and the poor from among men: wherein there be many bloodsuckers which say, Bring, Bring. The officers of which treasury are called Gentes camerae: and that truly. For the Gentiles be barbarous nations, which have manners that are discrepant from the manners of men. O most just Gentiles, which shall have their lot with the infernal furies, or Harpies, and with Tantalus being a thirst, which never are satisfied. Moreover, there be certain verses of certain Canonists extant, which accurse the wicked covetousness of the pope's, and amongst these of one john a monk, of whom we made mention a little before, out of whose excellent monuments these are recited, and commended.  

Rome gnaws her hands, but as for those  
Whom gnaw she cannot, those she hates.  
To those that give, she listeneth:  
Against all those she shuts her gates,  
That nothing give. That hellish court  
The mother is of evils and care:  
Unknown with known she equal makes,  
And beasts with those that honest are.   
Also in another place:  

The court doth empty purse and chests,  
For why she longeth after marks:  
If thou disposed be to spare  
Thy purse, fly pope's and patriarchs.  
If marks thou give, and with the same  
Their chests shalt fill, thou loosed shalt be:  
And clean absolved from all offence,  
And ugly sin that holdeth thee.  
Who keeps the house? Whose there? It's I.  
What would you have? I would come in?  
Do you bring aught? No: Stand at doors.  
I bring enough: then come you in.   
Hitherto have we spoken of the monstruous robberies of the pope's, and of the former sort of the crimes of sacrileges and simony: now order doth require that we speak of the other, which is commonly called the penitentiary tax, if first we add that one thing, which Francis Petrarcha an Italian, left in writing touching pope john the two and twenty, that his heirs found in his treasure house after his death no less than twenty times five thousand thousand crowns. Which sum the French men express thus, five and twenty millions of Gold. And the Germans, two hundred and fifty tuns of gold. By the which every man may easily judge of other sacrileges and spoils of the like thieves. Therefore the book is extant being published at Paris, anno 1520. with the privilege of the parliament of Paris, the sixth day of june the same year, the title whereof is, The Taxes of the apostolic chancery: and also the holy penitentiary taxes, being likewise apostolic: where fol. 36. you may see these prices of absolutions, and apostolic markets. An absolution for a monk that weareth voided shoes, and that weareth knit garments, seven grosses. Absolution for a priest that hath joined together in matrimony those that are within degrees of kindred, and hath said mass before them, seven grosses. For him that hath lain with a woman in the church, and hath committed other evils, six grosses. For a priest that hath married privily certain persons, and hath been present at secret matrimonies, seven grosses. For a lay-man that hath taken away holy things out of an holy place, seven grosses. Absolution for him that hath had any carnal copulation with his mother, sister, or other kinswoman, or ally, or with his godmother, five grosses. For him that hath deflowered a virgin, six grosses. For a perjured person, six grosses. For a lay-man that hath slain an Abbot, or another priest under a bishop, which hath slain a monk or a clerk, 7. 8. or 9 grosses. Absolution for a lay-man killing a lay-man, gross. 5. For a priest, a dean, or clerk, when the supplication is signed with Fiat, gross. 18. or 16. Absolution for him that hath slain his father, mother, brother, sister, or wife, or any other kinsman being a lay-man: because if any of them were a clerk, the murderer should be bound to visit the apostolic sea, gross. 5. or 7. For an husband that hath beaten his wife, of which beating she brought forth her child before her time, gross. 6. For a woman that hath drunken any drink, or done some other thing, whereby she hath destroyed the child that was quick within her, gross. 5. Is not the state of Christian nations miserable and to be lamented, out of whose blood and bowels so great heaps of money are carried to Rome, to be consumed forthwith in dens, brothelhouses, and gluttony of the pope's, cardinals, and such epicures? Doth not the spectacle of the common people of France seem lamentable and deadly, seeing that in these times the persecutions of the reformed churches being so often restored, and renewed, we see innumerable families cast out through hunger & necessity, beg in the streets, being destroyed and quite past hope of recovery? And to see the wealthy & fat epicures of Rome to be glutted with the blood of our citizens? To see the natural countrymen of France that came of most ancient houses, wander up and down with their wives and children in strange countries, being driven out of their own country and places where they were borne? And to see the Romish ruffians which are put into their place by Sixtus the fift, to be entertained so courteously by those that are in authority? O nation of France derided of all other nations, that can so long bear that tyrannical lordship of the papacy! O jesus Christ that wast crucified for us, and raised again, and art placed at the right hand of God the father, what end dost thou show us, or O thou great King what end dost thou give us of our labours?  
And to the end the most famous Senators of the parliament being lawyers may understand, that there were long ago of the same order learned men, which have openly detested that cruel and barbarous tyranny, I will hereafter cite some testimonies out of their books, whereof that is the first, out of D. Albericus. * The precedents 
l. been a Zenone nu. 18. c. de quad. praescrip.  of the church of Rome (saith he) through their crafty & subtle wisdom according to the variety of times, have varied their statutes: sometimes advancing their empire, sometimes depressing it a little and a little. But to what end? save only that by little and little they might put all things under their feet, both heavenly things as also earthly things, both temporal and also spiritual things (as they call them) as they do openly boast. Let the second author come forth, which is john Peter of Ferrara, in whose public practices which he wrote above an hundred and fifty years ago, we find it thus written: This desire did 
In formula, act. confess.  so increase, that not only the lay men, but also the high priests and clerks are thoroughly infected with such an infection and vice. For thou seest him that should follow the footsteps of jesus Christ as his true vicar, possess and seek with a strong hand to detain the jurisdiction upon earth, in cities, and towns, and places, which belong naturally both by the creation of the world, and also by the ordinance of Christ, to the empire of Rome, according to that: Give to God that which is Gods, and to Caesar that which is Caesar's. Yea the pope himself endeavoureth to have the superiority over the emperor, which to speak is ridiculous, and to hear abominable. Also, * Note how and how many 
In forma resp. rei. conven. nu. 10.  ways these clerks do ensnare the lay-men: and enlarge their own jurisdiction. But alas for you silly emperors and secular princes, which endure this and other things: and make yourselves slaves to the pope's, and see the world usurped by them infinite ways, and do not seek to remedy these things: because you give not yourselves to wisdom and knowledge. Therefore mark, and remember what Hierom saith: Perusing old histories I cannot find that any did divide the Church, and seduce the people from the Lords house, save those that were made priests to God. Thus wrote that practitioner an hundred and fifty years ago, as we said, freely, stoutly, and courageously: whereas notwithstanding about that time the Church of Christ was most of all oppressed with the tyrannous lordship of the pope's. Why should any man therefore marvel at this time, if we detest the impiety of Sixtus the fift in defending the feigned religions of his Francis, his cruelty in renting in pieces the kingdom of France so often, his madness in treading under foot the majesty of kings, his robbery and sacrilege in taking away church-goodes? Let us hear another saying of the same practitioner, * where he 
In formu. rei con. §. Praes.  saith thus: Italy shall never be in quiet, until the church do not possess all cities, or castles: and until the Donation made by Constantine be quite revoked by some good and mighty emperor: seeing the Psalter & harp do not well agree together: neither was it granted by Christ or S. Peter that they ought to possess such things: but let that be given to Caesar that is Caesar's, and let that be given to God that is Gods. Also * Men (saith he) may 
In formu. sent. indefinite. §. sed ad quemcunque.  appeal to the pope omitting any mean. Which promise was put in for this cause, that they might draw suits to their court, and satisfy their covetousness: which notwithstanding they will never do: because the mind, desire, & endeavour of clerk above the rest, is in heaping up money contrary to common honesty, and their promise made to God, giving none attendance, not bending their study to good manners, nor to the scriptures of God. Also * Thou ignorant 
In for. libel. quo agitur ex sub. §. ex suo corpore.  lay man, thou must know, that the empire had sometime both swords: namely the temporal and the spiritual: and so consequently that at that time the emperors gave all ecclesiastical benefices throughout the whole world: and they did over & beside choose the pope as it is in c. Adrianus 13. dist. & not at. Innocent. in c. 2. de maior. & obedient. The emperors granted a privilege that the goods of those that betook themselves to lead a munks life, should be applied to the monasteries: by reason of which privilege, monasteries have been multiplied, and an infinite number have been founded throughout the whole world: in times passed for devotions sake, though at this day for spoil and covetousness sake: in so much that they have destroyed the world, and have annihilated the state of the empire, and of all the laity. Therefore those places whether made or to be made, may worthily be called nets to catch the goods of lay men. Therefore let a good emperor arise, & let all men say, Peace be in thy strength, and abundance in thy towers.   

The crime of Treason.  
IT followeth that we come to the crime of treading under foot majesty. For why should we say that it is hurt or diminished? Seeing the papacy for the space of these four hundred years, hath so proudly contemned all, both emperors, & kings, and potentates of Europe, that it accounted them not only vassals, and feudatories, but also most base bondslaves. Of which furious pride these are most sure 
extravag de maior. & obedientia.  testimonies: first in c. unam sanctam. Upon necessity of salvation we must believe that every creature is subject to the pope of Rome. Also that, The bishop of Rome is placed over nations and kingdoms *. The pope hath superiority 
c. 1. extravag de consuetud.  over the empire, and when the empire is vacant, he succeed the emperor. Clement. Pastoralis, de re iudic. The pope can translate the empire from nation to nation *. The pope 
ᶜ a. venerabil. de elect. c. 2. de re iud.  may depose the emperor *. The pope of Rome hath the monarchy of both powers, both spiritual and temporal: he hath the principality of the priesthood, and he is the head of Christian religion * Look how much the sun doth surpass 
c. fundament de elect. in 6.  the moon, so much doth the pope surpass the emperor *. All men of what dignity, and pre-eminence 
c. solit. ext. de maior. & obed.  soever they be, so soon as they come in the pope's presence, standing a good way off, they must kneel thrice before him, and kiss his feet. In the first book of the pope's ceremonies *. When the pope climbeth up the lader 
Sect. 3. c. 3.  to take horse, the greater prince that is present, yea though he were a king or emperor, he must hold the pope's stirrup, and then lead his horse by the bridle a little way. If the emperor or king were alone, that is, there were not another king, they must lead the horse alone with the right hand. But if there were another king, than the more worthy should hold the bridle on the right hand, and the other on the left hand. But if the pope were not carried upon an horse, but in a chair or litter: also if the emperor or a king were present, they must carry the chair or litter, and the pope a little upon their shoulders. Also *, The chief man 
Sect. 12. ca 5.  of the city into which the pope shall enter, though he were a king, shall lead the pope's horse by the bridle: or if the pope be carried in a chair or litter, he beareth the litter together with his nobles a little way: and then when the pope commandeth him, he taketh horse and rideth in his order *. But if it so please the pope 
d. lib. 1 tit. 2.  that he will not be carried on a horse, but in a litter: then the emperor or king, if any be there, must bear the litter upon his own shoulders. Tit. 2. The emperor must power water upon the pope's hands at a feast. At the pope's banquet, the emperor or king of the Romans must bear the first dish. in the same 2. Tit. The emperor is bound to swear to be true and obedient to the pope: the form of which 
in c. 1. de iureiur. etc. tibi domino, dist. 63.  oath is extant *. Is not the intolerable boldness of the pope's sufficiently convict by these testimonies? Surely it seemeth so, specially with those judges and senators of the parliament, in whom remaineth any fear of conscience, and of God: especially seeing that even the canonist doctors do confess the same. For cardinal Zabarella, who wrote a treatise concerning schism, about the year of Christ 1406. writeth thus in that treatise: We must consider upon doing honour and homage to the pope, least men pass measure therein, so that they may seem not so much to honour the pope, as God. For he must so be honoured that he be not worshipped: which S. Peter did not suffer to be done to him: of whom we read in the Acts. 10. that Cornelius fell down at his feet and worshipped him: but Peter took him up, saying, Arise: I myself am a man, like to thee. Thus wrote Zarabella, whereto agreeth that of john Faber *. The pope saith he, in words 
in praefat. instit.  calleth himself a servant of servants: but indeed he suffereth himself to be worshipped: which the angel in the Revelation did refuse. Thus writeth Faber.  
But the pope's fet this title and authority of so great pride from the benefit of Constantine the great, whose instrument is extant, first in Latin *: and secondly in 
in dist. 96. c. Const.  Greek, in Augustine Steuchus the master of the pope's library, in the book of the Donation of Constantine, imprinted at lions anno 1547. as followeth: that the empire of the west, that is, of Italy, Sicilia, Sardinia, France, Spain, England, Germany, be in the pope of Rome his power: and that he have the name, like attire, like, and also greater dignity, majesty, empire and power, as Constantine had: that he have also the like troop of horsemen to wait upon him: so that when he rideth on horseback the emperor do for a time go by him as his footman, and wait upon him some space, holding his horse by the bridle. Concerning which matter the same Steuchus in his second book and threescore and sixth chapter writeth thus: * Also that part of the edict wherein 
Pag. 134.  the mighty emperor saith that he held the bridle of S. Syluesters horse being pope of Rome, and that he led his horse (wherein is known the kissing of the feet) is proved to be true, because the emperors that were successors did the like not long after. For as the pope of Rome entered into Constantinople, justinian having his crown on his head, did prostrate himself and kissed the pope's feet. Also when pope Stephen went to Pipinus the French king, the same king hearing of his coming, went with all haste to meet him, together with his wife and children, and nobles; and he sent his son Charles almost an hundred miles to meet him, together with some of his nobles. Also he himself in his palace that is called Ponticone almost three miles off, alighting of his horse, with great humility lying prostrate upon the ground, together with his wife, children, and nobles, received the same pope, on whom he waited still as an usher, unto a little place besides his cell, and brought him with glory to the palace. These things have I cited word for word out of Ivo Carnotensis: & he (as I think) out of Anastasius the keeper of the library. Thus writeth Steuchus: the like whereof Platina reporteth of Pipinus and Charles in the life of Stephen the second. Now let us confer with these flattering and glozing words of the pope of Rome, the modesty and commandments of Christ, whose successor and vicar the pope affirmeth he is. You know, saith he, that the princes of the nations bear rule over them, and that those that are great do exercise authority over them. But it shall not be so among you: but whosoever will be great among you, let him be your servant: and whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your minister: as the son of man came not that he might be ministered unto, but that he might minister *. I am in the midst of you as he 
Matt. 20.  that ministereth *. Therefore so often as he gave any commandment or committed 
Luk. 22.  business to his Apostles, he did in no place prefer one before another: but he made like account of all: as being fellows in office, and fellows in one business. As when he commanded them to go into the world, and to preach the Gospel, and to confirm that preaching by miracles *. Or 
Mat. 10. 7. 8. Luk. 10. 9  when he forewarneth them that it will come to pass, that they shall judge the twelve tribes of Israel, he saith not that some one of them shall sit in the tribunal seat, and the rest in lower places *, as the 
Mat. 19 30.  false Constantine writeth, I grant to the pope of the church of Rome that the priests have him to be their head in like sort, as judges have the king for their head *. When the holy Ghost was sent 
C. Const. 96. dist  down upon the Apostles as they were together: when power to bind and loose was granted to them: when they were sent to preach the Gospel, to which of them (I pray you) is any prerogative of right, or 
john. 20. Mat. 28. Acts. 1.  privilege granted *?  
And surely these are great examples of the pope's insolency, pride, and haughtiness: but that is somewhat more and more wonderful, which many historiographers have recorded touching the emperor Friderike Ahenobarbus: and amongst these Helmodus in the eight chapter of Scl. Chronic. 1. Naucler. generat. 39 Barnus of the life of pope's. When he and pope Adrian were agreed together, that he should give to the pope as great reverence as he could, as to S. Peter's successor: finally, that when he did alight, he should hold his stirrup, it is said that the emperor stood on his right side, and touched the right stirrup. Whereat the pope was displeased, and reproved the emperor: but he answered him, that he did it, because he knew not what the holding of stirrups meant, because that was the first time that ever he held any. Which things seeing they are so, and the pope hath taken to himself so great lordship over the most mighty princes of the world, yet it is pleasant to hear, that our pope Sixtus the fift doth call that lordship by the name of service. For in the beginning of his declaration against the king of Navarre, he useth these words: That he doth therefore excommunicate the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condie, that during the time of his Service, there may be peace and quietness, heretics being taken away. What manner service is this with a mischief, which is spent in possessing the empire of the earth, in treading under foot the majesty of kings and emperors? Of the same sort of service is that, which the same pope Adrian wrote to the same Friderike: We wonder not a little at your wisdom, that you seem not to give to S. Peter & to the holy church of Rome so much reverence as you ought. For in your letters which you sent to us, you put your own name before ours: wherein you incur the note of insolency, I will not say, of arrogancy. Touching which thing the same Nauclerus 
Genes. 39  * doth testify. But now we must come to the chiefest and principal testimony of the pope's pride, and of his treading under foot the majesty of kings. For after that Alexander successor to the same Adrian, had terrified the foresaid emperor Friderike with his usual excommunication, in those cruel clouds and darkness of the Church of Christ, and Friderike being infected with the superstition of those times, was desirous to be absolved from the same: the pope appointed him a day, in which he should be present in Venece in the chief church. When he was come thither: as great store of cardinals and bishops stood by him, the pope denied to release him of his proscription, unless he would first fall down at his feet and humbly crave forgiveness of him. Which after he had done, than the pope lifted up one of his feet, and set it upon the neck of the emperor as he lay prostrate, and then commanded his priests to sing that verse out of the psalms of David: Thou shalt walk upon the adder and cockatrice, the lion and dragon shalt thou tread under foot. Of which ●antish cruelty there be plentiful testimonies extant in the same Nauclerus, in Barnus, of the 
Genes. 40.  life of pope's, and Funcius in his chronicles. Is there any of so great a number of the Senators & Counsellors of the French king, that can desire any greater or more sure testimony of treason, or treading majesty under foot? Though peradventure some man will say: Why was so great an emperor and so mighty a monarch so cowardly? Surely this was the fatal superstition of these times, which did possess the minds of men in so great darkness: concerning which kind, that of Titus Livius is known writing of the Bachanals: Nothing is more deceitful to look to than false religion, when as wickedness is cloaked with the power of the Gods. For men are afraid lest in punishing the falsehood of men, some point of the divine authority mixed among be violate. Thus writeth he. But now we must fetch some other testimonies of the pope's Service out of the majesty of our kings that is trodden under foot, whereby it may more easily be understood, how that the boldness which is in this pope Sixtus, being strengthened with so great antiquity, is not to be wondered at: seeing that he durst give the most excellent king of Navarre, and most renowned prince of Condie this title, as to call them Sons of wrath: ministers of proud Lucifer, patrons of heretics and heresies: that they lie wallowing in mire and filth: that they be heads, captains, and chief defenders of heretics, that they be most earnest fautors of strangers: that they make war against their king, against him, and also catholics: that they be murderers of religious men: that Condie a part had heretics for his parents, and that he continueth in the footsteps of his father being a most wicked persecuter of the catholic church: that he is an author of civil wars and seditions, and that he doth execute all kind of fierceness and cruelty. And that both of them are a detestable and degenerate issue: and guilty of treason against God: and enemies to the true Christian faith. But an evil plague light on thee (most holy Antichrist) which darest belch out these things, and vomit out this poison of thy bitterness against such and so great Princes. But as I have already said, why do we wonder at so great insolency of the pope against these two most renowned Princes? seeing that he used as great boldness in times past, against Philip the Fair, the most mighty king of France. For in the year 1286. it is reported that Boniface the eight was so proud, that he did avouch, that he was subject to his government not only in spiritual things, but also in temporal things. Only so? Yea he proclaimed him a schismatic and heretic, and having cursed him with all curses, he did excommunicate him. But the king being very courageous, thought that he ought not to yield to this his so great boldness: yea as it became a valiant prince, he broke and did beat down that fierceness and madness. For he appointed that inquisition should be made of his wicked facts, & that he should be made answer for the same, & so soon as he found him to be convict by manifest testimonies, than he made him be apprehended at Rome, and cast in prison: in which prison (to use the words of Baldus and Platina) he that had reigned like a lion, died like a dog: which history is recorded by most French chronicle writers, besides Platina. Such was sometime the magnanimity of our kings in despising and repressing the impudency of pope's. For shall any in all France, either noble man, or of the common sort, either with government, office, power, or also private man, be thought to bear a good mind toward the king's majesty, in whom this so great pride of that tyrant of Rome will not provoke loathsomeness and detestation? And we wonder that our Sixtus being thus taught by satan, being hardened by such antiquity of cruelty, durst in this his declaration pronounce that, He doth deprive Henry king of Navarr, and Henry prince of Condie, and all their posterity, of kingdoms, principalities, dukedoms, lordships, cities, places, and fees: and also of dignities, honours, and princely offices: for these be his words. Also: To declare them to be uncapable, and unable to succeed in all dukedoms, principalities, lordships, and kingdoms, and specially in the kingdom of France. What with a mischief what tragical and Thyestical cursing is this, and furious pride of Antichrist, and of an impudent friar? Was there ever any that heard more outrageous barking of a band-dog or Cerberus, than this?  
But, as I have already said, this boldness of the pope against the king of Navarr is not greatly to be wondered at, seeing such was his unbridled fury against the most mighty king of France. Wherefore let us hear rather other testimonies of like and the same pride: for it is not for man to contend with satan in railing speeches: and it shall be sufficient to use that curse of Michael the archangel: The Lord 
Jude. 1. 9  rebuke thee. Therefore to return to our purpose, we must not pass over that testimony of the same popish service, which is reported touching the same Boniface, who in the year 1300. when there was great concourse of people at Rome by reason of the jubilee, in the first solemn day, the pope showed himself to the people in his Pontificalibus: the day following, having on the attire of the emperor, he commanded a naked sword to be borne before him, crying with a loud voice: I am the pope, and emperor, and I bear rule in earth and heaven. And a few days after he proudly rejected Albertus created emperor by the electors of Germany, when he came to crave his confirmation, denying that the election had without his authority ought to be counted firm: seeing he alone had the authority of both swords. After some good space he confirmed him upon condition, that with all expedition he should make war against the French king, whose kingdom he gave him for a pray and reward of his victory. Which things are witnessed by Cuspianus in the life of Albertus in the chronicle of Vsperge, and by the writers of the French chronicles. But to what end do we prosecute these light and trifling things? We have before declared, that the pope of Rome doth claim by the donation of Constantine, the empire of all the west parts. These be but bare words. Wherefore let us look into the thing itself. For we deny that there is any king in the west, I mean of France, Spain, Arragon, Portugal, Hungary, Bohemia, England, Scotland, Denmark, Sueveland, Ruscia, Croatia, Dalmatia whom the papacy of Rome will not have to be vassal and feudatary to it: as if he had received his kingdom from him as a fee and benefit, and aught for that cause to owe allegiance, and to do homage to him. It is much that we say, and almost incredible to be spoken: but the truth shall appear by instruments that we will bring to light, and by testimonies that we will use. For we will touch every realm according to the order of the letters.   

Of that of England.  
AVgustine Steuchus the master of the pope's library doth witness in his book of the donation of Constantine, that in 
2. pag. 138.  that library of the pope's there is extant a register of pope Alexander the 3. wherein is found an epistle to William king of England. For as we understand by that book of Steuchus the master of the library, all the acts of every pope are written in several registers: to the which what credit we ought to give the very rule of the law doth show, wherein it is said, that a private writing must be believed, but only against the writer himself. Therefore this was Alexander his epistle. Your wisdom knoweth that the kingdom of England, sithence the time that the name of Christ was there glorified, hath been under the hand and tuition of the chief of the Apostles. For as you know full well, the Englishmen were faithful, and in respect of godly devotion, and knowledge of religion, they gave a yearly pension to the apostolic sea: whereof some part was given to the bishop of Rome, some part to the church of S. Marry, which is called the school of the Englishmen, to the use of the brethren. These things are cited out of Steuchus. But I find these testimonies in other places besides Steuchus. Flavius Blondus in his 6. book Decad. 2. Then, saith he, john king of England fearing that he was not of sufficient force to deal with the French king, fled to the mercy of Innocentius the third pope of Rome: for making England and Ireland feudatories to the church of Rome, by league he promised to pay for either Island an hundred marks in gold yearly. Antony of Florence saith *, john king of England of his own accord 
Hist. part. 3. tit 19 §. quinto anno 1223.  by the counsel of his princes, offered, and did freely grant to God, and his most holy Apostles Peter, Paul, and to the holy church of Rome, and to the lord Innocentius the third, being pope, all the kingdom of England, and also of Ireland, with all their rights and appurtenances: and he hath done and sworn homage for the same kingdoms, to the said Innocentius the pope, that he should hold them hereafter as a feudatory of the said pope and his successors. Whereof also Polidore Virgil maketh mention in his 15. book. By this instrument of the pope, if, as I said, we may give credence to a private writing, the realm of England is feudatary to the pope. Go to, let us see the rest.   

Of the kingdom of Arragonia.  
STeuchus in the self same book *, saith. 
Pag. 193.  Peter king of Arragonia in the third year of the L. Innocentius the third being pope: came to Rome to the same Innocentius, and he received from him solemnly an honourable knighthood: and he offered willingly to S. Peter and to the holy church of Rome his whole kingdom: and there he had for his fee the same kingdom. Also he appointed to pay a certain sum of money for the kingdom of Sardinia.   

Of the kingdom of Croatia and Dalmatia.  
STeuchus in the same book *, in the register of Gregory the seventh, we read thus. In the name of the lord, of the holy 
Pag. 191.  and indivisible Trinity, in the year of the Lords incarnation, one thousand seventy six: in the 14. indiction of the month of October, I Demetrius which am also called Suinumir, by the grace of God, duke of Croatia and Dalmatia, being made and constituted by thee L. Gebizus, having the power of Pope Gregory, by the embassage of the apostolic sea, by the synodal and general election of the whole clergy and people, in the Solantine church of S. Peter, and being invested and appointed king, in the government of the kingdom of the Croatians and Dalmatians by the banner, sword, sceptre, and crown, to thee I vow and promise, that I will unchangeably fulfil all things, which thy reverend holiness shall enjoin me, that I may keep mine oath to the Apostolic sea in all things: and that I may keep irrevocably whatsoever as well the sea apostlike, as the legates thereof have or shall establish in this realm: that I may execute justice, and defend the church, also I appoint to pay to S. Peter yearly in the resurrection of the Lord, the tribute of two hundred Bizanties, of all my consulships and primacies, for the kingdom granted to me. Furthermore seeing to serve God is to reign, in steed of S. Peter and of our lord pope Gregory, and after him instead of his successors in the apostolic sea, I commit myself to thine hands, and in committing myself I establish this fidelity with an oath. I say, I Demetrius which am also called Suinumir, by the grace of God, and the gift of the apostolic sea, being from this day and heretofore king, shall be faithful to S. Peter and my L. pope Gregory, and his successors that enter canonically. As for the kingdom, L. Gebizo, that is given me by thy hand, I shall faithfully keep it, and I shall not take away the same, and the right thereof from the apostolic sea by any means or policy at any time: I shall honourably receive, and honestly handle, & send back my L. Gregory the pope, and his successors and ambassadors, if they come into my dominion: and I shall humble serve them what service soever they shall appoint unto me. These things writeth Steuchus. Whereby we may know what eloquent and learned scribes the pope's use to have, which cannot only set down in writing the deeds and famous facts of Francis and Dominic, but also write the instruments and witnessed briefs of invested feudatories.   

Of the kingdom of Denmark.  
STeuchus in the same 2. book *, The 
Pag. 189.  kingdom of Denmark saith he, doth properly belong unto, and is the tribute of the holy church of Rome, which thing the true monuments of the pope's do witness. Alexander the holy bishop, the holy L. to his beloved son Suevis king of Denmark, sendeth greeting and the apostolic blessing. We admonish your wisdom, that you provide to send to us and our successors the tribute of your kingdom, which your predecessors were wont to pay to the church of the apostle: yet so, that it be not laid as an oblation upon the altar, but that it be offered aswell to us as to our successors presentiallie, that it may be more certainly approved.   

Of the kingdom of France.  
THere is extant in Nicolas Gillius a french man, and a Chronicle writer, an excellent epistle of pope Boniface the 8 which we will set down. Boniface the servant of the servants of God, to Philip the french king: Fear God and keep his commandments. We will have you know that in spiritual things and temporal things you are subject to us: there appertaineth to you no bestowing of benefices and prebends: and if you have the keeping of any that are void, reserve the profit thereof for the successors: and if you have bestowed any, we decree that the gift thereof is void: we count those fools that believe otherwise. Given at Laterane 4. of the Nones of December in the 6. year of our popedom. This instrument of pope Boniface is without doubt set down in his register according to the custom, by the keepers of the library: but let us hear what the other party answereth. For we shall know by the king's answer what credence and authority we ought to give to these registers of the pope's. Philip by the grace of God king of France, to Boniface that carrieth himself for the chief bishop, sendeth small greeting or none at all. Let your great folly know, that in temporal things we are subject to none: that the bestowing of any churches or prebends that are vacant, doth belong unto us by our princely right, and to reap the fruits thereof against all possessors, to maintain ourself profitably: and as for those that think otherwise, we count them dolts and mad men. These things are cited out of the Britain Chronicles of Armorica: the 4. book ch. 14. and out of Nicolas Gillius in the french Chronicles, whereby we may easily conject, that howsoever we grant that these furious letters aforesaid were sent unto kings by the pope's, yet did they sharply and vehemently repress their boldness and rashness. And yet the same Steuchus the master of the pope's library as we have said, trusting to his register, durst in the same book of his * write thus, 
Pag. 198.  and cause it to be printed at Lions. Boniface the 7. against Philip the king of France, because he did exalt himself against the Church, when the pope had unfolded to him the old monuments, whereby he taught, that France was subject to the church of Rome both in holy and profane things, for which it was necessary that he should reverence and worship the pope as Lord of his kingdom, when he despised him, he did excommunicate him.   

Of the empire of Germany.  
THe same Steuchus writeth nothing touching this empire by reason of the great power of Charles the fift, whom Steuchus was afraid to offend. But we have else where very many testimonies. First in the canonists *, wherein is contained 
c. tibi. Domino▪ dist. 63.  the oath of the emperor Otho, which he gave to the pope. Which pope Clement affirmeth to be the oath of allegiance, 
in c. de iureiur. in Clem.  which vassals do give to their patrons when they receive a fee. Whence the Canonists do stoutly dispute and reason, that the emperor is the pope's vassal, and that he holdeth of him his empire by the name of a fee: but also pope Innocentius the 3. writeth, * that the right to choose the emperor 
in c. venerabilem, extra, de elect. c. 2. de re iud. in 6. in c. 1. ext. Ne sed. vacan.  came unto the princes of Germany from the apostolic sea. And * that the emperor may be deposed by the pope. And *, that the pope when the empire is void is emperor. And hereupon rose that boldness of pope Innocentius the second, that he painted in the Laterane church at Rome, the emperor Lotharius, as a vassal lying prostrate at his feet, and receiving the imperial crown at his hands: and did write these verses under the same picture:  

Rex venit ante fores, iurans prius urbis honores.  
Pòst homo fit papae: sumit, quo dante, coronam.   

The king before the doors did come,  
The cities honours first he swears:  
That done the pope's man he is made,  
Of whom he takes the crown he wears.   
The memorial whereof is extant in the chronicles of Hirsaug. in the life of the abbot Hartuing, & in Radevic. * And when as 
lib. 1. num. 9 & 10.  the same day the emperor Friderike had reasoned with the legates of pope Adrian, Radevic writeth that they answered thus, Of whom then hath he the empire if not from our Lord the pope? Moreover, there is extant in john Aventine *, an epistle of pope Adrian unto 
Lib. 6. pa. 636.  the archbishops of Trevirs, Moguntine, and Colen written thus: The Roman empire was translated from the Grecians unto the Almains: so that the king of the Almains was not called emperor before he was crowned by the Apostle. Before the consecration he was king: after the consecration emperor. From whence then hath he his empire but from us? By the election of his princes he hath the name of king, by our consecration he hath the name of emperor; and of Augustus, and of Caesar. Therefore by us he reigneth: our sea is at Rome: the emperors at Aquis nigh Arduenna, which is a wood of France. The emperor hath all that he hath from us. As Zacharie translated the empire from the Grecians to the Almains, so we may translate it from the Almains to the Grecians. Lo it is in our power to give it to whomsoever we will: being therefore set over nations and kingdoms, to destroy and pluck up, to build & plant. Thus writeth the pope of the German empire: boldly enough as it seemeth: seeing he sendeth him to Aquisgranus, and into the wood Arduenna, as if he were some shepherd or neat-heard. Shall there be any of the Counsellors of the most victorious emperor that can abide that fierce & importunate voice of that tyrant? But let us hear more.   

Of the kingdom of Spain.  
STeuchus in the same second book: Gregory 
Pag. 133.  the seventh, saith he, writing to the kings and princes of Spain, saith thus: You know that of old the kingdom of Spain belongeth to the church of Rome. And shortly after out of the register of Epistles of the same pope, which he affirmeth to be kept religiously in his library, he setteth down this epistle. Gregory the bishop, the servant of the servants of God, to the kings, earls, and other princes of Spain, greeting. We will have it known to you, that the kingdom of Spain, was given by the ancient decrees to S. Peter and the holy church of Rome for their right and property; and so forth.   

Of the kingdom of Hungary.  
COncerning the same there is a testimony of like sort extant in the same master of the library. Gregory the holy bishop, 
Pa. 186.  the holy lord to his beloved son Solomon king of Hungary, greeting. As thou mayst learn of the ancients of thy country, the kingdom of Hungary is proper to the holy church of Rome; being in times past offered and devoutly delivered by king Stephen to S. Peter, with all the right and power thereof. And again: The same Gregory writing to Geusus king of Hungary: we believe thou knowest that the kingdom of Hungary, as also other most noble kingdoms ought to be in the state of their own liberty, and to be in subjection to none other king of any other realm, save only to the holy and universal mother the church of Rome.   

Of the kingdom of Polonia.  
ALbertus Krantz in Wandal. lib. 8. ca 2. Lakoldus was duke of Cracovia at this time, and he that bare rule throughout all Polonia. He had from john bishop of Rome the crown: because he did 〈…〉 Lodwik lawful emperor, because the pope did curse and excommunicate him. For the pope's were now come to that majesty (which secular princes call presumption) that they made kings: citing the words of him that was first pope after Christ: Behold, saith Peter, here be two swords. Against which the princes interpret the words of the eternal bishop: Put up thy sword into the sheath, of the carnal, human, and secular sword: as if it were not lawful for the pope to fight with it. But Lakoldus being named and consecrated king by the pope, made all the kingdom tributary to S. Peter, that there should be paid yearly for every one a penny, which pence are called peterpence.   

Of the kingdom of Ruscia.  
STeuchus in the same book *. Also the 
Pag. 1ST.  kingdom of Ruscia is of right and destraint of the church of Rome, as appeareth by the same ancient monuments. Gregory the seventh writing to the king and queen of Ruscia: To our beloved children, saith he, Demetrius king of Ruscia, and to the queen his wife, greeting, and the apostolic blessing. Your son visiting the shrines of the Apostles, came to us, and because he would obtain that kingdom by the gift of S. Peter by our hands, he craved it with devout petitions, having given due allegiance to the same S. Peter the Apostle: affirming undoubtedly that that petition of his should be confirmed and established by our consent, if he might be rewarded with the grace and defence of the Apostolic authority: to whose petitions we gave consent: and we gave him the government of our kingdom in the behalf of S. Peter, namely, with that intention of love, that S. Peter should defend you and your kingdom by his intercession to God.   

Of the kingdom of Sicilia.  
CLement the fift. * Again, we must not 
In clem. pastoralis de sent. & reiud.  pass over with silence, that the king of Sicilia himself being our known subject, and the subject of the church of Rome by reason of the foresaid kingdom, and being a liege man and vassal, hath his continual abode in the same kingdom.   

Of the kingdom of Scotland.  
POlydore Virgil writeth thus in his seventeenth book. In the mean season Boniface the pope being wearied by the Scots with their petitions, forbade king Edward that he should not hereafter trouble the Scots with war: because that realm was before committed by the Scots to the tuition, and made subject to the power of the pope of Rome. And therefore he avouched that it was in his power alone to give it to whomsoever he would, or to take it from whomsoever he would.  
Hitherto have we reckoned up all the kingdoms of Christian kings, which the pope avoucheth they hold and possess as a fee or benefit received from him. By every one whereof, and by them all in general, we leave it to men of courage to judge whether this seemeth to be the humility of a modest pastor of the church, so greatly commended of Christ, or rather boldness and haughtiness of a fierce and intolerable giant. Also we would have them think with themselves whether this so great proud speaking of the pope's, came not from the same spirit from whence that oration of the tyrant Nero, came, which is left by Seneca to the posterity in his first book of Clemency: Of all mortal men I was liked and chosen to serve in the place of the Gods upon earth. I am to the nations the judge of life and death. It is in my hand what condition and state every man hath. What thing soever fortune would have given to any mortal man, she pronounceth it by my mouth. People and cities conceive causes of joy by our answer. No part doth any where flourish save only when I am willing and favourable. These so many thousands of fencers which my power doth suppress, shall be girded at my beck. It is my jurisdiction what nations ought to be quite cut off, which ought to be transported, to whom liberty ought to be granted, from whom it ought to be taken, what kings ought to be bondslaves, and upon whose head the princely crown ought to be set, what cities shall come to ruin, and which shall flourish.   

The crime of Rebellion.  
THe fourth crime followeth, whereof we said the pope of Rome was long ago not only accused by the most part of Christendom, but also convict and condemned. We call the same rebellion, that is, factions procured with an envious mind to overthrow the state of all common wealths that are in Christendom. But because this our disputation was principally appointed for our country of France; it seemeth to be sufficient for this present, if from it alone, and so from the fresh remembrance of those factions, we fet testimonies of that crime. It is now three and twenty years, during which our France hath been pitifully vexed in a manner with continual civil wars: do I say with wars? Yea with butcheries, and furious and cruel slaughters. They that have diligently numbered those which were slain in those wars, do find them to be no less than twelve hundred thousand French men borne. Is there any in the parliament of France either precedent or Senator, that dare from his heart swear, that the pope of Rome was not the Alastor * of 
or provoker.  so great evils, that he was not the principal brand of so great a fire? That he did not continually send cardinals or bishops, and others of his crew and retinue as messengers to the court of France, that they might inflame the minds of the kings (like evil angels) to these deadly and bloody wars, to these butcheries, and to lay waste the realm of France? When as in the mean season he like a bloody master of fence, having set these swashbucklers by the ears together, did behold these bloody plays from the top of his castle of Saint-angell: or like another Nero did from his tower look upon the city, which he himself had fired: and did feed his eyes with these doleful spectacles, and did covet to satisfy his cruel mind? But if we will record those things which have happened in this our realm in the remembrance of our fathers, we shall first find this: that Lodwik the 12. (alas, what king? Which obtained the name of the father of the country with the great consent of all good men) did make subject to pope julius the second some cities of Italy, which he took in war. That the pope after a few months did repay this thanks to the king for the benefit received, that he did not only pronounce him to be a schismatic and heretic, he proscribed him, he proceeded against him with the fearful thunderbolts of excommunications: but also he caused all the French men to be tormented like enemies, and to be slain: he did also promise reward to the murderers, forgiveness of all their sins, and freedom from punishment, if any man could murder even but some one French man any manner of way. What is it to be a rebel, or rather to surpass rebels in all cruelty and wickedness, if not this? But it is worth the labour to set down somewhat more plainly all that whole tragedy. That pope was of a cruel nature, and so fierce, furious, and turbulent, that his companions in robbery and murder the bishops and cardinals could not abide him, but to the kings and princes he seemed altogether intolerable. Therefore with the full consent of all, there was a Council called at Pisa a city of Italy, that by common council they might prevent those evils that did hang over the Church of Christ by reason of him. And how wisely, and lawfully, and solemnly that Council was called, appeareth by the hundred fifty one Council of Philip Decius a most famous lawyer in those days, which he wrote and published against that pope at Mediolanum. The furious pope did forthwith disturb that assembly with war and weapon. Wherefore it was translated by the authority of our king first to Mediolanum, and then to Lions, where after the matter was heard and examined, pope julius was suspended from his popedom: that is, he was for a time put from the administration of the papacy. Whereof when julius heard, he was so incensed with sorrow and anger, that he did not only forbid all French men fire and water, but also he commanded that every of them that was met, should be murdered: also he provoked cutthroats and murderers with rewards, as I have already said. Which madness or rather fury of his, because William Budeus of Paris, a man no less loving to his country, than learned and skilful, hath courageously and sharply prosecuted in his books De Ass, it seemeth to me most fit to set down all that whole complaint of that courageous man and good subject, to be read not only of the Senators of our parliament, but also of all men of all sorts and orders: especially seeing that all historiographers in general do wonderfully agree with him in setting down that complaint. For this is julius the second, concerning whom both Arnoldus Ferronus, a man very learned, and an historiographer of our country of France, and Burdegalensis sometimes a Senator of the parliament, and many other have written: that as he came out of Rome against France having gathered an army, having his mind inflamed against our king, as he led his armed bands out of the city over the bridge of Tiber being himself armed, in the hearing of many thousand men, he uttered these words: Seeing Peter's keys help us nothing, go to let us draw Paul's sword: & forthwith he threw the keys which he brought with him into Tiber, and he drew his sword. Touching which we know that old verse: in English thus:  

Pope julie as the fame doth go,  
'Gainst France did cruel wars prepare:  
His armed band then forth he brought,  
And in his hands the keys he bore.  
A sword hang by his side, which out  
Courageously forthwith he drew:  
And Peter's keys into the deep  
Of Tiber flood withal he threw.  
Then blustering out these words, he said:  
If Peter's keys cannot prevail:  
Then with the sword of Paul we will  
Our cruel enemies assail.   
But now let us come to Budeus his complaint which he setteth down at large in his fift book De Ass: The bloody master of the clergy casting off all fear of God, sent cruel nations against the Lord's people, & accursing those that took part with the french and their fautors, he raised with more than tragical wickedness, almost the whole world being loosed from religion against those that were accursed. Do we not remember that time when Peter and Paul, and their followers, the principal builders of the church, were not given to fight battles being infected with the confidence of glistering weapons, but trusting to blood and innocency, and being otherwise unarmed, they were stirred up with the trumpet of most hot love, to defend the tents of Christ in the tumult? Now they are made only bare names, after so long time, though the holy principal orders of the priests do shadow and cloak their pride with the people only with their majesty. O hard and monstrous blockishness of most holy power! For who did ever in mind conceive so great wickedness, that the Top of priests, the master of the clergy, that the principal worker of holy things, should abide to arm his hallowed hands that are yet hot with working at the altar, against the Lord's family! that with a mind more than murderous he should seek to put out the top of the christian name, namely a most christian king, in the blockish world! and that he should sometimes shake that mystical sword edgeling and foyningly in his angry purpose as we think: that he should sometimes borrow of Mars that bloody spear or javelin, and should also seek to put those to death whom with cruel curses he had cast down, which peradventure did turn upon him? Lo what hands, what feet, thou dost willingly kiss, from which thou oughtest to pluck back thy mouth though bloody and polluted. O wretch that thou than art, julius, and carried with distemperature, which thoughtest that thou oughtest to obey thy blind anger so far forth that thou wast carried with furious blindness of mind? and not to respect either thyself, or the comeliness of most blessed majesty through hatred, but caring headlong with thee against their will for the most part, and even murmuring against thee, that most honourable order, that reverend senate, being famous with chief reverence, the glory of Libanus, thou shouldest seek to oppress us with the fall of the tower of the church, and so consequently thyself? that thou shouldest also change in a manner the whole world, being shaken with those thunderbolts which thou hast raised and shot against it, that thou shouldest behold us with these fiery eyes, which are inflamed with hatred and envy, and also burn with fire, & shouldest not now cease, but fall upon our king as he did burn, thou having obtained thy purpose? O immortal God was it lawful for wickedness persuading evil things, to throw down by right or wrong from the top of the sanctuary so great a man, being even stung with the wasp of revenge more than that of Atrius? that he should hasten to destroy even his body and soul in the grave of his enemies. Was it not sufficient for his most furious wrath to have driven us back again into our own coasts, being terrified with a thunderbolt, departing from the possession of Italy which we deadly loved, and that with grief and sorrow, unless he should moreover have made us fight for our altars and fires (as they say:) and finally to fear most extreme examples? When as in the mean season under that bloody fenser almost all this whole country did fight with us with a most deadly envious mind: where was then that zeal of the Lord, which is just anger revenging the majesty of God, being hurt or diminished? For it is lawful for the holy armies to go into the battle with this standerd-bearer alone, if at any time it be lawful. Did he then, I pray you, fet aid out of that tower of Love, or chapel of Faith, or crossed standards? Was he any whit ashamed to call himself, the Servant of the Servants of God, when as he did boast that he made France which was always the beauty of Christians, and temple of the pope's, and fortress of religion, famous with the graves of french men? Seeing that a priest being seventy years of age, the ambassador of Christ, the author and parent of peace, did offer sacrifice to Bellona the goddess of war: to whom he strove to offer sacrifice with great loss of mankind. And even at such time as the profane multitude did make their prayers before the altars of peace and concord with a pitiful show. Surely a spectacle worth the beholding: To see a father not only most holy, but also reverend in respect of his age and white hairs, stirring up his soldiers whom he had called out with the fame of Bellona, as it were to procure tumult in France: not reverently attired in his kirtle, and caring his gorgeous arms, not holy with his pontifical mace or sceptre, but clad with a mantel, and in barbarous attire: but girt with furious boldness, that I may so call it, glistering with these beastly and vain thunderbolts, having the cruelty of his spirits appearing in his stern countenance and apparel. Undoubtedly we have seen in a few years many things, which our posterity will think to be incredible. The joints of ecclesiastical authority and discipline being dissolved in this wind and tempest, how should the right faith have continued, unless it had been fastened with the iron and eternal pins, and unless it had once been affirmed and established in the holy monuments? Thus far goeth Budeus, a man, as I said before, that loved his country, and which deserved all praise. Who though he knew not as yet fully what difference there was between Christ and Antichrist, yet could he not being enforced with love of his country, but set down in writing that cruelty and barbarous fierceness of the pope, to the eternal reproach of the papacy: that all posterity might understand with how envious and rebellious a mind our 
* Alastor was the companion of Sarpedon king of Lycia, whom Ulysses slew at Troy. Alastores were also certain fiends that did sow plagues, famine and calamity among men.  Alastor's raged in the time of Budeus in France. Go to: let us hear another testimony of the same rebellion against the kings of France, being not a little more ancient. No man is ignorant that almost half the realm of France was in times passed in the possession of the kings of England for the space of more than three hundred years. When as king Philip who was afterward surnamed Augustus, did seek to recover that region in war, it cannot in words be expressed how proudly and furiously pope Innocentius the third did set himself against him. We do not think that any man is so void of humanity, that he is ignorant that in times past this was the policy of the Romans to bring under them other nations, that if they did perceive any contention to be risen amongst neighbours, or kings, or people, they did carefully nourish the same, and did offer friendship & fellowship to the one party by the most honourable decrees of the senate, and did also promise that party aid against the other. After that by these shifts they had overcome and subdued the one side, they found afterward within short time very easy opportunity to opprèsse the other. Our people (saith M. Tullius) 
De Repub.  hath now gotten the whole world by defending their companions. The pope's following this self same way of their ancestors, that is (as john the monk a noble Canonist doth interpret it) the way and footsteps of rovers and murderers, so soon as they know any discord arise among kings and princes that were neighbours, they began to increase and nourish the same by their messengers the cardinals: and also to covenant with the one of them, that if by their means they could obtain the kingdom of their adversary, than they should confess that the sea of Rome was the author of so great a benefit: and that they should be sworn to them, to do homage to them, and also pay a yéerelie tribute to the sea of Rome, for the kingdom newly gotten. When this covenant and conspiracy was concluded, forthwith the prince that held on the other side was proclaimed an heretic and schismatic: and his kingdom was adjudged to him that did first get possession thereof. By which shifts, it cannot be told, how many fires the pope's have kindled in all parts of Christendom within these four hundred years: how many kings and princes they have made vassals, tributaries, and stipendaries to them and their filthy stinking sea. Concerning which matter because we have spoken at large a little before, it shall be sufficient to speak of those two kings of France and England. Therefore when there arose contention between them, pope Innocentius the third sent first from his consistory into France two legates, that they might both terrify the king with threatening curses, and that they might raise his subjects to rebel against him, and that they might secretly consult and talk with the bishops and priests of France. That done, he did so quickly and sharply raise the emperor Otho the fourth, and also Ferdinandus earl of Flanders, and many other princes of other countries, to bear arms against the French king, that unless he had happily with a valiant and stout heart contemned those threatenings and beastly bulls of that pope, he had lost not only that part of his kingdom, but also in a short time all the rest. The remembrance whereof is extant, not only in our French chronicles, but also in the Canonists *. For that decretal shall be a 
in c. novit 13. extra de iudic.  perpetual monument of the pope's hatred and rebellious mind against our kings and country.  
Therefore we suppose that it is apparent to all men by these things and other that we have showed before, what authority the orders and Counsellors of the realm of France ought to give to this declaration of pope Sixtus: whom we have proved by most manifest testimonies to have been not only accused by the most part of Christendom of most notorious crimes, but also to have been convict and condemned. But if happily there be any that dispute, that like as because two parts of three parts of Europe, have put down the pope, the third part must give him none authority: so seeing two parts of three parts of France would have his authority reserved to him, it is meet that his authority be preserved in France: we have a double answer in readiness. The first because out of that number of French men which taketh part with the pope, all cardinals, archbishops, bishops, priests, innumerable crews of munks and clerks, and other sharuebugs of the same sort, the pope's vassals, finally all dogs, which lick the pope's tribunal seat, must be culled out: because of the rule of the law wherein we say, In what business soever any man's matter is handled (because in some respect 
§. sed neque Inst de testam. ordi. l. nullus, 10. D. de test. l. omnibus, 9 C. eodem. l. 1. §. in propria, D. quand. apple. sit.  it concerneth him) he is not a meet witness in that business. The second is, that when as these are culled out of the number, no small part of the rest which follow the old custom of religion in France, do that not with judgement and willingly, but being compelled with threatenings and terror: that they are no more to be numbered amongst the clients of the papacy, than (as the lawyers say) witnesses or Gardans' retained in any business by violence and fear, are numbered among fit witnesses and authors, of whom Ulpian writeth finely, those that are present at any act or 
l. 1. §. ultim. D de tutel. l. qui testament. 20. §. ulti. D. qui testamen. fac. l. noviss. 7. §. 1. quod fals. tutor auctor. l. 2. D. de iud.  business against their will, they seem to be no more present, than if they had been in that place being asleep, or oppressed with the falling sickness. Finally, all men perceive, that if the French men had like liberty to use and exercise both religions, scarce the fourth part of the people of the realm would continue in the religion of the sea of Rome. In which place it liketh us well to recite that old saying of Bartholus, who in the preface of the Digests *, 
num. 14.  where disputing about Constantine's donation, and reckoning up the opinions of other doctors, when he cometh to his own, he saith thus: Lo: we are upon earth of the church, (for he taught at Bononia) and therefore I say, that that donation was of force. Where notwithstanding he writeth many things afterward flatly against that donation. And in like sort when the canonists did dispute that it was not lawful for the emperor to condemn any man of rebellion, that did follow the pope's faction: Bartholus making mention of the sentence of Henry the emperor, wherein he had condemned Robert king of Sicilia of rebellion, and of the contrary sentence of pope Clement the fift, whereby he had absolved the same Robert: he showeth surely that he dare not oppose himself against the pope. But he dissembleth not to allow the emperor's sentence: with which Bartholus the canonists were therefore greatly displeased, which use that verse of the pope and Caesar, calling the pope their jupiter:  
Caesar with jupiter doth divide,  
The empire reaching far and wide.  
Moreover Bartholus disputeth in the same place, that it was so far off, that Robert was the pope's vassal, as the pope avouched against the emperor: that he testifieth that when Robert was dead Aloysius his heir did swear allegiance to the emperor in the name of Sicilia, in the city of Pisa, he being there present. Concerning which matter we must repair to the constitution of Henry, Ad reprimendam, Qui dicant rebel. and the contrary 
In Clem. Pastoralis, de iud.  constitution of the pope, abrogating and reproachfully reversing that. But if we think it meet to speak any thing of the ecclesiastical rebellion of pope's, it shall not be amiss to bring to light the testimony of one that was sometime a most famous Senator of Paris, called Cosma Guymerius: who upon the preface of the pragmatical decree written at Bituriga, the author whereof was king Charles the seventh, reckoneth up some things which are greatly appertinent, to know the madness of these Romish Alastor's. About the year of our Lord, saith he, M. cccxxc. after the death of Gregory the eleventh, when the cardinals were to proceed to choose another to succeed, they were threatened by the Romans, that they should die, if they would not choose some Italian. Therefore they chose the archbishop of Bare, who was then at Rome, making known to him that they chose him to avoid danger, or rather they did feign that they did choose him: but afterward, when opportunity was offered they did freely intend to choose another. Therefore when they had chosen him that was called Urban the 6. he said that if they would choose him, that they did choose him, because he did intend to be pope. Notwithstanding those cardinals departed from him after a while, and flying to the city of Funda, they chose another, who was called Clement the 6. he translated his court to Auenion, and France, Spain, Catalonia reverenced him for pope. And to the other did Italy, Almain, and Hungary cleave obediently, and this wicked schism continued above thirty. years. During this schism, after Vrbanus succeeded on that side Boniface the 9 After Boniface came Innocentius the sixth. After Innocentius succeeded Gregory the 12. On the other side after Clement came Benedict the 13. who was called Peter de Luna, or of the Moon, under whom was kept a counsel at Pisa: anno 1410. wherein after they were deposed, Alexander was chosen who was called Peter of Candie, in whose room came john the 23. by reason whereof arose another schism. At length when there was a Council gathered at Constance, by the emperor Sigismunde, the said john the 23. and Gregory the 12. agreeing together, and the cardinals of the Lord Benedict being there also, Gregory the 12. gave place there, and the other two were deposed for their stubbornness, and to appease the schism. Thus writeth Guimerius. Now let us hear another testimony of this out of the same book. Martin, saith 
Folly 5. col. 2.  he, was chosen pope by the Council of Constance, the other that did contend being deposed, who did long time cause a schism. And he commanded that there should a Council be held at basil, where he was not by reason he was prevented by death. Yet he sent julian thither, than his legate, of the title of Saint-angel in the eleventh year of his popedom: the first of February, to keep the Council: and after him succeeded Eugenius the fourth, who though he had approved the Council of basil, and had sent the foresaid legate to basil the day before the Calends of May, the first year of his popedom, and had also revoked the dissolution of the said Council being attempted by him, ann. 1433. and in the third year of his popedom, in his public session kept at Rome in S. Peter's, the 17. day before the Calends of januarie, in the same year, and had by his bulls patents promised from that time forward to obey the said Council, confessing that the same Council was always truly continued. Yet would he not afterward keep the decrees of the Council of Constance, neither obey the Council of basil, affirming that he ought rather to do the contrary, and he dissolved the same again, and translated it to Ferrarie, for the bringing back of the Grecians, and thence to Florence, because of the plague that began there. Whereupon arose great strife among those that wrote touching this matter. For one side said that the pope is above the Council: the other, that the Council is above the pope. Therefore he was cited by the Council of basil the last of julie, in the year 1437. he was suspended from the administration of the papacy the eleventh day of the Calends of February, 1438. and was also deposed the seventh before the Calends of julie, in the year 1439. into whose place the Council of basil chose Amedaeus, the duke of Savoy, being afterward called Felix the fift. But Eugenius regarded it not, for which arose a schism, which continued nine years, and even until the death of Eugenius. Into whose room was chosen in the city Nicolas the fift, to whom Felix gave place, because he favoured the unity of the Church. Pope Pius the second, who was before called Aeneas Silvius, who was present at the Council of basil made a treatise for the authority of the Council of basil: but when he was made pope, he reversed the same. Thus far goeth Guimerius sometimes a Senator of Paris as we said: that the Senators of this age may more attentively perceive with how great ambition, contention and madness, the champions of Rome have used rebellion in the Church, and how furiously they went by the ears together among themselves, how many fires they have kindled in all parts of Europe, that they might satisfy their own ambition. Moreover, how ancient and old this madness of theirs is, we may know by the history of Ammian Marcel. a man expert 
Lib. 29.  in Christian religion. Whose words are these. Damasus and Vrsicinus being inflamed above man's measure or capacity to catch the bishop's sea, being divided in studies they made many sharp conflicts with danger of death and wounds, the aid of both going forward: which when Viventius the governor of the city could not redress nor mollify, being enforced with great violence he departed into the suburbs, and in the conflict Damasus got the upper hand, that side which did favour him being instant. And it is manifest in the church of Seruinus, where there is an assembly of the Christian rite, that in one day were found one hundred and seven and thirty carcases of dead men: and that the outrageous multitude was hardly afterward appeased. Neither do I deny, considering the ostentation of city affairs, that those that are desirous hereof, aught to chide with all their might and main, for obtaining that after which they long: seeing that after they have obtained that, they will become so secure, that they are enriched with the oblations of matrons, and come abroad in their coaches bravely appareled, giving themselves to prodigal banqueting, so that their banquets surpass the banquets of kings, who might indeed be blessed: if despising the gorgeousness of the city, which they set against vices, they would live like certain provincial bishops: whom slender diet, and moderate drinking, also baseness of apparel and countenances looking down to the ground, do continually commend to God and his true worshippers, as pure and chaste. Thus writeth Ammianus: whereby it plainly appeareth how ancient this ambition and desire to bear rule, which was and is in the bishops of Rome, was, which was also coupled with fierceness and cruelty. But to omit old things, and to come to touch those things which touch us and our country of France more near: is there any of so great a number of the king's Senators that is ignorant, how many wars the pope's of Rome have raised in Europe among christian princes within these fifty years, either to defend or else to amplify their power? The first was that of Helvetia, wherein they set at variance most peaceable cities, which were linked together not so much by most near league, as by mutual love, and desire to preserve their common country. Then followed the war of Germany, and after it that of England and of Scotland, which also even at this day the same fiends and champions go about to renew by their messengers the squibbish jesuits, being most assured firers of Christendom. What shall we say of our civil and deadly wars of France? For first of all the pope's of Rome did earnestly desire Francis the first, that if any would embrace the reformed religion, they might be burnt alive having their tongues cut out, and having fire put under them. Among the king of France his constitutions, there be extant the edicts of that king, published in the year 1534. and also in the fortieth, and again in the 42. by the authority whereof the Senators of the parliament shed so much blood, and yet with so great godliness and constancy of the martyrs, that it seemeth that the posterity will scarce believe it. What these hellish fiends gained by this cruelty, it is worth the knowing by the testimony of him, than whom no more plentiful witness can be brought forth in this kind. That is, king Henry the second, the father of these latter kings, a prince (as most men may remember) most famous both at home and in war. For his edict written at Castrobriant in the month of june, 1551. is extant, the words whereof are these: All men might see before this with what study, and with how great contention our father (whom God absolve) king Francis, being a most Christian king, and most catholic, endeavoured greatly during all his life time, to root out heresies which budded out in his realm against our holy faith and catholic religion: and how many laws and constitutions the same king with the same mind and purpose did publish: as the variety and necessity of times did require. Notwithstanding that so great study and endeavour did no great good. For that disease was so spread through all the most noble families of our realm, that it did infect like a certain contagion the families of all sorts and orders. Thus saith he in his edict, which containeth six and forty articles, being all of them written most bitterly and sharply to stop the course of that religion. Moreover, shortly after, that is in the year, 1547. there was another edict published by the same king, wherein by name he professeth in many words, and doth plainly denounce, that he hath omitted no labour, no endeavour, no diligence in suppressing that religion. Only so? Nay surely (saith he) the more carefully and painfully we laboured to do this, so much the more that doctrine got the upper hand. Surely we may conjecture what was his endeavour and travel, even by that, that all men know, that there died of that miserable and bitter kind of punishment a great number of all sorts of men. There succeeded these kings, to wit, the grandfather and father, king Francis the second: his edicts, to wit, six in number, were most sharp and vehement, besides innumerable broad seals and letters patents, which he sent continually through all parts of his kingdom with so great heat of mind and stomach, that above three hundred men were in less than three months space tormented, scorched, burnt and (as it was commonly written in the decrees of the senate) brought into ashes, by the decrees especially of the senate of Paris and Tholosa. This so great abundance of blood that was shed, might peradventure satisfy even the most bloody tyrants: such as the report goeth Cyclops, Busiris, Siron, Phalaris, Tithon, Gyges, were in times past. But so great cruelty cannot satisfy the pope of Rome, whom we may rightly term a rebel against mankind. It is worth the hearing what good he did. For there is extant a decree of the same king Francis the second, published at Ambosia, in the month of March, anno 1559: in these words, which we would have the king's Counsellors to read very attentively, and to consider of what weight it is. We to the end we might answer and satisfy our princely office, were enforced to use divers kinds of punishments and pains, as the state of things and times did require. But by the instruments of criminal causes it is known and revealed, that a great number of men, women, ages, kinds, and of all orders were present at unlawful and privy sermons, suppers, baptizings administered by those for whom it was not lawful to do that. But and if every one of these should be put to torture, as the rigour of our authority and laws doth require, there should wonderful much blood be shed, of men, women, virgins, young men of flourishing age, whereof some being induced and suborned, other some being persuaded through a certain simplicity and ignorance, other some enticed rather with a certain curiosity, than of malice, have fallen into such errors and discommodities. Which things if it should come to pass, we should be greatly and continually sorry: neither should that well agree either with our age or nature: both which do invite us to use clemency, gentleness, and mercy in this kind. Therefore we will have all men know, that when this whole matter was in due time handled by our Counsellors in our presence, we are not determined to leave this first year of our reign famous to our posterity, as cruel, bloody, and full of the murders of our silly subjects: though they had greatly deserved this: yea after the example of our heavenly father, we are determined to spare the blood of our people, and to bring back our subjects to the way of salvation, and to preserve their life: hoping that through the Lord's mercy it will come to pass, that we shall do more good by the way of gentleness and clemency, than by the rigour of punishments. Therefore according to the opinion of our foresaid Counsellors, we say, appoint, ordain, that hereafter our subjects be not molested for the cause of crimes that are past, which concern faith & religion, by our judges of what sort and condition soever they be, neither in judgement, nor without judgement. Moreover, we declare that we grant to our subjects a general pardon, remission, & absolution for such crimes as concern faith & religion. And shortly after: By the authority of the king who was chief in this counsel: & according to the sentence of the lords cardinals of Bourbon, of Lorraine, of Chastillon, the dukes of Montpensier, of Guise, of Nivernois, and of Aumale. Thus far goeth Francis the second: plainly, as it appeareth, declaring and testifying, that the tortures and punishments of former times did nothing at all avail to extinguish this religion. What did then the fiends and enemies of mankind, the pope's of Rome? What did they? So soon as they perceived that some of the nobles of that realm, and furthermore that some of the princes of the blood royal had tasted of that religion, and had rejected the deceits of Bernardo and Dominick: so soon as they foresaw that France would by little and little wind herself out of the bondage of the papacy into Christian liberty: finally, so soon as they saw that so fat a pray would be taken out of their jaws, they began to cast new firebrands of civil war throughout all parts of France. That done, when this would not serve they appointed furious massacres and butcheries to the everlasting discredit of the name of France: last of all when they perceived that even this way they could do no good, there arose a Franciscan friar our Sixtus the fift, who trusting to his whorish and munkish impudency, did proscribe our most excellent Princes, and commanded the most mighty king of France, to pursue them with force, arms, and camps, and that he should afresh fill his realm with murders, spoils, and burnings. But me thinks we have already spoken sufficiently of the furious rebellion of the hellish Champions of Rome.   

The crime of Forgery.  
IT resteth that we speak of that crime, which we ranged in the last place, so briefly as we can: namely, of forgery, or of false and corrupt writings. And we have very many testimonies every where of this wickedness, and especially out of the pontifical decree of Gratian, which is full of such corruptions and forgeries. Whereof we will only set down a few, as for examples sake, and first of all that instrument of the donation of Constantine, wherein the pope affirmeth that that emperor gave him, the city of Rome, and also Italy, Sicilia, Sardinia, Spain, Germany, and Britain *: and more fully and at large in 
Dist. 96. c. Constantinus.  Bartholomew Picerne, and Augustine Steuche, which affirmed that that instrument was found at Rome in the pope's library, written in Greek, and they published it being translated into Latin. For this is the sum thereof: The emperor Constantine being an enemy to Christians, and infected with the disease of leprosy, being in a dream admonished by Peter and Paul the Apostles, that he should commit himself to pope Sylvester pope of Rome to be cleansed, being forthwith baptized & healed by him, for recompense of so great a benefit, he gave the same Sylvester and his successors the city of Rome, and all the empire of the west: also his crown of gold and sceptre, and the other insignes of the empire, that the pope of Rome might have greater dignity, than the emperor himself. Also he wisheth to his successors till the end of the world, that they might burn in the lower hell with the devil and the wicked, unless they confirm and keep that donation. Given at Rome the third before the Calends of April. Constantino A. quater & Gallicano Coss. Therefore we will prove by very many arguments, that this instrument whereby alone the lordship of the pope's is upholden, is false, feigned, forged, and cogged in by some odd pope, even as the book of the Conformities. The first argument is this: That seeing there be so many historiographers that wrote the facts of Constantine; yet there is no plentiful author that maketh mention of so great, so bountiful, and of so inofficious prodigality: amongst these Eusebius who wrote five books of his life. Also Socrates, Theodorit, Euagrius, Rufinus, Eutropius, Paulus Diaconus, Orosius, Beda, Zonaras, Nicephorus: who, it is not likely, would have passed over so great a matter with so great silence, if that donation had been true. Moreover, the pope's of Rome themselves, who have oftentimes & greatly contended with other bishops about their power and honour, yet in prosecuting their title, and in publishing their instruments, they are never read to have spoken any word of that instrument. The second, because many patrons and defenders of the pope's lordship do witness, that all that chapter is wanting in the ancient copies of the decree of Gratian: and amongst these Antoninus of Florence a bishop, in the 8. title, and first chapter of the first historical part, and Volateranus where he speaketh of Constantine. That chapter, saith Antoninus, is not in the ancient decrees. Therefore we are not very sure what and how much Constantine gave. But Nicolas Cusanus in his third book of the concord of Catholics, saith: Without doubt if that instrument had not been apocryphal, Gratianus would have found it in the old copies, and collections of canons, and because he found it not, he set it not down. Moreover Aeneas Silvius (he that after he was made pope, was called pope Pius) doth in a certain dialog which he wrote being as yet cardinal, manifestly convince that instrument of forgery: and he calleth them blockish pelting lawyers, which took so great pains in disputing whether that donation be of force, which was never made.  
The third, because Eusebius in his 4. book of the life of Constantine hath recorded, that a little before his death, he made this division of his empire amongst his sons, he assigned to the eldest the west, to the second the east, to the third, the country lying between. Also Socrates. Forasmuch, saith he, as he had three sons, he 
Hist. eccle. 3. cap. vlt.  appointed that every one of them should be partners in his empire. The eldest son being called Constantine after his own name, of the west parts. The second being called Constantius after his grandfather, did he appoint in the east. And the youngest named Constans, did he ordain in the middle region. Also, Sextus Aurelius victor saith. The government of the Roman empire was brought unto three, Constantinus, Constantius, and Constans sons of Constantine. All these had these parts to govern. Also, Zosimus. His children saith he, having gotten the succession in the empire did 
Lib. hist. pr. 2.  divide the nations among them. And Constantinus indeed being the eldest together with the youngest named Constans, got all that is beyond the Alps, and Italy, and Illyricum. Now let us consider the history of later times. For as all Chronicle writers do witness, the empire not only of Italy, but also of Rome continued in the government of Constantine his successors, an hundred and forty years, until the year of Christ 401. at what time that empire of the west began to be troubled with the Gothi, Franci, Alani, Burgundi, vandals: yet it did always continue under the dominion of the Roman emperors, until the time of the emeperor Augustulus, whom Odo king of the Goths drove out of Italy, having gotten the city of Rome, anno. 476. at which time the Roman empire failed in the west, the Barbarians reigning both at Rome and also in Italy. For the princely name of the Romans continued in the power of the posterity & successors of Odiacrus 325. years. Therefore we may see in Cassiodorus very many letters of Theodoricus the king, written partly to the senate of Rome, and partly to the people of Rome in the king's name, and by his authority: so that none can doubt but that both Italy, and the city of Rome itself, did continue under the dominion of the Goths, and not under the lordship of any pope: until such time as the Goths being driven out of Italy by the emperor of Constantinople, they began to send precedents into that province: which were called Exarchi: who though they had their abode at Ravenna, yet they bore rule in Italy many years. Again the Longobardi, whose reign began in the year 568. kept all Italy, besides the city of Rome, two hundred and six years, that is until the year 744. all which things are gathered out of the writings of Procopius, jornand, Marcellinus, Paulus Diaconus, and others: so that every man may plainly see, that that is false which the pope's do hold, that their ancestors had their lordship either in Italy or in the city of Rome by the gift of Constantine: seeing that lordship began only in the eight hundred year of our salvation by Christ, by the liberality of Pipinus and Charles the great, who gave the Exarchate which they took from the Longobards together with the city of Rome, to pope Stephen the second: as Platina, Volateranus, and all other do witness, but especially Sabellicus, who besides the rest writeth, 
Ennead. 8. li. 8.  that Constantine the fourth, the emperor of the east, sent ambassadors unto Pipinus into Italy, to entreat him to restore to their emperor, Ravenna, and the rest of the places of the Exarchate which were belonging to the empire (so saith Sabellicus) and not to the pope. And that Pipinus made answer that he went to war neither for Constantine, neither yet for any man, save only for the church of Rome, and that for that end and purpose he had put on arms, that he might save the Apostolic sea from the injury of all mortal men: and that he might bring in subjection to the church of Rome, Ravenna and whatsoever the Longobards had subdued by force and weapon. So that the Grecian Orators returned home having unended their matter. Thus writeth Sabellicus. But Platina saith that the Exarchate was taken from Astulphus a Longobard, and was given to pope Stephen anno 756. and also that he gave the name of emperor to Charles the great, son of Pipinus, which the emperors of the East did hardly maintain in those times, that is, anno 801. touching which matter Albertus Krantzius writeth thus: Some do attribute to 
In Saxon. lib. 2 c. 1.  Constantine the great that donation of Italy that was made to the church of Rome, of Italy and Germany, and I wots not of what provinces: to which let them look. It was Charles who with the victory of the Longobards enriched the church of Rome; whereas long before both the Goths had given somewhat in their time, and the kings of the Longobards somewhat also.  
The fourth, because the pope's themselves speak contraries touching this donation, and also such things as do greatly disagree among themselves. For seeing that in this place (that is, in d. c. Constantinus, dist. 96.) they confess that they received the Roman kingdom, and that of Italy, and of all the West, from Constantine, and in the year of Christ, 338. they do notwithstanding in another place commend Ludovicus Pius son of Charles the great as the author of this benefit of theirs, out of the year of Christ, 835. The impudency of which falsehood and forgery that it may the better appear, we will compare two instruments of that donation together, the which the pope's and canonists have published for us. For Volateranus saith thus: The master of the library 
Lib. Georg. 3.  saith much of the godliness of Ludovicus Pius toward the pope's of Rome, reckoning up the cities which he gave them. I likewise have written out a copy out of the copy of the old book, which is at this day kept in the vatican library, where his donation is recorded.  

The edition of the instrument by Volaterane.  
I Ludovic Emperor do grant to S. Peter the chief of the Apostles, and by thee to thy vicar the Lord Paschalis the chief bishop, and to his successors for ever, the city of Rome, with the jurisdiction thereof, and with all the lands about it, cities, havens, and places lying near to the sea of Hetruria. Finally, in it the old middle earth city Balneoregium, Viterbium, Saona, Populonia, Rosells, Perusium, Mathuranum, Sutrium, Campania toward Nepe, Auania, Signia, Ferrentine, Alanum, Patricum, Frusinonum, with all the towns and villages there about: and also the whole exarchate of Ravenna, like as our father of godly memory Charles, and also Pipinus our grandfather (let the reader note that here is not a word of Constantine) did of late grant it to S. Peter. Namely, Ravenna, Bonicum, Aemilia, the common place of the people, the common place of julius, Faventia, Imola, Romania, Ferraria, Comadum, Adria, Servia. In March, Pisaurus, Fanus, Senogallia, Ancona, Oximum, Numana, Esium, Forum Sempronij, Feretrum, Vrbinum, the territory of Valne, Callium, Luceoli, Eugubium. In Campania Sorum, Aquinum, Arpinum, Thranum, Capua, also the patrimonies appertaining to our dominion, that of Beneventa, Salernita, that of the lower and higher Calabria, and the dukedom of Naples. Moreover, Spoletinum, Tuderotreculum, Haruia, and the rest of that dominion. Also the islands of the lower sea Corsica, Sardinia, Cicilia, all which our grandfather of godly memory, named Pipinus, and also Charles the emperor our father, have by their writing granted to S. Peter and his successors, by Athenius and Mainardus the abbots being sent willingly for this purpose: and we also do allow and grant the same. Furthermore we will that the Council of Rome have power to choose the pope, so it be done without discord, & afterward after the consecration there be ambassadors sent to us & our successors the kings of France to make & procure love & amity: as the custom was in the time of the L. Charles our great grandfather, & of Pipinus our grandfather, & last of all of Charles our father. Therefore we confirm this our will by writing and oath, and we have sent it by our ambassador S. R. E. Theodor, to the L. Paschalis, & I have subscribed it with mine own hand, I LUDOVIKE. Also his three sons subscribed, ten bishops, eight abbots, fifteen earls, the keeper of the library, the Mansionarie & one porter▪ the year from the incarnation was, 835.   

The decretal edition of the instrument.  
I Ludovic Emperor of Rome Augustus, do appoint and grant by this covenant of our confirmation, to S Peter the chief of the Apostles, and by thee to thy vicar the Lord Paschalis, the chief bishop, and to his successors for ever, like as from our predecessors until now ye have kept them in your power & dominion, and have disposed them, the city of Rome with the dukedom thereof, and the suburbs, and with all little villages, and hillish territories thereof, and the sea shores, and havens, or with all cities, castles, towns, and villages, in the parts of Tuscan. Also when by the calling of the Lord the bishop of this most holy sea shall departed this life, let no man of our kingdom either French man or Longobard out of any part that is under our dominion, have leave to meet against the Romans either privately or publicly, or to make an election: and moreover, let no man presume to do any evil in the cities or territories belonging to the power of S. Peter the Apostle: but let the Romans with all reverence, and without all molestation bury their pope honourably: & let it be lawful without any doubt or contradiction to consecrate him after the canonical order, whom all the Romans by the inspiration of God, and intercession of S. Peter, shall with one Council and consent without any promise, choose to the order of the popedom: and when he shall be consecrated, let ambassadors be sent to us or our successors the kings of the Frenchmen, that they may conclude friendship, love, and peace between us and him.    

By this comparison it is evident, by what deceit, and how wicked policies the papacy did use to obtain that highest lordship of Italy. For as the true emperor Constantine 
l. scripturae, 14. c. de fide instru.  saith in justinian, divers writings, and such as discredit one another, can have no 
l. si is qui 13. § utrum, D. de rebus dubijs. l. ubi pugnam. 188. D. de reg. iur.  strength: seeing that two speeches containing contrary things cannot be true. Therefore so often as there be many instruments of one and the same act, they must agree together in as many words: though an error in some little mark be tolerable, as if L be written for C. * But an 
l. Sempronius, 47. D. de leg. 2.  error in the note of the number is one thing, & the diversity in the things themselves is another thing, as in this place, where in one instrument there be only certain places near to Rome named, in the other besides the greatest part of Italy, there is mention made of Sicilia, Sardinia, and Corcyra: in which case because they be divers donations, there were divers instruments required *. Finally, if Constantine 
l. sancimus, 34. §. si quis autem, C. de dona. l. quingenta, 12. D. de probat.  had given to the papacy the empire of the west, so long before, what new right could the pope get by this new donation of Ludovic? Seeing that as it is commonly said, There is no getting of that which is 
l. 4. C. de contrah. emp.  a man's own. Fiftly, because the pope's in another place also spoke things contrary one to another touching this same matter. For in the same decree of Gratian *, there 
12 q. 1. c. futuram.  is extant the testimony of pope Melchias, who held the pope's sea before Sylvester, where even then, I say, before the papacy of Sylvester he maketh mention of this donation of Constantine, made even before his papacy, in these words: He gave very great gifts, and he built the frame of the temple of the first sea of S. Peter: so that he forsook his imperial seat, and he gave it to S. Peter and his successors that it might profit them. For if Constantine made that gift before the times of Melchias, what argument or substance can this fable of Sylvester have, who affirmeth that Constantine was both baptised by him, and also that he gave him so great an empire?  
But now we must come nearer to the very instrument of the donation, and to the words of the historiographer. For who will think it to be a thing like to be true, that a dream was offered by God to a man that was not only a painim, and a worshipper of idols, but also to a most cruel persecutor of Christian religion? Or if it had been offered, who can believe that God would not rather have done that by some angel, according to the old and perpetual custom (as the scripture doth witness) than by the apostles that were dead? Finally, it is folly to believe any thing of dreams without the authority of the scripture. Wherefore no man ought to doubt, but that this instrument came out of the same shop, whence innumerable other such inventions, fictions, and lies of the papacy came, such as is that in Antoninus: As Dominick was at Rome, and made 
Par. 3. tit. 14. §. 3.  his prayer in the cathedral church of S. Peter for the preservation and dilating of his order, the hand of the Lord was upon him, and he saw the glorious princes Peter and Paul coming to him: of whom Peter seemed to deliver him a staff and Paul a book saying: Go, preach: because thou art chosen of God for this ministery. Or that other of pope Stephen the second, in Reginon in his chronicle, anno 753. where pope Stephen, to whom Pipinus gave the Exarchate of Italy (as I said a little before) writeth, that As he slept in the monastery of S. Dionysius in the street of Paris (these be his words) under the bells, he saw before the altar S. Peter, and the teacher of the Gentiles Paul: whom he knew by their scars: for S. Dionysius was slenderer and taller: and that The Lord Peter said, This our brother desireth to be healed, and that S. Paul answered, He shall be healed even now. And that he drew near, and laid his hand on the breast of the Lord Dionysius friendly, and that S. Peter said merrily to the Lord Dionysius: Thy grace is his health. And that by and by the Lord Dionysius holding in his hand a censar and palm, said to the priest and deacon, Begin to pope Stephen, Peace be with thee brother: Fear not: arise up whole. And by and by, saith he, I was healed: and I would have fulfilled that which was commanded me: and those that were there said that I was mad, and so forth. Which things are so foolish and blockish, that it seemeth that pope Stephen sought by that invention to be laughed at. But we are to praise God that he hath suffered so great wickedness to befall blocke-heads only. But moreover that is not to be omitted touching the seeing of the apostles Peter and Paul in a dream, which we read in the book of the Conformities. 
Fol. 51.  As S. Francis went to Rome, he was sweetly embraced of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and there Peter and Paul being requested by Francis did obtain of Christ the confirmation of the rule of the Minorits.  
The seventh, because it is not likely that Constantine the great was sick of the leprosy, forasmuch as neither Eusebius who wrote his life in five books carefully, as I have already said, neither Zosimus, who for hatred of religion doth rail upon Constantine so much as ever he can, neither Paulus Diaconus, neither any other maketh any mention of that disease: to omit the argument of Baptist Mantuan *, who 
de patiented 1. cap. 30. Plin. lib. 21. cap. 1.  after he had taught out of Pliny * that that kind of disease was long ago extinguished in Italy, he inferreth thus: If therefore in the time of Pliny who flourished under Vespasian, this disease was now extinguished in Italy, it is not likely that Constantine had it, who reigned long time after.  
The eight, because there is a wicked invention and lie added afterward in that place, and such as the ears and minds of Christians do loath, that Constantine whiles he was in the font baptised by the pope, saw the hand of God sent down from heaven upon his body, which cleansed him from his leprosy. Being put into the font, saith he, I saw an hand with mine own eyes touching me out of heaven, under which I knew I was cleansed from leprosy. For who seeth not that this invention is of the same sort, whereof those be, which we read everywhere in the book of the Conformities of Francis, or in the life of Dominick?  
The ninth, because it is not likely that pope Sylvester and his deacons would be so improvident, that they would baptise Constantine a most deadly enemy to Christians, and especially to the church of Rome, so soon and suddenly after he had told them his dream, and would not first teach him the mysteries of Christ and religion, as they use to do to those whom they catechize. Moreover, Zosimus an enemy to Christian religion, as I said, reporteth that he was taught that religion by a certain Spaniard, and learned how great the force thereof was in blotting out men's sins: and that then he banished out of his court soothsayers, and flamines, and other priests of the Romish superstitions.  
The tenth, because principal authors and historiographers do witness, that Constantine only a little before his death, and in the year of his age 65. was baptised, and that not at Rome, neither yet by Sylvester the pope, who was dead almost five years before, but at Nicomedia, by Eusebius of Nicomedia, in a great assembly of bishops. Thus writeth Eusebius in his fourth book of his life. Jerome in his Chronicles. Rufinus in his first book and eleventh chapter. Socrates in his first book chapter 39 Theodoret in his first book chapter 31. Ambrose in his book of the death of Theodosius. Neither must we give credence to Nicephorus, who in his seventh book & 35. chapter, when he writeth that he was baptised at Rome, addeth afterward that he followeth the church of Rome therein as his author. Especially seeing Vincentius in his 24. book of histories, feared not to write according to S. Jerome, that Constantine did truellie murder his wife Fausta, and his son Crispus, and that in the later end of his life, he was baptised by Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia.  
The eleventh because it is not likely, if Constantine had appointed to cure his disease with the warm blood of infants, either that he would have their throats cut openly by the priests of the Capitolium, or that he needed so much blood that a whole cistern might be filled therewith.  
No more credible is that, that Constantine did so long oppugn christian religion, but that he had hard somewhat of Peter and Paul, most famous Apostles of Christ: and that he was not so unskilful in christian affairs, that after he was raised out of that dream he should ask of Silvester what gods they were, that were called Peter and Paul: for though he had learned nothing save the vision only, it is not likely that Peter & Paul did boast themselves before him for gods.  
The thirteenth, because it had been a wicked thing to have acknowledged that he had received the benefit of his health, rather at the hands of Peter who was God's messenger, than from God himself, from whom Peter was sent to him. Secondly to Peter alone, rather than to Peter & Paul jointly. For he useth these words: And by the benefits of the same Peter I felt the health of my body return most fully and perfectly.  
Also that is more absurd that is written, that Constantine having five sons, did notwithstanding according to the sentence of all his dukes (which word is altogether new, geason, and unused in the laws and monuments of the emperors of Rome) and of his whole senate and nobles, and of all the people that was in subjection to the Roman empire, gave half his empire to a seely poor priest: seeing all men know, that the senate of Rome retained their country superstitions, not only at that time, but also until the empire of Valentinian: which we understand by the epistle of Simmachus, written to the emperors Valentinian, Theodosius and Arcadius *, wherein in the 
Lib. 10. Epist. 54.  name of the senate of Rome he prayeth them that superstition and worshipping of Idols may be restored again in the city of Rome: whom S. Ambrose in two epistles written to the same emperor Valentinian, and Aurelius Prudentius, in godly and fine verses answereth.  
As absurd is it, and altogether unmeet for a christian bishop, which followeth, that Constantine did not only give power equal with his imperial power to pope Sylvester, but also greater principality of power, than saith he, our princely sovereignty is known of all men to have. And shortly after. Giving him power and dignity of glory, strength, efficacy, and honour imperial. Touching which matter, and the ambition of the pope's, it is worth the pains to hear the judgement of Barnard abbot of Clarevall, written to Eugenius the pope, in his second book of consideration. Learn, saith he, by the example of the prophets to sit as chief, not so much to bear rule, as to do that which time requireth. Learn that thou hast need of a weedhook, not of a sceptre, that thou mayst do the work of a prophet. Also, Admit, thou dost take these things thyself by some other means, yet not by apostolic right. For Peter could not give thee that he had not: that he had he gave, carefulness for the churches. Did he give lordship? Hear what he saith: Not as over God's heritage, but being a pattern to the flock. And lest thou think it to be spoken only in humility, and not in truth, it is the voice of the Lord in the Gospel: The kings of the nations reign over them, but you shall not do so. It is plain, the apostles are forbidden lordship. Therefore go thou: & usurp greedily to thyself either lording it apostleship, or being apostolic lordship. Thou art flatly forbidden to do either. If thou wilt have both together, thou shalt lose both.  
No more tolerable is it that he addeth, that he giveth to the pope of Rome principality over four principal seas, of Antiochia, Alexandria, Constantinople and Jerusalem. Wherein we find not only manifest, but also ridiculous falsehood. First, because there was not as yet any Constantinople: which began to be builded afterward in the tenth year of the empire of Constantine, as Nicephorus witnesseth *, 
Lib. 8. cap. 4.  and all the citizens were for the most part given to idolatry at that time. So far off is it, that there was there either any church or any mother-city of the churches, or prerogative.  
Also that is less tolerable that followeth, that the pope of Rome is placed over all churches in the whole world. For I omit that which we showed in another place, that this is a most true & most certain mark of antichrist, when any man taketh to himself principality over all churches. But we plainly see notorious madness of the pope's in this place, which also we touched briefly in another place, seeing they avouch out of this instrument, that they had that principality by the gift of Constantine, which notwithstanding in infinite other places they boast they had immediately from Christ himself. For, as all men know, that which is every man's own, cannot be his own by many causes, for as much as lordship or mastership cometh not by many causes, but only by one *. And it is ridiculous that they bring 
l. ●. §. ex pluribus. D de acq. poss. 18.  in Constantine boasting thus of himself, That, In building the church of Rome, he bore up upon his own shoulders twelve baskets of earth, being equal in number to the twelve Apostles. For seeing that he doth so often give greater honour to Peter alone than jointly to all the other eleven, did not the reason of the proportion require, that he should carry up more baskets full of earth in honour of him alone, than of all the rest?  
And no less ridiculous is that which he addeth afterward, that, For continuing those lights which did burn in that temple, he gave not only lands and possessions, but also he gave thereto his liberty, that is his right & power, in the east, west, north and south climate; namely in judea, Asia, Thracia, Graecia, Africa, Italy, and in divers Isles: that they may be disposed by the hands of S. Sylvester, and of all his successors. These things writeth the pope in as many words and syllables: whereby we may understand, that those tapers and lights were wonderful dear: for maintaining whereof the tributes and yearly revenues of the whole world, and specially of four parts thereof must be given. And not only so, but also because the faithfulness of treasurers is sometime had in suspicion in such a case, it is reported that Constantine appointed that when he was dead, the government and dispensation of those revenues should be committed to the pope's themselves. So that it seemeth that it cannot easily be judged, whether the impudency of the pope's that seek to enforce upon us these old wives fables, or the madness of those men, if ever they believed an old wives fable so foolish, was greater.  
Furthermore, as ridiculous and false is that which followeth, touching the ten gifts which the pope saith were bestowed upon him by Constantine. The first, the Lateran palace. 2. the crown of gold. 3. the mitre. 4. the imperial collar. 5. the purple rob. 6. the scarlet cote. 7. the imperial attire. 8. pomp of horsemen going before him. 9 the imperial sceptre. 10. all insignes, banners, and standards. Therefore admit that Peter the apostle was in times past shriveled, old, clad in a patched cote like a fisherman: his vicar will now wander throughout the whole world in broidered garments, clad in princely apparel, environed with a troop of footmen and horsemen, with a four square train, with pomp and great preparation. How much better is the state of the chief vicar of the chief of the apostles, than of the chief apostle himself? O almighty God, how great is thy clemency, gentleness, patience, which dost so long suffer that filth and brothelhouse, to mock thy Christ so freely? O miserable kings and princes, which do so long lick the fowl and filthy flowers of that whore! O good jesus, how great difference was there between that thy show and shape, and the pride of that cruel and vile tyrant! There was, saith Esaias, no beauty in Christ, no comeliness. When we saw him, we turned away our eyes and countenance. An abject, and contemned of men, full of sorrows, troubled with continual diseases, hiding away his face from us. So despised, that he is counted as nothing. And will any man wonder that the pope durst boast, that Constantine called him God? For in this distinction 96, c. satis. he writeth thus: It is sufficiently proved, that the pope can neither be bound nor loosed at all by the secular power, who, as appeareth, was called of the godly prince Constantine, God, seeing it is manifest that even God cannot be judged of men. But it is worth the pains to hear the judgement of the doctor Bernard touching all this kind of pomp, who in his fourth book of consideration, writeth to pope Eugenius in these words: It is not known that Peter at any time came forth bedecked either with pearls or silk: he was not covered with gold, not carried on a white horse, not guarded with soldiers, neither environed with ministers making a blundering about him. Without these he both believed that the wholesome commandment might well be fulfilled. If thou love me, feed my sheep. Also in another place: Consider before all things that the holy church of Rome over which thou art placed by God, is the mother, not the mistress or lady of churches: and thou thyself art not the lord of the bishops, but one of them. Thus saith Bernard: but what will we say of the clause following? where Constantine after that princely investing of pope Sylvester, addeth, that he held the pope's bridle with his hand, For reverence of S. Peter, and that he served him as an apparitor. woe, woe to that bewitching whore, whose filthy flowers so great princes do so licourishly lick so long. For pope Stephen the second suffered king Pipinus to give him this self same honour near to Paris. Alexander the third would have had the emperor Friderike to have done the like, so that it is not without cause that S. Hierom in the prolog of the holy Ghost, doth in plain words call Rome Babylon, and that purple whore, which is described in the Revelation. But let us again hear the judgement of the foresaid Bernard touching all this kind, who writeth thus: They go honoured for the goods of the Lord, 
Upon the Cantic. ser. 33.  which Lord they do not honour. Thence cometh that whorish glistering which thou seest daily, that stagelike apparel, that princely preparation, thence is that gold in his bridle, saddle, and spurs, and his spurs shine brighter than the altars. Thence are his gorgeous tables, and costly meats, and cups. Thence come banqueting and drunkenness. Thence are the lute, harp, and pipe. Thence are the overflowing winepresses, and full sellers, one filling another. Thence are the fats of spices and ointments, thence are the strutting pouches. Fie for shame! Provosts of churches, deans, archdeacon's, bishops, archbishops will be and are such. For these things do not give place to that business that walketh by dark: and by and by after: FOR HE IS ANTICHRIST. Did ever either Luther, or any other such as did inveigh against the papacy, bring forth any more plain or vehement thing to accuse the pope of Rome of the crime of Antichristianisme?  
But let us hold on. For this seemeth not enough for the purple whore: for in the verse following she maketh Constantine say thus: We give the clerks that serve the church of Rome the same glory, and power, and pre-eminence, which our most honourable senate hath: and we decree that the clergy of the church of Rome be worshipped, even as the imperial army. Therefore the cardinals and other clerks trusting to this liberty, will hereafter go either to preach the Gospel, or to sing and say their masses furnished and armed with breastplates, helmets, targets, swords, & with other weapons. Only so? Yea (saith he) as the emperor his power is adorned with divers offices of chamberlains, doorkeepers, and garders, so we will have the holy church of Rome guarded and adorned, and that they ride upon horses most white, and that like as our senate useth shoes with latchets: * so let them be clad in most white linen. Is there any of so great a number of the Senators of the king of France, who when he remembreth the humility and modesty of Christ and his apostles, doth not with all prayers detest this pride and haughtiness of the pope's?  
Moreover he saith, that if the pope will choose any of Constantine's senators into the order of the clergy, let them not proudly refuse that honour. With a mischief, what tyrannous barbarism is this, that it is lawful for any college of clerks to choose at their pleasure any one of the order of the senators, whom they will also make a clerk or monk against his will?  
He proceedeth: and that the lawyers may remember that a doubled speech hath greater force, he saith again, that he giveth both his palace, and city of Rome, and the provinces, places, and cities of all Italy, and of the west countries, to all the pope's of Rome, until the end of the world. Moreover, he adjoineth the form of his grant and delivery, that he may afterward translate himself unto the East countries, having left the empire of the West in the pope's possession, and that he may place the sea of his empire in Bizantia: adding moreover a very fit cause: Because, saith he, it is an unmeet thing, that an earthly king should bear rule in that country, where the head of Christian religion, and the principality of priests is placed by the king of heaven. He did excellently make himself the beginning of this sentence: for in the time of Constantine, that is, two hundred years before justinian, the deliverance of the empty possession was requisite to make a donation: but there be many other things that do disturb the matter. First because if Constantine gave to Sylvester the empty possession of that country, he could not afterward in his will leave it to his son Constantius: seeing the alienation of any thing made among those that are alive, doth leave no place for making any will 
l. 6. c. de test. l. sequens. 52. D. de leg. 2.  thereof *. But if the donation were made after that division made among his sons, it was plainly void, and of none effect: because the division that a father maketh among his sons, hath the force of a testament, 
l pen. & l. vlt. C. fam. excisc. cum similibus.  and therefore of a last will. Secondly, with what godliness could Constantine who had three sons and two daughters, do so great injury to his children, as to deprive them of half their inheritance, and to give the same to a stranger especially to a wretch and vile person? For that is a pretty saying of Augustine: Whosoever he be that will disinherit his son, and make the church his heir, let him seek another to take it than Augustine. Where also the fact of that 
17. q. vlt. c. vlt.  bishop is commended, who restored all again to a certain testator, who having no children left his goods to the church, & then afterward had children contrary to his hope and expectation. Which self same thing is set down, 13. q. 2. c. si quis irascitur. But nothing is so ridiculous, as is that reason of his purpose, which the counterfeit Constantine addeth: That it is unmeet, that in the same city wherein a priest sitteth as chief, the emperor should have the sea of his empire. woe to thy head most holy hangman. For what shall we say of Solomon, of Aza, of jozia, and other godly kings of the Israelites, who placed the sea of their kingdom at jerusalem? What of Theodosius, who had his at Mediolanum? But that we may not go far for examples, what shall we say of Constantius son to Constantinus, who according to his father's testament did not only exercise his empire and jurisdiction at Rome, but also he put from the popedom, and thrust out of Rome pope Liberius for taking upon him the defence of Anastasius a bishop a certain magician & sacrilegious person? as Theodoricus, Zozomenus, and Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 15, have left it written. But now let us return to our purpose, for last of all there is a fearful decree set down: If any, saith he, of our successors shall be a violater or contemner, let him be subject to eternal damnation, being insnarled, and let him burn in the nethermost hell with the devil and the wicked. But Constantine brought this curse first upon himself: who (as we said even now) in his last will gave the empire of the West to his eldest son: finally, he was bound with the same curse, whosoever possessed as his own either the West, or any part of the West, either by the name of king, or duke, or by any other name. And by this reason there hath been none that hath been king either of France or Spain heretofore, that burneth not in the nethermost hell with the devil and all the wicked.  
And now can we find any so ignorant of the Latin tongue, that seeth not, that the manner of speech which the writer of the same instrument useth, is far unlike to the custom of that age? Which part of reprehension Platina did not omit in that Sylvester. But Laurentius Valla a man of most sharp judgement in this kind did more at large prosecute it. Whereto we will adjoin this one thing: if any man consider the manner of phrase wherein the laws of Constantine are written in the book of Theodosianus, and justinian: he shall soon perceive without any great ado, that this instrument came out of the same shop which we showed before, out of the Conformities of Francis, or out of the life of Dominick. And we must not pass over with silence another cozening knack of a certain latter pope (of Leo the 10. as it seemeth) who to the end he might with some colour cover that corruption of speech & baseness of style, he heaped falsehood upon falsehood. For he suborned a certain hungry Grecian called Bartholomew Picernus, and afterward Augustine Steuchus the master of his library, to say, that they found in I cannot tell what library of the pope's, that instrument written in the Greek tongue, and that then they translated it somewhat more fitly into the Latin tongue. Which invention Gregory the 13. hath now of late confirmed in the last edition of the decree of Gratian. But all the laws of Constantine are extant in the foresaid books of Theodosianus and justinian, written in the Latin tongue: though they were published both at Constantinople, and in a city of the Grecians, and among the Grecians. Furthermore Eusebius, in his third book of the life of Constantinus, hath recorded, that he spoke in Latin in the Nicene synod. And in the second book he witnesseth, that he turned into Greek, his epistles and decrees which were written in Latin: so that some man may suspect, that either he never wrote that instrument in Greek, or, if he wrote it both in Greek and Latin, that surely he did not use that Beotian and foolish kind of phrase. But now it seemeth that we have spoken sufficiently of the falsehood and wicked invention of the pope's touching the donation of Constantine: so that all men may plainly see, that the whole papacy, which rested only upon this foundation, cannot stand any longer, forasmuch as the foundation is taken away.   

Another most ancient crime of Forgery.  
NOtwithstanding it seemeth to be a thing most fit to set down some other examples of the pope's forgeries and perjuries, and specially those, whereby it may be understood, that the pope of Rome hath affected that tyrannical lordship not only against the authority of the holy Scripture, but also of the old primative church. For after that ambition and desire to lord it had at that time possessed some bishops, the Nicene synod was gathered in the year of Christ 325. wherein it was decreed that in every province or diecese (for these old fathers used both words) some pastor excelling (as we may think) in age and doctrine, should be chosen, who should have authority when need was, to call together his fellows in office, and to make report to them of the affairs of the common churches. This man was in those times sometimes called the Patriarch, sometimes Metropolitan, sometimes Archbishop indifferently: yet so, that neither the lesser bishops without this man's consent, nor this man without their consent and authority did any great and weighty matter. The words of the senate were these: Let the ancient custom be of force, which was 
Chap. 6.  in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, that the bishop of Alexandria have authority over all these, because even the bishop of Rome observeth this custom. And likewise let the privileges be kept both at Antioch, and also in the rest of the provinces. And that is plain, that if any be made bishop without consent of the Metropolitan, the great senate hath appointed that this man ought not to be bishop. And Rufinus doth 
Lib. 10. eccle. hist.  thus interpret that decree, Let this custom be kept in Alexandria, and in the city of Rome, that both the bishop of Alexandria take care for Egypt, and that the other be careful for the churches, lying about the city. Whereby we understand, that the Nicene synod did hedge in the bishopric of Rome, within the bounds of the churches of the suburbs: so far off is it that either principality or authority was given him by Constantine the emperor over all churches of the whole world. Let us now hear what was decreed six and fifty years after in the first Synod of Constantinople, touching the self same matter: that is in the year of Christ 321. For in the second chapter it is thus written: Let not the bishops which have their several diocese, encroach upon the churches that are without their bounds: neither let them confound their churches, but according to the canons, let the bishop of Alexandria govern those things only that are in Egypt. And let the bishops of the east govern only the east. And let the church of Antioch retain her dignity declared in the Nicene synod. And let the bishops of the diocese or province of Asia govern those things only that are in Asia: let those that are in Pontus, govern those things only that are in Pontus. And those of Thracia those things only that are in Thracia. And let not the bishops, unless they be called, intrude themselves into another man's diocese or province, either to give voices, or to any other ecclesiastical functions. And if the foresaid canon be observed in diocese and provinces, it is plain that every provincial Synod shall govern all businesses of every province, as is decreed by the Nicene Synod. Moreover, Socrates * confirmeth 
Lib. hist. eccl. 3  the same thing in these words: Again they confirmed the faith delivered by the Nicene Synod, and they appointed patriarchs in the described provinces: that bishops being placed and set over a certain diocese, might not thrust themselves into other men's churches. And anon after: Notwithstanding reserving the chief degree of honour and dignity to the church of Antiochia, which they gave to Miletius who was then present. And they decreed that so often as need should require, the Synod of every province should determine the business of every province. Thus saith Socrates. And we may see the self-same description of churches delivered and set down by the emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosian. Let the bishop of Rome now 
In. l. 3. C. Theo. de fide cath.  go and boast, that Constantine the emperor gave him principality over all churches of the whole world, and by name over the sea of Antiochia, Jerusalem, Alexandria and Constantinople. For we have proved that this state and condition of the primitive Church continued until the year of Christ, CCCXXCI. Moreover, in the fift chapter of the same Synod it is thus written: Let the bishop of Constantinople have the primacy of honour after the bishop of Rome, because it is new Rome. Which is also reported, dist. 22. cap. Constantinopolitanae. Where the canonist Gregory the 13. hath of late noted, that that canon was not received by the sea of Rome. And no marvel: seeing by that canon the papacy is manifestly convict of forgery. Let us also hear john Chrysostom his judgement touching this matter, who flourished about the year of Christ 300. and doth in plain words attribute that primacy to the church of Antiochia, in these words: * Our city 
Hom. 3. ad pop. Antiochenum  of Antiochia is of all other most dear to Christ: and like as Peter did first preach Christ among all the apostles, so among cities (as I said before) this hath first of all the name of Christians, as a certain wonderful crown. Also Hom. 16. And what is the dignity of our city? It fell out that the disciples of Antiochia were first called Christians: and no city in the world hath this beside, no not the city of Romulus: wherefore Antiochia may lift up her eyes against all the whole world. And this truly was (as I have said) the condition of those times, when the pope of Rome was most far from that tyraunie, which afterward he had and used in the Church. Now let us consider what was observed afterward. For in the Synod of Ephesus, which was kept fifty years after, that is, in the year of Christ 431. in the last chapter it is thus written: It seemed good to the holy and universal Synod, keeping to every province the privileges pure and sound, which do long ago and from the beginning belong to the same, according to the ancient custom used long ago, etc. Where is that principality that was long ago given to the pope of Rome over the churches of the whole world, by the emperor Constantine? Let us hear the next general Synod gathered twenty years after at Chalcedon, that is, in the year of Christ, cccclj. For when the bishop of Constantinople, by reason of the sea of the east empire placed in his city, was sick of the like and very same disease of ambition, whereof our bishop of Rome is now sick, he did effect by his policy and subtle shifts, that that mother city, which had so great dignity, should have a certain privilege above the rest: and that he alone should appoint the Metropolitans of Asia, Pontus, and Thracia. Whereby it came to pass, that the authority of the church of Antiochia so greatly commended by Chrysostom, and established first in the Nicene Synod, and then afterward in the Synod of Constantinople was quite overthrown. Also by these deceits it was brought to pass, that four men should be appointed to govern the whole world, who had metropolitans under their dominion or province. For Africa was granted to the bishop of Alexandria, the west to the bishop of Rome, and to the bishop of Constantinople almost all that part of Europa and Asia, except a few churches, which were left to the bishop of Jerusalem for the antiquity and authorities sake of the city. Therefore when as in times past archbishops, patriarchs, and metropolitans were all one, and were called by so many names confusedly sometimes by one, sometimes by another, afterward there were only four archbishops made (who were also called patriarchs) which did bear rule over the metropolitans, as we have already said. For in the 28. chapter of the same Synod it is thus written: And where the laws of our most holy fathers that follow, the same things do we also determine and decree touching the dignity and excellency of this most holy Church of Constantinople being new Rome. For our fathers did worthily give the first degree of honour to the sea of old Rome, because that city did then reign. And upon like consideration the Cl. bishops loving God most dearly, have given like degree of honour to new Rome (note these words) the most holy sea: decreeing for good causes, that that city, which hath got so great honour, that it should be both the sea of the empire, and that it should have a senate, and should have like degree of dignity, as the old sea of the empire of Rome hath: have even in ecclesiastical affairs like honour and dignity as it hath, seeing it is next to it. Where did then that principality and lordship of the pope of Rome hide itself, which Constantine gave him (as it is said) over all Churches. Let us hear the words of the second Synod of Constantinople out of the 36. chapter: Renewing those things which were ordained by the 150. fathers, which were assembled in this city preserved by God, and in this princely city, and by the six hundred and thirty that were gathered together in Chalcedon; we decree that the sea of Constantinople have like dignity with the sea of old Rome, and that it be magnified as well as the other in ecclesiastical businesses (note these words) seeing it is next to that: and next to it let be the bishop of the great city of Alexandria: and next to this the bishop of jerusalem. But afterward the number of the archbishops was increased by little and little as pleased the emperors. For the emperor justinian gave that honour to the city of his country, Novel. 11. where he writeth thus: Being desirous to increase our country many and divers ways, wherein we were borne by the appointment of God, we command that the most holy bishop thereof, be made, not only a metropolitan, but also an archbishop, and that certain provinces be under the authority thereof: that is, Dacia that lieth in the continent, Dacia that lieth near the sea coast, Mysia the second, and Dardania, and Prevalitana, etc. Also in the conclusion: We decree that the archbishop thereof be ordained by the reverend council of metropolitans. There were also other cities called by the same name justinian's cities, in Africa Instinians' Carthaginensis, which the same emperor adjoined to the Roman empire, in the island Cyprus, justiniana the country of his wife Theodora, whereto justinian gave like prerogative of right, honour, and dignity. Therefore by these appeareth the manifold impudency of the pope's of Rome: first therein because in those times they reckon only four patriarchies or archbishops seas: & also in that, that they make their sea to surmount those four seas, & do challenge to themselves, superiority and jurisdiction over them: secondly, because they take to themselves the authority and power of those patriarchs, seeing it appeareth most evidently, that that authority and power did belong to the emperors: all which that they may appear more plainly and evidently, we will content ourselves with one only testimony of the same justinian: whose words are these in the 230 Novel. turned into Latin by julian Antecessor: Therefore we command the most blessed patriarchs, that is, the pope of Rome, and of Constantinople, and of Alexandria, and of Theopolis, that is, of Antiochia, and of jerusalem, seeing that it is a custom, etc. And by and by: And the metropolitans, which are consecrated by their counsel, or by the most blessed patriarchs, or by the Metropolitans, etc. Also Novel. 131. Let the pope of Rome, saith he, sit above all bishops and patriarchs, and after him the bishop of the city of Constantinople: let the archbishop of the first justiniana have under him the bishops of Dacia in the continent, and Dacia toward the coast, also those of Praevalena, and of Dardania, and of the upper Mysia, and of Pannonia: and also let him be consecrated by them, and let him have the same privileges over them, which the pope of Rome hath over the bishops that are placed under him. Therefore it is evident, that in the first times of Christian liberty there were only four patriarchs, being all of equal honour, dignity, jurisdiction, authority, degree: save only that the patriarch of Rome sat uppermost in general Synods, because of the old dignity of old Rome: and that then the number of the patriarchs was increased, not by the pope of Rome, but by the emperor of Rome: so that there were first five, then six, than seven, and last of all eight: for we reckoned so many under justinian. Whereby we will also have men mark the notorious fraud and impudency of the pope of Rome in corrupting that 36. chapter of the Synod of Constantinople. For in Gratian, dist. 22. c. renovantes, they have thus translated the Greek words of the Synod: Renewing the decrees of the holy Council of Constantinople, we crave (yea we decree, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that the sea of Constantinople have like privileges which the former Rome hath. Yet let it not be magnified in ecclesiastical affairs as the other: but this being next after that, before the sea of Alexandria be reckoned, then that of Antiochia, and after it that of jerusalem. Of which forgery that no man may doubt, we will cite the Greek words themselves: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. We decree that the sea of Constantinople have like privileges as the sea of old Rome, and that it be magnified in ecclesiastical matters as the other. But peradventure some man will say, that that fault is amended in the edition of Gregory the 13. and that in stead of Non tamen or notwithstanding, is put Necnon, and also. Very well. For first of all by this reason the pope is compelled to grant, that he is convict of most manifest forgery: and that he used that forgery and corruption for more than three hundred years wickedly & deceitfully to cozen & deceive the church of Christ. And furthermore that that forgery would never have been amended, unless he had been long ago accused and convict of falsifying by our men. But what will either Gregory the 13. or our Sixtus say to this self same forgery repeated and renewed in c. antiqua, extra de privilege. where there is also a more filthy forgery committed. Renewing the ancient privileges of the seas of the patriarchs, we decree, that after the church of Rome (which by the Lord's disposition hath the principality of ordinary power over all other churches, as being the mother and mistress of all the faithful) the sea of Constantinople have the first place, the sea of Alexandria the second, the sea of Antiochia the third, the sea of jerusalem the fourth: reserving to every one her own dignity: so that after the bishops of those places have received the cloak from the bishop of Rome (which is a token of the fullness of the pope's office) having taken the oath of faithfulness and obedience, freely, etc. Is there any either so hard hearted, or so dull spirited, whom this so great impudency of the pope's in corrupting the monuments of the Church of Christ cannot move? And yet we must not pass over in silence another like impudency. For whereas it was decreed against the 
Ex c. placuit. 2. q. 6.  pope of Rome in the sixth Synod of Carthage, at which S. Augustine was present, that no man should appeal to his sea from the churches beyond the seas: if any durst be so bold as to appeal, he should be excommunicate: yet the same pope in that chapped. placuit, after these words: But as for him that shall think that he may appeal to places beyond the sea, let none within Africa receive him to the communion: he added this exception impudently, Unless peradventure he appeal to the sea of Rome: where Gregory the 13. being of late manifestly convict of treacherous falsehood and forgery, added this excuse, These things are written in the old copies as the words of Gratian. Very well again. For by this means we see the intolerable impudency of the pope's of Rome, who have not only purposely corrupted with that exception the decree that was written against their ambition, but also they deceived the Church of Christ with that lie for the space of more than three hundred years, until our men found out that forgery and juggling. And because we take this pains principally for our country men the French men, it shall not be unappertinent to show out of Doctor Bernard in his own words, what befell Paris in times passed by this ambition of appealing to Rome. This happened (saith 
Lib. 3. de consid  he) at Paris the noble city of France, the king's sea. A certain man was openly betrothed: the solemn day of the marriage came, all things were prepared, many were bidden: and behold a man coveting his neighbours wife, broke forth into a sudden appeal, affirming that she was first delivered to him, she ought rather to be his: the bridegroom was daunted, they were all hushed, the priest durst not proceed, all that preparation was dashed, every one went home to his own house, to eat his own supper. The bride was suspended from the table and bed of the bridegroom, until return was made from Rome. Again in the same city of Paris, a certain man having betrothed a wife to himself, appointed the marriage day: in the mean while began a cavil: for some said, that they ought not to be joined together. The matter was brought before the church. But an appeal was made before sentence was given. Yet nevertheless he did accomplish that he purposed contemning or making as if he knew not of the appeal. Go to: let us consider the state of the later time. For in the year CCCCXXCV. there was a synod at Carthage, and that a general one, whereunto the bishop of Rome sent three legates, Faustinus, Philip, and Asellus, with these commandments, that his authority & right that was granted him by the Nicene synod should be reserved for him, namely that appeal should be made from all metropolitans to him. Then at a sudden the scribe called Daniel, was commanded to read those commandments: and also that chapter of the Nicene synod, which the pope of Rome had adjoined for an instrument of his matter. The whole fift chapter of the synod of Sardis, was read, which the bishop of Rome had fraudulently & wickedly cogged in in steed of the Nicene synod. All the bishops and archbishops that were present at that time denied that ever they read that in the Nicene synod. Therefore they agreed that the copy of the Nicene synod should be read, which they then had in their hands. There was no word of appealing. It was decreed that certain men should be sent to Constantinople, to Alexandria, and finally to Rome, that they might fetch their copies of the Nicene synod, but especially to Constantinople: where the authority itself, or the original of the Nicene synod was kept. The year following they were brought. They were read. There was no suspicion of that privilege and chief authority of the bishop of Rome. That could not be found in any place of the Nicene synod: yea on the contrary it was decreed in the self same synod, that he should keep himself within his bounds as other pope's and Metropolitans. Wherefore if he were wise, he would henceforth content himself with his diocese and dominion: and would not encroach upon another man's possession. To this sentence subscribed two hundred and thirty fathers: and among those, those same whom we named before, Faustinus, bishop of the church of Potentia, legate of the pope of Rome, Philip a priest and legate of the same bishop of Rome, Asellus a priest and the same bishop's legate. And moreover the synod alleged these four causes of that decree of the Nicene fathers. Which it is not unappertinent to repeat: The Nicen fathers did most prudently & justly provide, that all manner businesses should be ended in their places where they began: & that the grace of the holy Ghost would not be wanting in every province, whereby the priests of Christ may both wisely discern and constantly hold equity: especially, because it is granted to every one, if he shall be offended at the judgement of those that are appointed to hear causes, to appeal to the counsels of his province, or also the general council, unless peradventure there be any man which doth believe, that God doth give by inspiration to some one man the justice of hearing and examining matters, and doth deny it to infinite priests assembled in a synod. Or how shall the judgement given beyond the seas be firm, whereunto the necessary persons of witnesses cannot be brought, either for infirmity of sex, or of old age, or for many other hindrances that come between? And as concerning those three legates, there are grievous complaints made of them in those very same letters, and especially of Faustinus, that they had greatly troubled the assembly, when as they feigned that they maintained the privileges of the church of Rome. Then we see that even at that time the wickedness, treachery, and impudency of the pope of Rome was revealed, and that it was convict and condemned by a general council. Do we think that he did any thing having taken away all his enemies or familiars of out Africa and Asia, that he might establish in his west parts the power that he did even then affect? And thus much hitherto touching the first cause of the nullity, and incompetency or insufficiency of the judge: which notwithstanding that they may be more apparent to the most excellent senators of the king's parliament, and to other lawyers, we will confirm them with the authority of the doctors. And first of all with that common saying of the canonists, that The pope is no meet judge even in the only crime of heresy, but that it ought to be judged by others. * And Philip Decius 
C. si papa. dist. 40.  doth constantly avouch, that in that case a council ought not to be gathered by the pope's authority. * The same doth Panormitanus 
in c. cum venis. num. 37. extra de iudic.  and Decius affirm, in c. significasti, num. 4. & num. 9 de elect. But of all other Ludovic of Rome doth most copiously and constantly avouch *, out of the authority of the decree itself, that he that 
in Concil. vlt. nu. 15. & seqq.  liveth rebelliously, and refuseth to learn and do good things, is rather a member of 
C. nullus, dist. 38. in council 95. vol. 4. Decius cons. 115.  the devil, than of Christ, & that he is showed to be rather an infidel, than a believer *. The same saith jason *, and Decius *.   

The second Nullity by reason of the falseness of the Allegation.  
THerefore we say that the second cause of the nullity doth consist in the falseness of the allegation: that is, in a false cause alleged, which the pope followed in conceiving his sentence. For the rule of the law is known, that a sentence pronounced according to false causes, false allegations, false instruments, is void in law and without any appeal, especially where the 
l. 1. & pass▪ C. si ex fals. instru. l. si praetor. 7. D de iudic. l. cum vero. 2. §. Subuentum, De fideic. libert. l. Seiae. 26. D. de tutor. & cur. dat. l. 1. §. haec verba, D. ne vis fiat ei l. 1. C. si ex fals. alleg.  sentence had for the principal cause and foundation, the falseness of the allegation *. But pope Sixtus saith that he hath therefore proscribed the king of Navarre, and the prince of Condee, because they be (as he saith) notorious heretics. Finely. For by this reason, if those princes be notorious heretics, than they must be proceeded against with arms and war: if they be not notorious heretics, than the proscription and execration is of none importance. Let us see then for what cause and allegation the foresaid Princes are condemned for heretics. For so great a crime must not be laid to the charge even of a man of base estate, without a great and weighty cause: much less of so great princes, and the kinsmen of so great a king. The emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Honorius decreed, that they be counted heretics, which shall be detected even by a light argument to err and go astray from the judgement and path of catholic religion *. Who can 
l. 2. c. de haeret. & Manich.  like of and allow that definition? For Augustine doth not account those heretics, which defend their opinion though false and pernicious with no stubborn wilfulness, especially which they have not brought forth through boldness of their presumption, but have received it from their parents, being seduced and fallen into errors, and do seek the truth with wary carefulness, being ready to be reform, when they have found it: as he saith text. 24. dist. 3. c. dixit. Again john Aventine in the third book of his chronicles left in writing, that a certain bishop of Germany called Virgil, being skilful in mathematical arts, was therefore accused of heresy, and was called to Rome by pope Zacharie, because he affirmed that there were Antipodes *. 
That is, such as go with their feet toward ours.  The canonists decreed, that he should be counted an heretic, that should not obey all and singular the pope's decrees *. The 
gloss. dist. 10. c. nulli, & dist. 21.  pope himself hath decreed, that he that denieth emperors, kings, princes, and finally every human creature to be subject to the temporal and material sword of the bishop of Rome, be counted an heretic: because it is upon necessity of salvation to believe this: that is, it is one of the articles 
C. 1. in fin. extr. de maior. & obedient.  of faith *.  
In the year of Christ cxc 8. Victor pope of Rome did therefore pronounce that the East churches were heretics, because they thought not the same concerning Easter, which his church thought. For which cause Ireneus bishop of Lions, did sharply reprove that pope: as Eusebius doth witness in his fift book 26. and Epist. 24. What need many words? He is defined to be an heretic in popery, which doth not believe all those things which are taught for truth in the church of Rome *. But we have before 
C. nulli. dist. 19  showed, that this doctrine was delivered to the Church of Christ of it to be believed, by the authority and commandment of the pope's, that Dominic wrought more miracles than Christ and all his apostles: that the same Dominic was much more excellent than Christ and all his apostles. That john Baptist, to whom the holy scripture gave this title, that there was never any mortal man upon earth greater than he, was by many degrees inferior to Dominic that cosener. We have showed furthermore that the pope's have approved that fable touching the marks of Francis Bernardo; and that it is delivered to the church of Rome to be believed, and that that wise man that opposeth himself against it must be punished as an heretic, for the pope's use these self same words in their bulls *. Wherefore this (saith 
Lib. conformit. fol. 234. col. 3.  he) must be holden most firmly as true, and he that holdeth the contrary must be despised of all men as an heretic. In like sort Anthony of Florence writeth thus: The church hath 
Hist. part. 3. c. 1. §. 3.  undoubtedly approved and declared that there be a solemn feast kept for this: that the Lord jesus who was crucified appeared to Francis as he prayed, and was transformed like to a Zeraphin (that is, having six wings) and that he imprinted in his hands and side the signs of his passion, wherein he felt great pain. Let the most excellent and most wise Counsellors of the French king judge now, whether that be a true definition of an heretic, that he that shall not believe those most filthy inventions touching Dominic and Bernardo, allowed by the authority of the church of Rome, shall be counted and taken for an heretic, and thrust from the fellowship of the church. If they do not think that that is an equal decree of the papacy of Rome, then let them remember that rule, wherein it is taught, that rash and light accusers, are not only condemned of false accusing, and so noted with infamy, but also they are condemned to abide like punishment, which the other should have suffered whom they accused *: and therefore 
l. vlt. C. de accus.  that pope Sixtus the fift who hath falsely accused the king of Navarre, and prince of Condie of heresy, ought flatly to be taken for a schismatic and heretic. But let us now a little more attentively consider, to whom that wicked crime and name of heretics doth properly belong. Forsomuch as we can gather by the authority of holy scripture, and of the ancient doctors of the Church, he only is to be counted an heretic, which stubbornly holdeth, and seditiously soweth doctrine that is contrary to the rule of faith (that is, the Christian creed) notwithstanding he hath been lawfully admonished and convict. For thus doth Augustine define him *: Those (saith 
De civita. Dei 18. c. 51.  he) that in the Church of Christ, do taste of any sick or corrupt thing, if being rebuked, that they may savour of that which is sound and right, they resist stubbornly, and they will not amend their pestiferous and deadly opinions, but persist to defend them, are made heretics, and going out adoors, they are counted in the number of exercising enemies. And now as touching the creed of Christians, which Tertullian calleth the rule of faith, there is this notable testimony of the same Tertullian extant in his book of Prescriptions of heretics. It is the rule of faith (saith he) wherein it is believed that there is one only God (note this periphrasis of the Christian creed) and none other besides the creator of the world, who hath brought forth all things out of nothing by his word. P. That that word was called his son, that he appeared diversly to the patriarchs, that he was always heard of the prophets; last of all, that he was brought into the virgin Marie by the spirit and power of God his father, that he was made flesh in her womb, and that jesus Christ came out of her being borne, that thenceforth he preached the new law, and the new promise of the kingdom of heaven, that he wrought miracles, that being fastened to the cross he rose again the third day, that being taken up into the heavens he sitteth at the right hand of the father, that he sent the power of the holy Ghost to be his vicegerent, to govern the believers, that he shall come with glory to take the saints into the fruit of eternal life, and of the heavenly promises, and to adjudge the profane to everlasting fire: both parts being raised again with restoring of the flesh. This rule instituted by Christ, hath amongst us no questions, save only such as heresies cause, and such as make heretics. Thus writeth Tertullian. Whereby we understand, that those are by him defined to be heretics, which bring in into the Church a doctrine contrary to the Christian creed: which is consonant and agreeable to that commandment of the apostle: He that bringeth you another Gospel than that which we have brought, let him be accursed. Therefore Tertullian in another place of the same book saith: Whence came strangers and heretics enemies to the apostles, save only from diversity of doctrine, which every one hath either broached or received of his own head against the apostles? Therefore we must make account that the corruption both of the scriptures, and expositions is there where there is found diversity of doctrine. Also in another place: Let heretics bring to light the beginnings of their churches, let them turn over the order of their bishops, so descending from the beginning by successions, that first of all the same bishop had some one of the apostles or apostolic men, Who notwithstanding continued with the apostles, for his author and predecessor. Tertullian doth in plain words call those apostolic men, neither doth he suffer any other to be called by this name, save only those that have agreed with the doctrine of the apostles, and have continued therein: so that it may easily be understood that apostolic men must not be esteemed by the sea and place, but by succession and perpetuity of doctrine. Therefore he saith in another place: The doctrine of heretics being compared with the apostolic doctrine, shall by the diversity and contrariety thereof pronounce, that it neither hath any apostle for the author thereof, nor apostolic man: for, as the apostles had not taught things that were divers among themselves, so the apostolic men had not published things that were contrary to the apostles: save only those that fell away from the apostles, and preached otherwise. Lo how manifestly Tertullian showeth, that those aught properly to be called heretics, which bring in a doctrine contrary to the Christians creed, though they call themselves apostolic men: forasmuch, saith he, as they be fallen away from the apostles: and (as he said a little before) have invented of their own head, that is, their own wit and invention, somewhat besides holy scripture. Furthermore we must mark, that Tertullian doth not properly & chief call those apostolic men, which succeeded Peter, but generally which succeeded any of all his fellow apostles: and that not precisely: that it ought to be referred to some certain place and city: but jointly, which succeeded the apostles in delivering the doctrine of Christ by hand. Whereby appeareth the impudency of the pope's, who did not only properly restrain the name of apostolic unto the bishop of Rome, but also they gave the same to foolish things: as the apostolic sea, the apostolic legate, the apostolic messenger, the apostolic chancery, apostolic penance, the apostolic notary, the apostolic treasury, the apostolic privilege, apostolic provision, the apostolic bull: so that at length it may be said the apostolic mule, and (sir reverence) the apostolic pissepot, and so forth. But to return to our purpose, that the difference between an heretic and an apostolic man might more plainly be understood, Tertullian adjoineth a most manifest example, and very appertinent to that we have in hand: Paul, saith he, instructing Timothy, doth amongst heretics nip forbidders of marriage. Why so, Tertullian? Surely, because that inhibition is contrary to the doctrine of the apostles: who taught in plain words, that marriage is not only comely and honourable for all sorts and orders of men, but also for the most part necessary. Whereby it appeareth that the forbidding of matrimony is not apostolic, but heretical: because, according to Tertullians' opinion, those are defined to be heretics, which bring in doctrine contrary to the writings of the apostles. And those are defined to be apostolic and sound and catholic, which contenting themselves with the writings of the apostles, do detest & accurse together with the apostle, those that detract from, or add to the same. Furthermore to this definition of heretics agreeth that, which S. Augustine delivereth *: He is an heretic, saith he, who 
In lib. de util. creden.  for love of gain or principality doth either beget or follow new opinions. Where he meaneth principality of faction and departing from the Church, the captain and prince whereof he professeth himself to be, having as it were set up his banner. And with this self same mind Paul calleth Philetus and Hymeneus heretics, because they had not only erred from the faith, but also subverted the faith of others: whom likewise in another place he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, wanderers or straiers, 
1. Tim. 2. 2. Tim. 3.  and such as lead others into errore also. But moreover, Peter describing heretics, saith, that they entrap the minds of inconstant and weak men. Also in another place: Amongst them, saith he, there shall be false teachers, which shall secretly bring in heresies or deadly sects. 2. Pet. 2. And as touching the form of declaring heretics, Paul showeth the same in these words: An heretic after the first and second admonition 
1. Tim. 3.  avoid. Unto which form that order doth also appertain, which Christ prescribed *, that he be accused before the Church, 
Mat. 18.  and if he show himself stubborn, let him be counted as an heathen man, and profane person. And we see that even the school doctors are of this mind: & amongst these the master of sentences *: where he 
In 4. dist. 18. c. 7.  writeth thus: that Excommunication ought to be put in practice, when a man being according to canonical discipline called the third time to amend a manifest fault, and making no account to make satisfaction, is cut off by the sentence of the church, from the place of prayer, and from the partaking of the sacraments, and from the fellowship of the faithful, that he may be ashamed, and that he may repent being converted through shame of his wickedness, that his soul may be saved. Who if professing repentance he do repent, he is admitted to the communion that was denied him, and is reconciled to the Church. By all which doth plainly appear, that there be three marks of an heretic, whereby they are known and discerned from those that hold the truth: if they bring in any thing into the Church that agreeth not with the rule of faith, if they make a departure, and if being solemnly admonished they do stubbornly persist. But because this disputation doth for the most part appertain unto the king's Senators which are lawyers, it seemeth to be nothing unappertinent, to set down another definition of heretics, out of the books of justinian. For in the Novel. 115. §. si quis, where amongst the lawful causes of disheriting children, he reckoneth up heresies, he addeth these words interpreted by julian Antecessor. But we call those men sound, which communicate in the holy catholic church, into which all the patriarchs are gathered with one consent and concord: and the four holy Counsels are preached: the Nicene, that of Constantinople, the first of Ephesus, and that of Chalcedon. And we call those heretics, which do not communicate with the catholics. These things being thus set down, let us now see by what right our foresaid Princes▪ are condemned by pope Sixtus the fift for heretics: for whether we follow the former or the latter definition, the foresaid Princes do profess and declare so earnestly as they can, and they call to witness God and Angels, and all men of all sorts and kinds, finally heaven and earth, that they do neither bring in into the Church any thing that is repugnant to the rule of faith and usual creed of Christians, ne yet to those four most ancient Counsels, but that they do with all their heart embrace their doctrine and confession such as was conceived in the Nicene synod, the synod of Constantinople, of Ephesus, and Chalcedon, neither do they departed even an hears breadth (as they say) from the form set down by Athanasius. furthermore they profess, that they neither have made, neither will make any departure, from those churches, which have continued in that rule of faith, and form of confessions, such as be those churches of the most noble and mighty electors, and princes of the confession of Augusta. Last of all, that they were never till this day admonished, & reprehended by any church of this sort, which hath persevered in the doctrine of the apostles. But and if being young men, and terrified with the blood and infinite murders of the massacre of Paris, and moved with the sight and presence of a most mighty king, and finally being hedged in with the sword of many armed soldiers, they did and pronounced those things unwillingly, which they were commanded either to do or pronounce, this must not be counted a solemn and lawful form of ecclesiastical admonition, and such as Christ appointed, and the Apostles and apostolic men have kept: especially seeing that shortly after, when they had recovered their liberty, they protested, that they did all that they did unwillingly and compelled with threatenings: and did openly crave pardon for that their infirmity, at the hands of God & Christians, in a reformed church, before a great assembly. And on the contrary they show, that the pope of Rome is condemned by the judgement of the most part of Europe, not only amongst heretics, but also as a chief heretic, & as the chief author, and captain of sedition. First, because he hath brought in into the church wicked fables, and blasphemous, touching the false miracles of munks, and traditions most contrary to those four ancient counsels: such as we have before set down, touching the feigned purgatory, the invocation of the dead, the worshipping of images, the daily renewing of the sacrifice of Christ in the mass, the idolatrous worshipping of the bread and chalice, touching the forbidding of marriage, touching the Dominicane monks hid under the garment of the virgin Marie, touching more and greater miracles done by Dominic and Francis, than either by Christ or his Apostles: which are such wicked, heinous, and ungodly blasphemies, that the minds of all the godly do abhor the rehearsal thereof. Secondly, because having taken to himself lordship and princely power over the whole church, and using ministers and officers, dukes, and purpled cardinals, to defend him and furnish him, he professed himself to be the captain and prince of a new faction and synagogue. Last of all, because being about four hundred whole years ago, requested by the prayers of all Christian princes, and admonished to admit some amendment and reformation, he did proudly reject their request and precepts. Of which, not to fet testimonies far, surely the memory of our fathers and grandfathers may be a witness, out of the council of Constance, Basil, Florence, and Trent: in which last, false and erroneous doctrines were not only not taken away, but also more and more confirmed: so that no man can now doubt, but that these three marks, whereby we said a little before, an heretic is discerned from one whose judgement is sound, do most evidently appear in the pope of Rome. Which things, seeing they are so, we think that it is now evident enough, of what importance this accusation of pope Sixtus ought to be with the counsellors of the French king, whereto the most part of Europe hath subscribed itself, also we understand of what authority this accusation by him made against the king of Navarre and prince of Condie, aught to be with them. For to cut his throat (as they say) with his own sword, lo, in his own decrees 24. distinct. 1. it is every where in many testimonies set down, that he that is fallen into heresy cannot deprive any man of his office, or insnarle him in any sentence, as in c. acasius. If therefore, a bishop (saith he) be fallen into an heresy already condemned, being condemned by an ancient excommunication, he cannot condemn others. For he that is excommunicate, cannot excommunicate others. Which self-same thing is confirmed in that which followeth, by this reason being added thereto: For the power to bind or loose was given by the Lord, to true, not to false priests. And in the chapter following. Peter's privilege remaineth wheresoever sentence is given according to his equity. Hereto belongeth that which jason writeth in his 145. council. requisitus. num. 3. vol. 2. That the pope cannot depose any man placed in dignity, without cause: because the power granted to Peter, to feed the sheep of Christ, is not extended to kill them. c. in novo. 21. dist. for Peter's power continueth so long as he judgeth truly, and doth not err with the keys. * The self-same writeth 
d. c. manet, etc.  Abba. * Also jason writeth more plain in 
in. c. vlt. col pe. & vlt. de confi. util. vel inut. & in c. constitutus, col. 3. de relig. dom. & in c. vlt. de postul. praelat. & in c. de multa, de praebend.  his 95. council, requisitus, vol. 4. When as, saith he, the pope is guilty of heresy, seeing he may for this crime be deposed, c. si papa. 40. dist. by this he ceaseth to be pope, seeing he is without the catholic church: according to the notes by Innocentius in c. ex part, de verb. sig. & in like sort when the pope shall be a notorious criminal person, & entangled in grievous crimes, so that he doth offend the church; etc. Also, col. 3. But the old gloss held more strongly, than the whole world allegeth, in d. c. si papa, that the pope may be accused for another fault, as simony, or adultery, which is notorious, and the pope being admonished cannot be reform, so that he offendeth the church of God, seeing he is counted as an heretic: and so the pope may be accused and punished, not only for the cause of heresy, but also for any other crime, wherein the pope committeth excess offending the church, if it be notorious and the pope cannot be reform: because notable disobedience is counted heresy: wherefore, as the pope may be accused for heresy, and condemned, so likewise for any notorious crime wherein he is incorrigible. Moreover, Felinus saith *. The pope which is not canonically 
in c. Ego N. de iureiur.  elect is a devil, not having the keys of the kingdom of heaven, but of hell.   

The third Nullity by reason of the want of judicial order.  
LEt us now come to the third cause of nullity, which we said to be the want of form & judicial order. For as in times past the great orator said, what is more unseemly, than that judgement should be given of his life and of all his goods, who was neither commanded to be present, nor yet cited, nor accused? We showed before, that this form and order of ecclesiastical judgement was appointed by Christ and his Apostles, in judging heretics, first, that they should be sometimes convict of their error: then if they would not obey not one, but many and often admonitions of the church, but would (as saith Augustine) stubbornly resist, and persevere in their error, than they should be counted as enemies and profane persons. Therefore admonitions are necessary, and a solemn and lawful hearing of the cause. God was not ignorant what Adam and Eva had committed against his commandment or inhibition. Yet he called both of them forth, and made as it were a question and hearing of the cause: and then at length he gave sentence against them after they were convict. The same God being a most severe punisher of wickedness, was not ignorant with how great and how vile wickedness the Sodomites and Gomorrheans had defiled themselves. But yet notwithstanding that he might show an example of equity to mortal men that are judges, he took upon him to hear the cause, and he said that he would descend and know. Which thing likewise the canonists have in many words every where delivered in 1. q. 2. but specially in c. Deus omnipotens. But moreover the same scripture doth in another place testify, that the elders of the people of the jews who judged matters at the foot of the mount Sinai, gave not sentence before they had heard both parties, and until both parties had laid down their matter. Moreover, the jews though they did maliciously seek to put Christ to death, and to destroy him, yet they kept the usual order of judgements, so that they accused him before Caiphas the highest priest, and a competent judge: and then they did bring him before the judgement seat of the same high priest, after they had caught him, and also they did bring forth witnesses for their accusation. Therefore both sides laid down their cause: and the opinions of those that sat with the highest priest were asked: and then at length, judicial order being kept, the condemnation was pronounced. But what need more testimonies? When the woman was taken in adultery (as saith the scripture) as the deed was a doing, and there was none to accuse her, and to bring forth witnesses, than said Christ, Neither 
john. 8.  saith he, will I condemn thee being not convict *. Also in another place: when as upon a certain day the jews would have condemned Christ before they had heard him, than Nicodemus rebuked them in these words: Doth our law condemn any man before he be heard, and his fact known? Finally, there is nothing whereof the old patrons of the Christians, and amongst these Tertullian, Arnobius, Augustine, Lactantius do so greatly complain, as that the heathen men did every where & rashly condemn the Christians being unheard, and before their cause was known. But pope Sixtus and his assessors the cardinals have followed the rashness of these ethnics in this most mad declaration, when as with certain barbarous and giantlike arrogancy they condemned the foresaid most excellent king of Navarre, and most noble prince of Condie, I do not say being unheard, but not so much as commanded to be present or cited. But peradventure some man will say, these Princes were condemned not simply as heretics, but jointly as notorious and manifest heretics. For they are oftentimes thus called in many places in that furious declaration. But this law is received among the canonists, that in manifest and notorious crimes there needeth none accusation and 
C. manifesta. & ccc. seqq. 2. q. 1.  judicial order *. Whereupon they will have this conclusion follow, seeing the foresaid Princes do manifestly and openly profess, that they are fallen from the sea of Rome, there needed no citation or accusation, or hearing of the cause to condemn them. But we may easily answer this objection: for the answer is threefold. The first is, that the pope taketh that to himself as granted, which the most part of Christendom doth stoutly deny him, that the religion of the foresaid princes, and of so many other kings and nobles which think the same thing, is heretical: and that therefore it is an absurd thing, that those should be called notorious heretics, which are not even heretics. The other answer is, that all those points of the decree of Gratian. 1. q. 1. which can be objected to us, do in no point appertain unto the crime of heresy: but (as pope Nicolas saith *) unto the 
c. 16.  works of the flesh: which (as he addeth out of the apostle) are manifest: as manslaughter, robbery, whoredom, incest, adultery, and such like. Neither shall there in all these places any word be found touching the crime of heresy: which crime doth differ from the works of the flesh, and other wicked deeds therein, because in condemning heresy the correction and amendment of the person is sought: which Paul doth therefore call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, using the same word or name, which Plato giveth to that chastisement, which is used for amendments sake: for in other punishments the amendment of the person is not sought, but there is an example given to others, that men with fear of like punishment may be terrified from doing evil. For which cause the same Plato calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a public example *. 
Agell. 6. c. 4. & Plato in Gorg.  Therefore though a man wander in some article of religion, yea do manifestly err, and slide, yet he must not forthwith be either excommunicate, or (as Augustine saith) be accounted in the number of exercising enemies: but he must be once and often admonished, chastened, taught, neither must he be removed from the fellowship of the faithful, until he show himself rebellious and stubborn: and (to use the words of the same Augustine) do stubbornly resist the Church. Wherefore seeing that the foresaid Princes do neither profess any doctrine, dissenting from the rule of faith (as we said before:) but do most carefully embrace the four forenamed counsels, neither yet have been reprehended by any apostolic church: which (as Tertullian defineth it) hath persevered in the doctrine of the apostles, neither yet have showed themselves stubborn in learning, but if they be convict of any error are ready to amend it: we conclude without any delay, that we have abundantly satisfied the cause of Nullity set down by us in the third place. To what end should I use many words? For even by the law of the canonists all this declaration of the pope is proved to be unjust and void: forsomuch as when an excommunication is sent out for no just cause, and without observing the judicial order, than the curse of the excommunication is said to redound upon the head of him that accurseth. Touching an unjust cause, there be testimonies extant in the writings of Augustine *, where 
in c. temerarium, eodem.  he thus writeth: Rash judgement doth for the most part hurt him nothing, upon whom judgement is rashly given, but him that judgeth rashly must the rashness of necessity hurt. Also in the chapter following: What doth it hurt a man that man's ignorance will blot him out of that table, if so be it an evil conscience do not blot him out of the book of the living? Think of Augustine what thou wilt, only let not my conscience accuse me in the eyes of God, etc. Etsi, these things are cited out of the same Augustine: Though thou be condemned of man for a time, the earthly seat is one, and the heavenly throne another thing: from the lower he receiveth sentence, from the higher a crown. Also out of the same Augustine: 
* 11. q. 3. c. Episcopi, c. nemo. c. certum, c. ex part, cap cum olim. De scent. excom.  I 
in c. illud planè.  will say that boldly and not rashly, that if any of the faithful shall be unjustly accursed, it shall rather hurt him that doth, than him that suffereth this injury. For the holy Ghost dwelling in the saints, by whom every man is bound, or loosed, doth not punish any man undeservedly. But in judicial order is required first citation, than the stubbornness of him that is cited 
* Host. in sum. tit. de sent. excomm▪ num. 7. gloss. in c. statuimus codem tit. in 6. . As for example, saith Hostiensis, if any man being commanded or admonished will not amend his wickedness. 
* cap. ad nostr. De consuet. ubi concord. in gloss.  Furthermore it is requisite that the excommunicator be a competent judge: otherwise the excommunication of an insufficient judge is none 
* c. solet. etc. venerabilem, & per tuas eod tit. in 6. . Thirdly, if the excommunicate person have lawfully appealed, or in stead of appealing have fitly protested *. For he that allegeth no sentence, though he desire not to be absolved, but (as it falleth out in this matter) showing lawful causes of Nullity, especially so many, and so lawful, he must be heard: and in the mean season the sentence is suspended, as the same canonists do commonly teach 
* in d. c. per tuas. & in d. c. solet. . In like sort if the sentence contain an intolerable error: as the same canonists affirm 
* in d. c. solet. in d. c. per tuas. : as in this matter of ours, where the bull of pope Sixtus is convict of most manifest errors: as is showed in the last cause of Nullity, especially where the sentence doth manifestly contain the error of the fact: as Augustine 
* in Sum. contra gloss. in d. c. per tuas.  noteth. For a sentence pronounced according to false allegations is in law none: as we proved before at large.   

The fourth Nullity by reason of the form of the sentence.  
THere remaineth the fourth cause of Nullity, by reason of the foolish form of the conceived sentence. For, as it is commonly said, the foolishness of speech declareth the foolishness of the mind 
* l. pend. D. de cond. & daemon l. 1. §. pen. & vlt. D. de aedil. edict. . Therefore a judge which giveth sentence foolishly, fond, and absurdly, is called a fool 
* l. vlt. c. de fideic. libert. , such a one as we shall prove this Friar, a scholar of Francis Bernardo to be, by this his sentence, and Friar-like bull. For he beginneth thus: The authority granted by the infinite power of the eternal king to S. Peter and his successors, doth surmount all the powers of earthly kings and princes. See how the hangman speaketh sentences. But it is an old rule of the Logicians, that comparisons are used in those things only that are of the same sort. But what agreement is there between the authority that was given to the apostles, which appertaineth to religion and conscience, and the power granted to kings, which consisteth in civil and politic matters? Therefore our cowled Friar hath spoken, as if he had said: The foolishness of Bernardo his scholar doth surmount the ears of all the asses that are in Arcadia. But that we may answer somewhat in earnest, let this conclusion come to light. A successor of right, hath no more than his author had. Peter had not authority surpassing the powers of kings, but he was commanded to obey them as superiors. Therefore though the pope were Peter's successor (which we proved before to be false) yet being inferior to kings, he ought to obey them. The assumption is plain out of these words: Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. Whosoever he be that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. Rom. 13. Tell them that they submit themselves to principalities and powers, that they obey. Tit. 3. Be subject to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake: whether it be to the king, as to the chief ruler: or to precedents, as to those that are sent by him. 1. Pet. 2 But what shall the authority of the holy scripture avail with the pope? For it shall even now be refuted with this one word: Constantine granted to the pope all the kingdoms of the West, and he commanded that emperors and kings should hold his stirrup when he got up upon horseback; that they should wait upon him as pages, and finally that prostrating themselves upon the ground they should kiss his feet. This is that pre-eminence of the pope's, whereof he speaketh in this place: such as either was in times passed upon earth, that of his god Francis, when being taken up into the middle region of the air, he talked familiarly with Christ: for which cause to avoid that cold he put on a hooded garment: or else is at this day in heaven, where he is said to sit straddling above the Cherubins. But now let us see what followeth: Standing firm upon the rock, it doth not turn aside from the right course by any contrary, or prosperous blasts. Who ever heard before this, that either authority being set upon a rock did sail, or that any ship was ever turned aside from the right course by prosperous blasts? But notwithstanding howsoever this ship doth sail, we have showed before, that he that did boast that he sitteth in the stern thereof, and doth hold the helm, hath not a place left him so much as in the pump, or sink. Like to this is that that followeth: If he find any that resist the ordinance of God, those doth he more sharply punish. As if even in the city of Rome, which is a mansion of all wickedness, the ordinances of God were not resisted: or the pope did sharply punish any such as resist. But Petrarcha, Mantuan, Sannazarius, and many more Italians, call Rome the shop of all wickedness, Babylon, Sodom, the school of errors, the temple of heresies, a shameless strumpet.  

Go shame into the villages,  
If villages be not become  
Receipts of filth: For that is now  
A brothelhouse that erst was Rome.   
saith Mantuan. Also in another place:  

At Rome are sold  
The temples, priests, and altars brave,  
The sacrifice and diadem:  
The fire, incense, and prayers eke,  
To sell both heaven and God they seem.   
Also Albericus Rosat. in the word Rome:  

The court of Rome will not be served,  
With sheep that's rob of her fleeze:  
Against all those that nothing give,  
The doors are shut: but those which greeze  
Her hand with bribes, she hears with speed.   
Also S. Bernard in his fourth book of consideration to pope Eugenius, cap. 1. Whom will thou show me of a whole great city, that received thee to be pope, without reward, or hope of reward? These being hated of earth and heaven, have laid hands upon both: being wicked against God: rash against holy things: seditious one against another. Also Petrarcha in his epistles: Whatsoever is read concerning Assyria or Egypt, or Babylon; whatsoever is read concerning the labyrinths; finally whatsoever is read of the entry of hell, and of the brimstone woods of hell, being applied to this hell it is a fable. Hear is the turretting, and terrifying Nimrod. Hear is Semiramis with her quiver, here is Minos that cannot be entreated. Here is Radamantus. Here is Cerberus that devoureth all things. Here is Pasiphae lying with the bull, and the mixed kind, as saith Maro, and the child having two shapes. Here is Minotaurus monuments of lust not to be named. Last of all you may see here whatsoever is confused, whatsoever is black, whatsoever is any where horrible, or is feigned so to be: and to be brief, a sink of all wickedness and shameful things. What saith our pope to these things? Let us hear the praise of the city of Rome, out of the chapter fundamenta 17. de elect in vj. Rome, saith he, is an holy nation, an elect people, a priestly city, and a princely, by the holy sea of S. Peter made the head of the whole world. Was there ever any so shameless a bawd or beast, out of whose mouth came a more shameless saying? Or what shall we say of our Franciscan friar, who careth for those things that are done beyond the Alps: who regardeth not what things be done at home? Seeing Paul hath ordained, that he that cannot govern his own family, have not the government of the church committed to him. It followeth. Casting down from their throne those that are mightier, he throweth them down even to the ground, as ministers of proud Lucifer. How madly the drunken friar invadeth the place of Isaias *, which doth properly 
Ch. 14.  concern the pope's of Rome, and the universal priests of the church? For Gregory the great, doth plainly testify, that under the person of Nabuchadnosor the universal pope is described. For in hell there are brought in the damned kings & princes, coming out as it were to meet the pope, and to welcome him coming unto them after his death, and mocking him thus. Hell was afraid because of thee against the meeting of thy coming, all the princes of the earth that are dead, arise to thee. All the kings of the nations rise out of their thrones, and they speak unto thee on this wise: Art thou also become weak as one of us, and art thou become like to us? Thy pride is drawn unto the hell. O Lucifer, when didst thou fall from heaven, thou son of the morning, and art cut down to the earth, that didst terrify the nations? But thou saidst in thine heart, I will climb up into heaven: I will exalt my throne above the stars of heaven. I will climb up above the height of the cloud, and will become like to the most highest. Those that see thee, shall say, Is this he that troubled the earth, and did shake kingdoms. Now let us hear Gregory out of his fourth book of Epistles. ch. 82. where he apply that place of Isaias, unto him that did profess himself to be pope and universal bishop. I will climb up, saith he, above the height of the clouds: I will be like to the most highest. For what are all thy brethren, the bishops of the universal church, but stars of heaven? Before whom whiles thou covetest to set thyself by a word of pride, and to tread their name under foot in comparison of thee, what else dost thou say, but, I will climb up into heaven: I will exalt my seat above the stars of heaven? Whom whiles your brotherhood despising them, doth go about to tread under foot, what other thing saith it, but this which the old enemy saith, I will climb up above the height of the clouds? All which things when I behold weeping, etc. By which words it is understood, that the place of Isaias concerning Lucifer, cast down into the neither most part of the earth, and of his cruelty thrust down into hell, doth not belong to the most noble king of Navarre, (than whom the sun beholdeth nothing more meek, more gentle) but unto our Polyphemus Sixtus the fift, and unto his pride in treading underfoot the majesty of kings. But if we must cut the throat of this giant with his own sword, lo, we have a plain text in his own decree, * where it is thus written. Lucifer 
de poeniten. dist 2. §. qui vero reprobi.  whiles that he presumed of himself in pride, he was cast down from paradise into hell. Also *: Whiles Nabuchadnosor waxing proud in 
23. q. 5. §. hinc notandum.  his heart, said, Is not this Babylon which I have built, etc. God did forthwith change his reasonable mind, and he changed him into the form of beastliness, so that flying from men, he lived with beasts. Which words he reciteth, referring them unto the pope (which we will have especially noted) and he commendeth Ludovic of Rome *. But now let us proceed 
in cons. vlt. num. 2.  to the rest, after we have added that one thing out of the 38. leaf of the book of the Conformities, because mention is made of the seat of Lucifer. The peace making Friar being caught up into heaven, whether in the body, or without the body God knoweth (let the readers consider how wickedly the vile monk doth mock the words of Paul) and he saw in heaven many seats, amongst which he saw one higher than his fellows, bedecked with precious stone. And he heard a voice saying to him: This was Lucifer's seat, and in his place shall humble Francis sit. And this surely is that, which we said before, that Francis Bernardo together with the rest of his stage players and comical mates shall have a place in Lucifer's kingdom: so that we need not greatly dispute whether Francis or pope Sixtus the fift, a bishop of the order of Francis, is worthy the seat. It followeth in the bull: According to the care for all churches, people, and nations that lieth upon us. Good Lord! What a burden hath our great cowled Friar taken upon him, seeing he hath taken up upon his shoulders the care both for all churches, and people, & nations. We will hereafter cease to wonder what is the cause, that painters have in his image painted the form of one that stoopeth. Scarce Atlas, who they say held up heaven, did bear a heavier burden. What shall then become of us, if the pope begin to faint and fail under that so great a burden, which he complaineth to lie upon his shoulders alone? They say that the cause of a certain melancholy persons grief, was, because he was afraid, lest Atlas, who had so long borne so great a burden should at length sink under it. But we think it good to set down in this place a certain pleasant narration of William Budeus a man (as I said before) that loved his country, and was very learned, touching these Atlases, out of his fift book De Ass: A certain pleasant and merry preacher, saith he, was wont not long ago, to cavil at them, and to say, that they seemed to him to be such as are those corbat images in churches, which are set upon posts or pillars. For as we see some of these images as it were yielding under their burden, which are either in stead of corbats, or else they reach without the mortesses of the corbats, and they seem to one that beholdeth them, as if they took great pains, and sweat with bearing the work: whereas indeed they are without feeling, and they help the strength of the stones nothing, howsoever they seem to take great pains: so we see these Atlases set and placed upon the very tops of the pillars in the temple of the Lord, having indeed that false honour, and majesty of titles like reverend old men, and their custom is to pretend holiness, and to bear a fair show of reverend old men, that underprop the Lords sanctuary: but when we behold their blockish ignorance or dissolute carelessness, it is evident that they do no more good than images of stone. But it seemeth that we ought not to omit that, which Antoninus archbishop of Florence, whom we have sundry times before mentioned, hath taught us, that when as long ago the pope began to faint under so great a burden, there were some found that did underprop him with their shoulders, namely Dominican Friars. For he writeth thus *: Dominic 
Histor. part. 3. tit. 23. §. 3. fol. 191.  went to pope Innocentius, and prayed him to confirm his order of predicants. The pope showed himself at the first hard to be entreated: but upon a certain night in a revelation showed him by God, he saw in his sleep that the joints and couple of the Laterane church were as it were loosed, and did threaten that it would shortly fall. Which when he beheld trembling, and also sorrowing, the man of God Dominic came to prevent it, who setting to his shoulders, he did uphold all that frame that was like to fall: at the strangeness of which vision whiles he did wonder, and wisely understanding also the signification thereof, he did joyfully accept the petition of Dominic: anno Domini, 1210. Thus saith he. But what if the Dominicans also who have now more than three hundred years with their shoulders underpropped the papacy that is like to fall, do also begin to faint, and to be weakened? There is another helping pillar found. For the jesuits are risen of late, that they being sound & fresh may aid the weary Dominicans. So that the matter is now brought to the third rank (as it is in the proverb.) Who being now weakened, the pope is descended to the vain thunderbolt of excommunications, mistrusting the principal matter. It followeth in the bull: That not only the times of our service, but also all times to come may bring peace to all parts of Christendom. We spoke before of this kind of service. Which we proved to consist therein, that kings and emperors do hold the pope's stirrup when he alighteth from his horse: that they wait upon him when he entereth into cities, like pages: that they give him divine reverence & worship as he sitteth in his princely throne: and that lying prostrate upon the ground, and lying at his feet, for testifying their bondage they kiss his shoes. But what words are these: At this time we condemn heretics, that the times to come may bring peace to Christendom? Would our Sixtus unless he had been full gorged, well whittled, and stark drunk, not rather have written: That in time to come we may bring peace to Christendom? But let us proceed to the rest of the oracles of this bull. For he addeth afterward: In the realm of France Christian religion hath at all times been in force, and so great hath been the godliness, faith, and devotion of those kings, so many have been their good deserts toward the church of Rome, that they had from it the surname of most Christian. If always Christian religion hath been so greatly embraced by the French kings, why have so many pope's so and so often molested so many kings of France with these most mad curses and proscriptions of theirs? Surely this was the reward and thanks which the pope's have repaid for so great merits of the French kings toward them and their sea. For what power soever the pope's have, it is evident they had all that by the benefits and great liberality of the French kings, and especially of king Pipinus, & Charles the great, and Ludovike surnamed Pius: as we showed before. It followeth: We are compelled to exercise our weapons that are not carnal, against two Sons of wrath Henry sometime king of Navarre, and Henry sometime prince of Condie. Surely if any man do not remember by the sword of julius the second, whereof we spoke before, that the weapons of the pope's are not carnal, or fleshly, but of iron, and (as Boniface the eight saith) material, yet shall he know this by these words of the same Boniface: * Surely, saith he, he that denieth that Peter's 
in c. unam sanctam. Extra. de maiorit. & obedient.  sword is temporal, he doth ill mark the word of the Lord, who saith: Turn back thy sword into thy sheath. Therefore both swords are in the power of the Church: namely, the spiritual and the material sword. Was there ever any Sannio more ridiculous in any comedy than Bonifacius, who saith, that Peter's sword, which inasmuch as he was a fisherman he then peradventure had at his girdle, was such a sword as Paul writeth was given by God to magistrates, that they might punish wicked and condemned persons? Furthermore, what great doltishness is this, because Christ forbiddeth Peter to use his sword, and commandeth him to put up his sword into his sheath, which he had drawn, to reason thus: That, therefore it is lawful for the pope's to use the material sword? Therefore let our Sixtus look about him, how he can wind out himself out of this repugnance: that the pope's weapons are not carnal, and that the pope hath power of the temporal sword, the material sword, the iron sword. That the pope's weapons are not of iron, but that the king of France is commanded by the pope, to pursue the king of Navarre his nearest kinsman with sword, arms, and camp: and to execute this his sentence in such sort, that all France may be filled with burnings and murders. For this is the very same which Boniface writeth in the same place: that The spiritual sword is exercised by the church, the temporal for the church, the former by the hand of the priest, the latter by the hand of kings and soldiers, but at the beck and sufferance of the priest. These be the words of pope Bonifacius written out in as many letters *: lest any man 
ex d. c. 1. de maior. & obed..  should doubt, but that kings must be ready in arms at the pope's beck, as fencers at the beck of the master of fence, and that they must lay down their weapons, when he beckeneth to them again: that no man I say, may doubt, but that the most cruel and fierce tyrant pope Sixtus the fift, who in this place calleth the king of Navarre and the prince of Condie by a new and strange kind of reproach, Sons of wrath, denounceth to all French men, sword, fire, torture, torment, plague, destruction, and finally an utter overthrow. We are all indeed by nature sons of wrath: as saith Paul, Rom. 3. and Ephes. 2. But the pope is a son of wrath by judgement, malice, and will. But what is that which he doth often repeat in this bull: Sometime king? We shall afterward see more touching his kingdom. But by what right hath our Henry lost his name of king? by the same whereby a Sharuebug a scholar of Francis Bernardo doth in this bull call himself the monarch of the church? woe to thy head, detestable vile-thiefe, and most holy Antichrist. Thou dost boast & rejoice that thou art called God: as we have showed before. Thou hast kings and emperors in stead of bondslaves: thou desirest to have divine honour given thee by them. If any man deny to thee that servile idolatry, shall he lose the name of a king or prince? Let us hear how greatly Saint Bernard detesteth this Antichrist in his sixth sermon upon the CXCI psalm. The very offices, saith he, of the dignity of the holy Church are gone into filthy gain and the business of darkness. Neither is the salvation of souls, but riot of riches sought for in these. For this they will be bounsed, for this they frequent churches, they say masses, they sing psalms. They strive impudently for bishoprics, archdeaconries, abbots places, and other dignities, so that the revenues of the Churches are wasted upon the uses of superfluity, and vanity. It remaineth that the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition, a devil not only of the day, but also of noon day, which is not only transfigured into an angel of light, but is extolled above all that is called God, or that is worshipped. By which words our Sixtus is showed to be Antichrist, not yesterday, or to day, or sometimes, but to day, to morrow, the next day, and so long as he shall retain his tyranny, which he exerciseth in the Church of God wickedly and ungodly. It followeth in the bull: He followed errors and heresies from his youth, until such time as being by the exhortations of many converted to the church of Rome (as it was thought) he abjured publicly all his heresies in the church at Paris. What words be these, From his youth? Seeing that he received that religion in a manner from his cradle, and almost with his milk, which this our hangman dare call heresy. But that is much more absurd, He which was falsely thought to be turned from heresies, condemned those heresies. For how can he be said to have changed his former opinion, who is falsely thought to be converted? And whereas our cowled Friar babbleth of abjuring, we must make that a little more plain.  
The young man being scarce one and twenty years old, being lodged by the king his cousin, was called out of his bed naked long before day, he was brought amongst fearful swords, and such as were wet with blood, he did and pronounced quivering and shaking, those things which he was commanded to do and pronounce: he told pope Gregory those things by his legates which he was commanded to tell him. Was that law received ever in any part of Barbary, that those things that were thus done, should either be counted firm and sure, or that they should be thought to be done from the heart? That is an old and a true saying of doctor Baldus: The holy Ghost put this into the mouth of the praetor: That which is done through fear will I not count firm. Also that: The presence and much more the threatening of a prince and mightier man causeth true fear. Thus writeth Angel *. And also Abb. Sicul. in his 3. cons. 
in cons. 223. & cons. 378.  vol. 2. Therefore the holy scripture doth witness, that Peter the apostle being terrified by the voice of a silly woman, did deny God even with all cursing: but forsomuch as it was evident that that was done through fear and terror, he did easily obtain pardon at the hands of God. The Canonists report that pope Marcellinus being terrified with the fear of the paynim, did burn incense in the idol sacrifices, but yet that it repented him afterward of his fact & heinous offence *. Why 
C. nunc autem. dist. 21.  shall that which is done for fear, be excused in the pope, who professeth himself to be the pillar of Christian religion: and shall it be counted firm in a young man, compassed about with fearful swords, dropping as it were with blood? It followeth in the Bull: The same Gregory giving credence to the letters of the king of Navarre, as of a king, absolved him from the censures given upon him, taking from him all inability. The pope would have these words to be of importance: As of a king, as if the authority of king's letters, letters patents, and edicts ought to be most firm. In which place we would gladly know of him, whether he were always an author and persuader, that the letters and edicts of kings should always continue firm? Of which thing there shall always continue in all nations, and amongst all people of the world, shall I say, a remembrance or a most shameful infamy. But seeing pope Gregory the thirteenth is said to have been so great a doctor and professor of law, ought he not to have remembered, that no authority ought to be given to letters and instruments wrong out by violence and fear *? It followeth: He dispensed that notwithstanding 
l. si donationis, 7. c. de his quae vi & metu. causs. l. interpositas. 13. C. trans.  the lets of the third, and peradventure of other degrees of consanguinity between them, they might contract matrimony together, as they did contract it in the face of the church. It can scarce be uttered how many tokens of folly and popish fondness appear in these few words. The first is in that, that he saith, that the king of Navarre, his matrimony was contracted through his grant and dispensation, after that the same king had abjured religion. Let us return unto the computation of the time. The cardinal of Bourbon uncle to the same king, in the year 1572. the seventeenth day of the month of August, after a mass celebrated in the chief church of Paris, with great pomp and solemnity, yet at four of the clock after noon, did celebrate that matrimony in the presence of the king of France, Charles the ninth, and of his two brethren, and in a great assembly of princes. Then followed the massacre of Paris upon the feast day of S. Bartholomew, that is upon the four an twentieth day of the same month of August. But the king of Navarre did abjure many days after. But some peradventure will say, the dispensation of pope Gregory was brought after that abjuring, at the entreaty of the cardinal of Bourbon. Whether was it then brought, that it might be lawful to contract the matrimony, which was contracted and ended so long before: or rather that being not lawfully contracted before, it might now be confirmed by the pope's authority and dispensation? If to the end it might be 
Libro adversus Faustum. 25.  lawful to contract it, the pope's power is greater, than that which the divines, philosophers, & lawyers do grant to almighty God, that things that be past can be changed, that, that which is done can be made undone: as witnesseth Augustine 
* Lib. de legi. 2. , Plato 
* Arist. moral. ad Nicomachum. 6. c. 2. Novel. de aequalit. dot. §. 1. l. in bello. 12. §. facta. D. de captu. l. verba. C. de testam. l. verum. D. de reg. iur. , Aristotle *, I will speak boldly saith Hierom, that though God can do all things, yet he cannot raise a virgin after her fall. 
* c. si Paulus, 32. quaest. 5.  Therefore, as I said, there is greater power granted to the pope than to God: who causeth that matrimony already contract, finished, celebrated, and ended, was yet notwithstanding neither contract nor celebrated. But if the pope dispensed, that wicked matrimony, and such as was contract contrary to the laws of the church, celebrated, and ended, might be counted firm and good through his authority: let us beware, lest he condemn the most mighty king of France, & his most honourable brethren, and the queen their mother of most cruel wickedness: by whose direction, and who being authors, and counsellors, that matrimony was contracted. Furthermore, he condemneth all the princes of the blood royal, and all the chief nobles of the realm of France, which were present both at that contract, and also at the mass celebrated at four of the clock after noon, and with their presence did set forth the solemnity of that matrimony. But the pope doth with these words wound none so deeply and sharply, as the foresaid most noble prince, the cardinal of Borbon: who, he saith, did celebrate that matrimony between his nephew by his brother, and the king of France his sister, contrary to the holy canons: to omit the bishop who song the mass with so great solemnity in the chief church of Paris: and the dean and the subdeane which song together with him: the canons of the same church, and the other musicans and organ players, which bore them company: all which, if that matrimony were wicked and incestuous, the pope ought either to have excommunicate, or else to have absolved from the censures and penalties which they had incurred. Who is he that can abide that barbarous and fierce arrogancy, that a disciple of Francis Bernardo, dare condemn a king, whom he boasteth to have been called by him, most Christian, of so great wickedness: and to say that he procured the incestuous and wicked marriage between his sister and kinsman? And now who is he of so great a number of cardinals, that can patiently abide that this Franciscan should offer this reproach to the memory of the former pope Gregory, that he should say that he granted licence to the sister of the most christian king, to marry with a notorious heretic: that he did either no● grant that liberty to the heretic, or else that he did it after he had abjured? Doth he not in these words flatly mock Gregory being dead: as if he had been another pope Celestine, whom john Andreas, Baldus, jason, and others do write to have been a beast, because in the morning he granted grace, and in the evening he revoked it: whereupon the cardinals, though they knew that through foolishness he had renounced the papacy, yet because he was a beast, they did willingly accept his renountiation: and they created Boniface the eight, who is depainted to be a fox in his entry, a lion in his sitting, and a dog in his fall? Baldus writeth thus in as many words *. But if we must come nearer, 
in c. 1. de nature feud. Jason. in council. 145. circa primam, nu. 2. vol. 2.  what I pray you will our uncowled friar say, and set down touching that old and famous contention of the pope's, one whereof, namely, Celestine the third granted power to either party of a married couple, to contract new matrimony, if the other were fallen into heresy: another, namely Innocentius the third doth not grant it *? But the impudent fool will 
c. quanto, Extra. de divort.  answer, first, that which we said before, that there be but few friars found that are good canonists: secondly, that though pope Boniface the eight said, that the pope's do contain all laws in the chest of their breast *: yet Baldus wrote no less truly, 
c. 1. de constit. lib. 6.  that though the pope, inasmuch as he is pope, is doctor of both laws, yet he is for the most part doctor in authority, not in knowledge: as saith jason *. Therefore let 
in l. praescriptione, col. 2. C. si contra ius vel utilit. pub.  the first folly of this article be showed thereby, in that the pope durst say, that wicked matrimony was contract by the will, study, and authority of the kings, and of the queen their mother. The second is understood thereby, in that he writeth that he dispensed, that that matrimony might be contract, because of the abjuration aforegoing, which was ended so long before that abjuring. The third thereby, that he saith that he dispensed that matrimony once contracted should be contracted again: furthermore, as if lawful acts, such as it is evident matrimony is, could be iterated. For as touching that he saith concerning the second degree of consanguinity, we shall hereafter in a more fit place show how this cometh to pass. But now let us see some more things. He sent john lord of Duratium his orator, that he should make promise for his repentance and conversion, in the sight of the seat apostolic. Look out of what shop the letters came, out of the same came that legate: namely, from those which threatened death to the young man, being taken and terrified with weapons, unless he would obey them to say as they said. But I pray you what manner riddle is this, In the sight or presence of the seat apostolic? Whether was there some seeing and eyed seat carried thither, or is it that which the pope's call Stercoraria or the dunghill, in the pontifical book, others Testiculatrix, or that whereon they grope them, from which they give sentence either of the ability or inability of the new installed pope? And surely it pleaseth us well to recite that pleasant jest concerning the Stercoraria or dunghill seat, out of the first book of the pope's ceremonies, Sect. 2. c. 3. The pope that is created is led by the prior and Canons of the Laterane church unto a seat of marble, which is called Stercoraria or the dunghill, and there they make him sit down: unto whom the cardinals come and lift him up honourably, saying: He raiseth the needy out of the dust, and lifteth the poor out of the mire: that he may sit with the princes, and possess the seat of glory. Then riseth the pope, and taketh out of the treasurers lap that standeth by him, so much money as he can hold in his fist, wherein yet notwithstanding there may be no gold at all, and throweth it among the people, saying: Silver and gold have I none; but that which I have, give I thee. Whether do we think that this is folly of the pope's, deserving to be laughed at, or rather a detestable custom of profaning the word of God? But let us hold on in the bull, it may be we shall find foolisher things. It followeth: But he, as he was of a divers and inconstant mind, did shortly after fall away from the catholic faith, and from due obedience toward the apostolic sea. Whether then may we call this folly or madness? The king of Navarre was falsely thought to have returned to the obedience of the sea of Rome: and the same being of an inconstant mind fell from the same. Yea truly there appeared great and altogether singular constancy in that young man, who being day and night beset with armed men, did yet notwithstanding continually seek means to escape, that being free and at liberty, he might detest that which he had done being enforced by violence and fear. It followeth: He hath often raised up heretics, rebels, and seditious persons to bear arms against the most Christian king, against him and the rest of the catholics. This Latin of the pope's, agreeth with the rest of his subtleties. The king of Navarre raised heretics against the most christian king, against him and the rest of the catholics. But let us rather mark the meaning of these words. For the king of Navarre did never bear weapon against the most Christian king: but against the pope's conspirators, and the companions of the pope's tyranny, his adjutors, and ministers: and finally against the authors of perjury and treachery: as the king himself hath most plainly testified in very many edicts tending to pacification. Therefore our chief cowled friar, doth wicked injury in this place to the most mighty kings of France: seeing he durst charge their majesty with lying: by whom it hath been so often declared in edicts tending to pacification, that those that took part with the king of Navarre & prince of Condie made war not against them, but that it was taken in hand for preservation of their dignity and state. It followeth: He hath compelled his subjects with threatenings and strokes * to take the same 
capescere impietatem.  impiety. To take the same impiety is a kind of popish eloquence. But that any man was enforced these twenty years to change his religion, either by those that took part with the King of Navarre or Prince of Condie, is as true, as it is certain and sure, that never any beast in the brothelhouses of Rome was more impudent than Sixtus the fift in pouring out lies. Though it be well, and we must thank this pope, that he accuseth those by whom silly captives were enforced by threatenings and stripes to change their religion. For as Lactantius wrote most truly, religion cannot be enforced: the thing must be done rather by words than stripes. But because Lactantius doth so dispute in that place, that he seemeth purposely to handle the cause both of the king of Navarre, and also of the French churches, it is worth the pains to hear his reasons. The adversaries, saith he, do feign that they give counsel to godly men, and that they would call them back to a good mind. Do they then seek to do this by any speech, or by any reason they render? No surely: but by violence and torments, O strange and blind madness! it is thought there is an evil mind in them, which go about to keep faith: but in the hangman a good. Is there an evil mind in those which are plucked in pieces contrary to the law of humanity, against all right? Or rather in those, which do these things to the bodies of innocents, which neither most cruel robbers, nor most angry enemies, nor most furious barbarians have at any time done? And by and by after: And because they can do nothing by violence (for the more the religion of God is depressed, the more is it increased) let them rather deal by reason and exhortations. Let the bishops, and such as are priests, and prelate's of religions come forth. Let them call us together to an assembly: (These are the daily requests of the king of Navarre, and such as have often been delivered to the king of France.) Let them draw out the sharpness of their wit. If their reason be true, let it be brought: we are ready to hear if they teach us. Surely we give no credence to them so long as they keep silence, as we yield not one inch when they rage. Let them imitate us, or let them lay down the reason of the whole matter. For we do not entice as they object: but we teach, allow, show. Therefore we retain no man against his will. For he is unprofitable for God, which wanteth faith and devotion. And yet no man departeth, the truth herself retaining him. Let them teach thus, have they any confidence of the truth, let them speak, learn, I say let them be so bold as to dispute any such thing with us: surely the old women whom they contemn, and our boys shall now laugh at, and mock their error and folly. What fit thing and more appertinent to the state of these our times could Lactantius write for the king of Navarre, and French churches? He proceedeth: Butchery and godliness are greatly contrary: neither can either truth be joined with violence, or justice with cruelty. Thus far goeth Lactantius. whereby appeareth plainly how well the laws of those old churches, and of our churches agree together. It followeth in the bull: He sent a certain dear friend of his being furnished with wicked policies, without the borders of France, by whom he imparted his wicked counsels with the chief heretics: and he provoked their forces and arms against the catholic religion, and the power of the bishop of Rome. It is nothing appertinent to declare whom our friar meaneth in these words: only we will say thus much. Though he whom he calleth the dear friend of the king of Navarre, holdeth a place meet for his birth, among the greatest noble men of France, and pope Sixtus the fift came of late out of the beggary and filth of friars, yet will not that noble man disdain to charge him with an impudent lie: and to send him (sir reverence of the hearers) this paper of defiance, if he will have any, taken out of the 51. leaf of his conformities: The devil tempted Ruffian, saying: Thou art damned, and Francis himself is damned, & whosoever followeth him, is deceived. Which when Ruffinus had told Francis, Francis answered: If he appear again, and say any thing again, tell him, namely the devil: Open thy mouth, and I will untruss a point in it. Afterward as Ruffinus did pray, the devil appeared to him again, in the likeness of Christ, saying: Brother Ruffinus, did not I tell thee that thou shouldest not believe the son of Peter Bernardo? Why dost thou vex thyself? and straightway Ruffinus said to him, Open thy mouth, and I will untruss a point in it. Then the devil being displeased, departed from him in a rage, and with a tempest. Sir reverence (as we said before) of the hearers. But the impudent mouth of that friar should have been stopped with this short answer. For neither did that noble man at any time make any mention of making war, before either any kings or princes: but only of establishing love and brotherly good will amongst the reformed churches. Though, who doth not see, how profitable it is for all Christendom, that that wicked and bloody murderer of the Church of Christ, that author and defender of feigned religions, that he who is convict of treading under foot the majesty of kings, and the most certain firebrand of our country, should be quite rooted out of the land of the living? It grieveth him indeed to be rob of so great tributes, which heretofore he had out of Denmark, Sueveland, England, Scotland, Germany, and Helvetia. But the noble man, whom in this place he touched, saith, that he was never so mad as now, when he is like to lose the realm of France: and that he doth the same which the asses that are fed with hemlock are said to do in Thuscia: of whom Matheolus writeth, that the fall so fast asleep, that they seem as dead: so that the countrymen come oftentimes to slay them, and have almost taken off half the skin before they are awaked. But when they come to the back, then at a sudden they start upon their feet, and having the one half of their skin hanging about their heels, they make an evil favoured braieng: so that sometimes the countrymen are sore afraid. The howling of pope Sixtus seemeth to be like this at this time, being spoiled almost of half his kingdoms, and being out of hope of the rest, and being now ready to put his neck in the halter to hang himself, unless most mighty kings and princes, for restoring his power, do fill poor France with murders and burnings. But let these things hitherto be spoken concerning the protestation of the king of Navarre. And as for those things that are spoken properly and apart by themselves against the dignity of the prince of Condie, we take them to be sufficiently refuted with this common answer. The pope chargeth him that he came of parents, which were both of them heretics. As it is an excellent thing to be commended, but of a man commendable: so it is an excellent thing to be discommended, if it be of a discommended, and discommendable knave: such as it is evident that both this cowled bawd is, and I cannot tell what other slaves of his the cardinals: who have so hammered and wrought that thunderbolt at Rome, as the Cyclops did sometimes forge thunderbolts for jupiter in the mountain Aetna. For who doth not understand to what end this wicked reproach touching the having of two heretics for his parents, uttered properly against the prince of Condie, doth tend? For there is a rule among the canonists, that no ecclesiastical dignity be granted to the sons of heretics unto the second generation *. Therefore no doubt, our Sixtus 
C. quicunque §. Haeretici, etc. statu. De H. erit. in 6. gloss. in c. 1. in verb regnum. Extr. de praeb.  doth prepare this way by the counsel of certain poyoners to take from the most noble prince Charles, brother to the prince of Condie, and coming of the same heretical parents, his cardinalship and benefices: which we hope he will easily mark, such is his wisdom. But let us now proceed to the rest of the sentences of Sixtus his bull. For a few lines after, the pope hitteth the same prince of Condie in the teeth with his dispensation, that it might be lawful for him to marry his most noble kinswoman. What blindness of mind appeareth in such an impudent lie? The prince had contracted that matrimony certain months before that dispensation was brought from Rome. He never asked any dispensation: but being hedged in with armed men, which did command him, that he should with his hand subscribe an epistle by them written, and desiring a dispensation, he obeyed against his will: even in like sort as we noted before in the king of Navarre, cousin to the same prince. But it is worth the pains to consider, what manner liberality this was in the pope, that he should grant leave to the prince to marry his cousin-german: which matrimony is not forbidden, either by the law of God, or by the civil law: for in that book before mentioned, the title whereof is, The Taxes of the apostolic penance, the pope's absolution, for him that hath contracted in the fourth degree, is taxed only at seventeen grosses. For in the 37. page it is thus written; A dispensation for the fourth degree of consanguinity, for marriage to be made or made ignorantly, gross. 17. For the third and fourth degree, gross. 27. For the fourth and fift, gross. 27. and he must agree with the pope's treasury. But if they have contracted themselves wittingly, and have dispatched it, gross. 21. and in like sort for affinity, gross. 29. What? hath not the pope now sometimes dispensed contrary to the manifest inhibition of the laws of God, that it might be lawful for the uncle by the father or mother to contract matrimony with the brother or sister's daughter? Which notwithstanding aught to seem so much the less strange, because pope Martin the fift, entering into consultation with his doctors and divines (as saith the historiographer) dispensed with a certain person, that he should take his own natural sister to wife. For Antoninus of Florence hath committed to writing this sacrilege 
* in l si tibi filius, & l. si paterfamilias. §. in arrogationibus D de adopt. : of 
In sua sum. 3. par tit. 1. ca 11 §. quod papa.  whom Angel. de clava maketh mention, and followeth in his sum, in the word Papa, and Nicolas Boetius in his 20. counsel. utrum papa, num. 26. And because the pope hath begun to speak of dispensations, we must not pass over even that other famous dispensation, that it may be lawful for a friar, laying aside his cowl for a time, to marry a wife for a certain time: namely, until his wife be with child, lest the noble stock do die without issue; upon that condition, that so soon as he hath a child, than the father, letting down his ears, do return to his cowl. Touching which thing we may see Baldus his testimony 
* johan. Andr. in c. actus legitimi, & in c. semel Deo, de reiur. in 6. Innocent. in c. cum ad monast. in verb. lic. , john Andreas 
* & ibi Panormitanus de stat monach. Petr. Ancha in con. 339 parum du bitationis. Marian. cons. 13. praesens consultatio, & con 28. circa pri●●●n. , Panormitanus *, who doth also cite others more ancient *. William Benedict 
* in c. Raynutius in ver. qui cum alia, num. 26. part. 3. . who noteth that the pope's power is to dispense that a marriage may be made to last only for a time. Therefore such was the pope's liberality in permitting to the munks to be married only for a time, because he had learned out of the apostle Paul, that it was honourable amongst men of all orders. But on the other side see either wonderful great niggardliness, or severity of the same man. For pope Callistus 3. (saith Boerius) refused to dispense for a deacons marriage, who alleged that he had not the gift of continency, and that he could not resist the law of the flesh, ne yet want a wife: though cardinal Senensis did at that time make entreaty for him, who did afterward succeed Callistus, being called Pius the second: as he witnesseth in his epistles made in the time of his cardinalship: writing to that his friend, that he must wait for another pope that may be better. Which history the same Boerius recorded in the same 20. council. Therefore let thus much be answered to that exprobration of the dispensation. For as concerning the last part of the pope's declaration, wherein the foresaid princes are jointly crushed with the pope's potguns, are excommunicate, proscribed, and their kingdoms, dominions, dukedoms, principalities, and jurisdictions adjudged to him that can first get them, we have sufficiently declared before, that the most part of Christendom maketh like account long ago of this kind of trifles, as the most professors of the pope's religion make of the miracles of Bernardo and Dominic at this day: which religion notwithstanding is so stayed up with the orders of the Franciscans and Dominicans, as with most strong pillars, that if they should suffer those pillars to be undermined, they might think that their religion were quite undone. But it seemeth that we must speak somewhat more largely of those vain thunderbolts of the pope's, long ago contemned and counted as nothing.   

Of the vain and contemptible thunderbolst of the pope's.  
FOr to cite a few of many testimonies, when pope Boniface the eight had proscribed with this same ancient boldness, Philip the fair king of France, the king having assembled a parliament, did decree according to the sentences of the orders, that the filthy legates of the pope, being reproached and ill entreated, should be banished out of the borders of his kingdom. Boniface the pope, saith Laurentius Valla, who deceived Celestine with trumpets that he had put into a wall, deprived the king of France of his kingdom of France, and judged that the kingdom itself (as if he would execute the donation of Constantine) was and is subject to the church of Rome. What? with what mind did king Philip suffer this his madness? It seemeth more fit to hear the whole matter out of the words of Platina himself. Boniface, saith Platina, sent the archdeacon of Narbon to tell the king, that he should set at liberty the bishop of Apame. If he would not do that, he should say in the hearing of all men, that the kingdom of France was turned over to the church, and that he should add a curse, and should absolve all the French men from their oath taken to the king. (Is not this the very same form of proscription, which our mad headed Sixtus, hath used in proscribing the king of Navarre, and prince of Condie? Platina proceedeth: But in the mean season, saith he, Philip king of France taking the arrogancy of pope Boniface impatiently, holding a great assembly of ecclesiastical persons and noble men at Paris, and setting down the injuries that he had received at Bonifacius his hands, and his ambition, and wicked subtleties to get the popedom, which he held unjustly; he appealed unto the sea apostolic, which was at that time (as he said vacant) and unto the next council that should be held. Wherewith Boniface being smitten, holding a general council, he maketh Philip and his kingdom subject to Albertus the emperor, whom he had rejected and put back in the beginning of his popedom. But then Philip willing to tame his pride, sent Sarra Columniensis, known in part of Massilia, and redeemed from pirates with Nogaretius a most faithful French knight, to Rome, for this cause (as he did openly declare) that they might publish his appeal. For he had another purpose in his head. For Sarra entering into Italy appareled like a serving man, having gathered together his friend, out of all parts, sendeth Nogaretus before to Terentine with two hundred horsemen, being French men, and hired out of the camp of Charles Valesius, that they might aid him from thence, if need should be. But entering by night secretly into Agnania, having the Gibellines to aid him, whom Boniface had long and greatly vexed, he caught the pope in his father's house fearing no such thing, after he had broke up the gates, & he bringeth him captive to Rome, where 35. days after, he died for sorrow. Thus writeth Platina, where he addeth also that of john Andreas & Baldus, that he is as a dead dog, who entered like a fox, and ruled like a lion *. In which place, 
Bald. in c. 1. de nat. feud.  it seemeth we ought not to omit that which our cowled friar hath left in writing in his book of conformities, * in these words. 
Fol. 103.  Pope Urban the fift, swore to destroy our order, but he died shortly after: pope Bonifacius the eight caused many bulls to be made, all of one tenor, that the friars minors should be dispatched, as the templars, that our whole order might be destroyed in one day. Before he could send them, he was taken prisoner, the bulls were burned, and the pope himself died miserably. But omitting trifles, let us see to other things. Surely by these things we understand, that even at that time, that is in the year M. cccuj. these mad and furious proscriptions of the pope's were contemned of the French kings, & counted as nothing. Neither was the virtue and courage of king Charles the sixth, inferior, about the year M. ccccxviij. For as we understand by the records, of the senate of Paris, & both French and German chronicles, so soon as Martinus the fift was made pope in the council of Constance, being not content with so many and so great tributes, upon which two former Antipopes, and also three former Antipopes, and a little before four Antipopes relying, had nourished deadly wars amongst them almost for the space of forty years, he began to command moreover new tributes, in the churches, and especially of France. Which message, after the king had received, he determined forthwith to have a parliament according to the custom. In that assembly after the matter had been long time hard and debated, a decree was made, that that new kind of the pope's exactions should be inhibited. Which so soon as pope Martin knew, he sent forthwith legates from his train into France, to inhibit principally all the city of Lions from all holy things. This was wont to be the force of those inhibitions of the pope's in that time of darkness, (if happily any man knew it not) that they shut up all the church doors, there was no mass said, there was no use or exercise of any religion, there was also no ringing of bells. Only so? Yea surely those that were dead might not be buried in churchyards. Wherewith it cannot in words be uttered, how greatly men's minds infected with superstition, were terrified. What did they then? Forthwith according to the authority of the public assembly, & the decree of the senate of Paris, it was pronounced, that that curse should be counted as nothing. Let them remember, let them think upon, let them meditate upon these things, if there be any in our country of France either so ignorant, and unskilful of things, or so evil affected towards mighty princes, that they think that this foolish and ridiculous proscription of our cowled friar is of any importance: especially at this time, wherein the hypocrisy of the pope's is laid open almost to all Europe. For our Peretus doth as snails use to do when winter is over: when they feel the heat of the sun, than they thrust out their swelling necks and two horns out of their shells, wherewith sometimes little children are terrified. So he hath long time couched in his munkish den, enduring hunger miserably begging from door to door. Now when he seeth that he is advanced to so great honour, he casteth his cowl from about his ears, and doth proudly show forth his horns, and he hopeth that he shall therewith terrify princes and kings. But as we have already said, most Christian princes know the blindness of those beasts: they have learned long ago what difference there is between a lion and an ass of Cuma: neither are they moved either with the gaping mouths of Antics, and with the teeth making an hideous noise, or with other childish bugs of the same sort. It is recorded that that our French king, of whom we spoke even now, Charles the sixth, did with like courage despise the vain thunderbolt of the pope, about the year of Christ, M, CCCXXX. For when he was proscribed by pope Benedict the 13. because he had forbidden certain new and unaccustomed exactions of pope Benedict, he decreed according to the sentence of the public council and orders, that the pope's legates, which had brought into France that bull which was fearful to women and children, should suffer this ignominy at Paris: first, that about ten of the clock in the forenoon, about which time the Senate of Paris useth to be dissolved, being brought to the gréeses of the palace, having some bishops standing by them, and a great many of priests, being naked and holding in their right hand a burning torch, they should openly confess the wickedness they had committed: and should humbly crave pardon for the same. Then, that being clothed by the hangman with garments painted to their reproach, and having that pope's arms turned in in reproach, and being carried in a dirty cart through the chief streets of the city, they should be set to be laughed at of the common people. Which thing to have been done, and also to have been quickly put in execution, the monuments of the Senate of Paris do declare, and it is also reported by Paponius. Also 
In lib. Arrest. 1. tit. 5. Artic. 27.  the authority of Baldus is extant against that rashness of Benedict the 13. 
* in c. olim. col. penult. Extra. de rescript.  who sharply and courageously inveigheth against the Antipopes of that time: whereof this Benedict had his sea at Auenion; the other, namely Boniface had his at Rome: and the former of these he called a bellowing ox, the latter a warring beast: & he inveigheth against both most sharply and most freely. Moreover, there is extant in Theodor Nehemius * an epistle of the University and study of Paris, where 
Tract. 6. c. 17.  this first request is made, that The pope's letter made like to a bull be rend and broken, as injurious, seditious, fraudulent, and offensive to the king's majesty, with protestation to proceed unto greater things: and let all suggesters, fauters, receivers be taken and kept to be punished, and corrected according to the canons. Like courage appeared in the Florentines against pope Sixtus the fourth, whose name this Sixtus the fift thought he might take, and also imitate his example: who came out of the self-same seminary of Bernardo. For when he had proscribed the Florentines for that traitorous bishop of whom we spoke before, whom they hanged out at the court window, and had given them to Ferdinando king of Sicilia for a pray, the Florentines contemning the pope's vain thunderbolt, and taking to them the duke of Ferrarie to be their partner in war, they beat down the madness of the furious and fierce uncowled friar: and enforced him with war and arms, to reverse his curse. Which history Raphael Volateranus recordeth in his fift book of geography. Furthermore, there is extant the council of Francis Aretinus a lawyer, being at that time very famous and noble: wherein defending the cause of the Florentines, he useth these words: The crime wherewith the worthy man Laurentius de Medicis is charged touching rebellion, is so manifestly refuted, that I am ashamed of the voice of the pope in this point. For in his letters written to the same worthy man, in the month of September last passed, it is declared, that as touching that crime he counteth him as innocent and guiltless, and that he had no sinister suspicion of him. Then most holy father, see you to it, why you, after a few months do heap up so many and grievous crimes against him. It is not for me to set my face against heaven, only I will say thus much: It is not honestly done of him that sitteth in the throne of God to use so great variety. Thus writeth Aretinus in his 163. council, as john, num. 3. Time should fail us, if we would seek to prosecute the princes and nobles, who have contemned these proscriptions, and vain thunderings, thunderbolts, lightnings of the pope's, even in former times, in so great mistines and darkness. The emperor Otho the fourth was proscribed by Innocentius. Henry the fourth by Gregory the 7. Henry the fift by Pascalis the second. Friderike the first of Sueveland, by Adrian the fourth and Alexander the third. Philip son of Friderike the first, by Innocentius the third. Friderike the second by Gregory the ninth, was excommunicate not once nor twice, but thrice. Conradus the fourth by Innocentius the fourth. But as touching the first beginning of this madness & boldness, from whom it first came, the German historiographers do not sufficiently agree. Indeed Otho Frisingensis referreth it unto the year, CIC. lxuj. wherein William king of England was proscribed by pope Alexander the second *. 
Lib. Chron. 6. c. 35.  I read, saith he, and read again the famous facts of the kings and emperors of Rome, and I can find none any where that was excommunicate before him. But john Tritemius writing concerning the emperor Henry the fourth, saith: He was excommunicate by Gregory 
In Chron. Hirsaug. cap. 4.  the seventh, and was deposed from the empire by the synodal decree of the bishops: though he cared not for it. But he is the first amongst all the emperors that was deposed by the pope. But howsoever it be (for it is not greatly appertinent to that we have in hand, what time this insolency of the pope's begins) it is evident that in all ages there were very many courageous men, which despised these thunderings of the pope's, as squibbish thunderbolts, and old bussings, and as fray-bugs to fear children.   

Of the kingdom of Navarre betrayed by the pope.  
ANd it seemeth that we ought not to pass over in silence in this place, that curse, wherein the king of France Ludovike the 12. was proscribed together with john king of Navarre his kinsman and subject. For in the year M. DXI at which time that war, whereof we spoke before, waxed hot between pope julius the second, and Ludovike the 12. king of France, who was called father of his country, and that same furious tyrant went about to terrify him with his vain thunderbolts, and had made his kingdom a pray and spoil to him that could get it, john great grandfateer to this our Henry reigned in Navarre. He, forasmuch as he both was in the realm of France, and was neighbour to the French king, and also by reason of the great fees he had in his realm was his client and vassal, was requested by king Ludovike, that he would aid him against his enemy, according to the right of seniority, and ordinances of serviceable clientships. The king of Navarre being not unmindful of his duty toward the king, having with all speed mustered and gathered bands of footmen and horsemen in his kingdom, he brought so great an army into the borders of France, that he left his realm in a manner naked and destitute of men. Which thing being known, pope julius determined forthwith to deal by messengers with Ferdinando king of Spain (to whom he then first of all gave the surname of Catholic, anno 1492.) that with all speed he should make ready an army, and should invade the dominion of the king of Navarre who was absent: and he promiseth that for his part he would both proscribe Navarre for an heretic and schismatic, and would also give him his kingdom for a reward. Ferdinandus having gotten so fit an opportunity to do an exploit, determined not to be wanting to himself. After the curse was pronounced and published against the king of Navarre, he assembled his forces: and entering the borders of the king his neighbour being absent, he took first the principal city of the kingdom named Pompiopolis, and then afterward the most part of the whole realm: having (as we said) pope julius for his author, a good one, and without all doubt a fit one: if in the rule of the law, wherein it is written, that He possesseth unjustly, which possesseth having the praetor for his author: it were written the pope for his author, in stead of the praetor for his author. Soon after the king of France, being not ignorant that the signior aught to deliver his vassal from the danger of that event (which thing even Bellaius Langaeus sometimes a most excellent light of France doth plainly testify in his first book of commentaries) sent his army to recover Pompiopolis, over which he set as captain Dunosius chief governor of Aquitania, and duke of Longovilla. But it seemeth more convenient to defer until some other time, what happened both at that time, and many years after: and to set it down in a book written of those things. For it is sufficient for us to understand at this time, that the king of Navarre great grandfather to him that now is, was spoiled of his kingdom for none other cause, save only because he aided as he ought, the king of France his neighbour, his senior, being excommunicate by pope julius, proscribed and pronounced to be an heretic and schismatic. Whereof not only the French historiographers are witnesses, and amongst these Arnoldus Ferronus, and Bertrandus Helias, but also the Italians and Spaniards, and chief Stephen Garibaius, in his 29. book. Francis Tarapha, and Anthony Nebrissensis in his book concerning the war of Navarre *. In which places me thinks we 
1. c. 1. 2. 3.  should not omit the arrogancy of a Spanish peasant (as we say commonly) who railed upon and slandered the most wise, and moderate king of France that ever was, and that in these words: Ludovic, saith he, the French king, a man most inconstant 
Ch. 2.  after the manner of his nation, being not content to keep himself within his own little skin, that is, within the borders of his own kingdom, set his mind toward Italy. And shortly after: Therefore pope julius the second being angry, took the sword out of Peter's hands, and drew it against the rebellious and stubborn: he declareth them to be schismatics, and therefore heretics: he maketh their goods common: for the execution of which sentence he calleth upon Christian princes, & chief upon our prince. Also chap. 3. Therefore the governor of the country of Spain, fearing the rage of the French men, doth exhort Henry king of the Britan's (to whom Aquitania did belong) to require it again by war: and that he might have juster cause to ask it again, the apostolic authority cometh between, whereby he depriveth the French king of Aquitania (let the senators and kings counsellors in France mark) and giveth it to the king of Britain to possess and enjoy. And by and by in that place where he bringeth in the pope conferring with his cardinals: The king of Spain (saith he) must be helped. We must draw out both our swords against the common enemies of all good men the kings of France and Navarre: and whiles that we whet the one, that is the secular, in the mean season let us bend the other, namely the spiritual, against the necks of schismatics. Therefore by the common decree of the cardinals, the king of Navarre was declared to be a schismatic, and therefore an heretic: because being often admonished he was waxen stubborn, and he did openly profess that he was French. He was fined in his kingdom and all his goods: not only he, but also his wife, and his sons with all their posterity, and all his right of being king was translated unto Spain. The Spanish Nebrissensis saith thus in as many words: whereby we understand, by what right, by what author, and for what cause, the king of Navarre was rob of his kingdom. Indeed Guicciardin in his 11. book of his Italian history setteth down his judgement touching this matter in these words: When the king of Spain, saith he, could not affirm that he did lawfully possess the kingdom of Navarre for any other cause, or by any other title, he reasoned that he had possession by the right of the pope's commandment, and authority of the holy sea. For the pope being not well content with things that fell out happily in Italy, had a little before published a decree against the king of France; wherein calling him no more most Christian, but most noble, he made him, and all that took his part, subject to the penalties of heretics and schismatics: and having granted power by right to take and enjoy their goods, kingdoms, and all that they had, he declared them to be condemned. To the same effect also writeth Arnoldus Ferronus a most learned historiographer in matters of France, and sometimes senator of the parliament holden at Bordeaux, in these words: Ferdinandus, saith he, king of Spain, so soon as he understood of the league made between the kings of France and Navarre, turned his forces prepared against the French king, against the king of Navarre: and this was the cause that Ferdinando did cast out the king his neighbour: though he did also pretend another, because both the king of France, and those that did aid him, were pronounced accursed by the pope's edict, and their kingdoms were made common. Thus writeth Ferronus, whereby we may conjecture, what great danger hangeth over the most noble princes of Germany, and so consequently over all the kings of Europe, by reason of that so near a conspiracy of the pope's, and the Spanish inquisition. For by this short cut any monk, so he be of a crafty and subtle nature, having tarried some time in Spain (as this our Sixtus) and having been conversant with the inquisitors of Spain, may make such a bargain and league with them, that if through their favour and commendation he may obtain the popedom: then he may pronounce what king or prince soever he will, a schismatic or heretic taking to him any occasion: he may adjudge to them his kingdom, opened and committed as a fee to the sea of Rome. Therefore we are to wish, that we may once have some king given us, that may be of a valiant courage, that he may thrust this whore of Babylon out of her seat, and may at length rid the Church of Christ from so long and miserable servitude, and restore her to her former liberty and dignity: which courage that king of ours Ludovike the twelfth, who was called the parent of the country, being weary of that bondage, took upon him; when after that furious curse of pope julius, he commanded French crowns to be coined in France with this inscription: Ludovic 12. by the grace of God king of France: duke of Mediolanum. And then on the other side the arms of France and Mediolanum joined together, with this inscription: I will destroy Babylon. Of which name if happily any man be ignorant, let him read the Revelation of john, ch. 17. and Hierom in his catalogue, where he maketh mention of Mark, and writeth plainly, that Peter did figuratively understand Rome by Babylon in his former epistle * 
Ch. 5. . Also in the prolog of his book touching the holy Ghost, where he doth plainly call Rome Babylon, and that purple whore, which is described in the Revelation. Which thing he doth likewise confirm upon Esay, c. 14. and again, c. 47. and unto Aglasia in the 11. question. For which cause Paula also and Eustochium in that epistle, which they wrote unto Marcellus, do in like sort call Rome Babylon: and no whit more obscurely Hierom in his epistle: When I was at Babylon, saith he, a citizen of the purple whore, etc.   

The conclusion of the former protestation.  
THese things therefore being thus set down, it remaineth that we conclude this reason: Seeing pope Sixtus the fift hath been condemned by the most part of Christendom, of seven most grievous crimes, namely of impiety, of using tyranny in the Church, of corrupt religion, sacrilege, treason, rebellion, and forgery: and seeing that having followed the insolency, boldness, and cruelty of those that went before him, he hath published this most mad decree contrary to all laws divine and human, using false allegations, and that without any judicial order, yea foolishly, blockishly, & impudently, against the most excellent king of Navarre, and most noble prince of Condie, and hath burdened them with filthy and geason reproaches of words, forasmuch as he called them sons of wrath, obstinate heretics, notorious, relapsed, such as lie tumbling in filth, rebels against the most Christian king, persecutors of the Church, a detestable issue, traitors against God and man: and did for these causes deprive them of their principalities, dukedoms, lordships, fees, and all honours, and of the right of lawful succession in the realm of France: and forasmuch as this his old and outrageous boldness of abiudging and adjudging of kingdoms, doth plainly appertain unto all kings, princes, and potentates of Europe, and it is to be feared lest those that shall be desirous of other men's kingdoms, will lay wait for peaceable and quiet princes hereafter, by this policy of excommunications or proscriptions: for these causes the foresaid princes protest, that the same pope Sixtus the fift is to be counted a wicked, perjured, sacrilegious person, a tyrant, an author of feigned religions, a cruel and bloody murderer of the Church of Christ, an importunate and wicked enemy of religion, and to be most assuredly Antichrist: and that all monarches of Christendom, kings, princes, potentates, and those that have any government or lawful power, are to be requested and earnestly entreated, that they will help these most royal princes to suppress the fury of this fierce tyrant, and to break in pieces his cruel and furious assaults: and that they will lay their heads together, and join together their forces to extinguish that plague of mankind, and to deliver the Christian commonwealth from that monstrous and deadly monster. In the mean season, that the foresaid pope Sixtus the fift ought, for his intolerable reproachful words, which he hath powered out against our foresaid princes with a beastly mind, to be accounted and called of all Christians, a most hideous monster, a most filthy monster, and a monster not worthy to be bestowed even in the farthest parts of the world, but such a one as aught to be banished out of the coasts and borders of man's nature, as a most certain, notorious, and manifest Antichrist: to whose accursed head all Christians ought to wish an evil plague, ruin, and destruction, that so long as any breath shall remain in his accursed body, so long he may be to all the godly Anathema Maranata, as saith the holy Ghost. And lest happily any of us do think this to be a new and unwonted kind of curse, we will desire the readers, that they will first of all remember those places, which we cited before, specially out of the books of Saint Bernard: where the papacy of Rome is flatly, plainly, by name called Antichrist, the son of perdition, the man of sin, a devil not only of the day, but also of the noon day, who is not only transfigured into an angel of light, but is extolled above all that is called God, or that is worshipped. Now Hierom calleth Rome Babylon, and the purpled whore. Secondly, that they read and attentively consider the most holy sanction of the pope's decree *, where it is ordained, 
In c. 2. dist. 23. etc. si quis pecunia, dist. 79.  that He which by money, or favour of men (such as it is manifest this friar had in the west parts) or by tumult of the people, or by any policy (that is, by ambition and evil arts) shall attain to the papacy, let him be accounted not apostolical but apostatical, and let him together with his fautors and followers be cast out of the bounds of the holy Church of God, being thence separated, as Antichrist, and as an invader and destroyer of all Christendom. Whereto the canonists durst with great consent subscribe, and openly profess thus much, that The pope being chosen otherwise than canonically, is a devil, and hath not the keys of heaven but of hell. For these be the words of Felinus *. Let them furthermore 
In c. Ego N. de iureiur.  consider, that all the pope's, cardinals, and bishops which have borne rule in the church of Rome more than an hundred years, came assuredly out of the seminary of schismatics and apostates. For it is now almost an hundred and fifty years ago, sithence the council of basil was kept and held with the great desire & will of all Christian estates. It is well known that never any council was called, had, and kept in the church of Rome with greater solemnity, than this. For it was both called by the decree of two pope's, namely, of Martin the fift, and Eugenius the fourth, and also it was held, their legates being precedents. Eugenius being cited and called out of the same council after that they had solemnly heard the cause, he was at length convict of fraud, jugglings, crafty conveyances, and factions against the liberty of that council, and so put from the popedom, and disgraded as a schismatic and revolt, together with all the cardinals and bishops, which took his part. And Amedaeus duke of Savoy was put in his place. Let us hear what manner end this tragedy had. Soon after the same Eugenius being condemned, deprived, disgraded, was through the favour of certain princes restored to his sea, and he likewise restored with him all the cardinals and bishops that took his part. And Amedaeus, having (though against his will) a cardinals hat given him, did resign his popedom. Let grave men and such as are of courage now consider, whether according to that most holy function of the pope's decree, whereof we spoke even now, they be to be counted apostolical or rather apostatical: whether they have the keys of heaven or of hell, who arising out of that seminary of the Eugenians bear rule in the church of Rome in these times. Which, that it may more commodiously be judged, it is worth the labour to hear and know the opinions of the doctors and lawyers, who have written somewhat touching this matter, and first of all of Ludovic of Rome, who was present at the council of basil, where he wrote the last council, whose words are these *: If the 
num. 15.  shepherd of shepherds offensively governing, and inordinately handling the church, being admonished by the church, do not forthwith repent, yea continue in his insolency of government, he may and aught to be put from his office. For seeing he honoureth not the church, admonishing him wholesomly; neither shall he then deserve to be honoured of the church: so that it should tolerate him governing offensively, and being incorrigible: being an argument of that which the orator Domitius saith: and Hierom reporteth in his epistle to the neopolitans, saying thus: Why then should I count thee as my prince, seeing thou dost not take me for a senator? * Therefore the truth is, that the pope 
dist. 95. c. esto subiectus.  offending the church notoriously with his crimes, and remaining incorrigible, may be accused to the church, and by the same be uncased of his popedom. Which conclusion is showed farther thus: The pope standing in a notorious crime that offendeth the whole church, and being unwilling to cease of, falleth into suspicion of heresy *. He that liveth rebelliously, and refuseth 
c. nullus. dist. 38. sic dicente.  to learn and do good things, is showed to be a member rather of the devil than of Christ: and he is showed to be rather an infidel than a believer. Thus saith Ludovic of Rome, who, as we said, was present at the council of Basil with great authority. Where be those that dispute, that they are and aught to be counted heretics, which set themselves against the pope's tyranny? Which think that his outrageous boldness in proscribing kings ought not any longer to be borne with? Which detest the impiety of Sixtus the fift, in maintaining the feigned religions of Bernardo and Dominick? But now let us cite another authority of the same notable man out of the same council: for shortly after *, he 
num. 17.  saith thus: If natural reason tell us, that an incurable member that infecteth the whole body ought to be cut off for the safety of the whole body: in like sort civil reason ought to tell us, that an incurable member that infecteth the whole mystical church, must be cut off, that the rest of the body be not infected or offended: and consequently the pope: (let uprightness of minds be used in reading these things, and let these words of Ludovic of Rome be compared with that our curse and detestation:) who though he be a principal part of the church, yet is he also a member of the body of the church, according to the gloss. * Also the reason of the scripture of God 
in c. ecce, 93. dist.  persuadeth this, approving the asseveration of Caiphas the chief priest, who said: It is expedient that one man die for the people, and that all the people do not perish: seeing that though he were pope placed to govern the people, yet ought he not to be their ruin: saith text. 11. q. 3. ita corporis. Yea he is worthy of as many deaths, as he sendeth over examples of destruction to his subjects, saith text. eadem cause. & q. in c. praecipuè. For as it is a laudable and discreet thing to give reverence and honour to superiors, so it is a point of uprightness, and the fear of God, not to cast behind us by any dissimulation the things that are in them, and need any correction: lest the disease go through the whole body, if the sickness be not cured in the head, saith text. 2. q. 7. c. sicut inquit. This conclusion is also proved by the text. in c. in canonibus, 16. q. 1. and in d. c. sed illud. So likewise he ought to be banished out of the church, who is not amended by the admonition of the church: as the Lord saith, Take away evil from among you. For those wounds must be lanced, which feel not the softening of the medicine 
* argum. de iudic. c. cum non ab hom. . Thus writeth 
82. dist. c. quia aliquanti 1. q. 1. c. reperiuntur.  Ludovic of Rome word for word. Whereby, being compared with that our detestation, upright readers may judge, whether justly or unjustly we have so boldly accursed the tyrannous boldness of that pope. Moreover, to that complaint of Ludovic of Rome agree those things which cardinal Zabarella wrote about the year, M. ccccuj. in his treatise of schism, num. 20. For every notorious crime of the pope, saith he, if he cannot be reform, and do offend the church, he may be accused, because he is accounted as an heretic 
* in c. olim. col. pen. extra. de rescrip. : for this incorrigibleness 
not. in gloss. 40 dist. c. si papa.  concerneth the cause of faith: as in the same gloss. And if it so fall out, that these men defend themselves by their temporal power, they may be bridled for the fact, even by secular power *. Thus saith Zabarella. But Baldus * writeth more briefly thus: Against the pope abusing his authority, we must first use words (that is, admonitions:) than herbs, (that is, threatenings:) thirdly stones: and that where the nature of virtue is not sufficient, the aid of arms must be of force there. And to the like effect writeth jason in his 95. council, requisitus. col. 4. It is lawful, saith he, to resist the pope when he offendeth the church, and he is not to be borne with 
* c. etsi illa, 1. q. 7. etc. sunt. quidam. 25. q. 1. . Also Innocentius 
* in c. inquisitionis, de sent. excom. & in c. quanto, de consuetud. . And the Abbot 
* in c. cum teneamur, de appellat. . Also Hierom speaking of the pope 
* in c. non omnes episcopi. 2. q. , saith: that unsavoury salt is good for nothing, but to be cast out at doors, & to be trodden under foot of hogs. Thus writeth jason, with as good courage it seemeth, as either Ludovic of Rome, or Zabarella: though notwithstanding they wrote these things in Italy, and in so great darkness of the church of Christ. And to the same effect speaketh Philip Decius in his council, 151. maximi ponderis num. 4. vol. 1. When saith he, the pope is incorrigible in any notorious crime, by reason whereof the church is offended. glow. in terminis in c. si papa. 40. dist. he holdeth that the pope may be accused: and out of that gloss there was a great foundation laid against Eugenius the fourth, in the council of Basil: and that gloss is commonly holden by all: as the abbot saith in c. significasti: 
* de elect. & in disput. episcopus quidam & rector.  where he saith, that the whole world approveth that gloss, and Ludovicus of Rome approveth that gloss by many reasons. 
* in council. 523  First because the pope that persisteth in a notorious crime, and will not be reform, falleth into suspicion of heresy. 
* 38. dist. c. fin. 86. dist. c. si qui sunt. etc. fin. de poenit.  But the pope may be accused for heresy 
* d. c. si papa. . Therefore for such a crime. secondly because a bishop is removed from a particular church, that the offence may be taken away, as Innocentius noteth: 
* in c. cum pridem, de renun.  it seemeth we may say the same of the stronger in the highest bishop, in whom the universal church is in danger. thirdly by the authority of the Gospel. If thine eye or thy foot offend thee. Whereupon the text saith finely, in c. illud sanè, 24. q. 3. For it is expedient that one man die for the people, and that all the people do not perish. Therefore let that pope that cannot be reform die civilly, that all the church do not perish, because the pope being set to govern the people, ought not to be their fall: as the text saith 
* 11. q. 3. in c. ta corporis. . For he is worthy as many deaths, as he sendeth examples of perdition to those that are his 
* 11. q. 3. . Which things seeing they are so, we conclude again without delay, that not only the excommunication of the foresaid pope Sixtus the fift is to be counted as nothing, by reason of the insufficiency of the rash judge, the allegation of a false cause, the want of judicial order, and the folly of the sencence conceived: but also to the end the curses of the same pope Sixtus may turn upon his own pate, he is convict of seven most heinous faults, and that by most assured testimonies, and therefore aught to be hereafter accounted of all Christians, an execrable and detestable Anathema Maranata.  
Amen.    

THE DECLARATION OF OUR MOST HOLY LORD POPE SIXTUS, Against HENRY BORBON the supposed King of NAVARRE, and also HENRY BORBON, the pretenced Prince of Condie, being heretics, and also against their successors: And the deliverance of their subjects, from all duty of fidelity and allegiance.  

For the perpetual memory of the thing.  
THe authority granted to Saint Peter and his successors by the infinite power of the eternal king, surpasseth all the powers of earthly kings and princes, and standing upon a firm rock, and being not turned aside from the right course with any contrary or prosperous blasts, it uttereth such judgement against all men, as cannot be shaken: & doth diligently provide especially that God's laws may not be broken, and if it find any resisting Gods ordinance, it doth sharply punish them, & casting down from the kingly seat even those that are more mighty, it throweth them down even to the lowest part of the earth, as ministers of proud Lucifer. Wherefore according to that care for all churches, and people, and nations, that lieth upon our shoulders, that the salvation of their souls may especially be provided for, and that not only the times of our service, but also all times to come being purged from wicked and detestable monsters, may bring peace and rest to all parts of Christendom: and especially to the most ample realm of France, wherein Christian religion hath so flourished always; and so great hath been the godliness, faith, and devotion of the kings thereof; so many have been their deserts toward the church of Rome; that they by full good right had from the same the most glorious surname of Most Christian; and also that we may never be accused before God for neglecting the care of our office, we are at this time compelled to exercise the weapons of our warfare, which are not carnal, but mighty through God to throw down strong holds, against two sons of wrath especially, Henry Borbon sometimes king of Navarre, and Henry Borbon sometimes prince of Condie. For that king quondam, hath followed from his very youth the errors and heresies of Calvin, and hath so long showed himself a stubborn patron thereof, until being converted (as it was thought) unto the catholic and apostolic faith of Rome, by the godly, and often exhortations of Charles the ninth of famous memory king of France, & of our most dearly beloved daughter in Christ Queen Katherine his most godly mother, and also of our well-beloved son Charles, of the title of S. Chrysogonus, cardinal priest of Borbon his uncle, and of Ludovic duke of Mompenser, and by most manifest exhortations of divines of excellent learning and virtue; he did openly in the church at Paris condemn all heretical opinions contrary to the catholic faith, he accursed them, and abjured them, & did openly profess the catholic faith; and having sent sundry times his letters to pope Gregory the thirteenth our predecessor, of blessed memory, wherein he now acknowledging the same our predecessor to be supreme head of the church, humbly besought him, that he would vouchsafe to accept the confession of his repentance, conversion, and obedience, and to grant him pardon for those things that were passed, and also the grace of remission: firmly promising that he would continually keep sound, and inviolably the catholic faith. To the which letters, as being a king's letters, our predecessor giving credence, and being moved with the bowels of fatherly love, and also being persuaded with the most grave testimony of the king, of the Queen his mother, of the cardinal, and duke aforesaid, touching such his conversion; absolved him, confessing his former errors and humbly craving pardon, from the crime of heresy, and from the ecclesiastical censures which he had therefore incurred; and he admitted him into the bosom of the holy mother the church, and into the fellowship of the faithful, taking from him all incongruity. Nay furthermore that he might be bound with a more straight and firm bond, he dispensed with him and Margaret sister to the said king Charles, who being borne of that most Christian stock, and being well brought up, was thought to be able easily to keep her husband in his duty, and in observing the catholic religion, that notwithstanding the lets of the third, and peradventure of other degrees of consanguinity between them, and also of spiritual kindred, they might contract matrimony between them, as they did contract it in the face of the church; and that done, after a few months he sent john Lord of Duratium his orator to our said predecessor, that in his behalf he might promise concerning his repentance, conversion, faith, and constancy in presence of the sea apostolic; & after that a public, and solemn consistory was made for him in the king's hall according to the custom, in the assembly of the cardinals and prelate's of the holy church of Rome, and in a great concourse of others having professed all the foresaid things, the same Henry was admitted as a king lately converted to the faith, and as catholic, the whole city rejoicing, and triumphing, and giving great thanks for the sheep that was found & recovered. But he as he was of a divers and inconstant mind, falling away shortly after from the catholic faith, and from due obedience toward the apostolic sea, and from other things professed by him expressly and with an oath, and turning back to that filth wherein he tumbled before, withdrawing himself secretly from the most christian king, & having gathered together in a place, a good way distant from the king's court, so great a multitude of wicked heretics, and of wicked men of that stamp as he could, he openly revoked there all those things which he before had done concerning the detestation of Caluinisme, the abjuring of all heresies, and the profession of the catholic and apostolic faith of Rome: testifying that he did profess Caluinisme, as he professed it, and hath always sticked to that heresy with an obstinate and hardened mind; and living therein until this day, he hath raised up sundry times heretical rebels, and seditious persons (whose head, captain, and defender he hath always been in France, and also a most earnest favourer of outlandish heretics) to bear arms against the foresaid Charles, and also against our most dearly beloved son in Christ Henry the most Christian king, though he ought to have reverenced him, as his king and master, to have loved and followed him as his wives brother, I say, forgetting all duty and godliness, he hath raised them up against him and all catholics, he hath gathered most deadly armies, having gotten unto him heretics of other nations, by whom all places every where are defiled with the bloody murders of godly men, holy temples are polluted and pulled down, priests and religious men are slain with torments: furthermore, he hath taken the cities & fortresses of the catholics, partly by policy, and partly by force and arms; and in them hath he forbidden and taken away the rites of the catholic church, he hath appointed heretical ministers, & preachers, he hath enforced the citizens inhabitants to tread in the steps of the same impiety, even with threatenings & stripes. But thinking with himself that he had not yet done enough, amongst others he sent a certain dear friend of his, furnished with his wicked subtleties, without the borders of France to divers places, by whom he imparted his wicked counsels with certain chief heretics, and he provoked their strength and forces against the catholic religion, and the power of the bishop of Rome; also he caused certain secret conventicles of heretics to be kept in divers provinces; at some whereof (whiles those most unjust leagues against the catholic faith, and principally against the churches, clergy, and all the catholics of the realm of France were handled) he himself was not only present, but also a principal actor therein. And as for Henry Borbon prince of Condie, having two heretics for his parents, forasmuch as they during their whole life had obstinately cherished the deadly opinions of Calvin, and the ministers thereof, he following the heresies of the same his father and mother, did commit like offences being but a youngling: afterward with like endeavour as the other Henry used, taking the way of truth through repentance, and humbleness of heart (so much as could be guessed) and detesting likewise, and abjuring publicly all errors and dotings of heretics, he professed the catholic faith, as is said before. Which things being brought to the same pope's ears, and like intercession being made for him, the same our predecessor absolved from heresy and such censures, him, and Marie sometimes of Clieve his pretenced wifc, being at that time infected with the same crime of heresy, being in like sort penitent, detesting, and professing; and he received them into the bosom of the catholic church, and company of the faithful: yea moreover he dispensed with them, according to the abundance of his fatherly love, that they might contract matrimony between themselves notwithstanding the let of the second degree of consanguinity, wherewith they were holden both of them. But he shortly after returning unto his old impiety, and entering that most wicked way, wherein the footsteps of Ludovic of Condie his most wicked father, a persecutor of the catholic church had trodden, and walking in the same footsteps, he likewise showed himself a captain and defender of the same heretics and wicked persons of the said realm of France, and also an author of civil wars and seditions: he conveyed into France bands of heretical soldiers being strangers, he assayed to besiege towns and cities, he overthrew churches, he did profane and destroy holy things; he did most cruelly murder priests; & appointing in their places ministers of wickedness, he commanded their perverse doctrine to be published & retained: and finally he used all kind of cruelty and savageness, as well against God's ministers, as also against other professors of the catholic faith. All which things forasmuch as they be manifest, public, and notorious: and forasmuch as we do fully & perfectly know especially by the process made in the time of the same pope Gregory our predecessor, of blessed memory, & by many other documents, & most grave testimonies, that Henry sometimes king, and Henry of Condie aforesaid are guilty of the notorious and inexcusable crime of heresy, and that they are relapsed into heresy, and also that they are guilty of favouring heretics; We being enforced to draw the sword of vengeance against them according to the duty of our office, are very loath to do it, because we must for these offences turn it against this detestable and degenerate issue of the noble house of Borbon, wherein there hath always appeared sincerity of sincere religion, & worship of virtue, and obedience toward the apostolic sea. Therefore being placed in this high seat, and fullness of power, which the King of kings and Lord of lords himself hath given us though unworthy, by the authority of almighty God, and of Peter & Paul his Apostles, and by our own authority, and by the council of our reverend brethren the cardinals of the holy church of Rome; we pronounce and declare, that Henry sometimes king, and Henry of Condie aforesaid, have been and are heretics, relapsed into heresies, and impenitent; also captains and favourers, and manifest, public and notorious defenders of heretics, and so to be guilty of treason against the majesty of God, and to be such enemies of the true and sound Christian faith, that they can defend themselves by no cunning shift or excuse, and that therefore they have damnably incurred the sentences, censures, and punishments contained in the holy canons, and constitutions apostolic, and in the laws general and particular, and such as are due to relapsed and impenitent heretics, and specially that the same have been and are deprived in law, Henry sometimes king, namely, of the pretenced kingdom of Navarre, and of the part thereof, which he hath as yet enjoyed, and also of Bearne: and the other Henry, of that of Condie, and either of them, and their posterity of all and whatsoever other principalities, dukedoms, lordships, cities, places, and fees; and also of such goods as they have taken to keep, promising to make them better than when they had them; and moreover, of dignities, honours, functions, and offices, and princely palaces, and jurisdictions, and rights, which they hold de facto, and whereto they have had right by any manner of means, or do pretend right; & that they have therefore made themselves unworthy thereof: and that they have been & are incompetent and uncapable to retain them, and hereafter to obtain any such. And also that they are in law deprived, uncapable, & disabled from succeeding in whatsoever dukedoms, principalities, lordships, and kingdoms, and specially in the kingdom of France, wherein they have committed so many cruel and wicked crimes, and in lordships annexed to the kingdom itself, in jurisdictions, and places, and in the rest of the goods and things aforesaid, and to get them by any other means whatsoever, like as also of our abundant power, & so much as is needful we deprive them and their posterity for ever, to wit, Henry sometimes king, of the kingdom of Navarre, and of that part thereof, and of Bearne, and the other Henry of that of Condie, and either of them & their posterity of all other principalities, dukedoms, lordships, fees, and of all other goods and substance; and also of the right of succeeding and getting, and of all and singular the other premises: and also we make them and their posterity unable for ever for them, and to succeed in any principalities, dukedoms, lordships, fees and kingdoms, and by name in the kingdom of France, and in all the foresaid things annexed thereto, supplying all defects of right or fact, if any have happened in the same. And also that the nobles, feudatories, vassals, subjects, and people of the realms, dukedoms, principalities, & other lordship's aforesaid, even such as acknowledge none other superior, and all the rest which have by any manner of means sworn to them, are absolved from all such oath, and altogether from all perpetual duty of lordship, fidelity, and allegiance, as we by the authority of these presents do absolve and deliver them all, as well generally as particularly; and we command and forbidden that all and every of them, that they presume not to obey them, and their admonitions, laws, and commandments: those that shall do otherwise, we insnarle in the sentence of excommunication by the very same. But as for our most well-beloved son in Christ, Henry the most christian king of France, we exhort, beseech, and also admonish him by the bowels of the mercy of jesus Christ, that being mindful of the most excellent faith and religion of the kings his ancestors, which he hath received from them, as an inheritance far better than the kingdom itself, that being likewise mindful of that oath which he solemnly took at his coronation, touching the extirpation of heretics, he employ himself by his authority, power, virtue and courage altogether princely, to execute this our so just a sentence, that in this likewise he may show himself thankful to almighty God, and may perform due obedience to his mother the church. Furthermore we command & charge all our reverend brethren the primates, archbishops, and bishops, throughout the realm of France, Navarre, Bearne, and other places aforenamed, in the virtue of holy obedience, that so soon as the copies of these letters shall come to their hands, they cause them to be published, & to be brought to effect so much as in them lieth. And we will that the same our present letters, be set up and published upon the door of the cathedral church of the chief of the apostles, and in the side of the field of Flora of the city, as the custom is. And that there be like credit given both in place of judgement & elsewhere, in all places, to the copies thereof being printed and signed with the public notories hand, and sealed with the seal of the ecclesiastical prelate, or with the seal of that court, which should be given to these presents if they were exhibited or showed. Therefore let it not be lawful for any man at all to infringe this writing of our pronountiation, declaration, privation, inhabilitation, suppletion, absolution, liberation, commandment, inhibition, innodation, exhortation, request, admonition, mandate and will, or to contrary the same with rash boldness. And if any man presume to attempt this, let him know that he shall incur the indignation of almighty God, and of his blessed apostles Peter and Paul.  
Given at Rome at S. Marks in the year of the incarnation of the Lord, one thousand, five hundred, fourscore and five, the fift day before the Ideses of September, in the first year of our popedom.  
A. de Alexijs.   


Ego Sixtus cath. Ecclesiae Episcopus.  
Ego Io. Anto. Episc. Tusc.  
Card. Sancti Georgij.  
Ego M. S. Car. ab Altaemps.  
Ego Iu. Aua. Car. de Arag.  
Ego P. Car. Sanctacruscius.  
Ego Gulielm. Car. Sirletus  
Ego Mic. Bo. Car. Alex.  
Ego Lud. Car. Madrutius.  
Ego N. Card. Senonensis.  
P. Card. Deza.  
Ego Ant. Card. Carafa.  
Io. Ant. Card. SS. Quatuor.  
Io. Ba. Card. S. Marcelli.  
Aug. Car. de Verona.  
Ego Vin. Car. Montis Regalis  
Ego M. Car. S. Stephani.  
Scipio Car. Lancelotus.  
Ego Fer. Car. de Medicis.  
Phil. Vast. Card. Cam.  
jul. Ant. Sanctorius Car. Severin.  
P. Card. Caesius.  
Ego Hier. Card. Rust.  
Ego. Io. Hie. Car. Albanus.  
Ego Vincen. Car. Gonzaga.  
Ego Fr. Car. Sfortia S. Nic  
Alex. Card. de Montealto.   
In the year since the nativity of the Lord one thousand five hundred, fourscore and five, the thirteenth indiction, and in the 21. day of the month of September, in the first year of the popedom of the most holy father in Christ, and our lord L. Sixtus the fift by the providence of God pope, these letters were written out, set up, and published in the Cathedral church of the chief of the apostles of the city, and in the side of the field of Flora, by us Hierom Lucius, and Nicolas Talliet Cursitors to our most holy lord the pope.  
Io. Andreas Panizza Mag. Curs. joannes Caijanus Cur. Card. Camerariae Apostolicae Ibotus Ful.    

Faults escaped.  
The first number signifieth the page: the second the line.  
Pag. 2. Lin. 2. clients. 7. 2. the Clementines. 9 19 Pope Symmachus. 17. 10. Church. and 23. Lateran. 38. 13. bring serious effects. 39 19 At peruse. 41. 27. Antonine. 62. 14. the archbishop of Toledo was suspected of heresy by the Spanish inquisition. 74. 17. when. 92. 19 markets. 98. 9 Pope Pius. 100 17. curses. 112. 11. proviso. 127. 16. Cuspinianus. 133. 4. feudal investitures. ibid. 12. read. Alexander the servant of the servants of God. 137. 18. Trier. and Mentz. 138. 2. At Aquae in Arduenna. ibid. 13. Aquisgranum. 145. 22. but how worthy a king. 147. 1. counsel. ibid. 8. Milan. 159. 3. in the territorte. 164. 9 Furies. 183. 14. by Theodore legate of the holy church of Rome. 184. 23. Melchiades. 186. 17. in Paris. 191. 24. give. 193. 6. Not as Lords over.