POLITIC, MORAL, AND MARTIAL Discourses. Written in French by M. Jaques Hurault, lord of Vieul and of Marais, and one of the French kings privy council. Dedicated by the Author to the French-kings majesty: And translated into English by Arthur Golding. LONDON, Printed by Adam Islip. 1595. TO THE RIGHT honourable his singular good Lord, William Lord Cobham, L. warden of the Cinque ports, knight of the most noble order of the Garter, and one of her majesties most honourable privy counsel: long continuance of health, with much increase of honour, and prosperity. FOrasmuch as being unknown to your good Lordship, otherwise than by report, yet notwithstanding I have tasted of your goodness and favour, to my great comfort in my troubles, of the which when God will I hope I shall be well discharged: I acknowledge myself more bound unto your honour, than any service or ability of mine can extend unto. And therefore to testify my thankful and dutiful mind towards you, I have presumed to dedicate this my labour to your Lordship. And because it is a thing ingreffed by nature, specially in those that are of best and noblest disposition, to take delight in the hearing and reading of such things, as are most proper and incident to their own callings, as whereof they have best skill, & wherein they most excel, & therefore may most justly challenge to themselves the censure and judgement of them: I persuade myself that this my presumption will not be unacceptable, or at leastwise will not seem untolerable, in the sight of your good Lordship, and of the residue of your most honourable sort & calling, both for the matter, & for the author thereof. For the matter in substance, is the due administration of state, and chief of a kingdom both in peace & war, at home and abroad: on the one side through the politic and virtuous government of the party that holds the sceptre of sovereignty, with the loyal linking in of his magistrates and officers under him: and on the otherside through the serviceable, willing, and faithful obedience of those whom God hath put in subjection to him: a matter, as of very great importance and behoof, so also greatly beseeming those whom GOD hath set in authority. For of all the states and degrees which GOD hath ordained for the well maintaining of this mortal life, like as in highness of dignity and honour, and worthiness of pre-eminence, none is comparable to the state of government, specially which is well and orderly disposed: so of all the forms of government that have been in the world, the monarchy or kingdom hath ever (as well by common and continual experience, as also by the grounded judgement of the best practised politicians, and by the grave censure of the wisest men, yea and even by the ordinance & approbation of God) been always deemed and found to be most ancient and sufficient, most beneficial and behooveful, most magnificent and honourable, most stable and durable, and consequently most happy and commendable; as which (besides many other most excellent prerogatives which I omit here) doth most resemble the highest sovereignty of God, the only one universal Monarch of the whole world, and is most agreeable to the first original pattern of sovereignty on earth, I mean Adam, whom God created but one, to have the dominion and lordship of all creatures under the cope of heaven. The which being justly foregone by that first man's disobedience, God thought good in his wisdom to repair and set up again much more large and magnificent than afore, in the person of one other man, namely of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom he hath made heir of all things, giving unto him all power both in heaven and earth, to reign in glory everlastingly world without end. Who when he was to come into the world, in the last temporal monarchy of the world, did thus much further beautify and commend the state of monarchy by his coming, in that he vouchsafed not to come, afore such time as the state of Rome was brought into a monarchy, and settled in the government of one sole sovereign. Such and so excellent is the matter whereof this book doth treat. The which was written in French by one jaques Hurault, lord of Vieul and Marrais, an honourable parsonage, and (as may well appear by his handling of the matters here treated of) of great learning, judgement, experience, and policy. Who for his prudence, gravity, and loyalty, was admitted to be of the privy counsel to his sovereign lord and master the French king. Whereby he had fit occasion and means, to see into the states and forms of government, as well of foreign countries, as of his own, and therefore might be the better able to discern the truth of things, and to deliver his censure the more soundly, concerning the managing of public affairs and matters of state. But now to come home out of France into England, and to apply the case more particularly to ourselves: I am fully resolved, that if we list to look upon things with right judging eyes, and to consider them with well advised minds, we shall plainly see there was never any nation under the sun, more bound to yield immortal thanks unto God for their state, Prince, and sovereign, than we be for ours; or to magnify him more for the innumerable benefits received by that means, than we be. For first our state is that state which is most justly deemed the best and most excellent, namely a monarchy or kingdom, wherein one sole sovereign assisted with a most grave senate of prudent and sage counsellors, reigneth by wisdom, and not by will, by law and not by lust, by love and not by lordliness. And unless we will deny the thing which the world seethe and gladly honoureth, and which we ourselves have continually found and felt in experience now by the space of xxxvi years and upward, to our inestimable good and comfort: we must needs confess that God hath given us a prince, in whose sacred person (to speak the truth in as few words as so great a matter may permit) there wanteth not any heroical virtue or gift of grace, that may beseem or adorn the majesty of a kingdom, the which thing is so much the more glorious and beautiful in her highness being both a woman and a virgin. By whose means God hath also restored unto us the bright shining beams of his most holy gospel, late afore eclipsed with the foggy clouds of superstitious ignorance and human traditions, and the true ancient and Catholic religion, borne down and in manner overwhelmed with the terrible storms of cruel persecutions: a benefit whereunto none other can be comparable in this world. Of the which religion her majesty hath continually showed herself, not a bare professor, but a most earnest and zealous follower, and a most lightsome example to her subjects: directing all her studies, counsels and proceed, to the setting forth of God's glory, as well by advancing and maintaining the same religion uncorrupted; as also by her most provident & motherly governing of her people with all justice & clemency, to their greatest tranquillity benefit and welfare. Whereupon hath also ensued Gods most mighty and miraculous protection of her mastiesties' most royal person, her realms dominions and subjects, from exceeding great perils, both foreign, civil and domestical, such and so fitly contrived by the sleights of Satan & satanical practisers, as but by the wonderful and extraordinary working of the divine providence, could not have been found out, and much less prevented, avoided or escaped: an assured token of God's special love and favour towards both sovereign and subjects. To be short, so many and so great are the benefits which we have received and still receive, by and from our most gracious sovereign lady Queen Elizabeth, that I know not how to conclude her majesties most just deserved commendation, more fitly than with the verses of a certain ancient Poet, written long since in commendation of that renowned prince of Britain the noble king Arthur, the which verses I have put into English, with small alteration of some words, but no alteration at all in matter and sense, after this manner: Her deeds with mazeful wonderment shine everywher so bright, That both to hear and speak of them, men take as great delight, As for to taste of honycombe or honey. Look upon The doings of the noblest wights that heretofore be gone. † Alexander the great. The Pellan Monarch fame commends: the Romans highly praise The triumphs of their emperors. Great glory diverse ways Is yielded unto Hercules for killing with his hand The monsters that avoid the world, or did against him stand. But neither may the Hazel match the Pine, nor stars the sun. The ancient stories both of Greeks and Latins overrun: And of our Queen Elizabeth ye shall not find the peer, Ne age to come will any yield that shall to her come near. Alone all princes she surmounts in former ages passed, And better none the world shall yield, so long as time doth last. What remaineth then, but that all we her native subjects, knitting ourselves together in one dutiful mind, do willingly and cheerfully yield our obedience to her gracious majesty with all submission faithfulness and loyalty, not grudging or repining when any things mislike us, but always interpreting all things to the best; not curiously inquisitive of the causes of her will, but forward and diligent in executing her commandments, even as in the sight of God, not for fear of punishment, but of very love and conscience. Which things if we do unfeignedly, than no doubt but God continuing his gracious goodness still towards us, will give us daily more cause of praise and thanksgiving, multiplying her majesties years in health and peace, and increasing the honour and prosperity of her reign, so as our posterity also may with joy see and serve her many years hence still reigning most blessedly: which are the things that all faithful subjects do and aught to rejoice in and desire, more than their own life and welfare, and for the which we ought with all earnestness to make continual prayer and supplication unto God. But while I am carried with the stream of my desire, to encourage myself and my countrymen to the performance of our duty towards her majesty, wherein nevertheless I have been much breefer than the matter requireth: I fear lest I become more long and tedious than may beseem the tenor of an epistle dedicatory. And therefore most humbly submitting myself and this my present translation to your honourable censure and acceptation, I here make an end, beseeching God, greatly to increase and long to continue the honour and prosperity of your good Lordship, and of your noble house. Written the xxvii. of January, 1595. Your honours most humble to command, Arthur Golding. To the King. SIr, forasmuch as it hath pleased your majesty, to command the states of your realm, and to enjoin all men without exception, to show unto you whatsoever they think to be for the benefit and preservation of your state, and the comfort of your subjects: And I see that every man straineth himself, to give you the best advice he can: surely I alone ought not to be idle and negligent, nor to foreslow the duty whereby I am naturally bound unto you. The which thing hath caused me to gather these matters of remembrance, which should have been better polished ere they had been presented to your majesty, if the state of your affairs and the time would have permitted it. You have vouchsafed me the honour to be near about your person, and to do you service in such cases as it hath pleased your majesty to employ me, and specially in following the wars, where I have the good hap, to be a witness of the victories that you have fortunately obtained, to the great rejoicing of all Christendom. And surely sir, this maketh me to hope, that you will accept this mine attempt in good part, as a testimony of the good will and great desire which I have always had and will have, to spend my goods and life in the service of your most christian majesty, beseeching God to keep me ever in this commendable devotion and dutiful good will, and to give unto your highness a most happy long life. From Paris the 28. of October, 1588. Your most humble servant and subject, James Hurault, lord of Vieul and Marais. The Contents of such Chapters as are contained in this book. The first Part. OF Office or duty, and of policy or Estate. Pag. 1. 2 Of a Prince, a King, an Emperor, and a sovereign Lord. 4 3 Of the three sorts of government, and which of the three is the best. 13 4 Whether the state of a kingdom, or the state of a public weal be the ancienter. 24 5 Whether it be better to have a king by succession, or by election. 26 6 Of the education or bringing up of a Prince. 30 7 Of the end whereat a good Prince ought to aim in this life. 36 8 What is requisite in a Prince, to make him happy. 45 9 Of virtue. 56 10 Of the Passions of the mind. 65 11 Whether virtue and honesty be to be separated from profit, in matters of government or state. 76 12 That a prince ought not to falsify his faith, for the maintenance of his state. 89 13 Of Truth. 104 14 Of Religion and Superstition. 107 15 That the prince which will be well obeyed, must give good example in himself to his subjects. 138 The Contents of the second Part. 1 Of wisdom and discreetness. 149 2 That the good governor must match learning and experience together. 162 3 Of justice, or righteousness. 170 4 That a Prince ought to be liberal, and to shun nigardship and prodigality. 212 5 That gentleness and courtesy be needful in the orderering of affairs; the contraries whereunto, be slernenesse and roughness. 236 6 That modesty or mildness well beseemeth a Prince, and that over stateliness is hurtful unto him. 259 7 Of fortitude, valiancy, prowess, or hardiness: and of fearfulness and cowardliness. 275 8 Of magnanimity. 286 9 That Diligence is requisite in matters of state. 291 10 Of Temperance. 298 11 That he that will dispatch his affairs well, must be sober. 310 12 Of continency and incontinency. 319 13 Of refraining a man's tongue, of such as be too talkative. of liars, of curious persons, of flatterers, of mockers, of railers and slanderers, and of talebearers. 333 14 That princes must above all things eschew choler. 353. The Contents of the third Part. 1 Of Leagues. 371 2 Of governors sent into the frontiers of countries, and whether they should be changed, or suffered to continue still. 376 3 Of a lieutenant-general, and that it behoveth no more but one to command an army. 379 4 Whether the chief of an army should be gentle or rigorous. 381 5 Whether it be better to have a good army and an evil chieftain, or a good chieftain and an evil army. 386 6 Of the order which the men of old time did use in setting their people in battle ray. 389 7 What he ought to do which setteth himself to defence. 391 8 Whether it be better to drive off the time in his own country, or to give battle out of hand. 396 9 Whether it be possible for two armies lodged one near an other, to keep themselves from being enforced to fight whether they will or no. 404 10 Whether the danger be greater to fight a battle in a man's own country, or in a strange country. 408 11 Of the pitching of a camp. 416 12 How to give courage to men of war, afore a battle, or in a battle. 423 13 Of Skirmishes. 430 14 Whether it be better to bear the brunt of the enemes, or to drown it at the first dash. 432 15 Of a battle, and of diverse policies to be practised therein. 434 16 Of the pursuing of victory. 451 17 Of the retiring of an army, and how to save it when it is in a place of disadvantage. 455 18 Of Ambushes. 462 19 Of the taking of towns. 470 20 Of the defending of towns. 480 21 Of diverse policies and sleights. 488 FINIS. CHAP. I. ¶ Of Office or duty, and of policy or Estate. IT is manifest that the duty of civil life consisteth in dealing one with another, Arist. lib. 9 of matters of government. and that thereupon both honours and empires do depend; so as princes, kings, emperors, and sovereign lords, do practise the civil life; their duty lieth in the exercise thereof, their welfare cometh thence, and thereupon dependeth their preservation. Isocrates in his Panathe. For policy is the very soul of the public-weal, and hath like power there, as wisdom hath in the body of man: and as Plutarch saith in the life of Marcus Cato, It is a maxim or principle confessed of the whole world, that a man cannot achieve a greater virtue or knowledge, than policy is; What policy is. that is to say, than is the skill to govern and rule a whole multitude of men, the which is the thing that we call Estate: to the knowledge whereof man's nature is so well disposed, that it seemeth to be borne with him. And the men of old time called the goddess Pallas, Cicero in his book of the ends of good and evil. by the names of Polemike and politic, as who would say, That the governors of nations ought to have both chivalry and laws jointly together. And therefore in treating of the manners that are most beseeming in princes, and purposing by that mean to set their wise sayings, and politic doings in order, I have used the word duty, as a term most fittest to the matter I have in hand. For virtuous deeds and good works are called Duties by the Philosophers, whereof Cicero hath made three goodly books, wherein he declareth at large, in what things every man's duty consisteth. For (as he saith) there is not any part of our life, Our life cannot be without duty. be it in matters public or private, that can be without duty, as wherein consisteth the whole honour of our life, and likewise the dishonour through the forslowing thereof; Cicero in the ends of good and evil men. insomuch that an honest man will rather put himself in danger and endure all manner of adversity and pains, than leave his duty undone. And therefore, afore we speak of princes, it will be good for us to decide what a Duty is, to the end that men may understand whereof we treat. The definition of duty. We call that a duty, to the doing whereof we be bound, as to a thing that our vocation or calling requireth: as for example, The duty of a Til-man, is to till the ground well; the duty of a judge, is to judge men's causes uprightly, without accepting of persons; the duty of a householder, is to govern well his house; likewise the duty of a prince or king, is to govern well his people, to minister good justice unto them, and to keep them from taking wrong: and generally the duty of man (according to Aristotle in his first book of Morals) is the inworking of the mind conformed unto reason, or at least wise not alienated from reason; as when the craftsman having purposed some piece of work, employeth his skill and labour to bring his work to a perfect end, so as the end and utmost point of his honest and virtuous action, is his duty. Two sorts of duty. Cicero in his book of Duties, maketh two sorts thereof; the one he termeth right and perfect, which is matched with true virtue, and is peculiar to the discretion of the wise; as when it is demanded what is wisdom, justice, valiantness, or temperance, or what is profit, or what is honesty. The other he termeth mean, which consisteth in precepts, whereby a man may 'stablish an honest trade of life; as when it is demanded, why one thing should be done rather than another, and what difference there is betwixt one thing and another, because the thing that well beseemeth a young man, doth ill beseem an old man; and that which well beseemeth a magistrate, or a prince, doth ill become a private person; and that which becometh well a private person, doth ill become a prince. But these two sorts may be reduced into one, even by the saying of the same Cicero, who confesseth that these two sorts of duties tend both of them to the sovereign good, and aim not at any other end than that, saving that the one belongeth to the wise, who aim not at any other law than only virtue: and the other serveth for the directing of the common conversation, in respect whereof it needeth the help of laws & precepts. And as touching us that are Christians, we may well say, that all our duties tend to the sovereign good, and are perfect, unless ye will exact that exquisite perfection, which our saviour taught the young man when he said unto him, That if he would be perfect, it behoved him to sell all that he had, and to deal it unto the poor, and to follow him. Therefore to know what is the duty of every man, both prince and private, noble and unnoble; our lawmaker teacheth it us in two precepts: whereof the first consisteth in the worshipping of God, and in the loving of him with all our heart: for it is reason that we should yield him faith and allegiance for our creation, Men are beholders of heavenly things. Cicero in his second book of the nature of the Gods. The loving of our neighbour is the fulfilling of the law. and for the great number of so many good things which we receive daily at his hand, seeing that we peculiarly of all other living wights, are beholders of the heavenly things that are above. The other is, for the instruction and establishment of the common conversation; wherein consisteth the duty of a christian, which is to love his neighbour as himself. For (as saith S. Paul to the Romans) it is a fulfilling of the law of God, and a confirming of the law of nature, which will not have a man to do that to an other, which he would not have done to himself. And he that keepeth this precept cannot do amiss. For it is very certain, that no man hateth his own flesh, ne procureth any evil to himself, and therefore he will not do any such thing to his neighbour. Now then, we need not to be taught what is uprightness, valiantness, and staidness: for he that keepeth the said precept, will not do any unright. But forasmuch as our own nature, by reason of the corruption thereof, maketh us to step out of the right way; if we will come into the true path again, it be hoveth us of necessity to peruse the law and the commandments, and to treat of the virtues which are termed Cardinal, namely, wisdom, uprightness, valiantness, and Temperance, or staidness; and of the branches depending upon them (the which S. Austin doth allegorically term the four streams that watered the earthly Paradise in old time, ●n his 13 book of the city of God. and daily still watereth the little world of them that live well) and to see how good princes have practised them, and how evil princes for want of making account of them, have found themselves ill paid: Histories derue for good instruction. to the end we may make our profit of histories and not make them as a matter of course, but as a good and wholesome instruction. Howbeit, ere we enter into that matter, it behoveth us to know what a Prince, a King, an Emperor, and a sovereign Lord, is. CHAP. II. Of a Prince, a King, an Emperor, and a sovereign Lord. WE cannot enjoy the goods which God hath given us on this earth, except there be a justice, a law, and a prince, as Plutarch teacheth us in his book concerning the education of princes. Justice is the end of the law; law is the workmanship of the prince; and the prince is the workmanship of God that ruleth all, who hath no need of a Phidias. For he himself behaveth himself as God. And like as God hath set the sun and the moon in the sky, as a goodly resemblance of his Godhead: so a Prince in a commonweal is the light of the commonweal, and the image of God; who worshipping God, maintaineth justice, that is to say, uttereth forth the reason of God, that is to weet, God's mind. A Prince than is a magistrate that hath sovereign power to command those over whom he hath charge. The definition of a Prince. And under this general term of Prince, I comprehend kings, emperors, dukes, Earls, marquises, and governors of cities and commonweals. The men of old time called him a Prince, which excelled other men in discretion and wisdom. For like as to make a fortunate voyage by sea, there behoveth a good Pilot, that is a man of courage and good skill: so to the well governing of subjects there behoveth a good Prince. And therefore we may say, that that prince is the chief and most excellent of all, which for the pre-eminence of his wisdom and worthiness commandeth all others. Plutarch in the life of Pelopidas. It is the first and chiefest law of nature, that he which is unable to guard and defend himself, should submit himself to him that is able and hath wherewith to do it; and such a one do we term a chief man, The prince is as a God among men. or a prince, who ought to be esteemed as a God among men, (as Aristotle saith in his third book of matters of state) or at least wise as next unto God (as Tertullian saith unto Scapula;) and such a one ought all others to obey as a person that hath the authority of God, as saith S. Paul. Homer termeth princes, Diogenes and Diotrophes, that is to say; Bred and brought up of Jupiter. And Cicero in his common weal saith; That the governors and keepers of towns and cities do come from heaven, and shall return thither again when they have done their duties. And in another place describing a good Prince, he saith that he ought to despise all pleasures, and not yield to his own lust, nor be needy of gold and silver. A prince should not be bare of treasure. For the neediness of the Prince is but a deviser of subsidies, as the Empress Sophia said to Tiberius Constantine. Also he ought to be more mindful of his people's profit, than of his own pleasure. And to conclude in a word, a prince ought to imprint in his heart the saying of Adrian the emperor to the Senate, namely, That he ought to behave himself after such a sort in his government, as every man might perceive that he sought the benefit of his people, & not of himself. Also men call them Princes which are of the blood royal, & stand in possibility to succeed to the crown, and generally all sovereign magistrates, as dukes, marquises, Earls, and other chief lords, of which sort there are in Italy and Germany, which have sovereign authority and own no more to the Emperor, but only their mouth and their hands. But the greatest and excellentest magistrates are the kings and emperors. An Emperor is a term of war, What an Emperor is. borrowed of the Romans, for in their language the word Imper● signifieth to command. And albeit that in their armies, the Romans had captains whom they called Emperors, which commanded absolutely, and were obeyed as kings, yet did not any man usurp or take to himself that title of Emperor, unless he had done some notable exploit of war. Insomuch that Crassus was counted a man but of base mind and small courage, and of slender hope, to achieve any great or haughty matters, that could find in his heart to be named emperor, for taking a silly town called Zenodotia. Afterward when the state of the common weal was changed, by reason of the civil wars, and reduced into a monarchy, the successors of julius Caesar, knowing how odious the name of king was to the Romans, would not take that title unto them, but contenting themselves with the effect thereof, they named themselves Emperors, which among us is as much to say, as chief leaders or Generals of an army or host of men. Plato in his book of laws, teacheth us seven sorts of ruling or commanding; the first is, that the father commandeth his children; the second, that the valeant & nobleminded command the weak and baseminded; the third, that the elder sort command the younger; the fourth, that the masters command the servants; the fift, that the mightier commands the feebler; the sixth, (which is the greatest dignity) is, that the wise command the ignorant; and the seventh, is that which cometh by lot and by the grace of God; so as he that is chosen by lot, commandeth and reigneth, and he that faileth of it, is bound to obey. The qualities of a good Emperor. Cicero speaking of Pompey, saith, that a good emperor (that is to say, a good general of a field) must have the skill of chivalry and feats of arms, virtue, authority, and felicity. He must be painful in affairs, hardy in dangers, skilful in devising things, quick in performing, and of good providence to foresee. Titus Livius saith, that the great captain Hannibal was wonderful hardy in putting himself to the perils of war, and very resolute in the midst of danger; that neither his body nor his mind were forewearied with travel, that he patiently abode both heat and cold alike, that he measured his eating and drinking rather by natural appetite, than by pleasure; that for sleeping or waking▪ he made no difference between day and night; but look what time remained unto him from doing of his business, he bestowed it in taking his rest, not upon a soft featherbed in some place far from noise, but ordinarily lying upon the ground covered with a soldiers cassock, among the warders, & the whole troops of the men of arms. When he went among the horsemen or the footmen, he marched always foremost, and was the first that gave the onset, and when the fight was ended, he was the hindermost in the retreat. Plutarch treating of Sertorius saith, that in matters civil he was gentle and courteous, and in matters of war he was of great fierceness and forecast. He was never seen surprised with fear or joy, but like as in most peril he was void of fear, so in his prosperity he was very moderate. He gave not place in hardiness to any of his time, nor for valiantness, in fight, nor for settled resolution in all sudden adventures. When any enterprise was to be done that required good advise, or skill to choose the advantage of some place of strong situation to lodge in, or to give battle, or to pass a river, or to shift off some mishap, & that for the doing thereof there behoved great sleight, or the working of some policy, and the giving of some gleek to the enemy, in due time & place, he was a most excellent craftsmaster. Besides all this, he was liberal & magnificent in rewarding honourable deeds of arms, and meeld and merciful in punishing misdeeds. He was not subject to his belly, neither did he drink out of measure, no not even when he had no business to do. In time of most vacation he was wont from his very youth to put himself to great travel, to make long journeys, to pass many nights together without sleep, to eat little, & to be contented with such meats as came first to hand. And when he was at leisure, he was always either riding, or hunting, or running, or walking abroad in the fields. I have inserted this the more at length, to the intent it may serve for a pattern to Princes that intent to prosper, and to perform their charge happily. Now let us come to a king. The Latin word Rego, (whereof cometh Rex, which betokeneth a king) signifieth to rule or govern. And so a king is nothing else but a ruler or governor of people. Likewise Homer termeth him sometime the Garnisher, and sometime the herdman or shepherd of the people, because he ought to be careful for his people, King's are herdmen and shepherds of their people. as the shepherd is for his sheep, and to watch over them as the shepherd doth over his flock, that no man do them wrong. And (as Plutarch saith) a good prince is like a shepherds dog, which is always in fear, not for himself, but least the wolf should fall upon the sheep, and so is a good Prince in fear, not for himself, but least any evil should befall his subjects. Aristotle in his third book of matters of State, saith▪ There are four sorts of kingdoms, the first is, where the king hath no sovereign authority, further than in matters of war, and in sacrificing; of which sort, were the kings of Sparta, or Lacedaemon: and this manner of kingdom is as a perpetual captainship, matched with sovereign authority of life and death, such as Agamemnon had, who did put up injuries when he sat at counsel, but had power to put whom he listed to death when he was in arms. And of such kingdoms some go by inheritance, and other some by election. The second sort of kingdoms are those that go both by inheritance and election, the which notwithstanding approacheth unto tyranny, saving that the keeping thereof is kinglike, that is to say, the Kings are guarded by their own subjects, whereas the tyrants are guarded by strangers. And the kings command by law, and are obeyed with good will: whereas the tyrant's reign altogether by constraint. Insomuch that the one sort are guarded by their own citizens or countrymen, and the other by strangers, against the countrymen. The third is Barbarous, not for that it is against law, but for that it is not in custom, of which sort was the government of the Mitylenians, which chose Pittacus against their banished people. And the fourth sort is that which was used in the time of the noble princes, whom the Greeks called Heroes, who usurped not dominion by force, but had it bestowed upon them by the people, of good will, delivered over afterward lawfully to their successors. They intended to the wars, and to church-matters, and therewithal judged matters of controversy. Of these four sorts of kingdoms he maketh a fift, which is, when one commandeth absolutely. This kind agreeth most to our time, specially in this country, where the king commandeth absolutely, howbeit without infringing the law, for than were it not kinglike, but tyranlike. And according to Aristotle, What a king is. when a Prince reigneth without law, it is all one as if a wild beast reigned. A King than is a sovereign Prince that reigneth over a people, not seeking his own peculiar profit, but the profit of his subjects. This manner of reigning is like to household government; for although the master of the house do overrule his train and his servants at his pleasure, yet notwithstanding he regardeth above all things the welfare of his family: even so a good king is to have an eye most principally to the welfare and benefit of his household, namely of his subjects. For upon them dependeth his own welfare, as the welfare of the master of a household dependeth upon his meinie and servants. A king must command his subjects as a father doth his children. One being asked upon a time what a prince was to do, that he might reign well; said, He must command his subjects as a father commandeth his children; for the father commandeth not his children any thing, but that which is for their welfare. In this respect Homer called Jupiter Father of Gods and men, according to the saying of our Lord, who hath taught us to call the sovereign Monarch, (I mean the aeternal God) Our father; and not our king and our Lord: whereby he teacheth us, that the true sovereignty is that which resembleth the sovereignty of fathers, and that the true subjects are those that resemble children. * The just commandment of the prince, and the just obedience of the subjects, are answerable either to other, & cannot be separated. All such as have written of government, say; that a kingdom well ordered consisteth but in two points, namely in the just commandment of the Prince, and in the due obedience of the subjects. And if either of them both fail, it is like the separation of the soul and the body, in the life of man; as king Francis the first, right excellently declared to the men of Rochel, in the year of our Lord, five hundred forty three. Isocrates in the instruction which he giveth to Nicocles, saith thus; It is to no purpose for you to have fair horses, and fair hounds, if ye take no pleasure of them, ne love them: so is it also to no purpose for a prince to have such subjects as he desireth, if he take no pleasure in dealing well with them. And as the same author saith; Those kingdoms and states of government continue long, which are chary over the welfare of their people. The treasure of a good prince that loveth his subjects, is in the houses of his subjects; and it is a common saying, That the poverty of a prince appeareth by the poverty of his subjects; but when they be well at ease, and wealthy, then is the prince to be deemed rich. The mark of a tyrant. Therefore the mark of a tyrant, whom Homer termeth, A devourer of his people, is to be seen in the poverty of the subjects, for that he fleeceth them to enrich those that are about him, namely the ministers of his pleasures, and of his evil lusts; which thing causeth all men to hate him, and to shun him as a witless beast, so that for his reward he hath the indignation of God, and hatred of man, a short life, and a perpetual shame: whereas the reward of a good Prince, that keepeth the laws, honoureth uprightness, and judgeth according to justice, is to live and reign long time, as Moses affirmeth. Which thing Philo laying forth at large▪ saith, That although a prince die in body, yet liveth he still for ever by his virtues, which cannot be abolished or defaced by death. A kingdom. A kingdom therefore is a public state, wherein one only commandeth, having respect to the commonweal. Tyranny. The contrary whereof is tyranny, which is a monarchy that respecteth alonely the profit of the monarch. The state of a king, because it respecteth the common profit▪ & by that means draweth the hearts of the people unto it, is durable, and is upheld by the only friendship of the subjects. Contrariwise, because a Tyrant is like a roaring lion and a hunger-starven bear (as Solomon saith in his proverbs) and in that respect is not ordinarily beloved of his people, nor of any good men, therefore he is feign to keep a guard of strangers about him, to make men fear him and obey him by force, which force of his maketh him the more behated. For the maintaining of which guard, he is feign to be at great charges, which is a cause that he becometh the more odious, by his charging and grieving of the people. The way to win love. And therefore a certain Gymnosophist of India being asked of Alexander, by what means he might make himself most beloved, answered wisely: By being very good, and by dealing so as men should not stand in fear of him. For fear is an ill preserver of the thing that is to continue. And it is apparent, that such men endure but a little while, for as soon as the patience of the people beginneth to fail, by and by those princes lose their children and their state: as it befell to Denis the tyrant of Siracuse, and divers other like. Unjustice is the cause of the alteration of states. For (as saith Ecclesiasticus) a kingdom is transferred from one nation to another, for the unjustice, the injuries, the extortions, and the frauds that are diversly committed. Paulus iovius speaking of Ishmael sophy, saith, That after he had recovered his grandfathers kingdom, by the favour of the provinces that were greatly affectioned towards him, he released the tribute incontinently; being always of opinion, that the good will of men (which is easily won by liberality & justice) was the surest strength of a kingdom; and (to his seeming) it was not the part of a good king, but of a proud Potentate and new upstart, to reign lordlike over the only goods of his people, when the hearts of them all were estranged from him by the grievousness of tributes. The kingdom that is maintained by friendly dealing, is stronger than that which is upheld by force. therefore I will conclude, that the kingdom which is maintained by favourable means, is much more strong and durable, than that which is upheld by force. Which thing Philip king of Macedonia perceiving, sought by all means he could, to continue in friendship with the Greeks, notwithstnading that he was oftentimes constrained to use force, in bereaving them of their liberty. And upon a time when he was counseled by his faithfullest servants, to set Garrisons in all the cities of Greece that he had conquered, he would not take knowledge of it, saying, he had liefer to be esteemed a good man for a long time, than to be king or a lord for a short time, because he thought that the sovereignty which is held by love is durable, whereas the sovereignty that is held by violence & terror, cannot continue any long time. At another time, having gotten the possession of a certain place in Peloponnesus, he deliberated a long time whether he should keep it, or leave it to the Messenians, wherein he asked the advice of Aratus and Demetrius. The opinion of Demetrius was, That he should hold fast the ox by both the horns; meaning, that he should easily keep the country of Peloponnesus, if he had the said town which was called Ithomata, together with Acrocorinth, which he had already. But Aratus after long thinking upon the matter said thus, Sir, the Phocenses have many cities, and so have also the Acarnanians, all well fortified, as well in the firm land, as upon the Sea-cost: of all these you shall not enjoy any, and yet notwithstanding they fail not to do whatsoever you command them, without compulsion. The outlaws are in the rocks and mountains, No castle so strong as good will. and there they hold themselves strong: but unto a king there is no castle more strong and sure, than good will. Also counsel was given to Antigonus, to place a good garrison in Athens, to keep it from revolting any more, and to make it as a bulwark against all Greece, but he answered, That there was not a better bulwark, than the love of the people. The best bulwark is the people's love. And as Plutarch saith in the life of Aratus, The surest guard that a great lord can have, is the true and constant good will of his subjects. For when the nobility & communality of a country are wont to be afraid, not of him, but for him that governeth them, than doth he see with many eyes, and hear with many ears, and perceiveth a far off, whatsoever is done. And therefore there is more profit and more honour also in being a king, than in being a tyrant. And as it is God's commandment and will, that the prince should have a singular care and regard of the welfare and benefit of his people, because he is chosen to be unto them a defender and protector: so on the contrary part, he is forbidden by the mouth of Solomon, to pill and oppress the poor, because they be succourless. For the Lord (saith he) will take their cause in hand, & will deal roughly with such as have dealt roughly with them. CHAP. III. Of the three sorts of government, and which of the three is the best. FOrasmuch as we treat of the state of government, we must not suffer a very common thing to pass in silence, which yet (to my seeming) ought not to be omitted, namely, that there be three sorts of civil governments approved in the world; whereof the one is called by the general name of a Publike-weale, wherein all men as well poor as rich, noble as unnoble, are admitted to govern by turn. Another is called aristocracy, which is compacted of some small number of noblemen, and men of reputation, who bear all the sway. And the third is the monarchy, or kingdom, wherein all things are at the commandment of one alone. These three sorts of government, because they tend all to the welfare of the whole state, are all allowable, and many like well to be under them, some under one, and some under another, according as the humours of people be diversly disposed. As for example, The Egyptians could not abide to be without a king, and the Athenians could not endure to have a king. The contraries to these three sorts of government are faulty and reproved; namely Democracie, the contrary to a Publike-weale: wherein the people bear all the sway alone, and carry all the credit, without calling the nobility and gentlemen to counsel. Oligarkie, the contrararie to aristocracy; which is the government of some few men, that convert all things to their own profit: and tyranny the contrary to a kingdom, which is the government of one alone that doth all things at his pleasure, without reforming himself to law and reason. To say which of the said three good states is the best, it is a hard matter; The praise of aristocracy. yet notwithstanding many men prefer aristocracy before the kingdom, because it is not ruled by the discretion of any one transitory man, upon the valour whereof the welfare of the whole state might depend, but it is governed by the immortal counsel of an everlasting senate. For it is a rare matter to find any one man so fully perfect & worthy to reign. And as Nicholas Foscarin of Venice said, King's do not so easily resist their lusts as private persons do. Kings do not easily resist their own lusts as private persons do; because that in as much as they be customably honoured in their kingdoms, and are heard and obeyed in the twinkling of an eye, they be not only highminded and insolent, but also impatient if they obtain not whatsoever seemeth just unto them; and to their seeming, all things is just that they desire; bearing themselves in hand, that with one word they can put away all impediments, and overcome the nature of all things; nay, they think it a shame for them to shrink from their inclinations, for any difficulties; taking counsel, not of discretion & reason, but of their own will & stateliness. And as Soderin Gonfalonier of Florence said; (when he moved the Florentines to take a part, and not to be newtors any more) Princes think themselves wronged when they be denied their requests, & fly upon every man that followeth not their will, and hazardeth not his state together with theirs. The commendation of the state of a kingdom. But if they be such as they ought to be, undoubtedly it is the greatest good turn that can befall to a realm, and most resembling God, who by his everlasting providence, reigneth alone over the whole world. And it is also conformable and drawing near to our nature, wherein we see one that overruleth all the rest; for if we consider our body, we see it is overruled by a soul, which giveth moving to all the members, without the which, the body is but as a block. Among our members we have a heart, which is (as you would say) the Prince and king of all the rest. And in the mind, reason beareth chief rule. The Bees have their king. In an army there is a general that commandeth, and in a ship there is a Pilot that guideth it. Rome could not abide two brothers reigning together. Esau and Jacob strove even in their mother's womb. In the church-government one only bishop or metropolitan commandeth. In a house there is but one master, the residue are but servants, obeying the commandments of the master of the house. And therefore he that would have altered the kingdom of Sparta into a popular state, came short; insomuch that Agesilaus said unto him, It was meet that he should first 'stablish a popular state in his own house: doing us to understand, that that form of government which a man would be loath to have in his house, is not meet to be in a city or country. For (as saith Aristotle) A city is nothing else but a great household. To the same purpose did Homer say, That the government of many was nothing worth, and that more than one governor needed not. After the death of Cambyses, when the Princes of Persia had expulsed the Magies, who had invaded the empire, they assembled together, to consult how they might thenceforth govern the State. In this meeting there were three sundry opinions. One was of Othanes, who said there needed no king to be chosen, but that the affairs of the realm were to be managed by all men in common, and every man ought to be left at his own liberty, without subjection to any one, because it is ordinarily seen, Sole government maketh men insolent. that a sole sovereign becometh insolent, and that if he be displeased, he may satisfy his insolency to the full. Megabysus was of the contrary opinion, saying that such liberty is more dangerous than Tyranny, because that if the noblemen and cities should be without a sovereign lord, they might abuse that liberty at their pleasure. And therefore he thought it good, that neither the cities themselves, nor the whole multitude of the nobility, should have the managing of the public affairs; but that the doing thereof should be committed to some certain number of good and virtuous Princes, which should have the governing of the State, and be obeyed as a king of all the rest. But Darius liked none of both those advises, because that if all men should be at liberty, without obedience to any, it could not continue long, forsomuch as it was not possible, that a multitude of free lords could any long time agree among themselves; and to take any small number of them to rule the State, it was also unconvenient, because there would rise innumerable matters, wherein the princes would not be all of one mind; and moreover, there would always be some one or other that would attempt to control the rest, which thing would breed dissension among them, and finally the ruin of the State. And therefore he was of opinion that of all the kinds of government, there was not a better than the monarchy. The which advise of his, kingdoms have passed all other states of government, both in largeness of dominion, & in length of time. all the rest of the princes followed. Of a very truth we see, that neither the State of aristocracy, nor the State of Democracie, have attained to like greatness as kingdoms have, saving only Rome for the largeness of empire, and Venice, for continuance of time. For, as for Lacedaemon and Athens, their dominions extended but a little way, notwithstanding that the one of them made their power to be seen in the lesser Asia, and the other became terrible to the Persians. But above all other, A commendation of the popular state. the popular government is most unwieldy, because it is full of ignorance and confusedness of people; whose nature (as said Bellifarius) is to move by rage, rather than by reason; and who (as saith Guicciardine) grounding themselves upon deceitful and vain hopes, & being furious in their dealings, when danger is far off, and quite out of courage when peril doth approach, are not in any wise to be ruled or restrained. And (as Philip of Navarre was wont to say) there is not any certain stay in a commonalty; & for that cause he would not trust the Parisians, nor come within their city, what show of good will soever they were able to make; persuading himself that he could not be in sufficient surety, among so great a number of people of so divers humours. Which thing the senate of Rome considering, chose rather to give their people Tribunes, than to give unto them the reins of authority without a magistrate. People are more tractable having a head, than being without a head. For although the power of the tribunes was overgreat, yet thought they it better than the over-vehement and boisterous power of the people; who become more tractable when they have a head, than when they be without one; For a head considereth the danger, but the people cast no peril at all. The popular government is hard to be dealt with; for it is a beast with many heads, which doth good unto them that would it evil, and requite evil to them that do it good. The reward of such as serve in popular state. As the Athenians did to Miltiades, whom in recompense of the good which he had done them in delivering them from a dangerous siege, and in vanquishing ten hundred thousand Persians, himself having but ten thousand men, they amerced at a great fine, keeping him in prison till he had fully paid it, and finally banished him out of the country. They did as much to Themistocles, Aristides, Alcibiades, and other good captains of their city, whereof anon after ensued their own decay. We know how James of artevill governed the people of Gaunt in his time, and what power and authority he had over them, and how he was beloved of all; and yet nevertheless they put him to death upon a small suspicion, and would not so much as hear his reasons. They did as much to john Boulle, one of their captains, because that without cause and without likelihood, they had wrongfully surmised of him, that he had brought them into an ambush, upon secret compact with the Earl of Flaunders; and he was not permitted to show his reasons and excuses. For without hearing him, they drew him out of his lodging into the street, and there hewed him into small pieces, every man carrying away a piece that could come by it. Therefore Demosthenes, who was banished Athens as others had been, considering how Athens was dedicated to Minerva, said; O Pallas, what meanest thou to entertain so wicked and foul beasts, as a night-owle, a dragon, and a popular government? for unto Pallas were these things dedicated. And Aristides the best man of life that ever was in Athens, upbraided the Athenians with their rashness, who had condemned him for excecuting his charge faithfully, in not suffering the common treasure to be rob & spoiled, and had had him in great love and estimation, when he winked at the pilferies which he saw committed, as though he had then worthily & faithfully discharged his duty. For a multitude is hard to be ruled, and other counsel is there none with them, than such as they bring of themselves, misconceived, misunderstood, misjudged by passions; neither is there any thing so unequal in a commonweal, as that is which they call equality of persons. All is there equal and even, saving their minds, which are as far at odds as may be. And yet notwithstanding, because things go by the number of voices, without weighing them otherwise, they pass always with the most number, that is to say, with the foolishest opinion. In the city of Athens, wise men propound, and fools judge. By reason whereof, Anacharsus said, that in the city of Athens, wise men propounded matters, and fools judged of them. And Photion whenever agreed in opinion with the common people, having in open assembly delivered an opinion that was liked of the whole multitude, insomuch that all the standers-by yielded to his advise; turned himself to his friends and asked them, whether some fond thing had not escaped him in his speech unawares. As touching the commonweal of Rome, albeit that the Romans had conquered the whole world by battle, yetnotwithstanding they were oftentimes ill governed, for all their good policy. For after that the kings were once expulsed, the city was never without quarrels, some while against the ten commissioners; another while the people against the senate, and the senate against the people; one while against the tribunes, and another while against the consuls: and nothing did ever uphold and maintain the city so much and so long, as the foreign wars, which caused them to compound their quarrels at home, without the doing whereof they could never have continued; for as soon as they had any vacation from foreign wars, by and by they lost their liberty, and found from that time forth, that the opinion of Scipio Nasica was grounded upon great reason, when he would not that Carthage should have been destroyed, that it might have kept Rome still in her rigo●t wirs, for in very deed, their covetousness and ambition bred cruel dissensions among them, which in the end did bring the overthrow of their State. Whether dissension be requisite in a common weal or no. And therefore I will not say but that disagreements are often times necessary in a house, a kingdom, or a coimmon-weale, and that (as Onomademus said after the rebellon of the Island Chios) it is not behooveful to make clean riddance of ell enemies, for fear lest there should be dissension among friends. I am fully persuaded it is not amiss to suffer some enemies to spite one another, as well for the reason aforementioned, as also for that the enemies by their crossing one another, do discover their own lewdness, covetousness, and ambition, to the benefit of the prince and of the commonweal; and yet notwithstanding are afraid to do evil, least men should espy their doings and behaviour. And (as saith Plutarch in the life of Pompey) the disagreement of two mighty citizens that are at variance among themselves, upholds the common weal in equal balance, like a staff that is equally charged at both the ends, so as it cannot sway one way or other. But come they once to join in one body, & to knit themselves together in one, than it maketh so great an inclination or sway, as no man can withstand; insomuch that in the end, The friendship of Caesar and Pompey was the overthrow of the commonweal. they turn all things upside down, & therefore unto such as went about, complaining that the quarrel & enmity of Caesar and Pompey, had overthrown the commonweal, Cato said that they overshot themselves very greatly in saying so, because it was not their discord and enmity, but rather their friendship and good agreement that was the first and principal cause thereof. When Pope July had made a league with the Venetians and the king of Arragon, against the Frenchmen, many men commended his dealing, as whereby he meant to drive away the Frenchmen at the costs of the Spaniards, in hope to drive away the Spaniards afterward, when they had been tired already by the Frenchmen. But the best advised sort found this counsel to be pernicious unto Italy, saying; that sith it was the hard hap of Italy, to have both the ends thereof possessed by strangers, it was better for the country to have them both continue there still, (because that as long as the one king was able to weigh even with the other, those that were not yet entered into bondage, should be able to maintain their own liberty) than that the Italians should be at wars among themselves, by means whereof so long as such wars continued, the parties that were yet whole and sound should be torn in pieces by sacking, burning, and other miserable inconveniences, and finally he that gained the goal, would punish the whole country with the harder and irkesomer bondage. That was the cause why Pope Clement turned to the French kings side, bearing himself in hand, that as long as the Emperor and the king continued both in Italy, the Apostolic sea should be upheld by the power of either of them; and therefore he would not suffer the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan to fall both into one hand. Small dissensions forasmuch as they be intermingled both with peril and profit, cannot overthrow a state, but when the dissension is great, Great dissension between overgreat personages is dangerous to a state. and between great persons, it maketh strange tragedies, as did the dissensions between Marius and Silla, Pompey and Caesar. For having once gained and drawn unto them the whole city of Rome, and having weapon in hand, and men of war at commandment, they could hardly eschew, that their discord should not procure the ruin of the state. The enmity that was between Aristides and Themistocles, had like to have overthrown the state of Athens: and when upon a time they had nothing prevailed in an assembly by their quarelings, Themistocles returning thence in a great rage, said; that the commonweal of Athens could not continue in good state, unless that he himself and Aristides were both cast down. The envy that some citizens bare unto Alcibiades, was a cause of the destruction of Athens. Likewise the state of Florence was in short time overthrown by such partake. The Romans in time of danger chose a dictator that had sovereign authority; but he was not to continue any long time, for fear lest his overgreat authority should turn into tyranny. When Cicero was consul, there was given unto him a greater authority than ordinary, in these words namely, That he should have a special care of the commonweal, that it incurred not any danger; and this was at such time as they perceived the conspiracy of Catiline to hang over their heads. Cicero in this his time of authority, did put many noble men of Rome to death, being first atteinted and convicted of high treason, which thing he could not otherwise have done. The senate perceiving that the magistrates of Rome did not their duties, and that all went to havoc, determined to choose Pompey to be Consul alone, to reform the commonweal: and of that mind also were Bibulus and the younger Cato, howbeit that they liked not of Pompey's behaviour and trade of life, saying it was much better to have a magistrate, be what he be may, than to have none at all. The absolute government is best and most certain. And this their using of the absolute manner of government by one alone in the times of danger, doth show that they liked better of it, and esteemed it to be better and more certain, than the manner of government that was in Athens; and that they abhorred not so much the thing itself, as the name thereof. Also Mithridates king of Pontus said, That the Romans hated their kings, because they were such as they were ashamed of, as namely shepherds, birdgazers, soothsayers, outlaws, Bondmen, and (which was the fairest title of all) vainglorious and Proud. The Carthaginenses likewise had but one general captain of war, whom they changed oftentimes. Contrariwise the Athenians chose many captains at once, The Athenians had many Captains. kingdoms have been of longer continuance, and made greater conquests than any other state of government. to lead their forces of war. In respect whereof, Alexander marveled how the Athenians could find every year ten captains, seeing that he himself in all his lands, could find but one good captain, which was Parmenio. Also we see that commonweals have not made so great conquests as Monarchies have done, except the commonweal of Rome, which brought all kingdoms under the dominion thereof: But for that one commonweal, ye have many kingdoms which have had greater possessions, and have kept them a longer time. As for example, the kingdom of Assyria had more kingdoms and countries under the dominion thereof, than ever had the city of Rome. The Roman empire lasted partly at Rome, and partly at Constantinople, about fifteen hundred years. The Empire of Almain (which began under Otho the second, about two hundred years after the coronation of Charlemagne) hath continued unto this day: but yet in some things it savoureth of the aristocracy. The kingdom of France hath endured about a twelve hundred years. As for the dominion of Venice, the government whereof is an aristocracy, is the Paragon of all commonweals in the world, as which alonely may vaunt that it hath maintained his state the longest time of all others, howbeit with such good laws as were able to preserve it, as they well showed unto one of their citizens, whom they dispatched out of his life without speaking any word unto him, only because he was of authority and credit to appease a certain sedition or mutiny among the men of war in their city. And to say the truth, the thing that overthrew the state of Rome, was the overgreat authority which they suffered their citizens to bear. Of a Tyrant. Now then, as a good king is a right excellent thing, so when he becometh a tyrant, he is as excessive a mischief. For the man that is set in that authority, hath power over men's persons to dispose of them at his pleasure: as Samuel told the Israelits when they chose their first king. And (as said Othanes) he perverteth the laws and the customs of the country, he ravisheth women, and he putteth folk to death without sentence of condemnation. If ye commend him modestly, he is discontented that ye do it not excessively: and if you commend him out of measure, he is offended as though ye did it of flattery. Polycrates the tyrant of the Isle of Samos, made war upon all his neighbours without any respect; saying that he pleasured his friend the more in restoring to him that which he had taken from him, than if he had not taken ought from him first. Nevertheless, it behoveth a Prince to think that if he forget himself and do not his duty, ne performeth his charge as he ought to do; beside, that he shall yield an account for it before him that gave him that charge, A Tyrant seldom leaveth his kingdom to his posterity. he shall not leave his kingdom to his posterity. Which thing Denis the tyrant of Siracuse did his son to understand, rebuking him for the adulteries and other crimes that he had committed, and declaring unto him, that he himself had not used such manner of dealing when he was of that age. Whereunto his son answered him, that he had not had a king to his father: neither shall you (quoth his father) have a king to your son, except you do better. And as he had said, so it came to pass. Peter king of Castille, for his tyranny and wicked demeanour towards his subjects, was first driven out of his realm by his bastard-brother, aided with the help of such as hated Peter; and afterward when he had recovered it again, by the means of the black Prince, as soon as his brother the bastard came again with any force, all the country revolted from him to the bastard, and the Spaniards that were with him would neither put on armour nor mount on horseback at his commandment; by reason whereof, he was feign to crave succour of strangers, and yet notwithstanding he lost the battle, & with the battle, both his kingdom and his life. Alfons the younger, king of Naples, having done many tyrannical deeds, fled dishonourably out of his kingdom at the coming of Charles the 8. king of France; and (as Guicciardine reporteth) being tormented with the sting of his own conscience, found no rest of mind day nor night: for a night-times, those whom he had wronged appeared unto him in his sleep; & a day-times, he saw his people making insurrection against him, to be revenged. His son also to whom he left the kingdom, felt himself pinched with the sins of his predecessors: for the Neapolitans forsook him as well as his father, Why Tyrants are murdered rather than private householders, being both of them wicked. & turned to the French kings side. We see what befell to Roboam the son of king Solomon, for exacting too much upon his subjects; & to the duke of Guienne, (commonly called the black Prince) for raising a fowage in the country of Aquitane. Marcus Aurelius said, that the cause why God suffered wicked Princes to be murdered, rather than other wicked men, is for that the private man's naughtiness hurteth but himself and his own family, for want of ability to extend his naughtiness any further; but the Prince that is tyrannous and wicked, overthroweth the whole commonweal. To conclude, the tyrannical dominion is very dangerfull and noisome to all the people: but the kingdom that is governed according to law, passeth all other states of government, be it in comfort of the people, or in the durableness of itself, or in making of great conquests. CHAP. four Whether the State of a kingdom, or the State of a Publike-weale be the ancienter. Many be of opinion, that the kingly authority had his beginning from the people, and that the state of a Publike-weale was afore the state of a King. Of that opinion is Cicero in his books of Duties, saying that Kings were chosen at the first, for the good opinion that men had of them. And in another place he saith, That when folk found themselves harried and trodden underfoot by the richersort, they were constrained to have recourse to some man of excellent prowess, to defend them from the oppression of the mightier sort, and to maintain both great and small in a kind of equality. Of the same opinion likewise is Aristotle. Because the men of old time (saith he, were benefactors to the commonalty, either by the invention and practice of arts, or by making wars in their behalf, or by assembling them together into corporations, and by allotting them their territories; the multitude did willingly create them Kings, & so they conveyed their kingdoms over by succession to their posterities. Pliny saith, that the Athenians were the first that brought up the popular government, which nevertheless had been used long afore by the Jews, as Josephus witnesseth in his books of their antiquities. Indeed Thucydides in his first book of the wars of Peloponnesus, saith, that when the country of Greece was become rich by reason of the navigations, there stepped up every day new tyrants in the cities, by reason of the greatness of their revenues. For afore that time, the kings came in by Succession, and had their authorities, prerogatives, and pre-eminences limited. Whereby he doth us to understand, that kingdoms were afore commonweals, as indeed there is great likelihood that the state of a king was the foremost. And it is not to be doubted, but the first men that were after the the flood, when the earth was repeopled again, did rule the lands which they possessed, first in their own households, and afterward (when they were increased) in governing the whole offspring that came of their race, as we see was done by Sem, Cham, Japhet, Janus, Gomer, Samothes, and such others, of whom some reigned in the West, and some in the East. And Nembroth of Cham's lineage, Nembroth the first King. was the first that troubled his neighbours, by making war upon them, and the first that made himself a king, as S. john Chrisostome affirmeth upon the ninth of Genesis. For afore that time time there could be no king, because there were no store of people to be subjects. Also Abraham having a great household, took three hundred and eighteen of his own men, and pursuing those that had spoiled Lot, discomfited them. The fathers of old time therefore having many slaves and servants, which were multiplied afterward with the increase of their issue, had them at commandment as a King hath his subjects. And of this opinion seemeth Justine to be, in his abridgement of Trogus Pompeius; who saith in his first book, That at the beginning every nation and every city was governed by kings; and that such as had none of their own, did choose one, either for the good opinion which they had of the person whom they chose, or for some good turn which they had received at his hand, or else for that they felt themselves misused by their head, whom they themselves had set over them, as it befell by the sons of Samuel, whose unjust behaviour caused the Jews to demand a King. Here is a fair field offered me, for the discoursing of this matter on either side, but it shall suffice me to have had this speech following at a glance. CHAP. v Whether it be better to have a king by Succession, or by Election. SOme there are that demand, whether it be more behoveful and expedient for the welfare of a people, to have a king by Election, or by Succession. For if ye proceed by Election, it is to be presumed, that ye will choose the best, namely such a one as hath made good proof of himself, and is known to be wise, fortunate, and valeant. Or if ye let it go by Succession, it may be that the king shall be young, of small experience, and of little understanding. And therefore Alexander knowing the duty of a king, said; He would leave his kingdom to the worthiest. Pyrrhus' being asked of his children to whom he would leave his kingdom, answered, To him that of you all hath the sharpest sword; as if he should say, to him that is the most valeant. Whosoever would maintain this opinion, should have reasons enough to uphold and defend it. Yet notwithstanding we ought to rest upon the custom of the country, and not to serve from it. Such as are wont to choose their king, do well and worthily therein. And yet the granting of a kingdom to go by Succesion, which also is a very general custom in most countries, Elections are causes of great wars. is not to be misliked. For oftentimes it falleth out, that Elections are a cause of many wars, as we have seen in the Roman emperors. In the kingdom that goes by inheritance there is no cause of war. On the other side, when the kingdom goeth by succession, there is no quarrel or ciull war, because it is known who ought to be king. For that cause did Ge●srike appoint by his will, that his children should exceed one another in the kingdom, so that after the death of his eldest son, dying without issue, the eldest next him should succeed. And as long as that order was observed among them, the kingdom continued in the race of Gensrike; as witnesseth Jordane in his history of the Goths. Moreover, a father is desirous to leave all things in best order to his children, the which thing tendeth always to the public commodity. Contrariwise they that are chosen, endeavour rather to diminish than to enlarge their kingdoms, because they shall not leave them to their heirs; and therefore they labour to draw all things to their own peculiar profit, that they may leave to their family some fruit of the kingdom whereto they were come; and therewithal they be bound to favour and recompense their Electors, which cannot be done without expenses and charges to the commonweal. And it will not serve the purpose to say, that oftentimes it falleth out, that kings are young and under age, and consequently without authority, and without ability to govern themselves, and much less their people; or else that they be witless, or out of their wits, which is worse. For it is well known, that nothing is so well ordered in this world, nor any law so well established, which may not admit some inconvenience. But in this case the incounenience is such, A King that is under age ruleth by his counsel. as may easily be remedied. For if a king be young, he hath a counsel, by whom oftentimes he ruleth better than some old man that will needs do all things on his own head; as we read of Josias, who was crowned at seven years of age, and reigned forty years, in which time he did not any thing which was not to be done; so as the minority of his age, made him not to be the less honoured & regarded. Hereof we have record in little Europus king of Macedonia, the presence of whom (notwithstanding that he lay in his cradle) caused his subjects to win the battle; and the Macedonians said all with one voice, That when they fled afore, they wanted not courage, but their king; in whose presence they fought as manfully, as if he had been of discretion to have marked them that did well. And although we have sometimes had wars by reason of the minority and debility of our kings as it happened in the times of S. Lewis, of Charles the sixth, and lastly of the late king Charles whom God pardon; yet may we well avow, that we never had so much harm thereby, as the Romans had by their wicked emperors, that came in by Election, yea even by the best taught of them, as Heliogabalus was, who being trained up in all duties of honour and godliness, by Varia Mesa, did nevertheless become one of the wickedest creatures under the sun. Wicked kings are sent of God for the sins of the people. And therefore we may well say, that it cometh of God's will, who according to his threatening of the Israelites in old time, sendeth us babes or fools to be our governors, when he listeth to punish us, and oftentimes princes well brought up, but yet abiding in their wicked and il-disposed nature, such as were Tiberius, Nero, Caligula, and infinite other more. Nevertheless there is this difference, that the king which is of tender years, or simple-witted, hath his counsel, which notwithstanding that they be oftentimes at odds among themselves, omit not for all that, to give him good counsel in most things. But as for the Prince that is of a froward nature, he believeth nothing but that which is of his own head; neither giveth he himself to any thing else than to do mischief. I know well that the minority of a prince is oftentimes the cause of many dissensions & partake for the government: The state of the time and of affairs, causeth civil wars. and that men stand not in so great awe of him, as of an elder person, that is well advised. But yet the state of the time and of affairs, doth more in that behalf, than all other things. For if they happen under a prince that is young or simple-witted, they procure great tragedies; and yet for all that they fail not to step in also even under a king that is man-growne and well advised. If Robert of Artois (who was the cause of all the misfortune that we had in France, by the Englishmen) had been in the time of a young prince, men would have said, that the small regard which he had of the prince's age, had made him to despise him. And yet nevertheless, having to do with a king of full age and well experienced aforehand, he forbore not for all that, to make open war upon him, and to cause the English men to come into France, upon a choler and despite, for that Philip of Valois had adjudged the earldom of Artoys to his aunt. The king of Navarre had to do with a king of sufficient years, & with such a one as had not then tasted of such misfortune as he felt afterward by experience, and yet notwithstanding he forbore not to give many proud attempts against him, to slay his constable, and to refuse to be at his commandment, until the king had given him his son the Earl of Anjou in hostage. At such time as Charles the fift was regent of France, the same king of Navarre, being underpropped by certain seditious persons of Paris, forbore not to make war upon the said Charles, for all his wisdom, puissance, and good government. In the time of Charles the sixth, Private quarrels caused the wars under Charles the sixth. no such distresses & adversities had befallen in France, but for the jars that were between the houses of Burgundy and Orleans. And therefore we must not impute the misfortune, so much to the unskilfulness of the king, as to private quarrels, and to the troublesomeness of the time wherein he reigned, which was such, that if they had had never so sage a prince, he should have found himself very sore cumbered. After that Charles the seventh had recovered all France, he was not so greatly redoubted, nor so settled in peace, but there remained unto him some small civil wars. Lewis the eleventh was a prince of sufficient wisdom, forecast, and age, to guide himself; and yet he could not turn away the wars from the common weal, which had not happened under princes of unripe years. For the governors of a young prince durst not to have despised the great-men openly, nor to have defeated the ancient officers, as he did; whereof ensued evil unto him. What would have been said of the war in Germany, if it had happened under a simple witted Emperor, seeing it befell under a prince of government, fortunate, puissant, and well advised? Men have imputed our wars to the minority of the late king. But had he been much elder than he was, he could not have prevented them, seeing that to the discontentment of most men, the case stood upon the state of religion, a matter sufficient (being so intermeddled both with matters of state, and with private quarrels) to maintain the tragedies that we have seen. Therefore it behoveth us to yield unto custom, and to say with S. Paul, The hearts of kings are in the hand of God. That the power of a king cometh of God; and likewise with Solomon in his proverbs, That the heart of a king is in the hand of God; as is the course of waters, and that he inclineth them which way he listeth. Some men like well of the kingdom that goes by Election; and othersome mislike not of the kingdom that goes by Inheritance. Both in the one and in the other, there be divers inconveniences, and reasons enough both to commend them, and to discommend them. CHAP. vi Of the Education or bringing up of a Prince. Lycurgus' the lawmaker of Lacedaemon, being desirous to make his countrymen to love virtue, and intending to show them to the eye, as it were with his finger, that nature and custom be the means to attain thereto; upon a time when they were assembled altogether in a place, to consult of the affairs of the city, brought forth before all the company a couple of dogs, of one litter, of one dam, and of one sire; the which he had kept up so diversly, that the one of them being altogether given to hunting, was extremely sharp set upon the prey, and the other being accustomed to the kitchen, and to lick the dishes, had no desire at all to hunt. For proof whereof, when he had set before them a platter of porridge and a quick Hare, by and by the one of them ran after the Hare, and the other stepped to the porridge. Whereupon he said, Ye see here, O ye Lacedæmonians, how these two dogs being both of one dam, & yet diversly brought up do resemble their bringing up: even so trainment and custom are means of great importance, to engender virtue in men's hearts. Which thing we cannot but rightly say of the education of princes, Prince's cannot be virtuous unless they be learned. which ought to be better learned than other men, and to believe that they cannot be virtuous, if they be not learned; but are like to a piece of ground, which being never so good, becometh barren if it be not husbandred; and contrariwise doth bring forth good fruit, being well tilled and composted, though of itself it be very bad. The body that is strong foregoeth his strength for want of exercise; and contrariwise, the man that is feeble and of weak complexion, becometh strong by continuance of exercise and travel. Plutarch in his book of the bringing up of children, saith; That to make a man perfect in virtue, there behoveth three things to concur, namely; Nature, Reason, (that is to say, instruction or teaching) and custom or Excercise. It is no wonder therefore though such as have treated of the qualities that are requisite in Princes, having begun at their very cradle, & trained them up from their first infancy. For the time most fit and convenient for the doing thereof, is while they be yet tender & easy to bend; & of that first Education of theirs, will they have a taste ever after. For (as Horace saith) The bottle that hath liquor of good sent put into it at the first, will keep the tang thereof a long time. Among the authors of our time, Francis Petrarch hath written very largely thereof, teaching of the nursing of a prince, of his keeping of company, of his tutors and teachers, of the manner how to make him a god horseman, and consequently of good horses; of running, of wrestling, and of other exercises of the body; of shooting, of hunting, of hawking, and consequently of the nature of hawks; of playing at tennis, and other pastimes; of husbandry, of geography, and of cosmography. But my intent is not to train up a prince from his cradle to his tomb; but to gather such doings of theirs, as may serve them for good example, to the well governing of their people. Therefore as touching their bringing up, I refer me to the things which are written by the said Petrarke, and afore him by Zenophon, Isocrates, Plutarch, and many others. Only thus much I say, That the prince which hath children ought to be careful to bring them up well in learning and virtue. Good bringing up moderateth men's affections.. For (as Plutarch affirmeth in the comparison of Agis and Gracchus) good Education moderateth and stayeth a man's mind, not only in things of pleasure, by keeping him from passing the bounds of honesty and honour, in word or deed, but also in matters of anger; and in the greatest heats of ambition and of desire of honour. Philip king of Macedon vowed his son unto Aristotle as soon as he was borne, and afterward did put him happily into his hands; and he trained him up in philosophy. For good Education not only fashioneth a man, Good Education altereth a man's evil disposition. but also altereth his nature, as we read of Socrates, whom a professor of phisnomy deemed to be full of all vices: and when the man was blamed for his misdeeming; Socrates answered, that he had not failed in his Art, for by nature he said he was such a one as he reported him to be, but diligent heed and good Education had made him altogether another man. The schoolmaster of Themistocles beholding his ready and quick wit, told him aforehand, that he should one day do either some great good or some great harm to his commonweal. And in very deed, at the first he was of a wavering mind, troublesome, and fleeting. But afterward there was such a change in him, that when men asked him the cause of it, he answered, That fierce & rough horses become good if they be well taught & well and orderly handled in the breaking. Wild horses become good by well handling. Therefore the man that should be a prince's tutor, aught to be a man of skill, and in any wise very honest, to keep from him all flatterers, and to restrain him in his youth, from haunting the company of any other children, than of such as are honest and fear God; in which case men commonly fail. For they teach them to have a good grace, to entertain strangers courteously, to dance well and to ride well: but after this gear there must be no speech of learning. I say not that tutors of sufficient skill to instruct, are not given unto them: but that they stand them in no steed, And yet most commonly tutors are given them at the pleasure of such as sue for it to the Prince, who grawteth it unto his minions, without respecting the sufficiency of the person: wherein, as saith Plutarch, they deal in like sort, as if a sick man to gratify his friend, should leave the good and skilful physician that could heal him, and take one whose ignorance would rid him out of his life. Now then, it behoveth a prince to make his choice of the greatest parsonage, and of best estimation in his realm. For it is no small matter to draw youth to a custom, Good Education in youth is the root of all goodensse. when it is tender. For as saith Plutarch, Good Education and instruction in youth, is the fountain and root of all goodness. And like as Gardeners do stick up props by their young graffs, to hold them upright; even so do wise teachers plant good instructions and wholesome precepts about young princes, to direct their manners unto virtue. Therefore Solomon in his proverbs, commandeth us to train up a child at the first entrance of his way, that he may not go back from it when he is grown old. And in the seventh chapter of Ecclesiasticus, If thou have children, saith he, bring them up in learning, and bow them while they be young. Again, in the thirteeths chapter, Bow down his neck, saith he, in his youth, and smite him on the side while he is a child, lest he wax stubborn and hearken not unto thee: for he that nurtureth his child, shall have joy of him, yea and be commended for him among his household folk. A young prince of never so good a nature shall hardly do any great thing▪ being not trained up in virtue. For how good nature so ever a young prince be of, yet shall he hardly do any thing of valour, if he have not been trained and enured to virtue: as a horse that is not well broken, how good soever he be otherwise, becometh stubborn and cumbersome, and contrariwise a jadish and resty colt becometh a good horse, by well handling. My meaning is not to give him such a tutor of skill and virtue, as dareth not give him a cross word, nor make him to stand in awe of him, and to obey him in all friendly manner. For it were as good to have none at all, as to have a tutor that is unprofitable, that shall sing to one that is deaf, and point unto one that is blind, which yieldeth not his heart to his teacher's intent, and his ears to the words of wisdom, as Solomon saith in his proverbs. One demanded of a Philosopher, What was the cause that young men were undone? Because (saith he) their teachers forbore to compel them to do well. Plutarch in his book of the Education of princes, saith; That kings learn to do nothing well, but only to ride: and that is, because their schoolmasters which teach them, do flatter them, and not correct them: whereas the horse discerning not who it is that sitteth on his back, and therefore making no difference between a prince and a private person, spareth him not, but enforceth him to perform his charge, if he will not be in danger to be cast upon the ground. But as for the schoolmaster that teacheth a prince, he neither can nor will compel him to any thing, but letteth him do what he listeth; by reason whereof, a prince cannot be so well taught, as a man of meaner degree, that submitteth himself to correction. By what means a young prince is to be drawn to learning and virtue. nevertheless my meaning is not that the schoolmaster should use the rod towards him, otherwise than as a searing-iron is used in surgery, namely in cases of extreme necessity, when all other remedies fail; but that he should deal with the young prince by all kind of gentleness, & assay to draw him by favour, rather than by force; as by praising him when he doth well, & by dispraising him when he doth evil, which are more available means towards children that are borne in freedom, as well the one to draw them to well doing, as the other to withdraw them from doing ill, than all the whipping and scourging that can be. Nevertheless, when being yet young, he is wilful and stubborn, the schoolmaster is to be dispensed withal, to use that remedy. For as Solomon saith in his proverbs, The rod, and correction give wisdom. Folly is commonly tied to the heart of a child, but the chastisement of the rod riddeth him thereof; for the rod and correction give wisdom. Correct thy child, (saith Solomon) and he will give thee rest, yea and pleasure to thy heart. And in an other place, Withhold not chastisement from thy child, (saith he) for if thou smite him with the rod, he shall not die: if thou smite him with the rod, thou deliverest his soul from hell. Therefore it behoveth to give him good instruction in his youth, that his nature may be reform if it be evil, or maintained if it be good. A certain Philosopher being asked upon a time, Why many princes begin well and end ill. What was the cause that many princes begin well, and end ill? Princes, quoth he, begin well, because they be of good disposition by nature; and they end ill, because no man gainsaieth them. Whereof we cannot have a better record than Nero, who behaved himself like a good prince so long as Seneca was about him: but as soon as Seneca was sequestered from him, by and by he gave himself over to all vice, for no man gainsaied him, and his flatterers soothed him in all things that he said; which kind of people, Children are to be kept from the company of flatterers. princes ought to shun as the plague. And as Plutarch saith, Children must be kept far from the company of evil persons, and especially of flatterers, for there is not a more pestilent kind of men, or that more corrupteth youth, marring and undoing both the fathers and the children, making the old age of the one, and the young age of the other, most miserable, by offering to them in their wicked counsels, a bait that cannot be avoided, namely, voluptuousness; wherewith they allure them. When the flatterers are driven away from the young prince, the tutor must have a careful eye, that those which are given him to be his playfellows, be well borne. For with the good thou shalt be good, and with the evil thou shalt be perverted. The hating of lies. And above all things let young princes be accustomed to speak truth, and to hate lying, be it in earnest or in jest. For as Plutarch saith, Lying is a slavish vice worthy to be hated of all men, and not to be pardoned even in bondslaves, who have least honesty. Ye see then that the profit which a young child that is a prince by birth, reapeth, by being under a tutor that flattereth him not, is, that by keeping company with young children that are virtuous, he shall learn to do as they do; and by his master's instruction he shall learn virtue, and therefore having chastisement and good bringing up, and continual exercise unto virtue; it cannot be but he must hold himself to that education all his life after, and be worthy to command. The best way to learn rule is first to obey But let him further assure himself, that nothing doth so much teach him, both to do well and to rule well, as to have obeyed. And surely the thing that troubleth most princes, and maketh them loath to take in good worth the good counsel that is given unto them, is, that whereas their schoolmasters ought to command them, they have obeyed them, and have left them to do what they list at their pleasure. It is reported, that the thing which made Agesilaus a perfect governor, was, that from his infancy he had learned to obey. By reason whereof, he could better skill than any other king, to apply himself to his subjects, & to bear himself upright among them, forsomuch as unto the royal majesty and stately behaviour of a prince, (which he had learned of nature) he had added courtesy and familiarity, which he had gotten by Education. CHAP. VII. Of the end whereat a good Prince ought to aim in this life. LL men in this world do choose in this life some certain vocation, some to earn their living, (as Tailors by making apparel, shoemakers, by making Shoes, Masons by building, and so forth of other handicrafts;) some for delight that they have to do some service to the commonweal, and thereby to purchase praise, as the Orators, judges, and Lawyers did in old time, and some for both together; as physicians. Some give themselves to matters of state, Every man is desirous to be the chief of his profession. and some to chivalry, and every man is desirous to excel in his own trade, that he may receive the gain thereof, which is, to see, say, and esteem himself to be the chief of his profession. There is not so simple a painter, ingraver, or carver, which is not desirous to match Polycletus, Lisippus, Appelles, Protogenes, Zeuxis, Phidias, Praxitiles, and such others, because they see that such men have been esteemed in the world, and have purchased fame by their cunning. This maketh them to take as great pains as they can, to find the means to attain to the said perfection, and not to spare either labour or cost to learn. The physician looketh incontinently to his mark, which is to heal the sick man; the surgeon looketh to the well lancing of a wound; and as for to know the anatomy of a man's body, there is not that thing which he doth not: he undertaketh to touch a dead corpse, and to handle it, and to cut it in pieces, to see the chief parts, and to behold the veins, the muscles, the flesh-strings, and the knitters, to the end he may attain to the full knowledge of his science. The end of the Orator is to plead well, and all his doings tend thereunto. He exerciseth himself in well pronouncing, and laboureth to have a good gesture and countenance, as we read of Gracchus and other Orators, and especially of Demosthenes, The pains that Demosthenes took to become an Orator. who to frame himself to a good gesture, would resort into a Cabinet which he had purposely made in the ground to that end, where he abode two or three whole months, causing the one half of his head to be shaven off, that he might not for shame go abroad in that plight. And to abate the impediment of his tongue which was thick, he amended it by putting little stones in his mouth, and by pronouncing some orations so with his mouth full. And to strengthen his voice, which was small and feeble, he used to run up against rough hills, pronouncing some verses which he could by heart. In old time wrestlers and sword-players took no care, but how they might harden themselves to endure travel, dietting themselves thereafter, and abstaining from delicate fare, that they might obtain the honour of one day. Even so after their example, a good prince ought not to spare himself a whit, for the obtaining of a greater commendation than theirs, by making himself worthy of his charge. For it is a strange sight to see such a one command, as aught to be commanded, and can no skill how to govern folk; for it is all one, as if a man should see one made a Pilot of a ship, which can no skill at all of sailing. And therefore David willeth kings to learn, seeing they be judges of the earth. The way to learning is to descend into a man's self. Now to learn well, a man must first descend into himself, as saith Persius, that is to say, he must examine and try himself, that he may know himself. And of knowing a man's self, there are two sorts; the first consisteth in contemplation, when a man beholdeth his own being as in a mirror, that is to say; when he considereth what he is in very deed, that he fall not into ignorance the mother of all evil. Now the very being of a man indeed, is his soul, whereunto the body belongeth, as a garment that is made for the body. Hardly therefore shall we discern what is ours, unless we first know ourselves. And most requisite is this contemplation for kings, who have their sovereign authority from God. For it will make them both fortunate and wise in government, as well of household, as of public state, as I will declare more at large hereafter. The other kind of knowing a man's self, (as Plato in his Philebus hath right well noted) is, when having first considered the very man itself, which is the soul, we afterward also behold the shadow and figure thereof, that is to say, the body, with the goods and abilities which God hath distributed unto us in this world. For we cannot undertake any goodly or great things, unless the goods both of the body and of fortune, be answerable unto the goods of the mind. And (as saith Menander) Thou knowest thyself if thou take heed to thy dealings, so as thou dost what thou oughtest to do. A prince ought to consider his own ability. Therefore it behoveth a prince to know his own ability, and what he hath wherewith to make war, whether it be in assailing or in defending. For whosoever should enterprise a war without money, might have this saying verified of him, which Quintius the Roman captain said of Phil●paemen, namely, that he had arms and legs, but wanted a belly; meaning that he had store of men both on foot and on horseback, but he wanted money. And as it is to no purpose to have men, without money, which is the sinews of war; so is it nothing worth to have money, without men of war. Also we may say, A prince must be affable, retaining the majesty of his person and state. that a king knows himself, when he behaveth himself according to his degree, yielding himself gentle and affable to all men, howbeit retaining that which belongeth to the majesty of a king, lest his overgreat familiarity engender contempt. That was the cause why, Alexander refused to run at the gamings of Olympus, though he was esteemed one of the best runners in that assembly; answering his father (who had moved him to put forth himself into the lists to obtain the honour of winning the reward of so honourable a wager) I would willingly do your commandment, if I had kings or kings sons to run and wrestle with me: esteeming it an unseemly thing for him, being the son of a great king, to meddle with such as were not his matches. For the king that abaseth himself too much, is counted to dishonour himself as much as he that is proud; like Nero who played the Wagoner, the Minstrel, and the jester; for doing whereof he was so far off from being loved or esteemed, that he was rather hated and despised for it of all men. Now then, after that a prince hath thoroughly viewed himself both within and without; he cannot but understand what his charge is, the which consisteth in two things, namely in matters of peace, and in matters of war; both which parts are so necessary for him, that he cannot separate the one from the other. For (as saith Thucydides) Peace is established by war; neither is a man sure to be out of danger, when he is at rest and without war. It is not enough then to have good order for the governing of his country, unless he also have forces in a readiness to secure his friends, to resist his enemies, and to subdue rebels. As touching civil government, I will speak enough of it throughout all▪ this discourse; A prince ought to be a warrior. and as touching the case of war, I say that a prince ought to give himself to ch●lualrie, as much as possibly he can, and that if he do not so, he shall be subject to contempt of his neighbours, and consequently be constrained to have war whether he will or no. Therefore it standeth him on hand to be a warrior himself, and to have his people trained to the wars, and sometimes also to make war that he may have peace; and contrariwise in war to mind peace. For as the Emperor Trajan said, The enemies of peace are overcome by war. God suffereth none to be vanquished in battle, but such as are enemies of peace. And we see by experience, that those which are eager in seeking war, do commonly work their own overthrow, as Pyrrhus did in old time, and as Charles duke of Burgoine did a little while ago. But if a prince be compelled to enter into war, it behoveth him to let the world understand, what skill and cunning he hath in feats of arms, and what delight he hath in repulsing wrongful war, whereinto he must enter with a brave courage, unastonied; as Plutarch writeth of Sertorius, whom he reporteth to have been meeld and gentle in matters of peace, and dreadful in preparative of war against his enemies. Wherefore a prince ought to demean himself in such sort, War must not be made but for to establish peace. that knowing the means how to carry himself upright in both the times, he may be disposed to war if need require, and yet use it but to the attainment of peace, which ought always to be preferred, as rest is to be preferred before travel. For some love war too much, and some again do shun it too much. In the one point Marius made default, and in the other Perseus. For Marius being unfit to live in peace, as one that could no skill of civil affairs; sowed dissension the seed of war without purpose. Insomuch that when he was at Rome in peace, he had not the grace to entertain men amiably, and to gather them to him by courtesy, for want of gifts and qualities requisite for civil affairs. By reason whereof, men made no further account of him, than of an old harness, or of a tool that was good for nothing else but only for war. On the contrary part, Perseus suffered his state to go to wrack for want of intending to warre-matters, and for that he loved better to keep his money for the Romans, than to lay it out in waging men of war for his own defence. For he loved not war, nor defended himself but very slightly; and therefore was he bereft of his kingdom, and utterly spoiled of all his treasures. Many other Prince's have fallen from their estate, King's have lost their states, for want of applying themselves to the wars. for want of giving themselves to the wars; among which number, Sardanapalus and Childerike may serve us for example. The thing that made Vindex and Galba to conspire against Nero, was the contempt which they had of him, for his giving of himself wholly over unto voluptuousness, and for his despising of the exercise of war. Pepin durst not to have set his prince's diadem upon his own head, if Childerike had loved arms as well as he. But for as much as Pepin had weapon in hand, and men of war at his devotion, and whatsoever else was requisite for a good captain, it was an easy matter for him to bring his enterprise to pass. Francis Sfortia by his valiancy in arms, rose from a simple soldier to be duke of Milan; and the children of princes and dukes, Captains despise them that love not chiluarie. have become mean gentlemen. Men of war do ordinarily follow those whom they love and esteem, admiring good and valeant captains, and contrariwise despising those that love not chivalry. And thereupon it cometh to pass, that the prince which knoweth his neighbour to be unfit for war, and unprovided of sufficient force to withstand him, doth easily setforth into the field to overcome him, and commonly he carrieth away the victory. It is no reason that the man that is well armed should yield to him that is unarmed. For it is no reason that the man which is well armed, should obey him that is unarmed. My intent is not to infer hereupon, that a prince should make war without cause, or imagine that he ought not to enter, but by force of arms. For as Cicero saith in his book of Duties, a prince ought never to resort to weapon, but when no reason can otherwise be had, or when he is to defend himself, which is the law of nature. For as for him that maketh war under pretence of some small profit, he is like to him, who (as Augustus said) doth angle with a hook of gold, the loss whereof is greater than the gain of the fish that is to be caught, can be worth. Therefore a prince ought, not to make war without advisement; but yet must he put himself always in a readiness, if he should chance to be enforced thereto. For if war be not foreseen and well provided for, with men and armour, it worketh small effect in time of need. The things that are to be done in war, are to be learned afore hand at leisure. A man of war (saith Cassiodorus) must learn aforehand the things which he hath to do when war cometh. And as Xenophon saith in is Education of king Cyrus, It is no time for a prince to make his provision, when necessity is come upon him; but he must lay for his matters aforehand, afore necessity come. Now, that he may be the readier in all things, and especially in men of war; it behoveth him to have a good number of men well trained aforehand, after the manner that the Macedonians had their siluershields, the Romans their Legionaries, the soldans of Egypt their Mamelukes, the Turks their janissaries, Francis and Henry, kings of France, the old bands of Piemount, and the Emperor Charles the fift the Spaniards. Prince's must enure themselves & their subjects to the exercise of arms. Besides this, a prince ought to enure himself and his subjects together, to all exercises of arms; as to run well with a lawnce, to mount on horseback handsomely, and to manage him cunningly, to trail the pike, to shoot in longbow, crossbow, and gun, to vault, to leap, to wrestle, and to handle all manner of weapons, so as they may serve their turn in time and place. For such things do not only procure skilfulness, but also make men's bodies the more strong and nimble, and the better able to endure travel. And therefore the Romans could well skill to practise them in a certain place which was called Mars his field, where all such exercises were put in ure. Whether the common people be to be trained to the wars, or no. I know well, that among them that have the managing of the state in France, it is held for an heresy to say, that the common people are to be trained to the wars; but I find the reasons of Seissell, and William Bellay to be of more force, than the reasons that are commonly alleged to the contrary; specially in France, where the king behaving himself as a king, is honoured, feared, and beloved. And we may see plainly, that this people, as untrained as they be, are so well fleshed one against another, that they forbear not to enter into arms, to their own destruction, and call in strangers to finish this work, and that with so great loss, that it were much more for the behoof of the realm, that they themselves were better trained to war, and more enured to it long aforehand, that they might forbear the strangers. For if it should happen the king to lose one battle in his realm, he should find what a hindrance it would be unto him, that he were not able to make up his army again, otherwise than of strangers. It is well known in what danger the Carthaginenses fell oftentimes, by reason of strangers, who meant to have overthrown their state, by rebelling against them; and that if the Carthaginenses themselves had been trained to the wars, Scipio had not defeated them so easily as he did, no more than it lay in the power of Pyrrhus to defeat the Romans. For when he had overcome them in two battles, he said, he had been undone, if he had had one other battle more to win of the like price; considering that his men were so greatly diminished by those battles, that he grew weak, even to the view of the eye, because he had no mean to make up his army again with othermen; whereas on the contrary part, the Romans did easily supply their army with new soldiers whom they caused to come from their city when need was, as from a quick spring, whereof they had the head in their own house. The Swissers & Almains being called into Italy, one while by the Pope and Italians, and otherwhile by the Frenchmen, overmastred those that waged them, & through their wilfulness made them to lose the whole country in short space, by their returning home or by their fight, against the will of the general of the host. There is yet one other kind of exercise which serveth greatly to the state of soldierfare; for it inureth the body to pain, and therewithal acquainteth men with the natures and situations of places, which is profitable two ways: first, men learn thereby to know their own country, and by that mean to discern the platform of any other place that differeth not from it; for the knowledge of one country, is a great furtherance to the practice of another. Plutarch writeth that when Sertorius found any leisure, he road continually a hunting, and coursed up and down the fields, whereby he got great experience and furtherance in skill, to shift himself handsomely and readily from shrewd passages, when he was pressed by his enemies: and on the other side, to enclose them when he had the advantage of them, and to discern where a man might pass away, and where not. A profitable discourse concerning Philopoemen. Philopemen prince of Athens, during the times that he had peace, did set his mind wholly upon such means as it behoved him to use in time of war, propounding to his friends as he traveled on the way, by what means he might assail his enemies if they were encamped near hand thereabouts, and in what order he were to pursue or to retire. And in devising after this manner, he heard their opinion, and told them his, setting down all the accidents that could happen in a camp; by means whereof, he attained to a certain resolutnesse and readiness in feats of war. Likewise books do wonderful service to a prince in that behalf, as shall be said in another place. And in any wise he must propose to himself some excellent parsonage, as a pattern to follow; after which manner Alexander proposed Achilles for his pattern; julius Caesar proposed Alexander; and Scipio proposed Cyrus. To conclude, a prince must understand civil affairs, that he may do every man right, and keep the weaker sort from being trodden under foot by the mightier. And he must have skill in martial deeds, that he may defend his people from strangers, and maintain his own estate. CHAP. VIII. What is requisite in a Prince to make him happy. FOr as much as I have begun to show the end whereat a Prince should aim, it behoveth me to prosecute this end to perfection, and to make the Prince happy whom we treat of For commonly all our actions tend unto blessedness and felicity, which is the ground and foundation of all good things, and is set afore us for a crown and reward of our hope, as saith S. john Chrisostome upon the first psalm of David. Nevertheless, in seeking this happiness we be often beguiled, taking those to be happy, What the sovereign good is. which indeed are unhappy, for want of knowing wherein that blessed felicity consisteth. Wherein I mind not to follow the divines, which place the sovereign good, and likewise the chief evil, without the compass of this life, because this life is turmoiled with so many mischiefs, that it is not possible to find the sovereign good in this world, and to attain unto the true felicity by our own industry and diligence. For, as the Psalmist saith, The thoughts of men are vain; and so doth also S. Austin teach us, in his 19 book of the city of God, where he disputeth against all the Philosophers of old time, which placed the sovereign good either in the soul, or in the body, or in both together; in pleasure, or in virtue, or in both together; concluding, That the everlasting life is the sovereign good, and the everlasting death the sovereign evil; for the avoiding of the one whereof, and for the obtaining of the other, it behoveth us to live well, and by faith to seek the sovereign Good, which we cannot see now, but we live in hope to see it hereafter. Now then, for the present time we will omit the true and only perfect blessedness, and rest upon the worldly happiness, seeking that which is most beautiful, most acceptable, and most happy in this world, which thing some do place in pleasure, some in profit, and some in both together. For as the Poet saith, That man hath attained to full perfection, which matcheth pleasure with profit. But the matter is to know, Wherein the happiness of princes may consist. what is pleasure and what is profit, and by what means a man may attain to it, that it may become sound, substantial, and durable. So soon as a kingdom is fallen to a prince by Succession or Election, by and by he is counted happy, because he is honoured and followed of all men, and may do his pleasure with his servants, and take his pleasure of them as much as he can wish. In old time, Croesus seeing himself peaceably possessed of a goodly rich kingdom, plentifully stored with gold and silver, which he took out of Pactolus, a river of Lydia, gazed upon himself in his fortunateness and great riches; and having invited thither Solon, one of the seven sages of Greece, demanded of him, if ever he had seen a more happy prince. But Solon making no reckoning of his riches, preferred before him an Athenian named, Tellus; and in the end told him, That no man could be esteemed happy in deed afore he were dead; because that in this life many mishaps come upon us, which disturb our ease, welfare, and quietness. And so befell it to that king, for he was taken by Cyrus, and lost his kingdom, and was put in danger of being burned quick. This showeth us sufficiently, that we cannot stay ourselves upon such manner of blessedness, seeing it accompanieth us not any longer than while we be in this life. And therefore we must seek it further off. To become happy, we must seek perfection. all such as have written of blessedness, say, That to be happy we must seek perfection. For no man can be termed happy, unless he have thoroughly attained to the full measure of all good fortune & blessedness. And perfection as saith Aristotle is the thing that is taken & chose for the good that is therein, & not for any other thing; for albeit that the desire which we have to be honoured, and to be of a good mind, and to have virtue itself, be things worthy to be desired without any other stay, yet our wishing of them is chiefly for that we think we shall by means of them be come happy. And so blessedness and felicity lie in all actions that are virtuous. Therefore to attain thereunto, felicity lieth in all virtuous actions. it behoveth a man to be virtuous. Moreover I say, that in this world there are three kinds of goods, which make us well contented and happy: The one sort cometh of fortune, as to be rich or honourable; another sort is of those which we term the goods of the body, as beauty, strength, health, and activity. And the third sort is of those which we call the goods of the mind, as sciences and virtues. As touching the goods of fortune; for as much as they easily admit change, and we see ordinarily how rich men become poor, and poor men rich; the happy and blessed state cannot be in them. Besides that, it falleth out oftentimes, that the richest and greatest lords are neither well contented, nor well at ease. Likewise the goods of the body cannot make us happy. For what is a man the better for being fair and in good health, if he be a beggar or a vicious person? Therefore it is to be concluded, that forasmuch as the mind is more excellent than the body and all worldly goods, the blessed state consisteth in the goods of the mind: that is to wit, in knowledge and virtue; which never forsaking us, do yield us continual pleasure and contentment. Riches without virtue be like a feast without any man to eat it. In respect whereof, Antisthenes said, That riches without virtue, yielded as much pleasure, as a banquet without any body at it. Demetrius having taken Megara, demanded of Stilpon the Philosopher, whether his men of war had taken any thing of his away or no? and Stilpon answered him no: for no man hath bereft me of my knowledge. Bias one of the sages of Greece, made the like answer when he was demanded, Why he carried not away his goods, as other of his citizens did at their fleeing out of the city then newly taken? I carry all my goods with me, quoth he; meaning his knowledge and virtue, wherein he thought all his welfare to consist. Aristippus having lost all that he had by shipwreck, and being cast upon the coast of the Rhodes by a tempest, after he had disputed within the schools of philosophy there, was forthwith plentifully rewarded with great store of presents by the Rhodians, and set again in very good furniture. And because he determined to abide among them, he said unto his friends that returned home, that he could not tell how to do better, than to bestow such things upon their children, as might purchase them possessions that might be saved with their persons, if they escaped shipwreck. Meaning, to gather thereupon, that the true riches of this life, Which are the true riches. are those which neither the contrary blasts of fortune, nor the change of estate, nor waries can appair. Also Socrates being asked by Gorgius, what opinion he had of the great king, (that was a title which they gave to the king of Persia) and whether he thought him not to be very happy: answered, I know not how he is provided of knowledge and virtue; meaning, that the true felicity consisteth in those two things, and not in the slightfull goods of fortune. Hereby ye may understand, that that prince is right happy, which hath his mind well instructed and well given to all virtue. For of knowledge and virtue, spring sobriety and wisdom; and wisdom findeth the way to govern well his kingdom, of which government ensueth both pleasure and profit, as shall easily appear hereafter. Of profit. And first of all I will speak of Profit as of the lesser; and afterward I will come to Pleasure. Many do deem this profit to consist in the enlarging of a man's lordship or dominion, by seizing upon the next cities, or by laying an impost by the prince upon all sorts of impostes. But the things that are gotten by evil means cannot be called Profit. As touching the encroaching upon neighbours, it is not easily to be done, if they be of any power; and oftentimes the sauce costeth more than the meat is worth. And to take more than ordinary of the subjects, or more than the agreement made by oath between him and his people will bear, cannot be done with honour. Besides that the impoverishing of his subjects is the impoverishing of himself, because his treasure is in their goods; yea, and in the end, for all his exacting, he findeth himself no more eased, than those that content themselves with the mean. Nero, Domitian, Caligula, and other wicked Emperors, found not themselves any whit the richer for all the charges that they laid upon their people, neither gained they any thing by it but infamy, with loss both of life and Empire. On the contrary part, trajan, Antonine, and other good emperors, lived in honour and love of their subjects, left behind them immortal praise, and got more reputation than those monsters of mankind. Those good princes loved their people, and kept themselves well from encroaching upon their neighbours; and yet they could well skill how to chastise them, when they durst enterprise any war against them. Albeit that Augustus was the happiest prince of all the world; yet would he not make any war, or put his fortune in trial all his life long. For after he had once obtained to sit in peace, he busied not his head about the getting of one foot of land more, mocking at great Alexander, whom it grieved to consider what he should do, when he had conquered the whole world; as who would say, there were not as much pain or more in the well keeping of things, as is in the getting of them. King Pyrrhus got enough, but he lost as fast as got; and his covetousness was not so strong and gaping after the things that he hoped for, as he was forgetful to set sure guard upon that which he had gotten. In respect whereof, Antigonus likened him to a player at dice, whom the dice favoured very much, but he could no skill to make his hand of his good chance. The good husbandry that Augustus and other good emperors used, was to entertain men of war, to pay them well their wages, to make them observe the law of arms, to do justice to the people, to ease them of their subsidies & impositions, and to beautify the city of Rome with temples & goodly buildings. The wise king of France did the like, among whom by the common voice of the people, Lewis the eleventh did bear away the bell, as who by the common consent of all men was called, The father of the people. The great wars which he had in Italy for his duchy of Milan, could not make him to overcharge his people; he demanded not any subsidies of them, to enrich particular persons; he increased not his tallages for all the wars he had; to be short, he esteemed notary riches, or any conquest to be greater, than to win the good will of his subjects, and to see them rich: whereby he left a wonderful treasure to his successor, wherewith he could well help himself in his affairs. Thus ye see wherein consisteth a prince's profit, namely, in keeping and defending well his lands and subjects, and sometime in enlarging his bounds, when he is driven to enter into arms for his own defence. Of Pleasure. Wherein if there be profit, surely there is also no less pleasure. For the commendation that is gotten by well governing, doth wonderfully content a nobleminded prince; whereof I am now to speak, as of the thing that most ravisheth our minds, and draweth us most unto it. I will not speak here after the manner of the Stoics, who having no regard to our manner of speech, uphold by many good reasons, that the thing which is good, is fair; and that the thing which is evil, is foul; and that there is not only other good, or any other pleasure, than virtue, which of itself alone sufficeth to the making of a happy life, as Cicero hath proved in his Paradoxes. But I will speak after the manner of the Academiks, who unto the goods of the mind have added the goods of the body and of fortune, as helps to lead a happy life. But all the difficulty is to find this pleasure. For the covetous man deemeth it a great pleasure, to be shut up alone in a chamber with a great heap of money. The ambitious esteemeth it a great pleasure, to have a great train of men following him. Another thinks it a pleasure to sit at banquet, laughing incessantly, and making good cheer: To be short, every man measureth this pleasure after his own fancy, howbeit that that which is pleasure to some, is displeasure to other some. And that is, because this pleasure proceedeth not from the fountain of virtue, but from the well of voluptuousness, which engendereth deceitful lusts in us, after the manner of such as have the hungry disease, and the consumption, who are always hungry by reason of a certain sharp and biting humour, which causeth hunger, and an unordinate appetite. And like as some women, when they be with child, delight to eat naughty meats, even so the diseased mind, by reason of the voluptuous humour that is therein, seeketh the things that are noisome to it, and whereof they be soon weary. Insomuch that whosoever looketh nearly into the matter, shall find that the things which are commonly esteemed for pleasure, do oftentimes turn to displeasure. This caused Plato to say, that we must behold pleasure, Pleasure is to be considered by her going away. not at her coming towards us, but at her going away from us. For when we look upon her at her first coming in sight, nothing is so beautiful; but at her going away, she is as foul and loathsome to behold as is possible. And as Varia Mesa said unto the emperor Heliogabalus, Naturally vice delighteth the body when it is in committing; but by and by after ensueth repentance in the neck of it. But as for virtue, besides that it displeaseth not the body, it leaveth always a good taste and contentment behind it, which endureth perpetually. And how much soever a prince would plunge himself in all manner of worldly pleasure, he could not have the advantage thereof, so much as a subject of his that were of some mean wealth. For such a one may have as great pleasure as a king, in eating and drinking, in apparel and lodging for his own person, in hunting at his pleasure, in music, and in all other delights. Again, because a prince hath greater conceits than a common person, he taketh no great pleasure in such things, but serveth is turn with them as we do with sleep, to refresh and recreate his spirits, that have been overstrained in matters of state, and for that cause he laugheth, he playeth, he danceth. But if he should be demanded wherein he taketh most pleasure; I believe he would answer with Alexander, That he could not find a finer song or a pleasanter music, than to hear the singing of his own praises; nor have a more goodly exercise or a more delightful pastime, than to govern his kingdom well: and as Plutarch saith in his treatise entitled, Whether an old foreworne man ought to deal in matters of a commonweal: let us grant to Xenophon that there is not a sweeter thing, than to hear a man's own praises. The pleasure that cometh of the beholding of the things that are done in a commonweal. But in my judgement, there is no present sight, no memory of things past, no delightful conceit, that yieldeth so great pleasure, as the contemplation of the things that are done in a publick-weale, as in an open spectacle. The pleasure then of every gentlemanly heart, and especially of a prince, tendeth to honour, to glory, to reputation, that his name may be spread abroad with renown over all the earth, and that he may be esteemed wise and virtuous. A good name is a sweet sent or savour. And to show that the pleasure of a good renown passeth all other things, Solomon saith, That a good name excelleth all the precious ointments in the world. And in other places, the holy scriptures termeth a good name a sweet sent or savour; as who would say, there were not a sweeter or pleasanter thing in the world than that. As touching the report to be a good warrior, it cannot be common to all, because it dependeth upon fortune, and is gotten oft times by doing wrong. But as for the renown of being virtuous, the more certain and rare it is, the more also is it to be sought. Every man cannot have the good fortune of Sylla and of Augustus, nor be a conqueror as was Alexander, but every man may be virtuous, that will take pain to attain unto it. Ferdinand king of Naples, The wise saying of king Ferdinand. was wont to say, That to be a king, is a thing that most commonly dependeth upon Fortune; but to be such a king as may be reported in all respects to be the welfare and felicity of his people, that dependeth alonely upon himself, and upon his own virtue. Plutarch saith, that Lucullus did more esteem & desire the praises that proceeded of goodness, justice, and clemency, than the praises that sprang and proceeded of haut and great deeds of chivalry, because that in these, his army had one part, and fortune had another part, as well as he; but the other were peculiar to himself alone. Again, in them he received the fruit he had deserved, so winning the hearts of his enemies by his behaviour, that many of them did willingly put themselves and all their goods into his hands. All princes are jealous of their honour. We see how Alexander was curious in procuring himself that report; and that all princes both good and bad without exception, covet the reputation of good and virtuous men; but the evil princes cannot obtain it, because they be not the same that they would be taken to be, whereas the mean to attain to perfect praise, is (as Socrates saith) to be such a one in deed, as a man would be esteemed to be. And Antisthenes saith, there is but one way to attain to immortal fame, and that is to live uprightly and religiously. For how fair a face soever a man setteth upon the matter, in the end he is discovered, and nothing is so hidden which shall not be laid open. And like as a physician is not the more esteemed for being a doctor in physic, if he have no skill in physic, nor an advocate for his doctorship in the law, if he want knowledge, experience, and practise in the law: even so it is not to be thought, that a prince can be had in estimation if he be not a good man, and such a one as endeavoureth to rule his people well. Men must be such as they would seem to be. For if a prince be not the same that he would seem to be, it is all one (as Cirus said to Cambyses his son) as if one being no good Tilman, no good physician, no good musician, nor skilful in any other art or trade, will nevertheless needs seem to be such a one. For besides the pain that he shall procure to himself in practising with his friends to give him commendation and renown, and in providing the instruments fit for every of these Arts, he may perchance deceive the world for a time; but in the end when he cometh to the proof of his skill, he shallbe laughed to scorn as an ignorant boaster. Nero and Tiberius were counted virtuous princes in the beginning of their reigns: but in the end, they were taken for unkindly monsters, wicked, and unworthy to be had in remembrance among men. Wherefore if a prince will have pleasure, it behoveth him to be virtuous; for otherwise he will lose his pleasure, that is to say, his honour, whereof he is so zealous, and which is preferred by Solomon before all the things in the world. There is store enough of evil princes, which have entitled themselves Fathers of the people, good, virtuous, and such other like, and which have caused those styles of theirs to be graven in stone and brass, against whom their people taking just displeasure, have nevertheless defaced those titles of theirs: but the memory of their wicked dealings have abidden engraved in the hearts of their posterity. On the contrary part, such as were good men, have not only been esteemed, but also worshipped as Gods, as Theseus, Hercules and others. Insomuch that Pliny saith, That the God of men is a helper of men, and that to do good unto men, is the way to attain to endless glory, the which way the greatest personages of Rome walked; and that the name of the other Gods came of the deserts of men. And afore him, Cicero in his first book of the nature of Gods saith, A doer of good to others, is esteemed as a God. that because much good and much hurt cometh of man unto man; and it is the property of God to do good: therefore if a man do us any good, or rid us out of any great danger; because in so doing he resembleth God, he is commonly said to have been a God unto him whom he hath so gratified: and he concludeth, that the very beasts were canonized for the pleasures that they had done unto men; as for example, the Egyptians worshipped the stork, and divers other birds and beasts. And Iwenall esteemeth a benefactor as a God, saying; If some God, or some like unto God, or some man better than the Gods, should give thee a thing. Likewise the shepherd in the Eglogues of Virgil, maketh Augustus a God, because he gave him leave to feed his cattle where he would. In the same respect, the oath which the Scythians made by the wind and the sword, was as great among them, as if they had sworn by God; because the wind giveth breath to live by, and the sword cutteth off life. And to show that nothing pleaseth a gentlemanly heart so much as praise. Let us consider what Themistocles did to attain thereunto. Aforetime he had been vicious, and had no care either of virtue or of feats of arms. But when once he had heard the praise that was given to Miltiades for the battle of Marathon; he never ceased after until he became the chief of all Athens. And one day, when his companions asked him, What had so altered him, and what had made him so vigilant? he answered, That the ensigns of Miltiad●s victory, suffered him not to sleep or take rest. Afterward being himself at the gamings of Olympus, when all the standers by did cast their looks upon him, without regarding to behold the companions, and pointed him out with their fingers unto strangers; he was so glad of it, that he confessed to his friends, that at that time he received the fruit of all the great travels which he had endured for Greece. julius Caesar wept at the image of Alexander, finding fault with himself that he had not done any thing worthy of memory, being come to the age wherein Aelxander had conquered the whole world. And Alexander deemed Achilles right happy, in that he had such a Poet as Homer to register his praises. Thus you see how the pleasure of princes consisteth wholly in honour and reputation; The pleasure of princes consisteth in honour. the which cannot be acquired, whether it be in civil matters, or in matters of war, but only by virtue. Which thing Marcellus intending to make known to posterities, builded in Rome a temple to Honour, hard by the temple of virtue; and he made it in such sort, as men could not come into it, but through the temple of virtue; doing men to understand, that honour and reputation cannot be acquired, but by virtue. Therefore we must conclude that a prince can have no sound and substantial pleasure, if he be not virtuous. And (as saith Philo the Jew in his Allegories) Paradise is (by a figure) called virtue, and the place proper to Paradise, is called Eden; which signifieth pleasure. For joy and peace, being the things wherein the true pleasure consisteth, agree very well unto virtue. CHAP. IX. Of virtue. LEt us speak now of virtue, as of the thing that is most fit and beseeming for a prince, and wherein he becometh most like unto God. For as for those foolish emperors, which to resemble Jupiter, made themselves to be painted with thunder & lightning in their hands: they were not esteemed for all that, but rather mocked of the world, and made abominable unto God. For as saith Plutarch in his book of the Education of princes, God is angry with those that imitate and counterfeit him, in following his lightnings and thunders; but he loveth well such as conform themselves to his likeness in humanity and honest dealing, by imitating his virtue. And such are his elect, to whom he imparteth of his uprightness, of his justice, of his truth, and of his meekness, than the which there is not any thing more divine. For God is not so much happy for his immortality, as for that he is the prince of all virtue. Aristotle in his Morals saith, That virtue is an habit of the mind, whereby a man becometh good, and doth his duty; the contrary whereunto is vice. A definition of virtue. So that to eschew vice, is to be virtuous; or else we may say, that virtue is an habit or having of the thing that is beseeming and of duty to be done▪ Cicero saith in his Tusculane questions, That virtue is a certain constant affection or disposition of mind, which maketh the possessors thereof to be praised, from whence proceed all honest deeds, and determinations. And in his book of laws, he saith, That virtue is the very perfection of nature. With him also accordeth S. Ambrose, in his third chapter concerning faith, following a principle of the pythagorians, who hold opinion that all things are perfect by the virtue of their own nature: as for example, the virtue of a horse is that which setteth him in his perfection; the virtue of eyes, is the good sight of them; the virtue or perfection of the nature of feet, is to go well and lightly. There are three things whereby virtue is perfected, Skill, Power, and will.. Skill serveth for contemplation and judgement, out of the which springeth discretion; Power is a strength whereby we stand fast in our purpose of well-doing. And Will is as it were, the hand of the soul, whereby we take in hand the thing that we intent to do. Some divide virtue into two parts, A division of virtue. that is to wit, contemplative, and moral; we call that virtue contemplative, which consisteth in well understanding, and well considering, that is to say, in the inward minding and reasoning, whereout springeth discretion and wisdom. And we call those virtues moral, which belong to manners, and not alonely to understanding. As for example, when we speak of the manners of some man, we say not that he is wise, but that he is meeld, liberal, and kindhearted. For wisdom is a certain behaviour of virtue, which consisteth in the wit and understanding; but Temperance belongeth to a man's actions and manners, and in respect thereof we term it moral. Philo the Jew saith in his Allegories, that virtue is contemplative, and active; because it useth contemplation by the discourse of reason, and therewithal hath actions also. For virtue is the Art of our whole life, containing all actions. Virtue is the Art of all our whole life. That is the cause why Moses saith, that the Tree of life which betokeneth the general virtue, which we call goodness, is fair to see too; whereby is signified, the Contemplation: and that the fruit thereof is good to eat, whereby is betokened the use, and action. Others make four principal virtues, the which they term Cardinal, under which, all other virtues are comprehended: namely, wisdom, which teacheth what is to be done; hardiness, or valiantness, which teacheth what is to be endured; Temperance, which teacheth what is to be chosen; and justice, which teacheth what is to be yielded unto every man. Othersome do lodge wisdom in the understanding and the wit; justice, in the will; hardiness in that part of the mind which conceiveth anger; and Temperance, in the lust of the sensitive appetite. And for the better understanding hereof, ye must consider that we have two sorts of appetits, Two sorts of Appetites. the one, of the mind, the other of the sense. The mindly appetite followeth the conceit of the understanding; the sensitive followeth the conceit of the sense. This sensitive is divided again into two, that is to say, lustful, and ireful. We call that the lustful, whereby we shun the things that mislike us, and follow the things that are delectable. And by the ireful we assail the things that may disappoint us of the foresaid good, and of the foresaid pleasure. As for example, a lion by his lustful appetit, runneth after his prey, as a thing pleasant unto him; and by his ireful appetit, he assaileth such as go about to disappoint him thereof. So that the lustful appetit tendeth to rest and pleasure; and the ireful tendeth to a harder point, namely, to resist evil, and whatsoever else annoyeth us. There are others which divide all virtues into three. For virtue doth either direct reason aright, and is altogether grounded thereupon, and that we call wisdom: or else it is the effecter and bringer to pass of good reason, and is grounded in willingness, to do that which is wisely set down in conceit, and that is it which we call justice: or else it maintaineth the good upon good reason, and that is the virtue which we affirm to consist in the sensitive appetit. And out of this virtue proceed hardiness, and Temperance, Of the reasonable, ireful, and Lustful parts of the soul. two Cardinal & principal virtues; & moreover, magnanimity, liberality, Magnificence, Soothfastnes, mildness, meekness, & affability. Philo the Jew doth likewise divide virtue into three parts, according to the three parts of our soul; namely, Reasonable, ireful, and lustful. The first virtue is that which showeth itself in the chief part of the soul, that is to say, in the reasonable part, which virtue we call wisdom. The second is, the force or strength that lodgeth in the second part of the soul, namely in the ireful. The third is Temperance or staidness, which is employed about the lustful power. And when these three are of one accord, then doth justice or rightfulness show itself. For when the ireful and the lustful obey the commandment of the Reasonable; then doth rightfulness utter the fruit of that accord & harmony. Aristotle saith, that virtue is a mean, & as a white in the midst of a butt, whereat all men ought to level, and whoso ever swerveth never so little from it one way or other, Virtue hath her bounds: but vice is infinite. misseth his mark. And as it is far more hard to hit the white, than to go round about it, so is it more hard to be virtuous, than to be vicious. Vice is infinite, and therefore hath not any mean. Contrariwise, virtue hath her bounds, which cannot be passed, but into vice. Let us for example take hardiness, which is a mean between fearfulness & overboldness, of which two this latter is the excess of boldness, in offering a man's self to danger, and the other is the default or want of boldness in the same case, when boldness is requisite or expedient. And therefore he that through overgreat boldness thrusteth himself into dangers unadvisedly, and rusheth into them like a wild boar, cannot be deemed hardy or valiant, but rather rash; and he that through fearfulness dareth not show his head before his enemy, is accounted a Coward. The measurable mean in giving & taking, is called liberality, the excess whereof in taking is covetousness, and the excess in giving is prodigality, & the mean between them cannot be in the vice. For too much or too little cannot make vice to be virtue. As for example, a thief or a murderer fail not to sin, for stealing or murdering too much or too little. Whosoever is a thief, a murderer, or an adulterer, in what sort soever it be, he doth always sin; and because a man may sin many ways, it is easier to sin than to do well. Let us add that which Philo saith in his Allegories, that the thing which is good, is rare, and the things which are evil, be ri●e; in so much that for one wise man, you shall find an infinite multitude of fools. Furthermore, to attain unto virtue, there needeth but reason: but to the compassing of vice, men apply mind, sense, and body: and we see that the way of vice is the larger and easier. Why the way of virtue is not so large as the way of Vice. And in that respect, doth Hesiodus say, that the first entrance into the way whereby men ascend unto virtue, is rough, cumbersome, and steep, but very smooth and easy, when a man hath overpast the little crabbedness that was at the first entry of the way. But the hardness thereof must not discourage a man; for it is a general rule, that (as the Greek proverb saith) The attainment of all goodly things is painful; because (as Epicharmus saith) God felleth his benefits unto us for pains and travel, God selleth his benefits unto men for travel. according to the first curse that God gave unto man, namely, that he should eat his bread in the sweat of his brows. And as Synesius saith, It is peculiar to the Godhead to compass any great matter without painstaking. But among men, not only the virtues, but also every other excellent thing, is gotten with the sweat of the body. Truth it is, that in all great things nature hath purposed a certain difficulty▪ so as the party that will live happily, must needs take pains. For as Sophocles saith, a man cannot have the thing that is great and excellent, without pain; for without that, the noble captains had never obtained the fame which is dispersed of them through the whole world. To attain unto that, Hannibal forewent an eye, lay oft upon the hard ground, watched infinite times when others slept, and endured hunger and thirst with great cheerfulness. Pyrrhus, Alexander, Julius Caesar, Epaminondas, Themistocles, Alcibiades, and all the noble captains that ever were, have done the like. A Poet maketh not a good verse, nor an Orator a good oration, without pain. And seeing it is so, that God hath made all goodly things rare, we should not spare our pains to acquire the thing which of all others is most beautiful. Surely a prince ought most specially to do it; assuring himself that it is the thing wherein he most resembleth God. For as touching a prince's strength and power, it is nothing in comparison of the power of fire, or of the sea, or of a stream, against the which nothing is able to stand. Men esteem not princes but for their goodness. And although he have all our lives in his hand; yet do we not esteem him so much for that, as for his righteousness and goodness, after the manner of the men of old time, which called God first, most gracious, and secondly most High and most mighty. For God's gracious goodness is the cause that men love him, honour him, and worship him: and his power is the cause that men fear him; and so they made virtue to go always before might and power. And this word, Good, was in so great estimation with our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would not have so glorious a title usurped of men affirming that there was none good but the one only God. Plutarch saith in the life of Aristides, that God surmounteth all other things, chief in three points, that is to wit, immortality, mightiness, and goodness: of which three, goodness or virtue, is the most honourable, and most peculiar to the Godhead. For incorruption and immortality (at least wise according to the opinion of the ancient Philosophers) is as well in the elements, and in the waste Chaos, as in God; and as for might or power, there is very much and great in the winds, in thunder and lightnings, in streams, and in water-floods. But as for justice, uprightness, and equity, nothing can be partaker of them, but that which is divine, by means of reason and understanding. And therefore that men deem the Gods to be happy, it is in respect of their goodness; that they fear them it is because of their almightiness; and that they love, worship, and reverence them, it is for their justice sake. And if we will believe Aristotle in the first book of his Morals, we shall say, that what king soever will become worthy of immortality, must enure himself, as much as is possible, unto virtue, because it is his charge to make his subjects honest and obedient unto laws. A governor ought to be skilful in things belonging to the mind or soul. For like as to him that will heal an eye, it is behoveful that he know the nature both of the eye and of the whole body; so he that will govern aright must know what belongeth to the mind. For the skill of government is a thing of more worthiness than the art of healing men's bodies. For as much therefore as physicians and surgeons, take so great pains to know the constitution of the body: surely he that will be cunning and well skilled in governing of people, aught to take pain to get knowledge of the soul, Plutarch in the life of Pericles. that is to say, of virtue, which springeth from the soul, and hath this property, that the knowing thereof maketh a man in love with it, so that therewithal he findeth therein right goodly actions, and is desirous to become like unto those that do them. A good prince is desirous to resemble such as have done virtuous deeds. For as touching the goods of fortune, we have of them a possession; and as touching virtue, we have thereof an inworking or action. By means whereof, we be glad to have those goods of other men: but yet therewithal we would also that other men should have them of us. For virtue is of such force, that it quickeneth up the man that considereth it, to be desirous to put it in execution by and by, and engendereth in his heart a certain longing to utter it by his deeds; framing and fashioning the manners of him that beholdeth it, not by way of imitation, but by the only understanding of the virtuous deed, which out of hand bringeth him a determinate purpose to do the like. And as Cicero saith in his book of Friendship, Nothing is so available as virtue, ne draweth men more to be in love therewith: insomuch that we love those whom we never saw, upon an opinion which we conceive of their goodness and virtue. For the true love of virtue (that is to say the affection to imitate it) is not imprinted in men's hearts, Plutarch in the life of Ca●o. without a singular good will and reverence towards the person that giveth the impression thereof. Insomuch that even enemies do praise their enemies that have virtue, and even robbers and outlaws have it in admiration. Whereof we have a notable example in Scipio, who being all alone in his house in the country, was beset with a great number of robbers, and when he prepared himself to resist them, they threw down their weapons, and prayed him to open them the gate, saying they were come of purpose to obtain the favour to see so virtuous a noble man as he was. The thing that procureth love, (saith Cicero in his book entitled Laelius) is the consideration of the goodness and liberality of him to whom a man resorteth; so that virtue causeth him to be beloved and esteemed. And as the same Cicero saith in his book of Duties, Men make account of those whom they take to be virtuous. We highly commend and make great reckoning of those whom we take to be virtuous, and we despise those that have neither power nor virtue. And in his Tusculane questions he saith, That there is not any thing comparable to virtue, and that virtue despising all things, regardeth not the chances of the world, but is sufficient of herself to lead a good and happy life, without the aid of any other thing. Furthermore, praise and honour doth necessarily follow virtue, as a man's shadow followeth him by the light of the sun or of a candle, and for that cause Marcellus made his temple of honour in such wise, as no man could enter into it but by the door of the temple of virtue, as I have declared afore. Our Lord Jesus likeneth the kingdom of heaven, unto one that sold all that he had to buy a goodly pearl withal; as who would say, A man would not stick to spend his money & his goods to purchase a thing that is beautiful and rare, and wherein there is great gain. Therefore he that will purchase virtue, the fairest and greatest thing of price that can be as whereby we mount up to heaven) ought not to spare any thing. A wise man being armed with virtue cannot be disarmed Antisthenes' said, That virtue is a good and sure wall, & a kind of armour that cannot be taken away: be a man never so valiant, he may have his sword taken from him, and he maid disarmed; but a wise man being armed with virtue cannot be disarmed or overcome. Also he affirmeth, that the wise man liveth not by law, but by the rule of virtue. As who should say, no good man ought so much to respect the commandment of the law, as the direction of reason, which will have us to follow the thing that is good and honest, and to eschew whatsoever is shameful and unhonest. The which reason caused the Emperor Theodosius to say, that it most highly beseemed the majesty of a king, to bind himself to law; and that the authority of the empire depended upon laws, unto the which he also submitted himself. Contrariwise, Heliogabalus the peerless pattern of all wickedness, said it belonged to none but to himself alone to 'stablish laws at his pleasure, without being bound to maintain them longer than he listed. One demanded of Aristotle, what profit philosophy brought with it? Very great (quoth he) for it teacheth me to do the things uncommanded, which other folks do for fear of laws. The same is it that makes a king conform himself to the law. For the prince being the defender, maintainer and upholder of the law, cannot do any thing against law, without doing wrong to the state, and without giving an evil example to his people. And for as much as he hath none above him but only God, and therefore may transgress the law without punishment, and without fear of man, he ought to have the bridle of reason and virtue before his eyes, as well to keep the laws himself, as to make them to be kept of his people. And as it is a great shame for a schoolmaster, when his scholar knoweth more than he: so is it a great dishonour to a prince, when his subject is better than he. And therefore virtue is much more needful in a prince, The private person is to do well by constraint of laws, but the prince by the direction of virtue. than in a private person. For the private person doth good of force, by constraint and rigour of the laws: but the prince can have none other constraints than virtue, religion, and hope of reward at God's hand. According whereunto, Chilo the Lacedaemonian being asked, Wherein virtuous men passed other men? In good hope (quoth he.) Whereby he meant the reward that we look for after this life. And therefore I say for a conclusion, that virtue is the law and rule of princes, according whereunto, they ought to direct all their actions and doings, for the well governing of their people, and that they may have a happy reign. CHAP. X. Of the Passions of the mind. FOr as much as I have already spoken of virtue in general; it will not be amiss for the understanding of this discourse, to speak a word or twain by the way, concerning the passions that are in the mind, (which Mercury the great termeth the tormentors of man) to the end that virtue may be the better known by his contrary. Plutarch in the life of Demetrius. For whereas physic discusseth what is sickness, and music, what is a discord; that is but casually and by accident, for the better doing of the contrary; that is to wit, for the preserving or recovering of health, and for the making of good harmony. Even so temperance, justice, and wisdom, being the perfectest of all virtues, do give us knowledge not only of the thing that is just, honest, and profitable: but also of that which is unhonest, It is Ignorance not to know evil. unjust, and hurtful. For it is a brutishness not to know what is evil, and to be ignorant of the things that are most principally requisite, in such as intend to live uprightly among good and honest men. The passions therefore, are Ignorance, against which, Mercury opposeth the knowledge of God; slothfulness, against the which he opposeth cheerfulness, exempted from all voluptuous delectation; inconstancy or unsteadfastness, whereunto he opposeth constancy, or steadfastness; unrighteousness, whereagainst he setteth righteousness; incontinency or unchasteness, against the which he matcheth continency or chasteness; which is the virtue that overmaistreth lusts, and is the first degree and foundation of all righteousness: riotousness, or excess, against the which he opposeth sparingness; deceitfulness, which he countermatcheth with soothfastness; and consequently envy, fraud, rashness, & Malice. Virgil following the manner of the Stoics, setteth down four passions of the mind, saying thus, Hence proceed the restreints of their long, dislikings, joys, and fears, which are as the wellsprings of all the residue. For enviousness, slaunderousnesse, sorrowfulness, rufulnesse, cark, and despair, come of disliking or discontentment. Slothfulness, bashfulness, and amazedness of mind, come of fearfulness: jollity, boasting, and scorning, come of unmeasured gladness or over-ioifulnes. Wrath, rancour, suspicion, and such other, come of longing or desirousness. Othersome divide the passions of the mind into love and Hatred, Longing and Loathing, gladness and sadness, Hope and despair, fearfulness and foolhardiness, Choleriknesse and coldness, which coldness is a vice proceeding of a silly mind and feeble courage, that is not touched with any thing, nor can be provoked to anger, and is a counterfeiter of the virtue mildness, which doth so well moderate the affection and passion of the mind, that it keepeth a man from being angry out of measure. All these passions have their being in the sensitive appetite; The one half of the Passions follow the Lustful appetit, and the other the Ireful the which I divide into lustful, and into ireful or wrathful. Six of the Passions, namely love and Hatred, Longing and Loathing, gladness and sadness, do follow the lustful appetite. The other six, that is to say Hope and despair, fearfulness and foolhardiness, Cholerikenesse and coldness, This going before and coming after, is not in respect of time and place, but of order, reason, and dignity. do follow the ireful part. I place love foremost, because the hating of one thing presupposeth the love of another: as for example, a man would never hate vice, unless he loved virtue. Likewise Longing, which is an appendent of love, goeth before Loathing, which ensueth Hatred. Also Hope goes before despair, for if we have a mind to any good thing, it is a greater matter to obtain it, than to go without it. Therefore Hope (which tendeth to the good) goeth before despair which letteth the good go. Again, fear goeth before foolhardiness, because the good goeth always before the evil, and we shun the evil to obtain the good. In like case is it with gladness, which goeth always before sadness, because the sadness tendeth to the evil. As touching choleriknesse, some put it before coldness, & some after. They that put it after do follow the general rule, saying that the good is always foremost, because the evil presupposeth a good, as I have said afore. They that put it afore, say, that coldness is not properly a passion, but rather a default or want of passion: and therefore that in the matter of passion choleriknesse, anger, or wrath, aught to go before coldness, which is a disposition void of passion and feeling of choler. Nevertheless it seemeth that this want of passion, may be deemed a passion and an evil thing in man, for as much as through such undisposednesse of the soul, a man is so sheepish, that he cannot be angry when need is. For where both the extremes be faulty, they cannot be without passion, that is to say, without evil affection of the mind. Now in order of passions, love and hatred do hold the first place, as passions of most strength, upon whom all the rest depend. Next unto them do follow longing & loathing, as appendents to love and hatred. For of love cometh longing, and of hating loathing, when as we be loath to see the thing that we hate. Then ensue hope and despair, & so forth of the rest. Now it is to be seen after what sort a man is to rule himself in these passions, and by what means profit may be drawn of them. That the passions being well taken are not evil. First as touching love & hatred, it seemeth that both the one & the other may be in the mind of a prince, & generally in all gentlemanly minds, without blame. For we say that love is a desire of the thing that is fair, goodly, or beautiful. Therefore hatred being the contrary, must needs be a loathing of the thing that is foul and ill-favoured. Of love. Many have misliked of love as though it were a hinderer of virtuous deeds. But they that have waded deeply into the matter, have not rested upon that kind of love, which is engendered in our hearts by the beholding of a fair & beautiful countenance, or of some excellent beauty, but mounting up higher & seeking to the very well's head, they have found, that all that is in this word, is conceived and engendered by love, as Plato teacheth us, having perhaps drawn that doctrine out of the bible, as we may see by salomon's song, which discovereth God's love towards men, under the persons of two lovers, the which song is learnedly interpreted by Origen. This love is not always a well liking of the body; It is of another sort, liking well of nothing but of the soul that is clad with innocency, chastity, righteousness, and temperance. S. Austin in his xiv. Book of the city of God, saith that the will which is rightly disposed, is good love, and ill disposed will is evil love, The love then which is desirous to have the thing that is beloved, is called longing; possessing and enjoying it, it is called gladness. The fleeing or shunning of the contrary unto it, is fear; and the feeling thereof when it is come, is called sadness. And therefore these things be evil, if the love be evil, and good if the love be good. In consideration whererof, we say that love respecteth the good. By which reason, a prince ought to love that which is most beautiful, that is to say, God; the which thing he shall do by being religious, and by being afraid to displease him. A prince must love the publike-weale. Secondly after the example of God our sovereign monarch, he must love the commonweal, as God loveth the world: yea, and by very natural reason, the public case is to be preferred afore the private. And this only way made the Romans, Athenians, and Lacedæmonians great, who feared not any danger, so it were for the commonweal. Accordingly as we read that Codrus king of Athens, vowed his life for the safety of his country, and likewise the Roman Deciusses. Lacena, in steed of mourning for her dead son, rejoiced when she heard he was slain in the wars, in defence of his country. Leonidas a king of the Lacedæmonians, holding it for certainty that himself and all his soldiers should be slain, because they were not of sufficient number to withstand the power of the Persians, said unto his men, Let us dine my good fellows, as those which shall this day go sup with them that are deceased. In so much that the prince that hath the love of God and of the commonweal afore his eyes, cannot fail but have the virtues whereof I hope to speak hereafter. But if he neglect the commonweal, and have regard but only to his own peculiar profit; then in steed of having some virtues, he shall be replenished with all vice, so as he shall do nothing but pill his people, and be catching of all things as well holy as unholy. Whereby a man may know him that is a lover of men, from him that is not so; and a tyrant from a king. For a king aimeth wholly at the common profit, and a tyrant at his own peculiar profit. Again, the king in doing for the public weal, doth for himself: for that is the thing that upholdeth him. On the contrary part, the tyrant in doing all things for himself, doth by that means overthrow himself. What hatred becometh a prince. And even as love is very requisite in a prince, so say I also that hatred doth well beseem him. I mean not the hating of any particular person, or of all in general, after the manner of Timon of Athens, who naturally did hate all men, or of Mison, who never laughed but when he was alone: for such kind of hatred is dangerous in a prince, by reason of his overgreat power, which would be the cause of the destruction of infinite men. For so soon as he commandeth a thing, so soon is it done, as I will declare hereafter when I speak of anger. But I speak of the hatred which is the countermatch to love. For if the lover love the thing that is beautiful, the hater hateth the thing that is ugly. Virtue is the beautifullest thing that we have; therefore must vice needs be the ugliest; and so must a good prince needs hate both the vice and the vicious. Which thing Solomon perceiving very well, saith in the twelfth chapter of his proverbs, That a wise prince scattereth the wicked, and maketh the wheel to turn over them. And in the same chapter he saith, That the king with his only look driveth away all evil. As if he would say, that a king (who ought to be an example of virtue) is a terror to the wicked. For as the sun disperseth the clouds and mists; so doth the countenance of a veruous king drive away all vice and all naughtiness. For the wicked dare not come near him, for fear of punishment. By speaking thus of love & hatred, we see what a king ought to desire, and what he ought to eschew: wherewith he ought to be pleased, and wherewith he ought to be displeased: namely that he ought to desire the good, as the end whereto he tendeth, and to abhor the evil, after the example of S. Paul, who in his Epistle to the Philippians, desireth to be let lose and to be with Christ. And David in the psalm 118, My soul longeth for thy judgements. In what manner a prince may be merry and glad. Likewise a prince ought to rejoice and take pleasure in the welfare of his subjects, and to be sorry when they far amiss. For it is permitted unto him to be merry, so it be in things virtuous, accordingly as we be commanded to rejoice in the Lord, and to be sorry for the misery and adversity of our neighbours. Psal. 15. Psal. 22. rejoice ye righteous (saith David) yea leap ye for joy. And again, Ye have made my heart merry. And in the ninth psalm, I will confess thee and praise thee O Lord, and my heart shall rejoice in thee. But the beastly and voluptuous mirth is reproved, such as belongeth (as David saith) to the horse and mule, which have no understanding, but give themselves over to their own sensual lust. As for sorrow or sadness, it ought to be far from us, Of sadness, sorrow, and heaviness. because that (as Solomon saith) A sorrowful heart drieth up a man's bones; except it be so that we sorrow for our misdeeds, according to this saying in S. Matthew, Blessed are they that weep and mourn: his meaning is, for their sins. For as saith S. Paul to the Corinthians, The godly sorrow engendereth repentance unto salvation, whereof a man shall never repent him. But the worldly sorrow engendereth death. And in his Epistle to Timothy, he findeth fault with such as are affectionlesse. And in the three score and eight psalm, I looked (quoth David) if there were any that would be sad with me, but there was none. For as Cicero saith in his Tusculans, It is an unnatural and unkindly thing, for a man to abide in such unagreevednesse. Socrates' made Alcibiades to weep, for that he showed him by lively reasons, that he was of less estimation than a torchbearer, if he had not virtue: and that sorrowing was behooveful to him. To rid us of the worldly heaviness, we have two remedies; the one is virtue, and discretion. For a virtuous and discreet man, is not dismayed for any loss, neither is he out of quiet for any thing, Of friendship. but for his misdeeds. The other remedy is Friendship. For as Chilo said, The sorrows and incommodities of this life, must be overcome by stoutness of courage, and by communicating them with our friends. And in truth there is not any thing that doth so greatly assuage heaviness, as to have a friend into whose bosom a man may discharge the grief that lies upon his heart. For that cause doth Homer give Achilles a Patroclus: and Virgil, an Achates unto Aenaeas: Alexander had his Ephestion: Darius his Zopyrus: Scipio his Laelius: and generally all good princes have had some special friend, unto whom they might unburden themselves of their griefs. My meaning is not, that I would a prince should have a friend, but to serve his delights: for such friendships last not. As for example, if a prince love some pleasant conceited person, because he taketh pleasure in him; the friendship that is so sought for pleasure or for profit, is but counterfeit, and is easy to be broken, as Aristotle saith in his eight book of Morals, The perfect friendship is among good men that love virtue: A prince ought to be very precise in choosing his friend. and that friendship is durable. And such men ought a prince to be careful to find out, for fear it be said unto him, as Aristippus upbraided some saying, When we buy a thing at a porter, we look nearly unto it, but when we be to choose a friend, we be careless in examining his life; notwithstanding that there is no comparison between movable goods and a friend. For a friend may help a prince both with counsel and comfort, and also greatly advance his profit, as Zopirus did unto king Darius, unto whom he recovered Babylon. And therefore Darius said, That he had liefer have one Zopirus, than to take ten Babylon's; and that he wished he had as many Megabisusses, as there be kernels in a Pomgarnet. For this cause were Pylades and Orestes, exalted to the skies by the Poets; and Damon and Pythias, pythagorians, by the Historiographers. Many examples of faithful friends. And among others, we must not let pass the friendship of Servius Terentius, towards Brutus. For when Brutus should have been put to death, this Terentius affirmed himself to be he, and would have been killed for him in the darkness of the place, nevertheless being discerned who he was, he was suffered to live whether he would or no. Neither is the wi●ely love of one hosts the wife of a Moor, to be passed over in silence; who seeing her husband dead, abstained from food nine days together, that she might be buried with him. Timagenides seeing the city of Thebes besieged for his sake, chose rather to yield himself to the rest of the Greeks who were desirous of him, than to abide the burning, spoiling, and sacking of his country. Also there were a couple of Lacedæmonians, which offered to go to the king of Persia, to be put to torture for the rest of their countrymen, who had killed the King's ambassadors. But yet the love of certain Frenchmen towards their country, shall put to silence the fables of Orestes and Pylades, and whatsoever is reported of the Curtiusses and Deciusses of Rome. When the king of England refused to take Calais to mercy, except they would deliver him six Burgesses of the town, with halters about their necks, to do his pleasure with them; the people being assembled into one place, and hearing this sentence, fell to weeping. Then stepped up among them one Eustace of S. Peter's, one of the richest men of all the town, and told them that he would not suffer such a number of people to perish, but would rather give himself to the death for their safety, than see them die for hunger, or be slain with the sword. After him followed another named john Daire, and four more of the richest in Calis, who vowed themselves everichone to the death, for the safeguard of their people. S. Ambrose in his second book of Virgins, reporteth a notable story of a maid and a young soldier, who offered themselves to die either for the other. The maid was condemned either to do sacrifice to the idols, or else to be made a brothel in the stews. She utterly refusing to do sacrifice to the idols, was led forthwith to the stews, where after she had made her prayers unto God, there was brought unto her a young soldier, who altering his former purpose which he had to have defiled her, prayed her to take his apparel, and he would put on hers, that by that means she might go her ways unknown, and so be saved. When she was departed out of the brothelhouse, there came in other young men in hope to have had their pleasure of that fair damsel. But in her stead they found the man, and thought she had been turned into that shape by miracle. In the end, when the conveyance was discovered, the young man was carried to be punished; whereof the maid hearing, presented herself to bail him, body for body, that he might escape: but the young man would in no wise hear of that, affirming that judgement was given against him, and not against her. The maid replied, that he was there but as a pledge, and that the sentence which was given against him, aught to be executed upon herself. To conclude, they disputed so well the one against the other, that with their consents, they were both put to death. Let this be spoken as by the way, because occasion thereof was offered. He that is desirous to see more, let him read Aristotle's Morals, Lucian's Toxaris, and Cicero's Laelius. Now let us proceed to Hope, Of Hope and despair. which is an affection well beseeming a Prince. When Alexander having of a bountiful mind given all to his friends, was asked what should remain to himself; Hope (quoth he) because he hoped to get much more. And this Hope is grounded upon a certain nobleness of courage. I know well enough that some Hope is but the dreaming of a man when he is awake: for commonly we miss of the thing that we behight ourselves. Nevertheless, I say that the valiant and well advised prince seldom faileth of his hope, when it is grounded upon reason and good fortune. Philo saith, that Hope is the fountain of all sorts and trades of life. The merchant traffiqueth in hope of gain, the marener in hope to benefit himself by his sailing; the ambitious in hope of glory and honour: and to attain to these ends, every of them doth take marvelous pains. The hope of the happy state draweth men to virtue. But indeed the true and only hope, is to hope in God, as in him that is our Creator, and is sufficient of himself alone to keep us safe and sound. Despair, or Distrust. Afterward cometh despair, or Distrust, the contrary to Hope, which may be taken doublewise, either as when a prince having lost a battle and broken his force, letteth all go without consulting or taking advice what to do, & through despair seeketh no remedy, which oft befalleth for want of courage; to maintain the which, nothing is comparable to stoutness of mind. The other sort is not properly despair, but a behaviour proceeding of humility, which maketh us that we be not overhasty in hoping for great and high things, the which is convenient enough for a prince, for it restraineth him from hazarding himself, and from undertaking too great and hard things, after the manner of David, who rejoiceth that he had not enterprised things overgreat, and exceeding his power. In this case, both Hope and Distrust are well befitting a king. For the one maketh him to enterprise great things, & the other to moderate them in such sort, as he undertake not any thing above his ability, or above that which he ought; for to do so, proceedeth either of undiscreetness, or of rage, or of some other inordinate passion. Of fearfulness and fool hardiness. fearfulness, and foolhardiness, are the two faulty extremities which enclose prows, or valiantness of courage, whereof I will speak more largely hereafter. For whosoever through the greatness of his courage doth put himself in peril, yea even of certain death for a good cause, he is to be esteemed hardy, valeant, and manly-minded. And surely, the fearful is worse than the foolhardy. For as Thucydides saith, fear doth not only bereave a man of his memory, but also of his strength, and impeacheth the execution of the thing that he had determined. Nevertheless, the fear to do evil is evermore welbeseeming, according to this saying of S●lomon in his proverbs, Blessed is the man that always standeth in fear: but he that hardeneth his heart, shall fall into mischief. S. Paul willeth us to go through with our salvation, with fear and terror, and he would not have us to be too skilful. And in the xj. of isaiah it is written, that the spirit of the fear of God shall rest upon the blossom of the root of Jesse. And in the lxuj. chapter, Whom shall I regard (saith the Lord) but him that is meeld and gentle, and standeth in fear of my words. And in the xxuj. At the fear of thee we have conceived and brought forth the spirit of salvation. And in the xxxiij psalm, Ye righteous fear ye the Lord. And in the xviij psalm, The true way is to fear the power of God. The fear of the Lord endureth for ever. And as S. Jerome saith, fear is the keeper of all virtues, and the true way is, to fear the power of God. Homer in his Iliads bringeth in Helen, using these terms to king Priam, Surely dear Lord and father in law, I do both fear you and honour you, because we ordinarily reverence those whom we fear. And therefore near to the common hall of the ephors in Sparta, there was a chapel dedicated to fear; for fear doth always accompany shame. Also it is a very commendable thing to be afraid of unhonesty, and yet not to be afraid to be counted unhonest. As for example, when one upon a time upbraided Xenophanes the son of Lagus, that he was fearful and durst not play at dice; I confess (quoth he) that I am not only fearful, but also exceeding fearful, but that is but in things unhonest. For honourable is that fear that restraineth a man from doing evil. As touching meekness or mildness, it beseemeth a prince very well. For it maketh him gentle, courteous, and affable. And it is one of the three virtues which David would have in a king. For in the xliiij psalm, Ride on (saith he) and reign, because of thy meekness, justice, and truth. And this virtue is contrary to choleriknesse, hastiness, or fumishnesse, which ought to be far off from a prince, as the which doth too much blind him, and bereave him of reason and judgement. A man ought to be angry▪ at sin. But to be angry with lewdness and lewd persons, is very well done, provided that it be not in such sort as it extend to sin; according to this saying of the Psalmist, Be angry, but sin not in your hearts. And for as much as I will treat hereof more largely when I come to speak of anger or wrath, and of mildness or meekness, I will content myself for the present, to have showed the passions of the mind, as it were at a glance, which though they seem at the first blush to encounter against virtue, be such nevertheless, as a well-disposed mind may greatly help itself by them, and make them to serve to very good end, and so alter the shape of them, as that the thing which seemed evil, shall fall out to be good and commendable. CHAP. XI. Whether virtue and honesty be to be separated from profit, in matters of government or state. But I fear least by standing too long upon matter of Manners, I foreslow the matters of State, and that in going about to make a prince virtuous, I make him a prince misadvised. For oftentimes the managing of public affairs is such, that he must rather have regard of the present case, how to wind himself out of the briars, and to get out of some shrewd pinch, than to stand musing upon virtue, because that they which do so busy their heads, do often times suffer their state to be lost. If Brutus that conspired against Caesar, had not been too spice-conscienst, saying it was not lawful to kill any other than a tyrant, but had believed the counsel of Cassius, he had not left Antony the tyrant's friend behind, by whose death, the commonweal had been discharged of all danger. In so much that one little spark of conscience, procured unto Brutus the loss both of his own life, and of the liberty of his country. The first Brutus did not so, Sometimes a State is preserved by cruelty. for it liked him better to use cruelty, in putting his own children to death, than to leave any little match of conspiracy against the state: and this barbarous cruelty and unkindness of his, saved the commonweal. When Cabades king of Persia was cast in prison by his subjects that had rebelled against him and chosen one blazes in his steed▪ this blazes entered into counsel, what was to be done with Cabades. The most part were of opinion, that he should not be put to death, but that he should be kept in prison. Othersome gave counsel that he should be dispatched, among whom Gusanascades one of the greatest lords, delivering his opinion, showed them a little penknife wherewith he was wont to pair his nails, and said unto them, Ye see this little cuttle; this same may now without any pain and without any danger, do that which twenty thousand men cannot do hereafter. And even so it came to pass in deed. For Cabades getting out of prison recovered his kingdom, and putting out blazes eyes with scalding oil, laid him in prison, and put Gusanascades to death. Theodatus (king of the Goths) was loath to kill Amalasont, being an honourable and virtuous Princess, and wife of Theoderik, and mother of Athalarik; but in the end he dispatched her at the persuasion of such as told him that his life could not else be in safety. In state of government things must oft be done according ●o the necessity of the time. Theophrast reporteth of Aristides that in private cases between man and man, he was a perfect, upright, and iust-dealing man; but in matters of government concerning the commonweal, he did many things, according to the necessity of the time. The Athenians in the conference which they had with the Melians, said that the Lacedæmonians used much virtue among themselves, and in the things that concerned their laws and customs at home: but in their behaviour towards strangers, they were a people that esteemed that to be most honest and reasonable, which was most for their profit. Euphemeus an Athenian, said to the Camerins, that the man which reigneth by tyranny, and a city that hath an empire, deem nothing unhonest that may be for their profit, nor account any thing theirs which is not safe guarded; and in all cases they esteem others to be their friends or foes, according to the occasion of time and dealings. Plutarch speaking of Marius, saith he made reckoning of justice when it was for his own behoof, and took profit both for justice and honour, not considering that truth is more strong and mighty than falsehood, but measuring the value of them both by the profit that might rise thereof, and saying that when a lions skin will not stead a man's turn, The skin of a fox must be matched with the skin of a lion. he must take unto it the skin of a fox. This hath been the cause, that the best advised which have written of government, and they also which have practised it, have not stood so much upon virtue, as upon the occurrence of matters; insomuch that they have said, That a prince oftentimes for the compassing of his affairs, must be feign to behave himself contrary to faith, contrary to charity, contrary to humanity, and contrary to religion. But this opinion, notwithstanding that it be followed of the most part of the world; yet do I find it far distant from our religion, and from all that an honest man ought to do. For God putteth no difference between a prince and a private person, in cases concerning virtue or vice. Antigonus the great, whom men would have made to believe that all things are lawful for kings; Ye say truth (quoth he) for barbarous kings; but unto us, that which is just of itself, is always just; and that which is evil is always evil. And to say tr●th, we see not that writers do make two kinds of virtue, the one peculiar to princes, the other to private persons. For were it lawful for a prince or for a common weal, to do evil for profits sake; it ought as well to be permitted also to the private person: for at least wise by the example of his prince, he will dispense with himself for doing good. But God will not have us to do evil, for any good that may come thereof, no not even though it be for the benefit of a whole realm. Therefore the foresaid proposition cannot be avowed of a christian with a safe conscience, seeing it is disallowed by the heathen. And to root it out of the hearts of princes, I am feign to set down word for word (howbeit briefly) the same things that Cicero in his third book of duties setteth down at large, leaving the rest to divines, who match their reasons with the word of God, the only thing that is able to captive a lovely and right meaning mind. Now then, it is not only by our religion, that we be warned thereof, but also by the wise Infidels, according to this saying of Socrates, the wisest of them all, namely, That those have done amiss, which have separated honesty and virtue from profit; seeing they ought of nature to go jointly together. For a man can not be said to profit himself, when he offendeth against nature. And there is not any thing more against nature, and against the law of man, than to take from another man, wherewith to profit a man's self: for nature cannot abide, that we should increase our wealth by the spoiling and robbing of other men. It is better to be poor than to do wrong. So that the man which obeyeth nature, and followeth kindly inclination, cannot find in his heart to hurt his like, but will rather choose to be poor and to endure hardness, than to do another man harm, especially considering that the hurt of the soul, (which is vice or sin) is an hundred fold worse than the hurt of the body. By the law of nature we should do good one to another, and they that do otherwise, do take away society from among men, the taking away whereof maketh goodness, justice, and liberality to be laid a-water. And therefore whensoever profit steppeth before our face, If profit be mingled with sin, we must let profit go. it is hard for us to escape provocation: but when we have bethought us of it at leisure, then if we find that the profit is intermeddled with vice, we must let the profit go, and persuade ourselves, that wheresoever sin is, there can be no profit indeed. And seeing that there is not any thing more contrary to nature, than sin is; because nature requireth nothing but that which is good, neither is any thing more agreeable to nature than profit; it is very hard for vice & profit to match together in one ground. And for as much as virtue surmounteth and surpasseth all things; it is very behooveful and needful that the sovereign good should consist in virtue. Now as that which is good is behooveful & profitable; so that which is honest is profitable also. The wicked beholding an outward show of profit, do run after it, not perceiving into what inconvenience they fall by doing evil: by reason whereof they pervert the laws both of God and man, which thing he that liveth after the law of nature doth not. Yet notwithstanding oftentimes there happen cases which put even the best to their shifts, A case wherein the outward appearance of profit is followed. by reason of the profit that offereth itself unto them. Not that they consult whether honesty and virtue be to be left; but whether the thing that is profitable may be done without sin. As for example, To the intent to wipe the name of the Tarquins clean out of Rome, Brutus caused Tarqvinius Collatinus the husband of Lucrece, to be discharged of the dignity of Consulship, and to be put out of the city. This seemed a piece of wrong, because this Collatinus himself had helped to expulse the kings. But for so much as it was found upon good advise, that the very remembrance of that so odious name, was to be utterly abolished: the thing being profitable for the commonweal, imported also so much honesty, that Collatinus himself ought also to think well thereof; and so profit prevailed for honesties sake, without the which it had been no profit in deed. There is another case, wherein profit and honesty seem to encounter one another, by reason of the rigour, and yet notwithstanding, the chief regard is to be had of the profit, because it fighteth not against nature. As for example, It is permitted you by the law of nature, to repulse the injury that is done unto you, and for performance thereof, sometimes a prince is driven to do rigorous executions, and such as may seem too too cruel; as Thomiris Queen of the Massagets did, who having vanquished king Cirus in battle, slew him and two hundred thousand men with him; so as not any one escaped the sword. This or the like execution were evil in a captain, that should do it upon cold blood, or quiet deliberation, as Silla did at Rome. But when a prince, whom God hath armed to defend himself, repelleth injury by force, and putteth his enemies to the sword; Cruelty in defending, is not unhonest. although it seem a cruel deed, yet is it not altogether against honesty and honour. For the death of the enemies is the welfare of the commonweal, against whom as a prince ought not to use any treason or treachery whereby to kill them: so if in assailing the prince, they chance to fall into his hands, it is at his pleasure to do what he findeth behooveful for his own safety, according to the law of arms, for it is not unmeet that they should fall into the same net which they had laid for him. Had the Samnites used the way of extreme cruelty against the Romans, Enemy's must either be won by some singular courtesy, or dispatched with rigorous cruelty. when gentleness would not serve their turn, they had done the better for themselves, and they should have learned by the effect, that the counsel of Herennius Pontius was very good. For his son being captain general of the Samnites, set unto him to have his advise, what he should do to the Romans, whom he held enclosed betwixt two mountains. Herennius sent him word, that he should send them home to Rome, without doing them any displeasure; thinking that for so notable a benefit, they would of enemies become thenceforth good and faithful friends. And when he saw that this counsel liked not the Samnites, he counseled them to put them all to the sword, without sparing any one of them, for he thought that so great a loss would so greatly weaken the Romans, as they should not be able to recover themselves a long time after. This opinion seemed also over-cruell, and so they chose a mean way, which was to save the Romans lives, and to bereave them of their armour and weapon, and of their stuff, with some other conditions: which afterward was the confusion of the Samnites. Likewise the Euthalibians committed a great oversight, in that they dispatched not the Persians, when they had them shut up almost after the aforesaid manner; or sent them not home in friendly sort, but did neither of both. For they sent them away without hurt; but they compelled Perosas the king of Persia, to adore their king, and to promise them upon his oath, never to make war on them afterward. Nevertheless, as soon as Perosas was delivered of the danger, he made sharper war upon them, than he had done afore, in revenge of the injury and dishonour that they had done unto him. For in matter of state a prince must either deserve well of his enemies, by some singular courtesy, or make clean riddance of them, if it lie in his hand to do it. I would always counsel him to follow courtesy. But yet he may have to do with such kind of men, that it shall stand him on hand, to use rigour rather than gentleness, as is to be seen in the deed of Queen Thomiris, where albeit that the revenge of her sons death provoked her to kill Cirus: yet was it moreover expedient also for her state, to do it in such sort as she did. Cruelty is to be used against strangers that come to make conquest. For a prince that cometh out of a far country, to conquer a realm, whereunto he cannot pretend any right, will not lightly be paid with such clemency. For his intent is to possess himself of it by some means or other, and oftentimes for the bringing thereof to pass, to make utter slaughter and destruction of the inhabitants thereof, as the children of Israel did, when they came into the land of Promise. Well might Charles Martell have done all the courtesies that could be unto the Sarsines; but yet would not that have made them forbear to invade the realm of France. And therefore the best way was to fight it out with them, and to overthrow them utterly. If Aetius being aided by the Frenchmen, had not fought with Attila to the utterance in France, it had been unpossible for him to have got him thence by fair means; and yet because he made not clean riddance of him, a man may see what mischief came of it. It is noted as a fault in Constantine, that when he had vanquished the Vandals, Swevians, and Alanes, he pursued not his victory in putting them all to the sword, but gave them respite to resemble themselves again, whereby they became as strong as he. Darius' offered Alexander his daughter, a very beautiful Lady, with six millions of money, and the one half of Asia; but Alexander would not admit that honourable offer, because his covetousness was unmeasurable. By reason whereof, had good fortune gone on Darius' side, he had played an unwise part, if he had not slain Alexander and all his army without mercy. Manfred king of Naples, was willing to have made peace with Charles duke of Anjou; but Charles would never hearken unto it, because he grounded his right upon the sword, and was bend to be king of Naples whatsoever it did cost him. With whom courtesy and gentleness is to be used. courtesy and clemency are to be used among neighbours that strive but for their bounds, for hatred, or for honour. For they that are so vanquished, are always mindful of the courtesy that hath been done unto them, and of the means to requite it, whereof in the fourth book of Kings, the sixth chapter, we have a notable example ' in the king of Israel, who by the advise of the prophet Elizeus, in steed of putting the Assyrians his enemies to death, which were come to seek him, caused them to be entertained with all kind of good cheer, and sent them home without doing them any harm; by means whereof, whereas they had been his sworn enemies, he made them his good friends. So also did Ptolemy, who having overcome Demetrius, and put his host to flight at the city Gaza, restored him his treasure and all his stuff, with eight thousand prisoners, saying that he strove not with him, for honour and empire. And Demetrius receiving those things at his hand, prayed God he might not continue long his debtor for that courtesy; and even so it came to pass. For anon after Demetrius overcame Ptolemy, and having taken his treasure, & also seven thousand prisoners, sent all home again to him, and moreover gave presents to every of the prisoners whom he sent back. The case standeth otherwise with him that cometh a far off, to make conquest of a country. For his intent is to dispossess them against whom he maketh war, and to make clean riddance of them, as we have seen in the Saxons, Englishmen, Burgonions, Frenchmen, Turks, Goths, and Lumbards', who have continued owners of the lands which they invaded. And if they had not had the upper hand of fortune, doubtless not so much as one had been suffered to escape. Wicked counsel given by the pope. That is the cause why the pope, after that Charles of Anjou, had gotten the upper hand of Conradine and the Swevians, counseled him to cut off Conradines' head, sending him word in a word or twain of latin, That the life of Conradine was the death of Charles, and the death of Conradine was Charles his life. But saving the reverence of the pope and of duke Charles, albeit this way seemed most profitable, yet ought it not to have been followed, because it was scarce honourable, seeing that Conradine had escaped the fury of the battle, and his quarrel was just, in recovery of his kingdom, which his base brother Manfred had first usurped from him, and Charles had won away from Manfred. Manslaughters committed upon quiet deliberation, are disallowed. Such manslaughters done upon quiet determination, and out of the heat of conflict in battle, are disallowed both of God and man. In confirmation whereof, I must needs allege a certain text out of the third chapter of the second book of Samuel. There were in jury two brave captains, named Abner and Amasa, which had borne arms for king Saul against David, and David after saul's death had pardoned them. But joab, David's constable, being overzealous of his masters honour, forbore not for all that to kill them both; which doing of his, David so greatly misliked, that he protested before God and the people, that he was guiltless of their blood. And to show that he was so unfeignedly, although he punished it not during his life, yet did he take order for the punishing thereof afore his decease, saying thus unto Solomon his son, David's judgement upon Joab for murdering Abner and Amasa. Thou knowest what Joab did unto the captains of the host of Israel, namely unto Abner and Amasa, whom he slew and shed their blood in peace as it had been in war, and put the blood of battle upon his girdle that was upon his reins: look therefore that thou deal with him according to thy wisdom, and suffer not his hoar head to go down to his grave in peace. David being persecuted by Saul, had him at an advantage, when he found him in the cave, and might very well have done him displeasure▪ but would not. But had that good politic fellow Joab been there, he would no more have suffered Saul to escape than he suffered Absalon. Now to come again to our matter, like as God gave the victory at that time to the aforesaid duke Charles; so at another time he made his heir the prince of Salerne to lose the field, and to be taken and condemned to have his head stricken off, as the said Conradine had had afore. And when this sentence was pronounced upon him, which was on a Friday; he answered he was contented to take his death with patience, for the love of him which suffered death on the like day. The merciful dealing of Queen Constance. But when Constance the Queen heard of this his answer, she said, that for the love of him which had suffered death for us, she was determined to show mercy to the prince; and without doing him any further harm, she sent him to Cataloine to the king her husband, full sore against the people's will, who would have had him put to death. In which action we have to consider one notable thing; namely, that Charles who had slain Manfred in battle, and put to death both Conradine, and his cozen the duke of ostrich, under form of justice, could not keep his kingdom so long time to his posterity, as the heir female of Manfred did by using favour and mercy. But when a stranger having no former quarrel, comes with a great number of men to invade a country; I believe it shallbe well done of him that getteth the victory, to let none of his enemies escape, lest their enlargement provoke them to set a new voyage abroach, as the Frenchmen did in Gallia, and the Goths in Italy. Again, there is no love or kindness to be hoped for at such folk's hands. But out of that case, Cruelty is not to be used for the maintenance of a state. I see not that cruelty ought to be used for the maintaining of any state; and as for to leave virtue for profit, it ought not to be so much as once thought. Augustus for the better assuring of his state, caused Cesarion the son of Julius and Cleopatra to be slain. It may be perchance that in so doing, he dealt for his profit, but surely he dealt not virtuously. Contrariwise, Sextus Pompeius who had the staff in his own hand, to have killed Augustus and Antony, his enemies, dealt honourably in letting them go, but to his own destruction, which thing he chose rather to do, than to falsify his faith, as I will declare anon more at large, I could allege many more examples of evil princes, which have finished their days in wretchedness, and lost their kingdoms, or at the leastwise their children after them, whom I will omit for briefness sake, Of Caesar Borgia. speaking but only of Caesar Borgia; that we may see whether such a prince can be had in estimation. I am well assured that to lay the foundation of his principality, (which came to him but by fortune as they say) he had many things to do, the which he brought all to pass by his wit. But yet can I not allow that manner of dealing. For he caused the Columnians to be destroyed by the Vrsines, and afterward dispatched the Vrsines too, for fear lest they should take part against him. He used the help of the Frenchmen, to get possession of Romania, and afterward drove them out when he was peaceably settled in it. To purchase the people's favour, he executed rigorous justice upon thieves, robbers, and extortionors; and for the doing thereof, he set up a very good and severe justicer, named Remy ork. Afterward perceiving that his overrigorous justice procured him some hatred; to root that conceit out of their imaginations, and to show that that came not of him, but of his officer; he made master Remy ork to be cut in two pieces, and to be laid in an open place with a bloody knife by him. I see not wherein this duke Valentine is to be allowed; I believe he was well advised what he did, and assayed all the means he could to make his own profit; but that profit was utterly separated from virtue. What policy was it to kill folk by treacherous sleights and treason, which had never trespassed him either in word or deed? What a reward was that for a judge to receive, for doing his duty, and for serving him faithfully? If such princes may be allowed, then shall murder and fraud be no vice, so it bring profit. And then let us take Socrates his saying the contrary way, and say that virtue ought to attend upon profit. And so should it follow of consequence, that whosoever could deal most for his own profit, should be the best and honestest man. But all the pain that this wretched prince took to 'stablish his state, stood him in small steed. For he utterly forewent it, and was deceived himself, as he had deceived others. Thucydides in his history, interlaceth a notable saying of the Corinthians, which was spoken to the counsel of the Athenians, If a man will say (saith he) that that which we say is very reasonable, but that the opinion of the other side is the more profitable, if there be war; we answer, that the more uprightly men walk in all things, the more is it commonly for their profit. There is no profit without virtue. Therefore it is most expedient for a prince that will not fail of his purpose, to fix his eye continually uponn virtue, and to set it before him as his mark to shoot at, and to assure himself that he cannot have profit without virtue. Upon a time Themistocles told the Athenians, that he had a way to make them great, yea and lords of all Greece, but that the same was not to be imparted to any more than one, lest it should be known. Hereupon the Athenians chose Aristides to take notice of his device. Unto whom Themistocles declared, that the navy of the Lacedæmonians might easily be set on fire, whereby it would be an easy matter to vanquish them. When Aristides had heard the counsel of Themistocles, he went up into the pulpit with great expectation of the Athenians, and told them that Themistocles had given a wondrous behooveful and profitable counsel, but it was not honest, whereupon the Athenians, without hearing any further what it was, disallowed the counsel of Themistocles, as not good. At such time as Pyrrhus made war with the Romans, one of his people came to Fabritius, being then Consul at Rome, & proffered him to poison the king. Fabritius without taking any further counsel, sent back the traitor unto Pyrrhus: and this his deed was allowed and commended of the senate. Wickedness is not accompanied with honour. If sovereignty be sought for honours sake, then must treachery be banished; for treachery is not accompanied with honour. If for goods, neither can goods do a prince good, being matched with infamy and dishonour. And as touching that which Theophrast saith of Aristides, That he did many things according unto the necessity of the time; we find not so much as any one deed of his that may be accounted unjust, saving that when the city of Athens wanted money, he propounded in counsel whether they should take away the gold that had been laid up in store in the temple of Apollo, at Delphos in the isle of Delos, contrary to an article of the league that was concluded by oath, among all the Greeks; and thereupon gave his advise, that it was behooveful, but not rightful. As much said he of the counsel of Themistocles, which I have declared already. Nevertheless, in the first, the Athenians followed uprightness, and in the later they followed their profit, or rather necessity, which hath no law. But to say the truth, neither the one nor the other was to be imputed unto Aristides, but to the Athenians themselves, in that they resolved themselves upon the counsel that was given them, without following any other opinion, than that which liked them best. But as for Marius, The blame of Marius. there is no reckoning at all to be made of him, no more than of a man that was ambitious, without law and without conscience, as he showed in many things, and specially in this fact following; namely that being at Rome about his affaries, whereas he ought to have spoken well of Metellus his captain general, he gave him very evil reports to the people, as though he had prolonged the war of purpose, saying that if he himself were made consul, he would dispatch the matter out of hand, and bring them Jugurth either quick or dead. To be short, he sped so well by playing the courtier, that he was made Consul; but in the mean while he falsified his faith, and wrongfully slandered a man of great honour. But Silla paid him with the like measure; for he challenged to himself the honour of the taking of Jugurth prisoner, whereupon sprang all the bloody quarrels that ensued afterwards betwixt them. Thus ye see how the wicked are oftentimes paid with the same coin which they gave unto others. And I marvel how there should be any that would lose their reputation for the gain of a little profit. For what profit can be comparable to dishonour? Sooth there is no difference whether a man be changed into a beast, or whether he play the mad beast in the shape of man. Wherefore seeing the thing cannot be esteemed profitable, which is full of villainy and wickedness; we ought to believe most certainly that nothing is behooveful and profitable, but that which is honest and virtuous. CHAP. XII. That a Prince ought not to falsify his faith, for the maintenance of his state. IF this proposition hold steadfast & sure, the case is fully resolved by us, concerning this doubt upon faith in matters of state, Whether a prince ought to keep his promise or no. Faith (saith Cicero) is the foundation of justice and right, and is a constant and soothfast opinion (or settled determination of mind) to keep and perform that which is once spoken and agreed upon. The definition of Fait●, or faithfulness. Unto this Faith, Numa Pompilius dedicated a temple, to the intent that by that point of superstition, the people of Rome should learn to esteem faithfulness as a godly and precious thing, and afterward the Romans placed the image thereof in the Capitol, near unto the image of the great God Jupiter, to the end that no man should be so bold and presumptuous, as to violate so sacred and holy a thing. In so much that the holiest and greatest oath that they could skill to make, was to swear by their Faith, as the thing which they accounted most divine, and (as Cas●iodorus saith) most beloved of God, and most reverenced of men. For how could man's frailty be upheld among so many waves and storms, if there were no firmness in the doings and saying of princes? Among fellows, faithfulness maintaineth friendship. It maketh servants to obey their masters with all integrity. It maketh us to serve God, and to worship his divine majesty with devout belief: and to conclude in one word, whatsoever we see to be well done, cometh of unchangeable faithfulness. And yet for all that, we see that those which are best able to keep it, do make least account of it, specially in matters of state, because (say they) a prince is feign to promise many things for the maintenance of his estate, which he being once out of those dealings, is not bound to perform. And as Plutarch saith in the life of Pyrrhus, Princes use the two terms of Peace and War, Princes use the terms of Peace & War, as they do money. as they do their coin; namely, as it may best serve their own turn, not for duties sake, or for justice sake, but for their own profit: and they be better men when they confess roundly that they make war, than when they cloak the surceassing or intermitting of their wicked intent, with the holy names of justice and Friendship. And as saith Paulus iovius, the Faith of some kings is such, that they stick not to violate and break the most sacred covenants of accord, at their pleasure; specially when they have once resolved themselves to intend to nothing but their own present profit, and to apply themselves only to the time. Archidamus being desirous to make the Athenians to break the league of peace, that had been made with Antigonus, and perceiving they stack at it for their promise sake; told them there was difference between a man and a sheep, for a sheep had but all one kind of voice, but a man had diverse sorts, so as he might change his voice continually, until he had brought to pass what he would. As who would say, faithfulness was but for fools that could no skill to dissemble, as having but one manner of speech for all turns; but men of wit altered their manner of doing and speaking, according as occasion or need required. When Lisander was blamed for breaking the peace that had been with the Milesians, Men be deceived by oaths. he answered, That children were to be beguiled with little bones, & men with oaths. The tyrant's devis and Polycrates, said as much in that behalf. Marius' esteemed it a point of virtue and high courage, to be skilful in cozenage, as Plutarch reporteth of him in his life. There is an Italian author, Machiavelli. who in his book of a Prince, saith that in his time the princes that have made none account of their faith, have become great, and have passed those that have grounded themselves upon faithfulness. And he will have a prince to be of two natures, the one of beast, the other of man; and that when the nature of man will not prevail, he should have recourse to that of the beast. And that of the beasts, he should choose the fox his nature, to discern snares; and the lions, to put the wolves in fear. And therefore (saith he) a wise prince cannot keep his faith, if this observation be turned the contrary way. And because there be wicked men which keep not their promise, neither ought he also to keep touch with them. Among the examples of the princes of his time, he allegeth pope Alexander the sixth, who made no bones or conscience at all to deceive men. Never was there any man (quoth he) that assured things with greater force of words, or affirmed them with greater oaths, and that meant less good faith, or less performed them: & yet notwithstanding his pack came always to pass as he would wish, because he gave his mind to it. I confess that the cosener, the hypocrite, & the dissembler, do commonly sooner dispatch his business, than he that is open, No good man will ever lie for any profit or advantage. plain, honest, and faithful: But it were better for a man not to have so great success, than to be deceitful and wicked. And it were better for him to follow the counsel of Cicero in his books of duties, who saith, That no good man will ever lie for his own advantage. For if he that dealeth altogether by fraud, be had in estimation; I see not in comparing the lesser with the greater, why either a shameless person or a thief should be blamed, of whom nevertheless the one is hanged, and the other is pointed at with folk's fingers, and baited out of all good men's companies. For their doing so, is but to avoid poverty, and to find the means to live upon other men's purses, as the prince that is a deceiver, is desirous to do his affairs at the cost of his neighbour. True it is, that because he is a great lord, men say of him as a certain pirate said of great Alexander, namely that because he himself roved but with one galley, he was counted a robber, and because Alexander went with a great number of ships, therefore he was counted a king, but in effect they were both of one trade, saving that the one of them was rich, puissant, and well attended; and the other was poor and meanly accompanied. And as Plutarch saith in the life of Pyrrhus, kings and princes must not blame private persons, though now and then they step aside, as opportunity fitteth them for their profit; for in so doing, they do but imitate their sovereign's examples, and follow the footsteps of them that are their ringleaders, in all untrustiness, treachery, and unfaithfulness: as who would say, that he dispatcheth his business best, which least lifteth to observe law and uprightness. But although some unfaithful prince do happen to prosper, it doth not therefore follow, that a faithful prince cannot prosper. Titus, trajan, Antonine the meek, M●rcus Aurelius, and other good emperors of Rome, have obtained as many victories, yea, and have also far better maintained their estate, than Tiberius, Nero, Caligula, Domitian, and such others. A prince should have skill of subtleties, to save himself from them, but not to entangle others. Philip grew great by subtlety, and Alexander his son conquered the whole world by loyalty and magnanimity. I believe well that a prince ought to be sage and well advised, and to be skilful both in playing the lion to encounter such as will assail him, and in playing the fox to save himself from the trains and snares that are laid for him, but not to entangle and entrap others. After the battle of Cannae, which the Romans lost unto Hannibal, there were ten prisoners, who upon safe conduct given them by Hannibal, tarried still at Rome contrary to their promise given unto him, but they were all denounced infamous, and one of them was sent back again unto Hannibal, to do what he would with him. The consul Regalus did not so, for he performing his promise, returned at the time which he had set, notwithstanding that he was sure to go to exquisite torments, that were prepared for him. The Carthaginenses having lost a battle upon the sea against the Romans, sent Amilcar & Hanno to treat with them for peace. Amilcar would not put himself into the Romans hands, because he had a little afore taken Cornelius Asina the consul prisoner, whom the Romans had sent ambassador thither. But Hanno sticked not to proceed forth; and when he had begun to declare his message, a certain Roman captain said threateningly unto him, that as much might befall him as had been done to Cornelius. But the consuls putting the captain to silence, The noble answer of the Roman Consuls. told Hanno that the Faith of the empire of Rome, should deliver them from that fear. At such time as Tissaphernes broke the truce which he had made with the Lacedæmonians, Agesilaus said, he thanked the gods that Tissaphernes had angered them and offended them, and thereby made them gracious and favourable to the Lacedæmonians; esteeming it a thing very displeasant unto God for a man to falsify his faith. And therefore Mimus Publianus saith, That he which hath lost his credit, hath no more to lose, because the whole welfare and honour of a man dependeth thereupon. He sustains greater loss which looseth his credit, than he that loseth the thing that was promised him. Bias said there was no excuse for a man that broke his promise, because he that looseth the credit of his word, looseth more than he that looseth the thing that was promised him. Cinna having sent for Marius, made it a matter of consultation whether he should receive him or no. Sertorius was of opinion that he should not send for him; but Cinna told him, he could not with his honour refuse him, having sent for him. When Sertorius heard him say so, he told him he did amiss to make it a matter debateable whether he should receive him or no, seeing he was come at his commandment. For the binding of your faith (quoth he) suffereth not the matter to be debated or consulted of any more. Sextus Pompeius was advertised by his admiral Menodorus, that now it was in his hand to be revenged of the death of his father, and of his brethren, having both Augustus and Antony at supper with him in his galley: and that if Pompey would give him leave, he would undertake to cause them to be drowned, and it should never be perceived how. But Pompey savouring of the ancient honour of the Romans, answered the messenger thus, Tell Menodorus that he might well have done it without me, seeing he maketh none account of perjury: but it cannot beseem me to give my consent unto it, seeing I have not been wont to falfifie my faith. This faithfulness of the Romans, was the cause that Ptolemy king of Egypt committed his young son in wardship to the people of Rome, who performed the charge with all integrity, and surrendered the kingdom again into his hands, when he came to age. Archadius leaving his son Theodosius in his minority, Faith toeth the hands even of enemies. and being at his wit's end whom he might leave to be his protector, and above all others fearing the Persians; determined with himself upon advice, to commit the charge thereof by his last Will in writing, unto Indisgertes king of Persia, and to set his Faith as a shield against his force, and to tie his hands with the holy band of Protectorship, praying him to keep and preserve the empire for his son. Indisgertes taking the protectorship upon him, executed it so faithfully, that he preserved both the life and empire of Theodosius. The faithfulness of king Lewis the xii. Don Philip of ostrich, king of Castille, and lord of the Low countries, considering how he left his son Charles not above eleven years old, & that afore he should be of full age, the king of France might invest himself in the Low-countries: to prevent this inconvenience, did by his testament ordain king Lewis the twelfth to be his protector. Whereupon the king by consent of the country, appointed the lord of Chieures to be governor there, and never made any war upon him, notwithstanding that Maximilian gave him sufficient causes to have done it. Lycurgus being counseled thereto by his countrymen, and also by his sister in law the Queen, to take upon him the kingdom of Lacedaemon, after the death of his brother: would not hearken unto it, but kept it faithfully for his nephew Charilaus, who was borne after his father's decease; choosing rather to be a faithful protector, than an unfaithful king: clean contrary to Lewis Sfortia, who of a guardian, made himself duke of Milan, dispossessing his nephew john Galeas and his posterity thereof; But he kept it not any long time. In all the doings of these good princes, there was neither oath nor promise, but only a good and sincere will, to keep touch with such as had relied upon the trust of their faithfulness. For wheresoever there hath passed either oath, or single promise, good men have never doubt but it was to be kept, as the forealleaged examples may witness unto us. A perjured person and a liar are very nigh all one And Cicero in one of his orations saith, That the Gods immortal do punish a perjured person and a liar both with one punishment, because they be offended at the treachery and malice whereby men be beguiled, rather than at the prescript form of words and covenants, wherein the oath is comprised. But whensoever an oath was added unto it, they held it and kept it, whatsoever it cost them: as we see in the Poets, concerning the vow of Agamemnon, the which is like enough to have been counterfeited out of the history of Jeptha. Of Oth●. In the twenty-three and thirty of Deut. it is written thus, If a man be bound by oath, he shall perform whatsoever he hath promised. And Cicero in his books of Duties, saith, That we ought in any wise to keep the promise wherein we call God to witness. And as Sophocles saith, He that that sweareth, aught to be sore afraid that he sin not against God. The Egyptians did punish perjured persons with death, because they sinned double, as well in violating religion towards God, as in taking away faithfulness from among men, the greatest and straightest bond of human society. The reverence of an oath. After the battle of Cannae, Scipio being advertised that certain senators held a counsel in secret, how to forsake the city of Rome; went suddenly in among them with his naked sword in his hand, and made them to swear that they should not for any cause forsake the city; which thing they durst not but perform, for fear of their oath. As likewise did a certain Tribune, who for fear of death, had promised Torquatus to withdraw his accusation which he had exhibited against his father; for he withdrew it indeed for his oath sake, notwithstanding that Torquatus had compelled him thereto by force, in holding his swords point to his throat. So great reverence did the men of old time yield unto an aoth. The Samnites having warred long time with the Romans, and being almost utterly destroyed, would needs for their last refuge put themselves once more to the trial of fortune (whom they had found so contrary unto them) and hazard all in one battle. And for the better executing of their determination, they swore by great oaths everyone of them, that they would never retire out of the battle, but follow their captain whether soever he led them, and if any of them all recoiled, they swore all to kill him. This oath had such force, that never any people were seen to fight so desperately and valiantly, as they fought at that time. Nevertheless, the valiancy & good government of the Romans was of more force than their stoutness. The oath of Proculus. The thing that made the people of Rome believe that Romulus was not slain, but conveyed up into heaven, was the great oath that Proculus swore unto them that he saw him deified, and had spoken with him. For the people were of opinion, that Proculus whom they esteemed to be a good man, and a friend to Romulus, would not have taken such an oath, except he had been sure that the thing was as he affirmed. Lycurgus, to the intent his countrymen should not disannul the laws which he had newly established among them: although he had gotten them ratified by the oracle of Apollo, yet would needs take an oath of the people, and caused them to swear, that they should not infringe them until his return, to the end that the reverence of the oath which they had taken, might restrain them from altering any thing. After the example of whom, christian princes ought to be well ware, that they violate not their faith, nor see light by the oath which they take for performance of their promises. An example of the despising of oaths and vows. whereof we have a notable example in the fourteenth chapter of the first book of Samuel, where God is very sore angry, for that Jonathas the son of king Saul, in chase his enemies, had tasted a little honey; which was in respect of the oath which Saul had made, that neither he nor any of his people should eat any thing before night, and afore he had been fully revenged of his enemies. In so much that although Jonathas was not present at the making of the vow, yet had Saul put him to death, if the people had not saved him. And in the one and twentieth of the second book of Samuel, because Saul being moved with a good zeal had slain certain of the Amorrhits, contrary to the promise made unto them by the Israelits of old time, that they would not hurt them; God sent a famine among the Israelits, which ceased not until they had delivered seven of saul's children to the Amorrhits, to take vengeance of them. These examples show how greatly our God abhorreth perjury, to the intent no man should excuse himself under pretence that no touch is to be kept with him that breaketh his promise; or, that one companion is to keep touch with another, but not the master with his servant, nor the christian with the infidel. For an oath ought to be so holy, and so had in reverence, that it should not be falsified for all the goods in the world. Promise is to be kept even with the infidels. For as saint Ambrose saith in his third book of Duties, Promise is to be kept even with deceivers and forsworn persons; and we ought to set that before our eyes, which Joshua did to the Gabaonits, who being afraid of the Israelits, that did put all to the sword, pretended to be strangers come from a far country, of purpose to join in league with them: and Joshua believing them to have said truth, made a league with them. And by and by after, when their fraud was detected, the people would have served them as they served the rest: but Joshua would not for his oaths sake, but chose rather to keep promise with the fraudulent, & to let the misbelieving infidels live, notwithstanding that God had commanded him to root them out, than to violate his promise given, in revenge of their fraud. Whosoever deceiveth his brother (saith the son of sirach) his sin shall be upon him: and if he dissemble, he sinneth double; and if he swear in vain, he shall not be justified, but his house shall be full of tribulation. And in another place, Cursed (saith he) is he that is double-minded. And in the 59 psalm, David prayeth God to show no mercy or favour, to such as deal maliciously of deceitful purpose. Also the best reputation that a Prince can have, Good princes ought to keep well their promises. and best beseeming his majesty, is to keep his promise, yea though he have not sworn unto it. For good princes (said trajan) are more bound to perform their promises, than to accomplish the things that they themselves desire. And therefore a prince ought not to falsify his promise under pretence of profit, nor to say that his counsel willeth it, or his estate requireth it. For he ought not to do any evil for the maintenance of his state. And he that hath so discredited himself, shall not often recover it, because he shall be taken and esteemed as a faithless prince; and if he fortune to be driven to make any accord or league, it will be hard for him to be admitted into it, for the opinion that shall go of him: for as saith Cicero, When a man is once perjured, he may swear by all the Gods, and no man will believe him. And Guichiardine saith, there is little sincerity and faithful dealing to be hoped for at that Prince's hand, of whom men have conceived opinion, that he is a double and deceitful person. Whereby it may come to pass, that he shall lose more by showing himself to be a perjurer, than he can gain by any profit whatsoever it seem to be. Evil counsel turneth to the hurt of him that counseleth it. Besides that, it falleth out that oftentimes the deceiver himself is deceived, and that (as saith Hesiodus) evil counsel turneth to the hurt of him that giveth it. Lewis the eleventh was a deep dissembler, and of great forecast; but his dissimulation was like to have cost him his life. For the Duke of Burgoine detecting his trains, took him prisoner at Perone, and compelled him to grant him whatsoever he required. Charles the seventh who drove the Englishmen victoriously out of France, availed more by his plain dealing, than his son did by all his sleights and subtleties. Therefore whosoever will leave a good and commendable remembrance of himself to posterity, will rather forego some piece of wealth, than willingly be counted a notable deceiver, perjurer, and liar. And yet such doth Machiavelli term the princes of his time, that compassed their affairs well. But yet for all that, he shall find the foundations which this cunning cosener and wily beguiler laid of his house, by his subtle sleights, were such as overthrew it immediately after his death. Neither is it for a man (when he hath sworn or promised a thing) to excuse himself, or to shift it off with captiousness of words, whereby he may seem to have accomplished his promise, Not what men say, but what they pretend, is to be regarded. when he hath not; For (as Cicero saith) Not what a man saith, but what he intendeth and pretendeth to do, is to be regarded. As for example, when a prisoner that is let go upon promise to return again, feigneth himself by and by to have forgotten somewhat behind him, and thereupon comes back again, and after being clean gone, returneth no more to his master; saying that he had performed his promise, in that he had returned afore. Or as he that having made a truce with his enemies for eight days, did war upon them in the nights. Herodotus reporteth a foul & shameful kind of dealing of one Amasis the colonel of king Darius' footmen against the Barceans, who perceiving himself unable to overcome them by force, caused a great pit to be made in the night, the which he overlaid with timber well seasoned, and covered it over with earth in such sort, as no man could suspect any trench underneath it. The next day he came to treat with the Barceans upon the said pit, where the Barceans on their part promised to pay tribute to Darius, and Amasis promised on the other part to use them as friends, and not to make any war upon them, so long as the earth whereupon they then stood, continued. Upon the concluding of the league in this manner, the Barceans came to the camp of the Persians, and the Persians went into the city, the gates whereof were set open unto them. But suddenly he caused the timber to be pulled away, and so the earth sunk down to the bottom of the pit, whereupon the Persians fell immediately to sacking of the city; as who would say, they were discharged of their promise, because the earth there was not in like case as it was at the time that the peace was sworn. The Flemings used the like cautel to cover their perjury; for at such time as the king of England dealt with Jaques of Artevil, to get the Flemings to take his part, whereunto they would have condescended, but for the oath which they had made to the king of France. To shift off this oath, and to cloak their perjury, Jaques advised the king of England to proclaim himself king of France, and to bear the arms of France quartered with the arms of England, to the intent it might be said, that their bearing of arms was in the behalf of the king of France. Which thing when the king of England had done, they turned to his side, without making any stay. And we must not think it strange, that some to maintain their error, do very unadvisedly allege this proverb spoken in Latin by Lewis the eleventh, That he which can no skill to dissemble, There is great difference betwixt dissimulation and deceitfulness or guile. can no skill to reign; as who would say, that all dissimulation were deceit: but there is a great deal of difference betwixt them; for dissimulation cometh of wisdom, but deceit savoureth of Reinard the Fox. To dissemble in time and place, is great wisdom. It is as much to say, as that a man must strike sail, and apply himself to the wind like a good pilot, & take good heed to the seasons. For sometimes it behoveth a man to be stern, and sometimes to be meeld, and after a sort to abay the people, (at least wise so it be with some majesty) to hear and see disorders, & to put up wrongs, without saying any thing to them, and to say as Antigonus said to his son; Art thou ignorant my son, To reign is but a kind of honourable bondage. that our reigning is nothing else than a certain glorious bondage? Among the sumptuous he must be bountiful, and with the moderate he must use moderation, as Alcibiades could well skill to do, who by applying himself unto the behaviours of all men, and to the customs of all nations, did purchase to himself their friendship. Brutus' played the disard, to the intent that men should have no mistrust of him, nor be privy to the greatness of his courage. Clowis in not punishing a certain soldier out of hand, that had denied him the vessel of S. Remy, did wisely, for fear of a mutiny among the men of war; but yet he punished him afterward, howbeit after a barbarous fashion, in that he slew him with his own hand. Lewis the eleventh did now and then hear himself il spoken of, and wisely dissembled it. Such dissimulation is needful for a king, and is expressed in the first book of the Iliads of Homer, under the person of Chalcas the soothsayer, who durst not tell the truth before king Agamemnon, nor from whence the plague proceeded that was as then in the camp of the Greeks, until Achilles had undertaken to warrant him. For when a king (quoth he) is angry, although he make no outward countenance thereof, but dissemble it for the present time, yet will he not fail to be avenged afterward. When any great and princely parsonage, Ronsard. Is stirred to choler be it near so small, Though for the present he suppress his rage, Yet in his heart to the heat thereof at all Abateth not; no wink of sleep can fall Within his eyes, until he do espy Convenient means to be revenged by. It is another manner of thing to pretend to be a man of honesty, and to promise that which he intendeth not to perform, for that is called guile or deceit, and not dissimulation. I know well that a prince for want of advisement and consideration, A prince is not to keep his promise made by oath, if it be against the duty between man and man. may make some oath which it were much better for him to break than to keep. As for example, Herod at the feast of his birthday, swore that he would give his daughter whatsoever she would ask: and she by her mother's counsel, asked the head of S. john Babtist. The king being sorry that he had sworn, but yet daring not falsify his oath, caused his head to be smitten off. But had he been a good man, he would in that case have broken his oath. For in swearing to give her any thing of how great value soever it were, he meant not to give her the life of any good man. And although he had so said, yet was not the oath to have been of any value or effect, being made against good behaviour. For the vow that is made against upright and just dealing, is no vow at all, neither ought it in any wise to be kept or performed. In all cases where two inconveniences offer themselves, always the least is to be chosen. And therefore he should have answered the fair lady, as Agesilaus answered a friend of his, that charged him with his promise in an unreasonable thing that he demanded; who refusing to grant his request, said, If the thing that you require be rightful, I promised it; if it be unrightful, I promised it not. A subject ought not to require any thing that is unreasonable. And when it was replied that a prince ought to perform whatsoever he promiseth; no more (quoth he) than the subject ought to demand any thing that is unreasonable. Herod therefore was no more bound by his general promise, to deliver john Baptists head, than Agetus was to deliver his wife to his friend Ariston, under pretence of his oath. For Ariston being in love with the wife of Agetus, a woman of excellent beauty, found this fraud to get her out of her husband's hands: He promised Agetus to give him any one thing that he would choose of all that ever he had, praying him to do the like for him again Agetus not mistrusting that Ariston being a married man, would have left his own wife to take another man's, agreed to his request and swore it. Ariston discharged his own promise out of hand; and when it came to his turn to make his demand, he required the wife of Agetus; who thereupon affirmed, that his meaning was to give him any thing saving her. Nevertheless, although he was thus circumvented, yet delivered he her for his oaths sake, making more account of his oath, than did a certain Roman in the like case; who having sworn that he would never put away his wife, did put her away afterward being taken in adultery; howbeit not afore he had obtained a dispensation of his oath, at the hands of the emperor Vespa●ian. Which things serve well to show, in what estimation an oath was had in time past, seeing that men would perform it, notwithstanding that they were beguiled in the making thereof. The man that granteth advisedly and upon leisurely deliberation, ought no● to break his promise. Much less than is he to be excused, which having advisedly and upon good deliberation, granted a thing, doth falsify his promise, under colour that it is against the benefit of his realm. True it is that (as Cicero saith in his books of duties) if a man be drawn by deceit, or driven by fear, to make any promise, he is discharged thereof; but otherwise he ought to keep it. And he shall find that his affairs shall prosper better by keeping touch, than by using deceit; which illbeseemeth all men, and chief those that are of greatest calling. For (as saith Thucydides) deceit is always more foul and shameful, than violence; because violence is wrought by a kind of virtue, and by authority; but deceit proceedeth of very malice and mischievousness. CHAP. XIII. of Truth. FOr as much as I have spoken of falsehood and deceit, against the which Mercury the great opposeth truth; to the intent we may be the more provoked to keep our faith, and to perform our promises: This place inviteth me to speak a word or twain by the way in commendation of Truth, the which Plato termeth, The wellspring of all good things. For as Plato saith in his Timaeus, Like as without being, there is no generation; so without Truth, there is no faithfulness. And therefore David doth ordinarily take Truth for that same steadfastness which we have in keeping our promise, which we call faithfulness. My meaning is not to speak here of the original truth, for that resteth alonely in God, accordingly as our Lord told the Jews, That he was the light and the truth. And this truth cannot be known of any, but only of the father of Truth, who is the everlasting God, as saith Origen. For none but the father knoweth the son, neither doth any but the son know the father. And Mercury in his chapter of Generation, saith, That the truth is a thing uncumbered, unwithered, unpainted, undisguised, unmovable, unueiled, apparent, comprehensible of itself, unchangeably good, and spiritual. Wherein the ancient Philosophers agree with us, saying that we have but a shadow of the Truth, & that the pure Truth is in heaven. Truth (saith Menander) is an inhabitant of heaven, and dwelleth with the gods. And the Persians worshipped a great God, which in body resembled the light, and in soul the Truth, as who would say, that God was light and Truth. Therefore of all the things that are on earth, none (as saith Mercury in the xv. of his Pimander) can be called truth, but only an imitation of the truth. And when the wit receiveth influence from above, then doth it imitate the truth: for without inworking from above, it abideth in untruth; like as the shape of a man in a painted table, representeth a very body, but is not a body indeed as the eye imagineth it to be, in so much that although it seem verily to have eyes and ears, yet it neither seethe nor heareth at all: even so the things that men behold with their eyes are but leasings. Men bear themselves on hand that they see the truth, but in very deed they be but lies. For truth cannot be upon earth; but yet it may be, that some men to whom God hath given power to see divine things, do understand the truth: howbeit, that is not the truth of speaking and understanding things as they be indeed. For the very truth is the sovereign Good, and true things are the effects thereof, which are the offsprings or imps of truth. In so much that the truth which remaineth with us in this world, is but a countershape and shadow of the very truth, the which we follow when we forbear fraud, lying, and deceit, and proceed in good & faithful dealing, truth, and loyalty; according to this saying of the Psalmist, The works of God's hands are truth and uprightness, that is to say, faithfulness; his commandments are made in truth, that is to say, in substantial faithfulness: which keepeth truth evermore, that is to say, which always keepeth promise. The beginning of his word is Truth, that is to say, his word is a grounded stableness. And in another place, All thy commandments (saith he) be Truth. To be true, is the beginning of all virtue. For (as saith Pindar) to be true of heart is the ground and foundation of all virtue. And therefore David prayeth God, not to take the word of Truth out of his mouth. And in the fourteenth psalm he saith thus, Lord who shall dwell on thy holy hill? he that dealeth justly with his neighbour, and speaketh the truth from his heart, and beareth true witness. Wherein we have to consider, that he matcheth righteousness and Truth together, as who would say, he esteemeth a soothfast man to be a righteous man, and a righteous man to be a soothfast man; and hardly indeed can they be severed, according to this saying of David, in the 119 psalm, Thou hast commanded uprightness and truth above all things. Thou shalt have folk at thy commandment, because of thy meekness, uprightness, and truth. The King's throne that judgeth folk with truth, shall be established for ever. And Solomon in his proverbs saith, That he which speaketh the truth, uttereth righteousness. And in another place he saith, That mildness and truth, uphold and maintain a king. the maintenance of justice dependeth upon truth. When Jethro counseled Moses to disburden himself of the pain of judging particular cases, he advised him to choose such men as were wise, true of their word, and fearing God; as who would say, that the maintenance of justice depended upon truth. After which manner, Marcus Aurelius said, That in an honest woman, truth & chastity ought to be matched together; and it was never seen but the woman that was true of word, The woman that is true of word, is also chaste, was also chaste; and that the liar was seldom chaste. And as Varia Mesa was wont to say, It is no less shame for women that are come of good houses to be liars, than to be unchaste. Socrates would that a prince should above all things be true of his word, to the end that his bare word might be more esteemed than another man's oaths. And Cicero in one of his orations saith, That he which shrinketh from the truth, Truth is a sufficient defence to himself. will pass as little to forswear himself, as to make a lie. And in another place he saith, that truth is of so great might, that it cannot be vanquished by any subtlety or wiliness whatsoever: and that it is a sufficient defence to itself, though it have no man of law to plead for it. Euripides saith, That the word of truth is plain, and needeth no interpreter. And Solomon saith, that the lip of truth is ever steady, but the tongue of falsehood is ever variable. In all thy works let the word of truth go before thee (saith the son of Sirach, in his third chapter) Pythagoras said, That when we exercise truth, we follow the footsteps of God. Plato in his fift book of Laws, saith, That truth is the guide to all goodness, be it towards God, or towards man; & that whosoever will be happy, must be partaker thereof; and that by that means, he shall be worthy to be believed; and contrariwise, that he shall be unworthy of credit, The estimation that men of old time had unto truth. which loveth to lie. He that bore the office of lord chief justice in Egypt, did wear an image of truth hanging at his breast; which image of truth, was had in singular estimation of the druids also. The men of old time painted their God Pan with two faces, meaning thereby that he had skill both of good and evil, of truth and falsehood, taking the face on the forpart to represent truth, the which they painted fair, beautiful, and amiable; and the face on the backpart to betokenfalshood, the which they portrayed soul, ill-favoured, and ugly, like unto a Goat, or some other brute beast, of purpose to show the difference that is between truth and untruth. CHAP. XIIII. Of Religion, and Superstition. IN handling the foresaid question so well discussed by Cicero in his books of Duties, and well debated among such as have to deal with matters of state. I have told you heretofore that Machiavelli held this erroneous opinion, That a prince was of necessity to deal contrary to faithfulness and Religion, for the maintenance of his estate. Of faithfulness I have spoken sufficient already: now remaineth to inquire of Religion, because in some respects it is an appendent of our discourse, or to say truly, all that ever we have treated of hitherto, and all that ever we shall treat of hereafter, dependeth upon that. For it is the ringleader of all virtues, & as the but whereat all they do shoot, without the which, neither prince nor any other person whatsoever, can be wise, virtuous, or happy, or do any thing that shallbe ought-worth; but religion is of itself behofful & profitable to all thing, as saith S. Paul in his epistle to Timothy. Nothing can continue in his state without calling upon God. For it is unpossible that any of the things which are in nature, should continue in their being and state, without calling upon God, considering that it is through his favour and goodness that all things abide in their perfection, as Philo saith in his third book of the life of Moses. In so much that a governor of people, cannot have a greater good thing in this world, nor a thing more beseeming his majesty, than Religion; and that it is the greatest honour that can be for him, to stand in awe of God: the which duty uttereth itself in godliness and religion. For thereby he honoureth God, and is honoured of God, and hath an entrance into all virtues. The same author expounding Genesis, saith, that by the tree of life is betokened the greatest of all virtues, namely godliness, the which maketh the soul immortal. Whereunto accordeth S. Ambrose, in the sixth of his Epistles, where he saith, that the tree of life is the root of godliness, and that to do due honour and service to our Lord and God, is the very substance of our life. And Mercury saith, that by Religion, man is replenished with all good things, and made to abound in heavenly understanding. The Emperor Theodosius was wont to say, that by Religion, peace is maintained, and enemies in war time put to flight. Whosoever then will attain to virtue, and to the sovereign good, cannot come to it but by Religion, and by seeking it at God's hand, who hath promised to grant us whatsoever we ask with a good heart, so it be rightful. For God liketh well of such as call upon him with a true heart, God is near unto them that call upon him with a true heart. (saith David in the hundred and four and forteeths psalm) bringeth to pass the desires of them that fear and love him, heareth their cries, saveth them, and keepeth them. He that loveth God (saith Ecclesiasticus) shall be heard when he prayeth for his sins, so as he shall abstain from them, and he shall be heard in his daily prayer. And as Plato saith in his fourth book of laws, A good man ought that man to be, which shall offer sacrifice unto God, and be present at the divine ceremonies, and there is not any thing more beautiful, more expedient, more behooveful to a happy life, nor more beseeming a man, than to give himself to the serving of God, and to the ma●ing of oblations, prayers, Man's welfare consisteth in Religion. and supplications unto God, And the same Plato saith in his Theetetus, That man's felicity consisteth in Religion to Godward, which is the greatest virtue that can be among men. And as saith Xenophon in his first book of the trainment of Cirus, It is easier to obtain any thing at the hand either of God or of man, by honouring them in our prosperity, than by praying and suing unto them in our adversity. Now then, in treating of virtues, it behoveth us (as saith Jamblichus in speaking of mysteries) to begin at the best and most precious, which is Religion and the service of God, a natural property (as saith Proclus) that is incident to all men, and is essential in man. Religion and godliness are well near both one. A definition of Religion. For godliness, as saith Mercury the great, is nothing else but the knowledge of God; and Religion is the knowledge of the ceremonies belonging to the worship of God. Plutarch saith in the life of Paulus Aemilius, That Religion is the skill how to serve God. And Cicero in his rhetoric saith, That it is the bringer of the ceremonies concerning the things that belong to the godhead; so as there is no great difference betwixt the one and the other. According to Festus Pompeius, We call those Religious, which can skill what is to be done, and what is to be left undone. Godliness then or Religion, is the service which we do unto God in worshipping him as altogether good, almighty, and the author and creator of all things. In this acknowledgement did Abel make his offerings, and Enos begin to call upon God. Afterward Moses brought the law of God to the children of Israel, written in two tables, whereof the first concerneth Religion & the honour that ought to be yielded unto God; and the other concerneth our duty towards our neighbour, commanding us to believe in God only, to love him with all our heart, to worship him only and none other, to give no honour to any thing wrought by men's hands; nor to any other creature, but only to the living God; to forbear to take his name in vain by swearing by it, and much more by forswearing; and to take one day of rest in the week to dedicate the same unto God, and to cease from all work, and to intend to the serving of him. And secondly he commandeth us to honour our father and mother, to abstain from murder, theft, sals-witnessing, whoredom, and the coveting of any thing whatsoever. The Heathen kept the ten commandments. Now we find that not only the Israelits, (who had the law written) but also the heathen which had it not, did wholly observe it, as we shall see by this discourse, chief in the case of Religion. We see what is written thereof, by such as had not the knowledge of God revealed unto them, as namely how divinely the great Mercury hath written thereof, and how his Pimander revealeth wonderful secrets unto him, which are so conformable to our mysteries, that they seem to be drawn out of the same fountain. The trinity was known of Mercury the great. And the thing that is most wonderful, is that he speaketh of the three persons, as if he had been instructed thereof, by the writings of the gospel, and specially of the wisdom, whom he calleth the son of God, to whom he attributeth the creating of all things, according to that which S. John saith thereof in the beginning of his gospel. Next unto Mercury, followeth Plato, who for that cause is called the divine. And after them have followed many other Philosophers, as is to be seen by their writings, & by the things which S. Austin of Eugubie hath painfully gathered into his books which he hath made of continual philosophy. The Sabines worshipped God in three persons, naming the one holy, the other Fidius, and the third Semipater. And in their oaths they did commonly put Fidius in the midst, as who would say, that under that name they comprehended all the three persons, whereof came their great oath of Medius fidius. Numa Pompilius wrote against the multitude of Gods. Numa Pompilius king of Romans, was not of opinion that there were so many gods as he himself forged, after the example of others: For he wrote against such ungodliness, which books being found after his death were burned by commandment of the Senate, as contrary to the worshipping of many gods, which folly there was no way as then to put out of their heads; wherein Numa did very ill, in that he had liefer to stick to the Superstition of the multitude, than to tell them his mind without dissimulation, how he made idols, nevertheless the people were forbidden to believe that God had the shape of beast or man; insomuch that in those first times, there was not in Rome any image of God, either painted, carved, or cast in mould. And for the space of the first six hundred threescore and ten years, they builded up temples and chapels to their gods, but there was not in them any image or figure of God; as who would say, they thought it sacrilege to have the mind to resemble or liken the Godhead to earthly things, considering that it is not in any wise possible to attain to the knowledge of the Godhead, otherwise than by means of the understanding. And that was agreeable to the doctrine of Pythagoras, who was of opinion, that the first cause was after a sort conceivable in understanding, but yet utterly invisible and uncorruptible. As touching an oath, Of Swearing and of Oths. I have already showed in what estimation it was among the infidels, and how they abhorred perjury, to our great shame. For surely to take God to witness in a lie, is a very great wickedness. And as touching the taking of one day in the week, Of the sabbat day. to respite both men and beasts from work and travel, Hesiodus the ancient Poet commandeth it in his book of works and days; and Plato saith in his book of laws, that the gods pitying men, lest they should over-worke themselves, have given-them a release of their labour, by leaving them holidays ordained in their honour. Thus ye see how many of the men of old time, at the beginning of the law of nature, did well enough practise the law of God, had not the devil thrown them into the wretched & abominable sin of idolatry, and that some certain persons had not turned all upside down by the invention of idols, as is written in the xiii and xiv chapters of the book of wisdom. For that hath caused men to be wholly given to earthly things, bearing themselves on hand, that an image made by man's hand was their God, and therefore worshipping it as God, by offering sacrifices of beasts unto it, as though it took pleasure in the smoky sent of the multitude of burnt offerings, and had need of oxen, goats, and sheep. But in the end, God sending his own son into the world, hath made us to know that which many prophets, and especially David in his fifteeths and three and fifteeths Psalms hath said, namely, That the true sacrifice is to praise the true and invisible God, to yield him thanks for all his benefits, to lift up our minds unto him, to pray unto him with all devotion and humility, and to offer unto him in sacrifice, a pure and clean heart, adorned with fear and obedience, according to this saying of S. Paul, That we must offer unto him a living host; that is to say, our bodies without blemish, and as Philo saith, Can there be found a goodlier sacrifice, than the soul that is well minded towards God? Who shall go up into the Lord's hill, but he that is of pure and clean heart, considering that not he which saith Lord, Lord, but he that doth the Lords will, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven? For, as Persius saith, When we bring unto God from the closet of our soul, holiness, and from the bottom of our heart, a pure and obedient mind, and a meek affection seasoned with goodness, virtue, and honesty, then may we boldly offer up our prayers and sacrifices unto him; but otherwise it behoveth us to be well aware that we presume not unto him. God accepteth not the offerings of the wicked. For the sacrifice of the wicked is loathsome unto God, saith Solomon. And Plato in his fourth book of laws, saith, That God accepteth not, ne regardeth not the gifts of the wicked, and that their pains in that behalf, are in vain; but that on the contrary part, he doth willingly receive the gifts of the holy. And as Philo saith in his third book of the life of Moses, If the person that offereth be evil and unrighteous, his sacrifices are no sacrifices, his hallowed things are unholy, and his prayers turn to the contrary, procuring him misfortune in steed of good. This honouring of God with heart and mind, we call godliness, and Religion, which is the mean between ungodliness (whereof alonely we ought not to make mention) and Superstition. Of Religion and Superstition, Cicero in his third book of the Nature of the gods, speaketh in this wise: Our worshipping (saith he) with a pure, clean, sound, and uncorrupted mind and voice. Of Superstition. For not only the Philosophers, but also our ancestors have separated religion from superstition. For such as prayed all the day, that their children might ontlive them, were called superstitious; and they that were diligent in doing the things that pertain unto the worshipping of the gods, were called Religious. Of the word Religio (which signifieth to bind-over, because Religion bindeth men to the performance of their duty towards God.) And so of the ij. things betokened by the two words of Religion & Superstition, men have made the one a vice, and the other as virtue. So then, we call those superstitious, which are over-religious, and leaving the true use of the prayers that are to be made unto God, do busy themselves in babbling, and in requiring vain things at his hand, as those silly souls did, which ceased not to be importunate unto God, that their children might ●uruiue them, whose so doing, hath given unto their faulty religion the name of Superstition; whereto full many do give themselves at this day, prattling uncessantly unto God, not knowing what they ask, notwithstanding that our Lord hath commanded us to seek God's kingdom and righteousness, promising that all temporal things shall be added as an income to our prayer, and inioining us as a pattern of praying, to say the prayer that every man hath in his mouth, namely, the Lords prayer; wherein our only speech is of the honouring of God, and our praying is for the forgiveness of our sins, for strength to withstand them, and for our ordinary food. Generally we term all those superstitious, which of a misbelief, Superstition slippeth down into the hearts of such as are overwhelmed with fear. are astonished at every extraordinary thing that they see. For as Plutarch saith in the life of Alex●nder, Superstition droppeth down continually into the hearts of them that are cast down and overwhelmed of fear, as for example, those that are affrighted at the eclipse of the sun or the moon, at the howling of wolves, at the noise of the Scriech-oule, or of the night-raven, or at the flying of certain birds, and such other like things. In all the which the Romans were too too superstitious, as is to be seen by a procession of theirs, wherein they caused the Reliks of their gods to be borne upon barrows on horseback through the city; wherein because the Carter had taken the horse by the rain with his left hand, they appointed the procession to be begun new again. And sometimes for one poor fly, that is to say, for a thing of nothing, they made some one sacrifice to be begun twenty or thirty times. Some of the men of old time termed this manner of dealing an exact righteousness, and we call it a fond and foolish superstitiousness; howbeit that we must needs confess, that together with those ceremonies of theirs, (such as they were) they had Religion also in singular reverence and estimation; insomuch that they would rather do against their laws, than falsify their oath, because they deemed it a hainouser matter to offend God, than to offend man. So deeply had they Religion, (that is to say, Where the fear of God wanteth, the realm must needs decay. The love and fear of God) imprinted in their hearts, without which, a prince or a commonweal can never prosper. For (as Machiavelli saith in the first book of his discourse, a little better than he speaks in his book of a Prince) whensoever the fear of God once faileth, needs must the kingdom decay. Paul commandeth us to honour the king, because he hath his power of God. Now if we ought to honour the king in respect of the power which he hath from God, what ought the king himself to do, to whom God is so gracious, as to place him in that dignity, and to make so many men obedient unto him? Certes seeing he is the image of God, the least that he can do is to lift up the eyes of his mind to behold him whom he representeth, & to worship that heavenly mirror, wherein by looking on himself, he must needs behold the goodness and majesty of God. S. john Chrisostome writing upon these words of Genesis; God made man after his own image and likeness, saith, it is meant of the image of sovereignty. For like as God commandeth all men, so man commandeth all the living things that God hath put into this world. Princes command ●en, and God princes. A prince commandeth all inferior persons, and God commandeth the prince. Which thing David acknowledging in the 118 psalms, saith that he praised the Lord seven times a day. He had good store of business to do, but yet could they not turn him from the serving of God. As proud and high minded a prince as great Alexander was, yet the first thing that he did every day after he was up, was to do sacrifice to the gods. There have been few princes, which have not at least wise pretended to be religious, or been religious indeed. But there is as much difference between the one and the other, as there is between truth and untruth, or between the soul and the body. Yet notwithstanding seeing that they which have not any zeal of religion, A prince can not forbear Religion. cannot forbear the pretence thereof; it declareth unto us, that religion is a thing most requisite for the maintenance of a state, because men are of opinion, that the prince which is religious, is so guided by God's hand, that he cannot do amiss; which causeth them to reverence him & obey him the more easily. And to say truth, we see, not only that kings have been maintained & upheld by religion, Religion maketh princes to be obeyed, but also that princes have obtained kingdoms and empires by religion. As for example, Numa the second king of Romans, being a Sabine borne, was sought and sent for by the city of Rome, to be made king of Romans, because they saw him wholly given to religion, persuading themselves that they could not speed amiss, if they were governed by a devout and religious prince. And in very deed, it fell out according to their hope. For he did so much, that that people being then barbarous, & altogether given to the wars, without law & without religion, attained to that greatness of state which we have seen since, whereas it had been unpossible for a warlike nation as that was, to have escaped from undoing themselves, had they not been bridled by religion, the only means to hold the cruelest people of the world in peace, and in obedience to the Magistrate. Alexander called himself the son of Jupiter, to keep men under the yoke of obedience. That was the cause which moved Alexander to name himself the son of Jupiter. For as Plutarch saith, he was not so presumptuous to imagine that he was begotten of a god; but he served his own turn with it, to hold men under the yoke of obedience by the opinion of such divine nature, which he by that means imprinted in them, like as in his ceremonies also, he had the feat to revive the foretellings of his soothsayers: which thing he showed special at the siege of tire. For whereas his soothsayer had assured him that he should take the city before the end of that present month, and every man laughed at it, because it was the last day of the month, and the city was impregnable: he putting all his forces in a readiness for the assault, made proclamation that that day should be reckoned but for the 28 day of the month, & yet notwithstanding gave present assault to the city, and won it out of hand, contrary to his hope. The emperor Charles the fift, used the like feat, when he arrived at S. Lawrencis in province. For he considered that it was the 25 of July which is S. James day; and because he had landed in Africa the same day twelvemonth, the year before, he made great vaunt of his fortunate and happy luck and handsel, in arriving the same day in France, saying that his voyage was miraculously guided and directed by the will of God, the disposer and orderer of human affairs; and that as on the like day he had put the Turk to flight at Argier, so he hoped to do as much to the French king, through the direction and favour of God, seeing they were arrived in France on the same day, and under the same head. Constantine, Pepin, and Charlemagne, became great by Religion. Constantine made himself great by embracing the Christian religion, as the ecclesiastical history witnesseth unto us. The thing that served pippins turn most, was that he was reported to be religious, and beloved of religious men, because he had caused the churches to be re-edified, which had been beaten down by the Sarzins; and had restalled the bishops of reins & Orleans in their sees, from which they had been put by his father; and had restored the tenths to the clergy, that Charles Martel had taken away, & given to his men of war. And to compass his enterprise with the more ease, he helped himself at his need with Religion, that is to say by the Pope, without whom he had come short of his purpose. For the Pope dispensed with the Frenchmen for their oath which they had made to Childerik; & coming himself personably into France, did put the realm into pippins hand: Which thing the Frenchmen had never agreed unto, as our histories bear witness, if it had not been under the cloak of Religion, and by authority of the party whom they deemed to have power to dispense with men's consciences. The same Religion made Charlemagne Emperor, and divers persons kings of Naples and Sicily, by deposing the true heirs. Religion gave the kingdom of Jerusalem to Godfrey of Bulloyne, and made the Christians to travel over seas and lands to conquer the holy land, underzeale of Religion. Under pretence of Religion, and of an excommunication, the kingdom of Navarre was wrongfully seized by the Spaniards. The kings of Persia lost their kingdom through disagreement in Religion; and the Sophy (because he was found devout in his Religion) recovered all that his forefathers had lost. We see at this day, how the contempt and disagreement in Religion, shaketh all the states of Christendom, and will yet shake them more, if the dissentious spirits be not reunited again in the bosom of the church. S. Lois got himself more glory in Syria and Egypt by his holy conversation, than by his wars, wherein he had not any happy success; and the churches which we see of his building, do show sufficiently how he was given to Religion. The bountifulness of Philip Augustus to the clergy. Philip the emperor was not so much renowned for his victories, as for that after the battle of Bouvines, he builded the church of victory near unto Senlis, the which he dedicated to the virgin Marie, and afterward did great good to the clergimen. And when his officers complained unto him, of his diminishing of his revenues by enriching of the churchmen; he answered, That he had received so much good at God's hand, that he could not deny any thing to his Temples and Ministers, for the great goods which he had gotten and gained by help more than human, and even by the favour of God. But now leaving our christian histories, because my chief intent is not to speak of them, let us read Titus Livius, and there we shall see the devotion that was in the Romans of old time, and among others, the zeal of Lucius Albinus a commoner, The devotion of Lucius Albinus a Commoner of Rome. who having his waggon loaden with his wife and young children, and with his movables, and fleeing from the Gauls that were come to Rome; as soon as he espied the Nuns of Vesta on foot, carrying their holy reliks with them; immediately he caused his wife and children to come down, and his goods to be unloaden, and lent his waggon to the virgins to ride in, and to carry their relics. Numa Pompilius, to the intent to make the people attentive to the ceremonies of their religion, made an herald to go before the priest that ministered the ceremonies, and to cry with a loud voice, Do this; which was a commanding of them to intend wholly to the divine service, without intermeddling any other action. The good ladies and personages of reputation, did oft frequent the temples; and the founders of them gate great fame and renown amongst the people. Scipio holden for religious, and for one that consulted with God upon his affairs. Scipio African was one of the happiest captains of Rome, and best beloved of the people & men of war, because they deemed him to do all things by the counsel of God, for that he used to tarry long alone in the capitol; where their opinion was, that he consulted with Jupiter concerning the affairs of the commonweal. And generally all princes being of any good disposition, have had Religion in singular estimation, as we read by the answer that Alexander Severus made to certain Inholders of Rome, which would have disappointed the Christians of the building of a chapel to make their prayers in. The things that concern God (quoth the Emperor) are to be preferred before the things that concern man, and therefore let it be free for the Christians to build their chapel to their God, who though he be unknown at Rome, ought nevertheless to have honour done unto him, even in respect that he beareth the name of God. And so he chose rather to apply the place to the worshipping of God, than to worldly uses. And for himself, The honour that Alexander Severus yielded to Bishops. he made it not strange that the Bishops, in cases belonging to their jurisdiction, should give other judgement than he had done; as who would say, that in matters of Religion, the Emperor ought to give place to the authority of priests, and Bishops. Plutarch in his treatise of philosophical discipline, saith, That commonweals, honour and reverence priests, because they pray unto God, not for the welfare of themselves and their friends and acquaintance only, but in common for all men; and yet the priests cause not the gods to do us good, but they only call upon them as doers of good. We see in what reverence the Romans had them, The reverence that men in old time did bear unto Priests. by their condemning of Cneus Cornelius a praetor of Rome in a great fine, for quarreling unjustly with Emilius Lepidus, their high priest. Antiochus' king of Syria lying in siege before Jerusalem, at the feast of Tents or booths, gave the Jews seven days truce at their request, because he would not trouble their devotion: and moreover sent an ox and certain vessels of gold unto the gate of the city, to be offered in sacrifice unto God. When Philip king of Macedon, was about to lay siege to Vdisitane a city of Maesia belonging to the Goths, their priests came forth to him clad all in white; to whom he yielded such honour and reverence, that he retired without doing them any harm. No less did Alexander to the high priest of the Jews, notwithstanding that he went against him in great choler, and with full purpose to have destroyed the town. For when he saw him come in his priestly ornaments and attire, he not only relented, but also stepped forth alone unto him, with great honour and reverence and worshipped God. The same Alexander having taken the city of Thebes, razed it, and sold all the citizens thereof, saving only the priests and men of Religion. Darius caused an image of his to be set up in the temple of Vulcan, before the image of Sesostris; the doing whereof Vulcan's priest withstood, saying, that Sesostris had done more deeds of arms than Darius, and therefore deserved to be preferred before him; for which free speech, Darius did not the priest any harm, but pardoned him. Selim liberal to the Christian Priests, as to men vowed to the service of God. Selim emperor of the Turks being in the city of Jerusalem, did reverence to the monuments of the ancient prophets. And albeit that he was an enemy to the very name of Christians; yet for all that, he letted not to give the priest's money to find them six months, as to devout persons and men of good life. When Alarik king of the Goths had entered the city of Rome by force, he made proclamation by the sound of a trumpet, that no harm should be done to such as were fled into the churches of the Apostles to save themselves; by reason whereof, his soldiers touched not the religious persons, nor the vessels which they carried with them. Whereas Didier king of Lumbards', intending to have seized Rome into his possession afore Charlemagne should come there, feigned himself to have a vow thither, by reason whereof he found the gates open at his coming; yet notwithstanding he durst not enter, because Adrian the Pope forbade him upon pain of excommunication. And I believe that the fear which he had of Charlemagne, helped him well to the taking of that offer. Attila had such regard of Pope Leo, that as soon as he had heard him speak, he forbore to go to Rome, & utterly left up all Italy. religiousness maketh captains to prosper. Cabaon captain of Tripoli, finding himself too weak to withstand the Vandals, gave himself over to Religion, and forbade his men of war to do wrong to any man, enjoining them to abstain from women and dainty meats, and giving them in charge that if the Vandals happened to vnhallow any church of the Christians that they should do the contrary, and make them clean again. For he told them, that if Christ was the God of the Christians, as he was reported to be, he would punish those that did him wrong, and help those that did him service. Whereupon this Cabaon sent certain of his men to follow the Vandals in post, who whensoever they found any church where the Vandals had stabled their horses, made it clean again as soon as they were gone out of it. If any were poor or diseased, they gave them alms, and (as ye would say) did worship the priests whom the Vandals had misused. The pre-eminence that Priesthood hath had. To be short, all the men of old time have so greatly honoured priesthood, that it had chief pre-eminence next unto kings; and sometimes kings have been priests, and priests have been kings and governors of people. And at Rome the priests of Jupiter had a Mace-bearer, Priests in old time privileged from taking an oath. and a chair of estate, as who would say, they deemed the dignity of priesthood to be equal with the authority of a king. And they durst not demand an oath of them, when they were to bear witness; as who would say, it were no reason to discredit these in small things, which had the ordering of the greatest things, and the things that concerned God. Which thing is observed towards our kings of France, when they be heard upon an inquest, for they depose without making any oath. Numa king of Romans, would needs be of the college of Bishops, which he had ordained for the ceremonies. And the name of King abode with their high priest, whom they called the sacrificing King, or the king for the Sacrifices. After which manner the Athenians also chose yearly one by the name of King, who was created but only for sacrificing, and to punish irreligious dealings. Octavian the Emperor had the priestly dignity, jointly together with his empire, The emperors did wear the attire of the high Priests. and so had all they that were emperors after him. For as soon as they were chosen, there was given unto them the priestly attire, and they took upon them the title of High priests. Which custom was kept unto the time of Gratian, who refused the attire when the priests offered it unto him, because he thought it unmeet for a Christian to take such an habit upon him, as Zosimus reporteth in the fourth book of his history. Nevertheless we see by the letter which Varia Mesa wrat unto the senate, upon the election of Heliogabalus, that the emperorship and priesthood, were always divided asunder. For thus saith he, Now shall ye see that which your predecessors never saw, namely, that the emperor shall be the high priest, and the high priest be emperor, so as he shall by sacrifice reconcile us to the gods, and by force of arms defend us from our enemies. But this saying is not contrary to that of Zosimus. For there is great difference between being of the college of the priests, and the taking of the dignity or title of priesthood in way of honour; and between dealing with the ceremonies themselves, as the priests of Jupiter and Quirinus, whom they called Flamines, and the rest of the peculiar priests of the other gods did: for these later sort could not bear any office, or be magistrates. julius Caesar had the high priesthood for honour's sake, and chief for profits sake: but yet for all that he intended not to the administration of the ceremonies, but contrariwise was continually occupied in the wars, and absent from the city. Howbeit that Titus Vespasian would needs expressly have it, It was not lawful for the high priest of the Romans to shed man's blood. to the intent he might not kill any man, because it was not lawful for their high priest to shed man's blood, no more than our churchmen may now; which point the rest of the emperors that came after him observed not. Therefore whereas the emperors took the priests stole upon them, it was in way of honour, and not to do the office in administering the ceremonies. Among the Jews, Aaron the high priest was of equal authority with Moses; and after the judges and Kings, the greatest dignity belonged to the high priest. Among us Christians also, the time hath been, that men have yielded sovereign authority to the Pope, as to the primate of the church; princes have submitted themselves to him, and not only have honoured him as the chief minister of our religion, but also have received severe correction at his hand, not refusing to do open penance at the Bishop's commandment: Emperors chastised by priests. as did the emperors Philip and Theodosius, under Fabian and Ambrose bishops, the one of Milan, the other of Rome: and Frederik the Emperor, and king of Naples, howbeit that the Pope proceeded not with like zeal as the other did, but used more choler than religion in his doings, as he showed by his treading of the emperor under his feet, coating his uncomely dealing with this verse of David, upon the Aspworm and the Cockatrice shalt thou go, and tread the Lion and Dragon under foot; a thing so il-beseeming the place that he held, that Frederik was to be commended for his patiented suffering of that disgrace, in the honour of God and S. Peter. But such was the Religion of those days, that every man ran upon him that was in the Pope's disfavor. When Clement the sixth had excommunicated the Flemings, The fear that men had of excommunication in times past. for taking part with England contrary to their promise and oath, there was not so much as one priest to be found in all the whole country, that durst say mass, or say service. John king of England seeing himself excommunicated for the tenths that he had taken into his hand, and perceiving that the world went worse and worse with him, was feign to cast himself down at the feet of the Pope's legate, at whose hand, after much entreatance, he received the crown as a great benefit a six days after, with charge to restore the tenths which he withheld, and the church-fruits; Which charge he put in execution, with peril of the loss of his kingdom. For the poor commons which were compelled to bear that loss, fell to rebelling against him. The like submissions have been made, not only among us, but also among the Infidels. For it is reported that when Hercules had killed his own children & his host, he was purged & assoiled thereof, by the priests & mysteries of the goddess Ceres. And Adrastus who had killed his own brother unawares, was purged & assoiled by Croesus' king of Lydia, who took upon him to deal in such reconciliations, because he was religious, and addicted to the fond ceremonies of those times. Also we read that a priest commanded Lisander, king of Lacedaemon, to tell and declare unto him the greatest sin that ever he had committed. The answer of Lisander to a Priest that would have had him to confess his sin unto him. But Lisander being more subtle than spice-conscienst, desired the priest to tell him whether he required it of him by the commandment of the gods, or of his owne-authoritie? When the priest had answered him, that it was at the commandment of the gods; Withdraw yourself then (quoth he) a while out of the temple, and I will tell it them, if they ask it. Zosimus reporteth in his history, that while Constantine the great was yet no Christian, he would have been purged by the high-priests of the paynim, for his murdering of his wife and his son; and that when they refused to do it, he became a Christian, upon report of a Spaniard, who gave him to understand, that the Christian Religion wiped away all sorts of sin. But this Zosimus speaketh like a clerk of arms, and like an enemy to our Religion, not knowing with how great discretion penitents are received into the bosom of the church, as we may see in many treatises of S. Cyprian. Nicephorus in his seventh book disproveth those that so report, unto whom I refer myself, concerning the cause that moved Constantine to take upon him the Christian religion, because it is a thing notably known to all men. For inasmuch as Religion bringeth with it humility, Pride undoth Religion. and lowliness of heart; pride and overweening do utterly defeat it, as we read of king Osias, who was punished with a leprosy, for presuming to offer sacrifice to God; and likewise of Dathan, Choree, and Abiron, whom the earth swallowed up alive. Concerning the touching of the things dedicated to the temple, The danger that hangeth upon the touching of things dedicated to churches. we see what befell to Manasses, and Amon kings of Jerusalem, and to Nabugodonozer king of Babylon, and divers others. And as touching the forsaking of the true Religion, we know the evil end that befell to Achab, Ochosias', and Oseas kings of Samaria. Now seeing that true Religion is a goodly thing, The dispraise of hypocrisy. needs ' must hypocrisy and false Religion be very dangerous, as which displeaseth God and man, when a countenance of the fear of God is pretended, to deceive folk under show of holiness. For as Cicero saith in his Duties, There is not so great a wickedness, as the cloaking of a man's self under the mantle of Religion, to do evil. Such guiles or cozenages are misliked both of God and man, specially when they be faced with the countenance of holiness. I mean wicked guiles, as the Lawyers term them, and not such guiles as serve for baits to draw folk to that which is good and behooveful, of which sort Plato speaking in his Laws, saith, It is not against the gravity of a lawgiver, to use such kind of untruths, because it is enough for him to persuade folk to that which is for their welfare & profit. For it is not unlawful to beguile men to a good end, & (as saith S. Paul) to apply a man's self to all sorts of men, to the intent to win them, as he himself did in Jerusalem, by the counsel of S. James, when he made his four companions to be shaven, and purified himself with them in the temple, according to the custom of law, notwithstanding that he allowed not that ceremony. Therefore men are not forbidden to beguile untractable folk, and such as are otherwise unwieldy and hard to be ruled, or else which are gross, superstitious, fearful, and shiwitted; or to induce them to some kind of Superstition, for the compassing of some commendable matter; A man may beguile the superstitious, for the compassing of some commendable effect. or to bridle those with the snaffle of Religion, which can not be compassed by love nor by force, which is the strongest mean that we have to restrain even them that are most fierce and untamable. For (as Sabellicus saith) there is not any thing that doth more easily retain the common people, than Superstition, or is of more force to move and persuade people to the intent and opinion that a man will rule them and lead them too. Du Bellay in his Ogdoads. This manner of dealing have the greatest and best advised lawmakers, and the best experienced captains of the world used. And among others Numa Pompilius of whom I have spoken afore, used it wisely towards the Romans, holding the people (whom he governed) in awe by a Religion, such as it was, and specially by the ceremonies which were in use at that time. He saw well he had to do with thieves, robbers, and murderers, and that his estate could not be sure among people that had their hands already stained with the blood of their king, whom they had killed late afore; and that it was no need to whet them, being a people too much given to war, but rather to procure them rest, to the intent that during the time of peace, they might receive some good laws for the governing of their city, and have their cruelty assuaged by means of religion. And to the intent that the thing which he did, might be of the more authority, he feigned that all proceeded from the counsel of the Muses, and of the nymph or goddess Aegeria, that haunted the forest Arecine, unto whose company he often withdrew himself alone, not suffering any body to go in thither with him. Minos, king of Candie. Minos' the lawgiver of Candie, had used the like feat afore to give force and authority to his laws. For he went ordinarily into a certain cave of the earth, the which he termed Jupiters' cave: and after he had been there a long time, he brought his laws with him all written, saying he had received them of Jupiter, to the end to compel his countrymen to keep them, both by the power and authority which he had over them, and also by religion, the which he esteemed to be of more force than all his commandments. No less did Pythagoras for the ratifying of his doctrine, for he had so reclaimed an eagle, that at a certain call she would come and lie hovering over his head in the air. After that Lycurgus had made his laws, he caused them to be ratified by the oracle of Apollo, who answered that they were good, and fit to make men live well and blessedly. divers guiles of princes and captains. And as the superstition of people, hath well served the turn of lawmakers; so hath it no less served to make captains obeyed, and to give them the reputation which they deserved, when they could skill to use it cunningly, as Agesilaus did, who seeing his men dismayed, because they were far fewer in number than their enemies, fell to making sacrifice afore he prepared himself to the battle, and writing this word victory in his left hand, took the liver of the beast at the priest's hand, without making any countenance, and holding it a long time in his own hand, as in a muse, that the liver might take the print of the letters, went anon after to his men of war there present, and showed them the liver, telling them that those letters behighted a sure sign of victory, thereby to make them the more courageous and resolute. Sertorius one of the best experienced captains of Rome, being brought into a little country of Spain, where it behoved him to have the help of the Spaniards, who were but smally accustomed to obey and to submit themselves to warlike discipline; to the intent he might bear some sway among them, and be believed and followed of them in all his enterprises; found the means to have a white hind, the which he affirmed to have been sent unto him from Diana, to give him notice of many things to come; the which hind he had so well taught and enured to the noise of battle, that she followed him wheresoever he went, and was not a whit afraid to see so great a multitude. Which thing made his soldiers the more pliable to order, because they believed that all that ever he did, came of the counsel of Diana, and not of his own good government. Eumenes perceiving that Antigonus and Teutamus captains of Alexander's old bands, that were called siluershields, in respect of the shields of silver that they carried, would not in any wise give place to him, though they had commandment from Olimpias the mother of Alexander, to obey him, nor come at him to consult of the affairs of the realm; thinking it no reason, that he for his part should go to their lodging, found the means to win them by this superstition: he made them believe that Alexander had appeared unto him in his sleep, Alexander's Tent, or pavilion. and had showed him a stately pavilion, wherein was a royal throne, and had told him, that if they would hold their consultation there, he would be there present with them, & aid them both in their counsel, & in the managing of all their affairs, conditionally that they always began at him: unto this Eumenes easily persuaded them, so as with one common consent they caused a beautiful and sumptuous pavilion to be set up, which they called the pavilion of Alexander, where they made their meetings for counsel. The Emperor Charles the fift being at Tunes, whether it were that he would by some means remove all heartburning from among the lords of his army, whom he was to command in his absence, or that he would give the more courage to his soldiers, & show to them all, that there was a head above him: took the crucifix in his own hands, and showing it to them all, told them that our Lord Jesus Christ should be the chief of that host. Themistocles perceiving that neither reason nor entreatance could persuade the people of Athens to go to the sea to encounter the Medes, fell to beating them with heavenly signs, oracles, and answers of the gods. For he took occasion to serve his turn as with a sign from heaven, by the dragon of Minerva, which by good hap appeared not in her temple as it had been wont to do. And the priests found the oblations to lie whole unminished and untouched, which the people offered daily unto her. By reason whereof being entrapped by Themistocles, they sowed a brute among the people, that the goddess Pallas, the defender of the city, had forsaken it, pointing them the way to the sea. And on the other side, The policy of Themistocles, he won them also by means of a certain prophesy, which commanded them to save themselves in wooden walls; saying that those wooden walls, betokened nothing else but ships. Christopher Columb perceiving he could get no victuals of the Indians neither for love nor by force, went near unto a little city of theirs, and calling out certain of the citizens unto him, did them to understand, that if they furnished him not with victuals, God would send them such a scourge from heaven, that they should die every one; in token whereof, he assured them that within two days next coming, they should see the moon full of blood, if they would take heed of it. They beholding the thing come to pass the very same day that he told them of, which was nothing else but the eclipse of the moon were so afraid of it, that they went and provided him victuals, and furnished him of as much as he needed. Lysander being desirous to further Agesilaus in making him king, whereunto the oracle of Apollo was an impediment, which had forbidden the Lacedæmonians to choose a king that did halt; told them, the oracle meant it not of the halting of a leg, but of the halting in lineage and parentage, after which sort Leotichides halted (which was the person whom some would have preferred to be their king) whom the wife of king Agis had conceived in adultery by Alcibiades. Marius' led with him a woman of Syria named Martha, whom he had evermore present at all his sacrifices, and without her he did not any thing. It is not well known whether he belee●ed verily that she had the gift of prophesy, or whether he did wittingly pretend to believe it, for the better furtherance of his devices. Upon a time when Sylla was ready to give battle, he openly kissed a little image of Apollo, which he had taken out of the temple of Delphos, praying it to keep promise with him. Superstition dangerous in a captain. Thus ye see how the brave captains do easily make their hand of the superstition of the people, so long as they themselves fall not into the same vice, as Nicias did; who being dismayed at an eclipse of the moon, delayed his departure out of Sicily, when it stood him most on hand to have been gone; upon an opinion that it was a token of very great misfortune, notwithstanding that Anaxagoras in his books had showed the reason of such eclipse: which doing of Nicias was cause of the utter overthrow of his army, and of his own destruction to. Likewise when Antigonus was minded to have war with the Romans, he committed a great fault, in that he believed not the counsel of Hannibal, but had rather to stand gaping superstitiously upon the inwards of brute beasts, and to hearken to a sort of cozening birdgazers, than to an old & well experienced captain, that knew the forces of the Romans, & where they were to be assailed. The superstitiousness of the Almains, was their undoing, for the woman-wizards that were in the camp, forbade them to go to battle against the Romans▪ afore the new of the moon. Whereof julius Caesar getting intelligence, and perceiving that for that cause the Almains stirred not, went and assailed them in their own camp, while they were out of courage by reason of their superstition; & he provoked them so far, that in the end he made them to come forth into the field in a rage, where they were all discomfited. But the best and wisest captains never troubled their heads with such doteries. Good captains have eschewed to be superstitious. As for example, Lucullus spared not to encounter with Tigranes upon the sixth day of October, though there were that would have dissuaded him, because the Romans esteemed it an unlucky day, forsomuch as Scipio was discomfited by the Cimbrians as on that day; whereto Lucullus answered, That of a day of sorrow & misfortune, he would make it aday of good fortune and joy; and so it came to pass indeed. Alexander leading his army against the Persians in the month of June, was desired not to stir, all that month, because the Macedonians esteemed it an unlucky month. But yet he letted not to proceed for all that: and to turn away the superstition, he ordained that the month of June should be called the second May. Likewise when a certain Pope might not make his entrance into Paris upon a Thursday, because of the unconueniencie of the next day following, whereby the roast-meat of the Persians should have been spared; he ordained that the next day being Friday, should be called Thursday to, whereupon it came to pass that that week hath ever since been called the week with the two Thursdaies'. Dion forbore not for all the eclipse of the moon, to weigh up his Anchors presently, and to departed forthwith from Zacinth, to go to make war upon Dennis the tyrant of Sicill, whom he drove out of Syracuse immediately upon his arrival there. Notwithstanding, to put away the superstition of his soldiers, he brought them a soothsayer, who said unto them, My fellows be of good cheer, and assure yourselves that all shall go very well with us. For the God head showeth us to our sight, that some one of the things which are now most glorious, clear, & bright, shall be eclipsed and darkened; now there is not at this time any thing more resplendent than the tyranny of Dennis: and therefore ye may well think, that as soon as you be arrived in Sicily, ye shall deface the brightness thereof. When Pericles was ready to sail with fifty vessels, it happened that the son was eclipsed, the which thing did put all his company in fear, yea & the pilot himself to: wherefore Pericles seeing the Pilot sore dismayed, did spread out his cloak and cover his eyes with it, demanding of him whether he thought it did him any harm or no. The Pilot answered him no. Then said Pericles, there is no difference between this and yonder eclipse, saving that the body or thing that darkeneth the sun, is greater than my cloak that covereth thine eyes. The Arabian guides that had beguiled Crassus, The pleasant and cunning answer of Cassius. by leading him into a place where he and the greater part of all his army were slain, intending to have done as much to Cassius, who had gotten himself into the city of Carras, and was purposed to departed thence the next morrow; did what they could to persuade him to tarry until the moon were passed out of the sign of the Scorpion, which they affirmed to be an unlucky sign, hoping to stay him by that superstition. But he answered them, that he feared much rather the sign of Sagittarius (that is to say, of the bowman or Archer) because the Romans had lately afore been curstly galled by the archers of the king of Parthia. When Timoleon was ready to give battle to the Carthaginenses, by chance there came into his host certain mulets laden with smallage: the which thing the soldiers took for a foretoken of ill luck, because it was the custom of those days, to bestrow the graves of dead folks with that herb. But Timoleon intending to draw them from that superstition, made his army to stand still: & having declared divers things to them according to the time, he told them that the garland of honour offered itself unto them afore victory. For among the Corinthians (qd. he) such as win the prize at the gamings of Ischmus that are kept in their country, are crowned with garlands of smallage. And therewithal himself took of it, and made him a garland the which he did put upon his head, and after him all the rest of the captains, yea and even the private soldiers also. As Marcellus was about to shock with the Gauls of Lombardy that were on the coast of Genoa, his horse turned back for fear, & carried him away whether he would or no▪ which thing helfearing lest the Romans should take for a sign of ill luck, ●emed his horse to the left hand, & suddenly made him to turn head towards the enemy. and even presently therewithal worshipped the sun; as who would say, his turning back had not been by chance, but purposely to that intent, because the Romans were wont too make such returns, when they worshipped their gods. Of the fall of julius Caesar and king Edward the third to the ground. When julius Caesar was arrived in Africa, as he went out of his boat he fell to the ground, which thing some that were about him, took for an evil sign. But to turn it to the clean contrary, I hold thee O Africa, quoth he; as if he had done it of set purpose. Edward king of England being landed in Constantine, at a place called the Hogue S. Wast, did no sooner set foot on ground, but he fell down, and that so forcibly, that his nose gushed out a bleeding, whereat his lords that were about him, counseled him to retire again into his ship, because of the evil sign. But king Edward very nobly and readily answered, It is a very good sign for me, for the land is desirous of me. The soothsayers counseled julius Caesar not to pass into Africa afore winter: yet letted he not to do it, yea and with very happy success. When he pursued Scipio in Africa, because there was a brute in his camp, that the Scipios could not be vanquished in that country; he in derision of that superstitious opinion, had in his army a Scipio, neither of wealth not off●me, nor of experience in fears of war, to the end that his soldiers should be of the better courage, knowing that Caesar had a Scipio as well as his enemies. When Paulus Aemilius was ready to give battle to Perses king of Macedon, the soothsayers told him, th●t by defending he should get the victory, and not otherwise. To rid his army of this fear, he made an unbridled horse to be driven towards the enemies, & sent certain Romans after him to catch him again. Anon the enemies ran out upon the Romans and so began a fray; Paulus Aemilius sent forth his men to defend them, and thereupon began a skirmish, whereupon ensued a battle, wherein he won the victory, according to the foresaieng of the soothsayers. The Romans kept a huge mass of gold and silver in their treasury: Caesar and Sylla made small conscience of superstition. and whensoever any was put in, they cursed the man with very great ceremonies, that should touch it, save only for maintenance of wars against the Gauls. But yet for all that, julius Caesar wanting money to pay his men of war, made no conscience to lay hand on it. And to take away the superstition of the people, and the fear of any curse that should come upon the city, he told them he might justly take it, seeing he came from conquering the Gauls. Sylla in a like case showed himself to be neither superstitious, nor yet religious. For upon a time when he wanted money, he took all that was in the temple of Apollo at Delphos; and for the doing thereof, he sent a friend of his name Caphis, but he was afraid to enter upon the consecrated things, and protested with salt tears that he did it against his will. And when some of the standers by told him, that they heard the sound of Apollo's vial within the temple; whether it were that he believed it to be so, or that he would have impressed such a fear in Sylla, he wrat thereof unto him. But Sylla mocking at it, sent him word he wondered that he considered not, that singing and playing upon instruments of music, were a token of mirth, and not of anger, and therefore that he should not fail to proceed on. Pericles wanting money to make war, sold the ornaments of Pallas for forty talents of gold. And when he was charged with sacrilege for so doing: The answer of Pericles. he answered, That fairer than those were to be had of the spoil of their enemies. The emperor Justinian did not so; for when Bellisarius had brought him divers precious things of the spoil of the Vandals, which had been conveyed afore to Rome by Titus from the sacking of Jerusalem; a Jew beholding them, told one of the emperors that it behoved him to be well aware that he suffered them not to come within his palace, because such goods might not abide in any other place than where Solomon had first set them: and that the taking of them thence, was the cause that Rome was sacked by the Vandals, & that the Vandals which had taken them from Rome, were vanquished by the Romans. Whereunto the emperor Justinian giving credit, did by and by send all those goods to the temples and churches that were in Jerusalem. Augustus would not enterprise any thing on the Nones of any month. Augustus' being a welminded prince, would not enterprise any thing upon the Nones of any month, saying that he had tried those days to be unlucky: but he spoke upon pleasure. For in as much as he never tasted of any other than good fortune in all his life, he might well forbear one day in a month. And yet if some good occasion had been offered him to give battle to his advantage, or to retire to good purpose, I would hold him to have been but a bad captain, if he had let so fair an opportunity slip, which cannot be recovered when a man will, and whereof the good or bad success, doth often times bring with it a marvelous sequel to the whole host. A notable fault of the Lacedæmonians. And therefore (to my seeming) the Lacedæmonians were greatly to blame, for that they seeing the danger wherein all Greece was, and being otherwise desirous to pleasure the Athenians, who were then in Marathon ready to encounter with the Persians; would not send them any succour till the moon was at the full, at which time their succour stood them in no stead, because it came long after the battle. The policy of Papirius. If the consul Papirius had been of the same superstitious mind, he had never won that notable battle against the Samnites, which was given contrary to all the bird-spels, even when the pullets refused to eat, which was taken for an assured sign of the loss of the field. But the consul espying the advantage, meant not to beat his brains about such toys, but dealing discreetly, willed the master of the Pullerie to assure his soldiers that the pullet's had eaten. And when one of his company having seen that i● was clean contrary, had filled all his army with the superstition thereof, & so as the brute thereof came to the consuls hearing by the advice of Spurius Papirius; The consul answered him, that he minded nothing but the doing of his duty, and that if the pullet-master had lied, the sin should return upon him. And to make his word good, he placed the pullet-master in the foremost rank, where he was presently slain, whereof the consul being advertised, said that all went well, and that the gods had discharged all their wrath upon him. Of such as have fought unluckily against bird-gazing. But as for those that in fight against the bird-spels and against superstition, have also fought against their enemies without likelihood of good success, they have found themselves oftentimes ill paid. As for example, Flammineus and Appius the fair, unto whom when it was reported that the pullets cared not for their meat; Let us see then (quoth he) if they list to drink, & made them to be drowned, immediately whereupon he was vanquished in battle. If Hannibal had stood upon Nones, or new-moons, when he was beset round about by Fabius, and was fain to put fire upon the horns of 2000 neat, to make way to escape out at, he had been undone. It was not then time to tarry till the morning, it stood him on hand to get thence that present hour. These examples serve to teach a prince that hath superstitious people, and whom he cannot rid of that fantasy, at least wise to beguile them to a good end in their own superstition. No guile is to be used in religion. For he that will beguile in religion, beguileth himself. I know well that many princes have made a vizor of religion, and pretetended to be devout and religious, only to bring their people to a religion, without the which they could not hold their subjects in obedience to them. But the reputation that they have gotten thereby, was, that they were evil and deceitful. Contrariwise, the good and religious princes, have compassed their affairs well, and left a good reputation behind them. The reward of the guileful and wicked. And as Plato saith in his Comman-weale, The wicked and guileful sort, deal like them that talk much of running swiftly in a race, as though they would win the goal from all men, & in the end do nothing but move laughter, and return home with their tail betwixt their legs; but good and virtuous men are like those that hold on in running to the end of the race, and are crowned as victors for their labour. For in the end they be had in estimation of all men. But as for the wicked and crafty sort, albeit that they conceal their vices for a time; yet notwithstanding when they come to the end of their race, than they appear what they be. A prince ought not to be an hypocrite. It is best therefore as well to Godward as to man-ward, not to use any counterfeiting, but to be virtuous in deed. And to attain the more easily thereunto, it behoveth him to do as good and virtuous princes have done, that is to wit, he must have good and religious men about him; For with the good a man shallbe good, and with the wicked he shall be perverted. He that is conversant with the wise shallbe wise, (saith Solomon) but he that keepeth company with fools, shall have sorrow. The prince that hath such good men about him, is counseled and quickened up by them to virtue and well-doing; and he is afraid to do evil, when he seethe such near about him. Besides that, he purchaseth to himself a good reputation, which maketh all his attempts the more easy. For the people who judge by outward appearance, are of opinion that their prince is good, when he entertaineth good and religious men ordinarily, and hath them ordinarily about him. Which thing the younger Denis could well skill of, though he himself was neither religious, nor a virtuous prince. In his time men made account of Sophists, but he himself made no reckoning of them at all. And yet for all that, because he would be the better thought of by their means, and win the favour of the people who had such men in estimation; he had of them ordinarily with him. For it is better that a prince should be an hypocrite; Time causeth a man to love the honest things which he did but counterfeit at the first. than a despiser of good and virtuous things, because such manner of counterfeiting and countenancing of good things, doth secretly bring with it in time, an affection of loving them, and a willingness to accustom himself to them in earnest. The emperor Adrian had virtuous and wise men, and learned Philosophers always about his person, as well in time of peace as of war, because the wise men taught to live well, and the Philosophers to govern well. For (as Alexander Severus said) of trusting too much to a man's own wit, cometh commonly labour and loss, Of taking council cometh great fruit. but of taking other men's advise, followeth ordinarily very great fruit. Insomuch that whensoever he had any matter to set in order concerning the commonweal, he consulted of it aforehand with men of skill and experience, afore he did put it in execution, and such manner of men did always follow him; among whom was one Ulpian a lawyer. Yea, and when he went a walking or a hunting, he would never be without three or four of the greatest personages and best experienced of his house, to the intent he would not be without counsel, if any matter of importance should come suddenly upon him, and that the sight of such men near about him, might keep him from presuming to do any unhonourable fact. Antigonus the second was wont to say when Zeno the Philosopher was dead, That he was bereft of the Theatre and stage of his honourable deeds, because he was wont to refer all his actions to the judgement of that good man. And if we will descend into our own histories, we shall see what profit redounded to S. Lois, by being conversant with men of Religion. For in so much as his mother had accompanied him with such folk from his infancy, he ceased not to hold on afterward in the same trade and manner of life, wherein he had been trained up, insomuch that all his whole life was nothing else but a mirror of holiness. CHAP. XV. That the Prince which will be well obeyed, must show good example in himself to his subjects. THat which I have spoken of Religion and Superstition is enough, notwithstanding that it be too little, as in respect of the things themselves. Now remaineth the winding up of the matter, and to end this book withal, I am to show in few words, what it is that upholdeth both the prince and his subjects in all honour and honesty, Example in the prince himself serveth to make the prince to be obeyed. especially in the case of Religion; namely the good Example which the prince giveth unto his subjects. For it serveth him above all things in the world, to make him to be obeyed, and therewithal accustometh him to the love of all honest things, though at the beginning he had no such will, as I have said afore. And it provoketh the subjects to follow their prince's example, whom they see to be given to all virtuous things, and chief when he is given to religion. Take away religion, and ye take away obedience. For a prince cannot reign, if his subjects be without religion; considering that in taking away religion, ye take away obedience to the prince. Therefore to hold the people in religion, there is nothing like unto Example. And as a certain Poet saith; laws and proclamations have not so great force to procure obedience, as hath the life of the governor, because the people being subject to alteration, do change with the prince. If the prince be devout and religious, the people will be devout also; if he be superstitious, they become superstitious too; if he be given to vice, so will they be also; if he be good, they abide good likewise, because there is not any thing that doth so much induce us to do well, as the innocency and goodness of the prince or judge, as saith Cassiodorus. For who will be afraid to do wickedly, when he seethe his lord do as himself doth? In vain doth that prince foad himself with surety of state, who is covetous, ambitious, and unjust. For men are then afraid to do amiss, when they think that it displeaseth their judge. And as Cicero saith in his third book of laws, A prince doth not so much harm in the very sinning, A prince doth not so much harm by his sin in itself, as by the example thereof unto others. (although it be a great harm in deed) as he doth in making others to follow the example of his vices. And we see commonly, that look what alteration soever happens in the prince, the same ensueth also in his people. For the change of conversation of life in great personages, is wont to work a change in the manners of the people; for that they keep not their vices alonely to themselves, but do shed them out upon their subjects, so as the hurt which they do, is not only in that they corrupt themselves, but also in that they corrupt others, doing more evil by their example, than by their bare sin. For as much therefore, as the well-aduised prince is as a cresset upon a bushel or rather upon a high tower, to give light to all parts; he ought to shine among his subjects, and to excel them in all deeds of virtue and godliness. For (as saith Cicero in his invectives) he is to apply himself not only to their minds, but also to their eyes. And like as a small blemish in a man's face, A small sin seemeth great in a prince. disgraceth him more than a great scar in all the rest of his body; even so a small fault showeth itself great in a prince, whose life men behold in the open light. And as Saluian Bishop of Marsels saith, The offence is the greater, where there is the greater prerogative. That is the cause why David was punished by the death of his son, after that God had taken away his sin; namely as the text saith, For that he caused the enemies to blaspheme the name of the Lord. So great is an offence in a public person. For he that doth evil without giving cause of offence unto others, damneth but himself: but he that giveth evil example unto others, and causeth more for to sin, must bear their penalty, because he is the cause of their evil. Plato in his laws saith, That nothing doth more easily change laws, than the example of princes, so that a tyrant may in short time alter the laws. For whether he intent to lead to virtue or to vice, he himself must first trace the way unto others, by allowing the one, and disallowing the other, and by despising such as obey him not. And therefore he said in another place, That such as kings and governors are, such are their people; Wherein he agreeth with Ecclesiasticus, who saith, That such as the judge of a people is, such are his ministers; and such as the ruler of a city is, such are his citizens. Varia Mesa writing to Heliogabalus, admonished him after this manner; To reform others, it behoveth you first to reform yourself; and to chastise others, you must first chastise yourself. The prince is a mirror to all his subjects. For every person be he of never so mean degree, doth commonly take example at that which he seethe done by his superiors, and especially by the prince, who is a looking-glass to all his subjects. And in deed, we see how the Egyptians gave themselves to the mathematical sciences, because the most part of their kings loved those sciences. Because the kings of Asia gave themselves to all delicacies, the people of that country were very delicate and effeminate. Because Nero loved players of interludes, singingmen, and players upon instruments; there was not that Senator whose child studied not those arts. In the time of Marcus Aurelius his house was full of wise and modest servants. In the time of his son Commodus, Such as the prince is, such will be his household, his court, and his kingdom. the palace was full of naughtypacks, & folk of lewd conversation. And the said good emperor Marcus Aurelius was wont to say, That such as the prince is, such will his household be; such as his household is, such will his court be; and such as his court is, such will his kingdom be. We see in France, how the people have evermore followed their prince. King Francis loved learning, and his people gave themselves wholly thereunto. He was sumptuous in apparel, and much more they that came after him. At this day there is not any thing omitted, for the well and rich attiring of folk, and for the delicate entertaining of them with all sorts of the choicest meats. Lewis the eleventh, and the Emperor Charles the fift, went modestly appareled, and mocked such as decked themselves in rich attire: and their subjects did the like. That example of theirs did more in their time, than all the statutes of apparel could do, that have been made since. And that good time continued unto the reign of king Francis, who begun to tread out the way to the inordinate and excessive chargablenesse, which overwhelmeth us at this day. The book entitled the Courtier, maketh mention of a Spaniard that held his neck awry, as Alfons king of Arragon did, (who, setting that aside, was a prince of very good grace) of purpose to follow the King's fashion, and to counterfeit him in all that he could. For this cause Plato in his laws will have old men (who ought to give example to young men) to behave themselves discreetly when they be in the company of young folk, and to take good heed that no young man see them do, There is not a better way to reform others, than to do the same things which a man would say in that behalf. or hear them speak, any unhonest thing. For the best counsel that can be given to young or old, is not to taunt or check them, but to show and express the same thing in a man's whole life, which he would have said in checking and blaming them. Which order Cicero following in his Duties, doth utterly forbid an old man to give himself to excess, because it bringeth double harm; first in that it procureth him shame; and secondly in that it maketh the looseness of young folk more impudent. For young folks should be governed by the discretion of the old. And even so is it between subjects and their princes. For if princes give them not good example, it will be hard to amend them afterward. Which thing even the wickeddest princes perceiving, have pretended to make account of virtue, as I have showed in Tiberius, in Nero, and in Denis, who entertained the Sophists 〈◊〉 win the people's favour. But in the end the truth bewrayed it self (as indeed nothing is so secret which shall not be revealed ●nd they fell into the disfavour, contempt, and hatred of their people. Wherefore there is nothing to be compared to open walking, without any manner of counterfeiting, and to the giving of good example throughout, that a prince may be the better followed, and the more beloved and esteemed of his people. emperors that were warriors, beloved of their soldiers, for behaving themselves fellowlike towards them. As for example, Piscennius Niger, Caracalla Maximine, Alexander Severus, and many other emperors that were warriors, did eat of the same bread that their soldiers did; which thing made them beloved of all, and gave example to every man to do as they did. For there is not a better exortation, nor a more effectual way to persuade, than when a prince doth the same things himself, which he would have other men to do. Agesilaus commanded not his soldiers to do any work to the which he himself did not first set his hand And to give example to young men to endure cold, he was seen to go all the winter without a cloak, thereby to allure the young men to do the like, when they saw that their prince being old and ready to pass out of the world, was not afraid of the cold. Xenophon in his first book of the Education of Cirus, bringeth in Cambyses telling Cirus, that to be first at work himself, served greatly to win his soldiers thereunto. Is it your meaning then (quoth Cirus) that a prince ought in all things to endue more than his subjects? Yea surely (quoth Cambyses) but pluck up a good heart and consider with yourself, that the prince and the subject take not pains both with one mind. For the honour that a great lord receiveth assuageth his pain, for so much as all that ever he doth is known. Notable examples of Alexander, Cato, David, and Alfons. Plutarch saith in the life of Cato of Utica, That his soldiers honoured him exceedingly, and loved him singularly, because he was wont to be the first that did set hand to any work that he commanded; and in his fare, apparel, and going abroad, made himself equal rather to the meanest soldiers, than to the captains, and yet in greatness of courage surmounted the best captains of all. Alexander in pursuing his victory against Darius, became very thirsty, and when one of his soldiers offered him wat●● in a Morion, he refused it, saying, That he would not by ●●s drinking, increase the thirst of others. Whereupon his men seeing the nobleness of his courage, cried out aloud unto him, that he should hardily lead them on still, saying that their own weariness and thirst was quite and clean gone, and that they thought not themselves to be mortal any more, so long as they had such a king. The like befell to Cato of Utica in Africa, who being almost at the point to die for thirst, (as likewise all his army was, being then in the midst of the sands of Lybia) when as the small quantity of water which was in his host was all offered unto him, not only refused it, but also spilled it on the ground, to the end that by his example, all the soldiers in his army might learn to endure the thirst. Albeit that David longed to drink of the water of a certain well, that was in the possession of his enemies, and three of his army brought thereof unto him, with great danger of their lives; yet would he not drink thereof when it was brought unto him, but vowed it unto God for the safety of the three that had gotten it for him. On a time, when Alfons king of Arragon and Sicily, was in a place where he could get no victuals, and a soldier of his brought him a morsel of bread and cheese, he refused it, saying that it was no reason that he should eat, seeing his whole army had not to eat as well as he. Plutarch saith, That the thing that most advanced Marius, was that he never refused the requital of kindness, for any pain or danger that hung thereon; nor also disdained any thing, were it never so little; but strived to outgo even the meanest soldiers in simplicity of fare, and in sufferance of labour, whereby he got the good will of every man. For it is a great comfort to such as take pains, to have company that willingly take pains with them; because that to their seeming, it after a sort taketh away their constraint and necessity. And it is a thing that wonderfully pleaseth the soldier, when he seethe his captain eating openly of the same bread that he himself eateth, or sleeping upon some pelting pad of straw, or the first man that sets his hand to the work, when a trench is to be drawn, or a rampire is to be made to fortesie a camp. For they make not so great account of the captains that honour them or reward them, Soldiers set not so much by them that reward them, as by them that take pain with them as they do. as of the captains that takes pains with them, and hazard themselves with them to the dangers of war; yea, and there is this further, that they set more by those that take pains with them, than by those that suffer them to continue in idleness. Artaxerxes king of Persia, marching in the country of the Cadusians, went foremost on foot, bearing his truss upon his shoulder in a scarf, and his target on his arm, and so traveled over mountains that were cragged and rough, insomuch that his soldiers seeing the courage of their king, & the pains that he took, went so light on the ground, that they seemed to have had wings. The emperor Julian coming to a Marris, which he saw his enemies had drowned with water, to stop the passage of his army, did put himself foremost into the Marris, so that his army being ashamed to refuse that which they saw the emperor do, passed all through the Marris, marching in water up to the knees. Great Alexander perceiving at the siege of Nysa, that his soldiers were loath to go to the assault, because of the deepness of the water, O wretch that I am (quoth he) which have not learned to swim! and yet in the end he passed the river, to give example to his men. Himself also was the first that entered into the city of the Malians, howbeit very undiscreetly. Nevertheless his so doing made all the Macedonians to come in after him, to save his life. Demetrius being afore the city of Thebes, went foremost himself to the battle, to give example to his men of war, that they should not spare themselves, nor be afraid to put themselves in danger. Also he was stricken quite and clean through the neck with an arrow. julius Caesar hazarded himself freely to all peril, never forbearing to take pains; and therefore his soldiers loved and esteemed him. The marquis of Piscaria, to provoke his footmen to pass the ford of brent's, did set himself foremost on foot to pass it with the bravest and honourablest captains of his principal bands, to show himself in like fortune with his soldiers. The emperors that have not set their hands to good works have been disdained of their soldiers. As for those which have refused to put their hand to work, and to give example to their people, they have not done themselves any good by it, but have been disdained for their labour. As for example, Macrinus who went but with a wand in his hand, when he made his musters, or when he visited his men of war, was despised for it of his soldiers, who said that a prince ought not to enter into the senathouse with arms, nor come into an army without them; because the senathouse was to deal with matters of peace, and the camp with matters of war. Therefore was he of so small estimation, that his men of war forsook him, and in the end he was vanquished by a woman. Likewise the very presence of a prince in battle, Of the presence of a Prince. is a kind of example. For it giveth courage to the soldiers, as I have declared in the beginning of this book, in speaking of the little child Europus king of Macedon, whom they were feign to bring forth to the soldiers in his cradle, and yet his presence gave them such courage, that they vanquished their vanquishers, and went away with the victory, though they had been overcome afore. The Almaris at the journey of Gwingate, were ignorant that the emperor Maximilian was coming to them: but as soon as they espied him all armed saving his head, by and by taking his presence for a good foretoken of victory, they began to welcome him after this manner; God save thee O Emperor, God preserve thee good father, God keep thee O invincible captain; we have already won the victory, seeing that thou our head art here: and it came to pass as they had forespoken. When the army of Alfons king of Arragon was ready to join battle with the army of Renat, that was led by Antony Caldora: the king fell to consulting how he should demean himself, and was counseled not to be there in person; whereat he taking disdain, answered in great choler, How then? By your saying it should seem, that the thing which hath been wont to do most good in a battle, (namely the presence of the general) should do most harm. I perceive now that my men fight valiantly, and I will be the first at it, to show that my presence is no impediment to your glory and good fortune. When Perses the last king of Macedon was to join battle with the Romans, he withdrew himself out of the field, under colour to do sacrifice to Hercules, who could not find in his heart to accept the offerings of a coward; and so he failed not to lose the field. But the great captains, as Pyrrhus, Philip, Alexander, Antigonus, Trajan, and generally all the great princes, Whether wars are to be made by Lieutenants. have made war by themselves, and not by their lieutenants. I grant that some have made war luckily by their lieutenants, as Charles the fift king of France; and the emperor Charles the fift, in the battle of Pavia: but yet there is none to the presence of the prince himself, when any goodly exploit is to be done. For as the French proverb saith, The sheep serve to no purpose where the shepherd is away. But after his fortunate encounter at Pavia, the Emperor Charles of whom I now speak, did never enterprise any thing, whereat he himself was not present, as the voyage of Argier, the voyage of Goulette, the voyage of province, the war in Germany made in the dead of winter, when he himself was diseased with the gout, and ill at ease in his body; The presence of the prince, serveth greatly to the getting of the victory. the wars made many times in France, and especially at the siege of Mets in the dead of winter. For the presence of the prince is worth ten thousand men. When Antigonus the second was purposed to give battle upon the sea to Ptolemy, his Pilot told him that his enemies had many more ships than he. And how many ships (quoth he) think you my presence may countervail? As who would say, it is a great sway to the victory, when a valeant prince is present, which can skill how to govern. The Numantines had obtained many victories of the Romans, until in the end Scipio was sent thither to have the commanding of the army, whose arrival there made the chance of the war to turn. For ever after the Numantines went by the worst, nevertheless their captains bade their soldiers that they should not be afraid, for the Romans were but the very same people, whom they themselves had vanquished so oft afore. True it is indeed (said one among them) they be the same sheep, but they have another manner of shepherd. Antigonus hearing by some prisoners, that Eumenes was sick, (as he was indeed) and thereupon conjecturing that he should with small ado discomfit his army in his absence, made all the hast he could to give battle. But when he came so near, that he might well and plainly descry the order & behaviour of his enemies, who were so well ranged in order of battle as possibly could be, The presence of Eumenes causeth Antigonus to retire. he stayed a long while altogether distroubled, and as it were astonished, in the which time he perceived the horslitter of Eumenes passing from the one side of the battle to the other, and therewithal he began to say, yond same (in mine opinion) is the litter that maketh us war, and offereth us battle. And with that word he caused the retreat to be sounded, and conveyed his men back into his camp. julius Caesar did put himself in great peril, by going to find his army that was distressed by the Gauls, and by his only presence did rid them of the distress, giving them courage to fight; so greatly was his name redoubted of his enemies. Cabades king of Persia, seeing his men repulsed from the city Damida, which he had surprised and scaled, and how that many of them began to come down the ladders, because the men of the city made them to leap down from above, stepped to the foot of a ladder with his sword drawn, and threatened to kill as many of them as came down. And so the presence of the king caused many to mount up the ladders again, and many that had begun to give over, fell so lustily to scaling again, that in the end they took the city. The prince of Wales, to give courage to his men of war, was personally at the castle of Remorentin, by whose presence the Englishmen gave such a forcible assault, that they which were within were feign to yield themselves. Henry king of Castille seeing his army begin to scatter, assembled them again three times, and with his encouraging of them, made them to endure the battle a long time, so as they durst not any more flee for shame, when they saw their lord and king fight so valiantly, and speak so amiably. Ferdinand king of Naples doth by his presence cause his subjects to return under his obedience. Ferdinand king of Naples, perceiving the Neapolitans to rebel at the change of his fortune, at such time as Charles the eighth subdued all under his obedience: departed suddenly from Capua and drew straight to Naples. As soon as he arrived there, every man laying down his weapon, came to welcome him with singular affection, ceasing their uproars in all places. Consalua being brought to distress at Barlette, and yet cheerfully overpassing all pains matched with great scarcity of victuals, and of all other things needful, did by his example hold in the Spaniards a long time, who were forewearied with travel, and in the end got the upper hand of the Frenchmen. At such time as king Henry the second was fiercely assailed in his own realm at two places at once, and could not put garrisons in all the towns on the frontiers: the admiral Hannibalt being advertised that the enemies made towards Fere, with full assurance to get possession thereof; conveyed himself into it with a few men, and saved the town by his presence. For the enemies thought that so great a lord would not shut up himself without a good company, and otherwise they esteemed him to be a wise captain, as having had trial of him afore, at Mesieres, at Petone, and at Laundersey, how greatly the presence of a good captain availeth, which maketh weak towns impregnable. The end of the first book. The second book. CHAP. I. ¶ Of wisdom, and discreetness. IN old time, when by God's sufferance Oracles had place, the city of Delphos was renowned through the whole world, for the proud and stately temple there, which was dedicated and consecrated to Apollo, whereunto folk resorted from all parts of the world to ask counsel, and to hear the answers that were given by his image. At the entrance of this goodly Temple, What it is to know one's self. were written these words, KNOW thyself. In the interpretation of which words, many have erred, imagining that a man knows himself, when he can skill of the things that concern his duty or office, and his mystery, trade of living, or profession; as when a surgeon can skill to lance a sore, or a physician to heal a disease, or a shoemaker to make a Shoe. But none of all these is the knowing of a man's self. And though a man beheld all the parts of his body, yet knew he not himself the more for all that. For as Plato saith, He that knoweth his body, knoweth that which is his, but he knoweth not himself. So that neither physician nor handicraftsman knoweth himself, but their knowledge is of things that are separated from themselves. Wherefore to speak properly, none of them according to their art, can be said to be wise. Likewise he that hath a care of his own body, mindeth that which is his, and not himself. And whosoever loveth a man, cannot be deemed to love his body, but his soul. Therefore when we say, a man must know himself: it is as much to say, as he must have a care of his soul, to prepare it to the knowing of God his maker, after whose image it is created, that he may, as it were in a looking glass behold the invisible Godhead, the efficient cause of wisdom, and of all good things; and that by the knowledge of the virtues which God hath given unto him, he may consider how greatly he is indebted unto God, and that he hath not any thing of himself, but that all cometh of God. And when he knoweth what he is, that is to wit a reasonable creature, then lifteth he up his heart (as is song in the church); that is to say, he lifteth up his mind to the author of his welfare. To know God, it behoveth a man to know himself. Now then, to know God, it behoveth to have the knowledge of ourselves, that is to wit, of our inward man, which is framed of divine essences, to the intent we despise not the heavenly understanding and mind that was given to man in his creation, for want of knowing it aright, and for want of considering the virtue and power thereof; lest through want of such understanding thereof, in steed of being wise and well advised, and in steed of choosing the good way, we follow the worser, and (as David saith) Become like the horse and mule, for not considering what God hath bestowed upon man. Therefore it standeth us on hand to consider from whence we be, and to what end we be created; that by beholding the excellency which we have received of God, we may submit ourselves wholly unto him, and to his wisdom; which inviteth us thereunto, as is to be seen in five hundred places of the book of wisdom. Those than which refer all their actions to the said first cause, we call Wise men, according to the writings both of the Bible, and also of the Heathen authors, specially of the great Mercury, The first point of wisdom is to know one's self. Plato, and Cicero, who affirm, That the first point of wisdom, is to know a man's self. And by this knowledge a man shall perceive whereat he ought to level himself, and so he shall foresee the impediments that may hinder & annoy him. He then which hath not wisdom, cannot discern what is his, or what is well or ill done; neither can we know what is ours, unless we know ourselves. And he that knoweth not what is his, is also ignorant what is another man's; and consequently he is ignorant what belongeth to the commonweal, and so shall he never be good householder, or good commonweals man, because he knoweth not what he doth. By reason whereof, he shall walk on in error, wandering and mistaking his mark; so as he shall not achieve any thing of value, or if he do, yet shall he be but a wretch. For no man can be happy or govern happily, unless he be good and wise, because it is only he that discerneth good from evil. Now if this saying may be verified of all men, much more without comparison doth it agree to princes than to other men, because they have authority above all: and to execute authority well, it behoveth to have Discretion and wisdom. For reason would, that the wise should command the ignorant, according to the saying of Ecclesiasticus, That the freeborn shall serve the bondmen that are wise. The better sort ought to rule the worse. And as Dennis of Halicarnassus saith, It is a law common to all, that the better sort should command the worse. It is they therefore to whom the said goodly precept is chief appointed, to the end they should know the being and state of their soul, the force and power whereof consisteth in wisdom, whose ground is truth. For it is the property of wisdom to discern the truth of all things, whereby the darkness of ignorance is driven out of our mind, and light is given unto us. In this respect Jacob having gotten wisdom by travel, is said in Genesis to have had the sight of God: because that to the active life, he had also joined the contemplative. In so much that we may say, that the wise man is the cleeresighted, and hath judgement & reason to discern good from evil, that he may keep himself from being deceived. Cicero in his Academiks. For nothing is more contrary to the gravity of a wise man, than error, lightness, and rashness. Cicero in his books of Duties. And although wisdom and discreetness do well beseem all men, because it is the property of man to search the truth, as who (being partaker of reason, gathereth the consequencies of things by considering their principal causes and proceed: The excellency of wisdom. ) yet notwithstanding wisdom is an essential thing in princes and governors. For nothing doth so firmly 'stablish a principality, as a wise man, who (as saith Ecclesiasticus) instructeth his people, and the faithful are the fruits of his understanding. The wise man shall be replenished with blessedness, and as many as see him shall commend him. And in the third chapter of salomon's proverbs, it is said; That the purchase of wisdom is more worth, than all that ever a man can gain by the traffic of gold and silver; and all that ever man can wish is not comparable unto her. For that very cause there was a writing in the foresaid temple of Delphos, which commanded men to honour wisdom and justice, whom Hesiodus and Pindarus feigned to sit at Jupiters' side. Wisdom the mother of all good things. Wherefore we may well say, That wisdoms is the mother of all good things, and the tree of life that was in the earthly Paradise, as saith S. Austin in his thirteenth book of the city of God. And to show the excellency thereof yet more, Ecclesiasticus saith, That wisdom is a greater aid and strength to a wise man, than ten governors are to a country. And therefore in the 16 of the proverbs it is said, That prophesy is in the lips of a king; which thing is meant of a wise king. After which manner he saith in another place, that the delight of a king is in a wise servant; which is to be understood of a good and wise king. For commonly else such men are not welcome to princes. But as Aesop saith, either a man must please a king, or else he must not come at him. Bion was wont to say, That wisdom goeth before the other virtues, Wisdom goeth before all other virtues. as the sight goeth before the other senses, and that without wisdom there is no virtue at all. For how were it possible for the just man to yield unto every man that which belongs to him, if wisdom had not taught him what is due to every man? Therefore afore we enter into the moral virtues, it is requisite by the way to speak a word of the contemplatives; namely of wisdom and discretion: because that without contemplation joined with skill, a man can do nothing that is beautiful and good. The Stoics make no difference between these two virtues, saving that wisdom consisteth in the knowledge of things belonging both to God and man; and discreetness consisteth only in things belonging to man. For both of them be contemplative virtues, proceeding from the mind and understanding. But yet one of them is merely contemplative, Of wisdom. that is to wit, wisdom, which (after the opinion of ancient Philosophers) is occupied but in contemplation of the heaven, the earth, and the stars, respecting nothing but such things as are everlasting and unchanged; and because they be not subject to any alteration, man needeth not to scan of them. And as Aristotle saith in his sixth book of Morals, It behoveth a wise man not only to understand whatsoever may be gathered of principles, but also to understand the principles themselves truly, Plutarch in his treatise of moral virtue. and to speak truly of them. And as a Geometrician scanneth not whether a triangle have three angles made by the meeting and closing together of three right lines, but holdeth it for an undoubted certainty; Wisdom is not subject to doubting. so the contemplative understanding, doth not so much as dream of any thing that admitteth any alteration; neither is it subject to consulting and deliberating. But discreetness, which is cumbered with things untrue, erroneous, and troublesome, and is to deal with casual adventures, is driven to consult of things doubtful, and after consultation to put itself in action. All virtue consisteth in action. For as Cicero saith, All virtue consisteth in action. Concerning the which, we will hold still the precept which he giveth us in his books of Duties, where he saith, A man must not uphold things unknown, for known. That whosoever will be wise, must eschew two vices, one is, he must not uphold things unknown as known: and to eschew the falling into that vice, he must spend time and labour in considering things aforehand. For if a man's wit be not confirmed and fortified by reason, Plutarch in the life of Timoleon. he doth easily waver, and is easily driven from the discourse whereon he was grounded at the first. Therefore it behoveth that the resolution whereto he sticketh be firm, and not subject to alteration, lest he do things afore he have well considered and tried them, and so it befall him as doth to liquorous persons, which oftentimes desire some meat with ●ouer-earnest appetit, whereof when they have once had their fill, by & by they be weary of it, which thing happeneth to such as enterprise any thing lightly, and without good advisement aforehand. But the choice that is grounded upon sure knowledge and firm discourse of reason, doth never alter, though the thing that was undertaken come not to good end. The other vice whereof Cicero maketh mention, is, that some men set all their study upon things difficult and needless, after the manner of the over-profound wisdom of men in old time, to the which wisdom Socrates would in no wise give himself. Therefore let us omit that kind of wisdom, as whereof we have not to treat here, and whereunto we cannot attain. For the former Philosophers gave themselves the title of Wise men; yet notwithstanding, those that have been wiser than they, would not take that title unto them. As Pythagoras, who said, He was but only a lover of wisdom. And Socrates, who confessed himself to know nothing. By reason whereof he was accounted the wisest man of his time. And never since was there any man so proud and presumptuous, as to take that title upon him. As for us that are Christians, we ought to reject it utterly, because the name of wisdom is attributed to the son of God, and that God only is wise: so that we agree with the philosophers, That wisdom consisteth rather in heavenly things, and in a certain contemplation, Of discreetness. than in action. And therefore letting it alone, we will return to the other contemplative virtue, which is called discreetness, and (commonly) wisdom also. But that is an proper kind of speaking, whether we apply the term to matter of understanding, or to matter of art. As for example, when we say that Phidias was a wise ingraver, in so saying we intent to show the virtue of the art, because wisdom is the perfectest of all skills. Which word wisdom, I shall be feign to use sometimes, (because it is so used in our common speech) not for the wisdom that searcheth things divine, wonderful and hard to attain unto, but for the virtue of deliberating, which we call discreetness, wherewith we have to deal in human affairs. For as Aristotle saith in his sixth book of his Morals, No man consulteth of things that are unpossible, and whose end is not the good that consisteth in action. discreetness is not gotten but by advised deliberation. But discreetness which the common sort call wisdom, and consisteth chief in the choice of good from evil, is not gotten but by advised deliberation, wherethrough we refuse the evil and choose the good. Which thing cannot be done by a fool, or by a harebrained person. For as Solomon saith in his proverbs, The fool hath no delight in discreetness, but in the imaginations of his own heart. Phil● the Jew expounding the first chapter of Moses, saith, That by the knowledge of good and evil, discretion is to be understood, which discerneth and deemeth as a judge between one thing and another. The definition of discreetness. Therefore let us come to the definition of discreetness, the which Cicero in his Academiks calleth the Art of living, and which we may say to be the way and path that leadeth to the moral virtues. Aristotle saith, that discreetness is an habit matched with the very reason that is peculiar to action, and discourseth what is good or evil. And in another place he saith, That it is the virtue of the reasonable part, which prepareth the things that pertain to happiness, meaning the happiness that consists in the good estate of the soul, and not in the outward event of things. For the well doing of things is the end of our actions, & of our taking of them in hand. And therefore a good householder, whom we call a good husband, & a good commonweal man, whom we call also a man that hath good skill in matters of state; (of whom the one hath an eye to the things that are good for himself, The difference between a discreet man, and a wel-aduised man. and the other to the things that are good for the commonweal) are esteemed wise and discreet, when they perform their charge well. There is yet another difference between a discreet man, and a wel-aduised man. For the man which aimeth at some certain point, and employeth all his natural wits to reach thereunto, if it be for an evil end, is nevertheless accounted wel-aduised, whereas (to say more truly) he is subtle and wily; and if it be for a good end and in a virtuous matter, he is counted wise and discreet. For as Aristotle saith in his Morals, It is unpossible for an evil man to be wise. Cicero in his Duties. But he that in all thing seethe clearly what is true, and can by good judgement and sharpness of wit conceive the reason thereof; that man is reputed wise, and therefore men seek unto him in all their affairs. And as in sailing (saith Socrates) men believe the Pilot of the ship; so ought we to believe the wisest in all the actions of our life. For the Pilot guideth the ship by his discretion; and as Homer saith in his Iliads, One Wagoner outgoeth another by his advisement. Cicero in his Cato. It is not by the strength and lightsomeness of body: but by discretion and well-aduisednesse, that men do great things. And as Horace saith in his Odes, Force without discretion overthroweth itself. For wisdom is better than strength, saith Ecclesiasticus. And Solomon saith in his proverbs, that the wise man hath great strength; for by discretion is war made, and by good counsel is victory obtained. Phocilides saith: that a wise man is more worth than a strong man. And Euripides saith, That wise counsel is able to vanquish great hosts. And therefore at Lacedaemon the captain that had compassed his matters by policy, did sacrifice to their gods with an ox; The Lacedæmonians made more account of an exploit done by policy, than of an exploit done by force of arms. and he that had compassed them by force, sacrificed a cock. For although they were a warlike people, yet they deemed that exploit to be greater and more beseeming a man, that was achieved by good advisement, skill, and reason, than that which was executed by valiantness and force of arms. And as Alamander the Sarzin said, Those that are of most skill in war, how strong soever they be beside, had liefer to entrap their enemies by sleights and policies, than to encounter them valiantly at the sword's point. And Blondus in his triumph at Rome saith, That the chief of an army should fight by discretion and policy, rather than by boldness and valiancy, because there is no comparison between wisdom and strength of body. For he that thinks there is no good to be done but by handstrokes, is so far off from being valiant, that he is rather to be esteemed rash, harebrained, and furious. Cicero in his book of invention saith, That there are of discreetness three parts, memory, Skill, and forecast, memory, whereby things past are called to mind again; Skill, which knoweth and vieweth things present; and forecast, which considereth what may happen afore it come. Others do set down eight parts of discreetness; to wit, Remembrance, forecast, skill, Reason, quickness of wit, teachableness, Experience, and wariness. I count him a discreet man that is sufficient to govern others. For the doing whereof four things are to be considered; first the good whereunto the discreet man leadeth others, wherein it behoveth him to have remembrance and forecast. The manner of governing, for the which it behoveth him to be a man of skill and reason. In his leading of other men he must have cunning and liveliness of wit, and he must be teachable and easy to believe good counsel. And in respect of all those whom he governeth he must be of good experience, and wel-aduised, that he may refuse the evil and choose the good. Wilful ignorance. The contrary to discreetness, is undiscreetnesse or wilful ignorance, when a man neither knoweth nor will learn to know any thing, (which is the thing that most troubleth the life of man; Cicero in his book of laws. and as Plato saith in his laws, That man is ignorant which musliketh the good, and loveth that which is noughtworth.) And when the will is bend against skill and reason, which naturally beareth chief sway. discreetness then is a virtue of the mind proceeding from a good understanding and judgement, which is increased by knowledge and experience, and consisteth in the looking into things, to the end that men may find them easy and ready to be dealt with, afore they go in hand with them, foreseeing what may or should ensue by things already past. And because the events of things (as saith Aristotle) yield not themselves unto our wills, we must apply our wills to the events, Therence in his Adelphis. howbeit so as our wills be ruled by discretion. For man's life is like a game at tables, where if a man meet with a cast of the dice that he would not have, he must amend it by his cunning in play, The effects of discretion. as good table-players do. The effects of discretion are to take deliberation, to discover good and evil, and whatsoever else is to be followed or shunned in this life, to use all manner of goods honestly, to be of good conversation with all men, to foresee occasions and adventures, and to have experience of good and profitable things. As touching memory and quickness of wit, experience and knowledge, either they be helps to discretion, as experience and memory; or else they make a part of discretion, as skill and quickness of wit. The praises of wisdom. Thus you see what wisdom is, the which Aristotle, speaking of the virtues, doth rightly term the queen of all other virtues, as which showeth us the order that we ought to keep in all things, which driveth away all incumberance and fear out of our mind, maketh us to live in tranquillity, and quencheth all the heat of lust and covetousness. S. john chrusostom upon the thirteenth psalm, calleth it the lantern of the soul, the Queen of thoughts, and the schoolmistress of good and honest things. It is a virtue royal in deed, and the helm and helve of kings, without the which they cannot govern well. This is it that made kings at the beginning (as I have said heretofore) and chose them out of the people, as most discreet and worthy of all the multitude. By wisdom men dispose of things present, & foresee things to come. By it we bridle our affections, & purchase honour, as Solomon saith in the fourth of the proverbs, It maketh us to govern orderly, both in matters of peace and war; and suffereth us not to fall nor to be surprised unawares: It maketh us to do the good, and to eschew the evil. For wisdom (as Alexander of Aphrodyse saith) is the skill what is to be done, and what is to be left undone. Therefore only the wise man is worthy to govern And (as Plato saith) happy be those commonweals and kingdoms, The wise stand not upon laws, but line by the rule of virtue. where Philosophers are kings, or the kings be Philosophers. For the wise man or Philosopher hath this prerogative above othermen, that he liveth after the rule of virtue, without musing upon laws, because he useth reason for his law, as Antist●enes and Aristippus said, insomuch that if all laws were abolished, yet would he not cease to live uprightly, as one that knoweth what is honest, and what is unhonest. Aristotle being demanded what profit he reaped of philosophy, answered, That I do those things uncommanded, which other men do for fear of laws. S. Paul to Timothy. For the law is not set down for the righteous, but for the unrighteous, saith S. Paul▪ And therefore, if he that reigneth be not wise, his kingdom cannot be happy. Cursed is that kingdom where a babe reigneth, because the babe wanting the use of reason, cannot order his affairs with advised Discretion. Cirus was wont to say, That no man ought to take upon him the charge of commanding, unless he were better than they whom he is to command. For he that is a good man and commandeth well, is commonly well obeyed. When one had said that Lacedaemon had been upheld by the skilfulness of the kings to command well; The commandment of the prince, and the obedience of the subject, are answerable either to other. nay (quoth Theopompus) but rather by the skill of the inhabitants to obey well. For the commandment of the prince & the obedience of the subjects, are answerable either to other. For commonly men mislike to obey those, which have no skill to command well. Insomuch that the faithful obedience of the subject dependeth upon the sufficiency of a good prince to command well. For he that well guideth, causeth himself to be well followed. And like as the perfection of the art of riding and of the rider, Plutarch in the life of Lycurgus. consisteth in making the horse obedient, and in subduing him to reason: even so the principal effect of a King's skill, He that well guideth, is well followed. is to teach his subjects to obey well. Antony the meek was a virtuous and wise emperor, and so well advised in all his doings, that he never repent him of any thing that he did. Whereat a Senator of Rome marveling, asked him how it came to pass, that his affairs had so good success, that he never repent him of any thing that he did, that he was never denied any thing that he asked, and that he never commanded any thing which was not obeyed. It is (quoth he) because I make all my doings conformable to reason; I demand not any thing which is not rightful, and I command not any thing which redoundeth not more to the benefit of the commonweal, than to mine own profit. To conclude, wisdom is a shield against all misfortune. Wisdom is a shield against all misfortune. Men in old time were wont to say, that a wise man might shape his fortune as he listed; supposing that misfortune, be it never so overthwart, is wonderfully well over ruled by the discretion of a wise and sage person. Prosperity cometh of wisdom. And as Plutarch saith in the life of Fabius, The Gods do send men good luck and prosperity, by means of virtue and discretion, notwithstanding that the events of fortune be not all in our power, as said Siramnes, who being demanded why his so goodly & so wise discourses had not events answerable to their deserts; because (quoth he) to say and to do what I list is in mine own power, but the sequel and success thereof, is altogether in fortune, and in the king. Therefore when Photion the Athenian had resisted Leosthenes in a certain case, whereof notwithstanding the event was prosperous, and saw that the Athenians gloried of the victory which Leosthenes had gotten, I am well contented (quoth he) that this is done, but yet would I not but that the other had been counseled. julius Caesar gloried in his good fortune, but yet his bringing of his great enterprises to pass, was by his good government and experience in feats of war. To be short, the wise and discreet man findeth nothing strange, neither feareth he any thing, no not though the whole frame of the world (as Horace saith) should fall upon him. The reason whereof is, that he had minded it long time aforehand, and had foreconsidered what might happen unto him, and had provided remedy for all by his foresight and discretion. For as Solomon saith, The mind of the wise shall not be attainted, no not even with fear. Such folk are not subject, neither too great grief, nor too excessive joy: they never want hope, neither do they quail for any misfortune: so that they be hard to be overcome, because they be fully resolved of all things that may betide them, and do take order for all things aforehand by their wisdom. For wisdom (saith Solomon) is to his ownour as a lively fountain, as a deep water, and as a flowing stream. And as a joint of timber closed together in the foundation of a building, cannot be disjoined, so also cannot the heart that is established in the thoughts of discretion. And as S. Austin saith, wisdom teacheth us to continue at one stay, both in prosperity and adversity, like unto the hand which changeth not his name, but is always one, whether it be held out, or gathered up together. And albeit that wisdom be a gift of God, and come of a well disposed mind, and of a good understanding, yea and of a body that is well tempered, as witnesseth Galen in his first book of Temperatures, where he saith, That the first action of a man of good temperature, The first action of a man of good temperature, is Discretion. is Discretion; yet is it gotten by learning and discipline. For the true desire of discipline is the beginning of wisdom. Also it is gotten by long experience and knowledge of things past, and by continual exercise in dealing, with sundry affairs. For as Afranius said (by report of Aulus Gellius) wisdom is begotten by use, and conceived by memory; meaning thereby, that it consisteth in books, which put us in remembrance of things past, and in experience which is the use and practise of wisdom. In so much that neither he that hath but only learning, nor he that hath but only experience, is able to attain unto wisdom: but he that will deal particularly and universally in all affairs, must have them both, as well the one as the other. And as Aristotle saith, there are three things needful to the obtainment of wisdom, namely, Nature, Learning, and Exercise. For it is in vain to strive against Nature, Learning must be had at learned men's hands, and Exercise is the perfection of learning. And therefore it will not be amiss to treat of Learning and Experience. CHAP. II. That the good governor must match Learning and Experience together. AS the body is made the more strong and better disposed by moderate exercise: so man's understanding groweth and increaseth by learning, and becometh the stronger and better disposed to the managing of affairs. In which respect, Demetrius Phalareus counseled Ptolemy king of Egypt, to make diligent search for such books as treated of kingdoms, and declared the qualities that are requisite for the well and due executing of the office of a king. And Alexander Severus never sat in counsel upon any case of importance, or upon any matter of state and war, but he called such to counsel as bare the name to be well seen in histories. Bias would not have any man chosen a governor in his commonwealth, but such as were of skill; The want of skill is cause of great mischief. saying that the want of skill is the cause of great inconveniences. Philip commanded Alexander to obey Aristotle, and to be a good student: to the intent (quoth he) that ye do not many things whereof ye shall repent you afterward. Adrian as well in peace as in war, had of the skilfullest Philosophers always about his person; and among others, he had two great lawyers, Saluius and Neratius. Plutarch in the life of Coriolan saith, that the greatest fruit that men reap of the knowledge of good learning, is that thereby they tame and meeken their nature, that afore was wild and fierce, so that by use of reason, they find the mean, and leave the extreme. When one asked Alfons king of Arragon, wherefore he did so greatly love learning? Because (qd. he) by reading I have learned war and the law of arms: acknowledging therein, that no wit be it never so good, can fashion itself well and become worthy of the charge which it shall undertake, without learning and doctrine. Like as the fattest ground in the world can bear no corn except it be well tilled: so nature of itself draweth and provoketh us, by giving us a desire of knowledge and skill, as Cicero saith in his books of Duties; but Ignorance (which we find fault with, as with the thing that darkeneth and defaceth man's understanding) cannot be done away, but by learning. My meaning is not to make a prince perfectly skilful in all sciences, but only in that kind of learning which concerneth histories, and precepts of good life, according to the counsel of Demetrius and Isocrates, who said, that the wisdom which is proper to kings, The wisdom of a king consisteth in learning and experience. consisteth in Learning and Experience; of which two, Learning teacheth the way to do well, and Experience teacheth the mean how to use Learning well. And albeit that trajan, (who was one of the best princes of the world) gave not himself to learning for any commendation thereof that Plutarch made unto him; saying that the gods immortal had not made him to turn over the leaves of books, but to deal with martial affairs: yet was he not an unskilful person, neither misliked he of learned men, but had Philosophers, Lawyers, and other men of good learning and knowledge near about him. And notwithstanding that he was well advised and discreet, yet in doing many things upon his own head, he failed not to do some whereof he repent afterward, because the benefit of nature was not sufficiently kiltred by learning, which is the thing wherein princes fail. For if they be not taught by the dumb schoolmasters, that is to say, by books, they will hardly be taught by the lively voice; because the schoolmaster is afraid and dareth not compel them, but letteth them do what they list at their own discretion, & therefore they cannot learn so well as others that are under correction. But the book although it do not speak, uttereth what it listeth, without either fear or blushing, and giveth such warnings unto Princes, as their tutors durst not do. Therefore all their recourse ought to be unto books, as well to understand the truth, as to learn the history, wherein they shall see a thousand policies of war, infinite goodly sayings, a thousand inconveniences that have lighted upon evil princes, their grossness, their lewdness, and their wickedness. On the contrary part, they shall take singular pleasure in reading the praises of good princes; they shall see their wisdom, virtue, and good demeanour in matters both of peace and war. How they defended themselves from their enemies, how they wound themselves out of their hands, what they did to maintain their states, and what got them their good reputation, and made them to prosper in all things. Which thing the valeantest captains could well skill to put in practice; who not only have helped themselves by learning in the managing of their affairs, as Cicero and Lucullus (who had small experience of war) Alexander the great, julius Caesar, and infinite other great captains: but also have set down to themselves as it were in a looking-glass, some such personages as they have liked to follow. As for example, Alexander setting Achilles before him for his pattern, never slept without the Iliads of Homer under his pillow. The pattern of julius Caesar was Alexander; and Cirus was the pattern of Scipio, who never went without a Xenophon: no more did Alfons king of Arragon go without the Commentaries of Caesar; nor the Emperor Charles the fift, without the Remembrances of Philip of Comines. After whose example, all nobleminded princes, ought first to have the histories of the holy Bible, and (besides them) of the Heathen histories, the lives of trajan, Antony the meek, Alexander the Stern, & such others, by whom they shall learn to order their life aright. And to allure them the more unto learning, The praise of Learning. I will allege the saying of Solomon, in the xx chapter of his proverbs, There is much gold and store of pearls, but books of knowledge are the precious jewels. By knowledge, chambers are filled with all manner of costly and pleasant stuff. And as he saith in another place, The wise m●n hath great might, and the man of knowledge hath great strength. For by skill are wars made, and where many be that can give council, there is victory. Cicero in his oration for Archias saith, That learning is the teacher of virtue, a delighter and refresher of us when we be at home alone in our own houses, and a companion that cumbereth us not when we go abroad. It traveleth with us, it sleepeth with us, it is an ornament unto us in prosperity, and a help in adversity. Many being in prison, many being in captivity to their enemies, many being in banishment, have borne their misfortune well by means of learning. Diogenes was wont to say, That learning made young men sober, comforted old men, enriched poor men, and made rich men glorious, because learning restraineth the slipperness of youth, and supplieth the defects of old age. Aristotle saith, that the eyes receive light from the air about them, The mind receiveth light from learning. and the mind from the liberal sciences; and that learning serveth for an ornament in prosperity, and for a refuge in adversity. Aristippus was wont to say, There is as great difference between the learned and unlearned, as is between the living and the dead. Send them both (quoth he) into a strange country, and you shall see what difference there is. The which appeared well in Dennis, who of the king of Sicily, became a schoolmaster at Corinth, and might have starved for hunger, had it not been for his learning. The foresaid Philosopher Aristippus was wont to say, That it was better to be a beggar than to be unlearned; because the beggar hath no need but of money, but the unlearned hath need of humanity; as who would say, that he which wanted knowledge was no man. Socrates was wont to say, For the life of man learning is better than riches. That for war, iron was better than gold; and that for the life of man, learning was better than riches. At such time as Paulus Emileus was for to encounter with Perseus the last king of Macedon, & that his army was sore dismayed at the eclipse of the moon which then happened; Sulpicius Gallus encouraged them by his learning, in that he assured them of victory by his knowledge in the mathematical sciences. By the like knowledge Archimedes defended the city of Syracuse from the force of Marcellus. In this process of learning, I will not omit Eloquence, Of Eloquence which the men of old time termed the Queen of men, as one which even by force drew unto her the affections of as many as she spoke unto. Plutarch in the life of Pericles, saith that Eloquence is an Art that weeldeth men's minds at her pleasure, and that her chief cunning is, to know well how to move men's passions and affections to her lure, which are as you would say the Tunes and sounds of the soul, which is willing to be touched by the hand of a good musician. And albeit that a good natural disposition be very requisite to have the tongue at commandment, yet will nature do but small service, if it be not polished by learning. On the contrary part, the man that is rude of speech by nature, may become eloquent and well spoken, in amending his evil disposition by learning. I mean not that he shall become as good as Demosthenes, but that he may be able to make some brief oration to the people, or to men of war, that shall be of force to persuade them, as the brave captains of old times did. Nestor is commended of Homer, not only for his good skill and counsel, but also for his Eloquence, saying that the words issued from his lips as sweet as honey. Notwithstanding that Pyrrhus was one of the best captains of the world, Cyneas the orator won more cities by his eloquence, th● is Pirrus did by the sword. yet would he say that Cyneas had won him more cities by his eloquence, than he himself had done by the sword. Anon after the expulsing of the kings out of Rome, there fell such debate between the senators and the common-people, that the city was like to have gone to utter ruin by it. But Agrippa pacified the whole matter by his eloquence, and brought the people back to obedience, when they had already banded themselves in companies. Pisistratus handled the Athenians so cunningly with the finesse of his tongue, that he made himself king of Athens. Such as were sent by Cinna to have slain Antony the Orator, were so surprised with his eloquence, that when they heard him speak, they had no mind at all to kill him. The eloquence of Cicero caused the disannulling of the law for the dividing of lands, whereof the people of Rome had conceived so great liking, and which had been so often propounded; in so much that when they had heard him speak, they utterly abolished it for ever: whereof Pliny maketh a wonder. The like grace of speech enforced julius Caesar to pardon Ligarius, whom he was resolutely determined to have put to death. To be short, it is a thing of so great power, that a prince who hath many under his charge, can in no wise forbear it. And if he fortune not to be eloquent enough of himself, it would behove him to have some good orator about him, as Moses took Aaron to persuade the people, and to preach unto them, because he found himself unfit for that purpose. For it is to no purpose for a man to have goodly conceits, unless he put them forth. A man cannot utter the excellent conceit● of his mind, if he want Eloquence. For according to the saying of Themistocles, Eloquence is like a piece of tapistry wrought with figures and imagery, which show themselves when the cloth is unfolded and are hidden when it is lapped up together: and even so a man cannot show the goodly conceits of his mind, unless he have eloquence to utter them. Cicero saiih in his Orator, that by the eloquence and persuasion of such as could handle their tongues well, the people that were scattered abroad in the wild fields and forests, were first brought into cities and towns. It is of such force that it maketh the things to be believed that were incredible, and smootheth things that were unpolished. And as the mind is the beauty of a man, so is Eloquence the beautifier of the mind. The same author in the second book of the Nature of gods saith thus, A beautiful and divine thing sooth is Eloquence, for it maketh us to learn the things we know not and to teach the things we know; by it we persuade and comfort the sorrowful, by it we encourage them that be dismayed, by it we strike them dead that are too lusty, by it we pacify the angry, and kill folk's lusts: that is it that hath drawn us into fellowship, into society, into cities, to live according to equity and law. Of Experience. Yet is it not enough to have learning and eloquence, unless they be also matched with experience. Bias in his laws, would have a Prince to be chosen of the age of forty years, to the end he should govern well by good discretion and experience. For it is well known, Cicero in his Duties. that neither physicians nor Generals of war, (be they never so well instructed with precepts) can well discharge their duties without experience. And (as the emperor Adrian was wont to say) in the general ordering and managing of matters of State, Experience better than Learning▪ in matters of State. One years experience is better worth than ten years learning. And for that cause he preferred Antony to the Empire before Marcus Aurelius, as making more account of Antony's experience, than of Marks learning. Agamemnon desired not so much to have learned and eloquent men of his counsel, as to have such as Nestor was, that is to say, men of great experience. Plutarch saith that the wise and valeant captain Philopemen, presuming that his skill which he had in ordering a battle upon the land, would also serve him alike upon the sea, learned to his cost, what sway experience beareth in matters of chivalry, and how great advantage they have in all things which are well experienced. The skill how to guard and defend a man's self, is not learned (saith Thucydides) by talking, but accustoming himself to painstaking and to handling of his weapon. One asked Zeuxidamus, why the Lacedæmonians had no laws written: because (quoth he) they should rather enure themselves to the doing of noble and honourable things, than to read of them. Panthoidas said the same to the Anthenians, that asked him what he thought of the Philosophers, which had disputed before him; assuring them that they had spoken goodly things, but to themselves unprofitable; whereby he meant to do the Athenians to understand, that they had virtue in their mouths, but not in their deeds. The knowledge that is gotten, Knowledge without practice, is a body without a soul. serveth to the ordering of men's affairs; but if it be without practice, it is like a body without a soul. Very unwise therefore was he, which by his sophistry would have made Iphicrates believe, that the Philosopher is the only good captain. And we may well say with Anaxippus, that such discoursers do show themselves wise in words, but in effect are stark fools. Now therefore we conclude with Aristotle, that such as will deal in matters of state, must above all things have experience, and this experience is gotten by practice and exercise, which is the perfecter of Learning. For we see that by exercise a weak man becometh strong, and doth better away with travel, than he that being strong doth not use exercise, as Socrates saith in Xenophon. Again, they that be practised in all things, deem truly of duties, and understandeth what belongeth to every man. And (as saith Musonius) virtue is a science that consisteth not only in understanding, but also in action. For even as in physic or music it is not sufficient to be skilful of the art, The skill of governing, consisteth more in practice than in speculation. but there must also be a practice of the actions that depend upon the art and science: so in the science of government, a prince must be practised in that which concerneth action, rather than in that which concerneth contemplation. Can he think himself to be of good skill, which when he is to go in hand with his work, findeth it clean contrary to his imagination? Surely (as Terence saith) there was never yet any man so well advised aforehand in his determinations, whom age & experience have not crossed with some strange encounter, so as he hath found himself to seek in the things wherein he thought himself most skilful: and when he came to the execution, hath rejected that which he thought to be best afore he began to go in hand with it. And that is allegorically the very tree of the knowledge of good and evil, after the opinion of S. Austen in his thirteenth book of the city of God. For in matter of State, It is dangerous in matters of state, to take white for black. it is very dangerous to take white for black, and to think a man's self to know that which he knoweth not. Therefore it behoveth a prince to be a dealer in his own affairs, and to exercise his mind at times in reading of books, without forgetting to exercise his body. He must so counterpoise his mind and his body, as the one be not exercised without the other. And yet it is not enough for a prince to exercise himself, except he do also make his subjects to be exercised, which thing he shall easily do, if he make often wagers with rewards, for shooting in guns, for running, for justing, for fight at the barriers, and so forth of other like exercises, howbeit with least sumptuousness, and most profit. For nothing doth better acquaint men with feats of arms, Nothing doth better acquaint men with se●ts of war, than the often practise of them. than the often exercise of them. trajan was not to learn in that art, for he entertained masters of chivalry at pensions, to teach young men the art of war; as to break their horses, to handle their weapons, to shoot in crosse-bows, to scale walls, to make fireworks, to undermine castles, to pass rivers in diving, and to cast themselves cunningly in a square. To be short, he gave his people so much to do, that they had no leisure to be idle, neither in time of peace, nor in time of war. When his men of war were most in peace, than did he most exercise them in feats of war, saying that for his so doing, strangers would stand in fear of him, when they saw him continually accompanied with men of experience in chivalry. He made daily new tourneys and iousts to exercise his men of arms, he made forts, combats of ten to ten, run, wrestle, and such other exercises: saying commonly, That it was no fair or commendable sight, to see a man either without a book in his hand to learn wisdom, or without a weapon in his fist to defend himself against fools and ignorant persons. CHAP. III. Of justice, or righteousness. NOw remaineth to speak of the chief of the virtues, which containeth all virtues, namely of righteousness; the which (as saith Cassiodorus) causeth man's life to be contained within order of Law, and to be lead after another manner than the brute beasts which live at adventure; without the which, the excellency of wit serveth to no purpose, whereas contrariwise, righteousness may be without wittiness. And in comparing them, we make more account of the duties of righteousness, which consist in action, and in the preservation of men's welfare, than in the duties of wittiness, which consist but in knowledge. For it is a greater matter to do a thing discreetly, It is more to do a thing discreetly, th● to forecast it wisely. than but only to forecast it wisely. Plutarch in the life of Aristides, saith it is the virtue whereof the use and exercise is most continual, and of whose doing most men do ordinarily feel the force, making the life of them divine and heavenly, which are placed in degree of prosperity, power and authority, the which by unrighteousness is made savage and beastly. The men of old time said that Jupiter himself could not well govern his kingdom without righteousness, according whereunto David saith, That the Lord loveth righteousness, and that his countenance beholdeth the thing that is just. And in another place he saith, that he hath prepared his seat for righteousness and judgement. And S. Paul in the first epistle to the Corinthians saith, That God hath made our Lord Jesus Christ our righteousness, wisdom, holiness, and redemption. Solomon saith in his proverbs, That a King's throne is upheld by righteousness. And Plutarch in the life of Demetrius saith, That nothing is more fit and welbeseeming for a prince, Nothing doth better beseem a prince, than to do justice. than to do right and to execute justice, because Mar● (which betokeneth force) is a tyrant: but right and law (as saith Pindarus) are queens of the whole world. And Homer saith, that kings and princes have received in trust of Jupiter, the custody and keeping, not of engines to overthrow cities and to destroy them, nor yet of ships, fortresses, and armies; but of rightful customs and holy laws. For as David saith in the xxxiij psalm, God loveth above all things that right should reign and justice take place. Righteousness containeth all virtues. Not without cause have I said that righteousness containeth all virtues. For he that is righteous hath no need of any other thing, whether it be wisdom, or valiantness, which is nothing without righteousness, as Agesilaus said. So that if we were thoroughly righteous, there needed no force, for to what purpose should force serve, if righteousness were with us, yielding unto every man that which is his. valiantness serveth to no purpose, where righteousness wanteth. And as Belisarius said in a certain oration to his men of war, Valeancie standeth that man in no steed which wanteth righteousness. As for liberality, we shall find that it cannot be exercised without righteousness. For whosoever giveth without advisement and beyond his ability, to them that are unworthy, is not to be called liberal, but prodigal. Contrariwise, he that recompenseth men of good service, valeant captains, good judges, and other men of good behaviour and honesty, worthily and according to such ability as he hath, is accounted liberal; Whereby it appeareth, that he cannot exercise liberality, without that kind of righteousness which consisteth in distribution. If we intent to speak of Temperance, we shall find that it is united unto righteousness, and that the Intemperate person which is subject to his passions, cannot do any thing aright, so long as he is entangled in that vice, as we read of David and Achab, who leaving right and righteousness, caused Urias and Naboth to be put to death; and so did infinite others, whom I omit for breifnesse sake. Insomuch that no man can be called a temperate or stayed person, unless he be righteous. Aristides being asked what it was that men called righteousness; To abstain (quoth he) from coveting that which is another man's: as who would say, he was of opinion, that if covetousness be put away, it is a very easy matter to do well. S. Jerome saith, that righteousness is an equal distributing of all things, whereunto whosoever cleaveth, keepeth uprightness in every thing. It knows what is due to God, to the saints, to his fellows and companions, to his neighbour, to himself, and to the stranger. For it is good right that a man should love and worship God, honour his companions, pay tribute to Princes, abstain from pride▪ be meek and gentle, not hate strangers, no nor his enemies, but rather love them, and submit himself to his superiors or elders. From thence springeth mercy, and the service which we yield unto God. Now then, Definitions of righteousness. righteousness (according to Aristotle) is a virtue of the mind, which yieldeth unto every man according to his deserts. Or else it is a certain haviour of the mind, which observeth uprightness, and giveth to every man that which to him belongeth. Or else, it is an affection of the mind which maketh us apt to do rightful deeds, wherethrough we do and be desirous to do, that which is good and honest. For they that do righteously by compulsion of law, cannot be esteemed righteous therefore. The lawyers define righteousness, to be a constant and continual purpose, of yielding unto every man that which belongeth unto him. Cicero saith it is an endowment of mind, which disposeth a man unto every one according to his degree; so keeping and maintaining every man's profit in peculiar, as may best stand with the conservation of the whole. Men in old time said, that righteousness was a goddess, sitting at Jupiters' seat. Hesiodus saith, she was borne of Jupiter, and Homer saith she was borne of all the gods. To be short, all the Heathen said it was a heavenly virtue; wherein they agree with this which S. Peter saith in his second epistle, We look for the new Earth, and new heavens, wherein righteousness dwelleth. And as Plato saith in his commonweal, G●d is the first author and beginner of righteousness. righteousness is the greatest good thing, that ever God bestowed upon us, as whereof he himself is the very author and first ground; wherein he speaketh divinely and agreeable to the commandment of our Lord Jesus, who willeth us to seek the kingdom of God, & his righteousness, because if we so do, we shall not want any thing. And David counseleth us to offer unto him the sacrifice of righteousness. S. Paul in the epistle to the Romans, opposeth unrighteousness against righteousness; so as the contrary to righteousness, is evil. For as saith saint Jerome, writing to the daughter of Morris, Righteousness sinneth not. righteousness is nothing else but the eschewing of sin, and the eschewing of sin is the keeping of the commandments of God's law. And therefore Ecclesiasticus saith thus, turn away from thine unrighteous deeds, and turn again unto the Lord. And in the proverbs, righteousness (saith Solomon) exalteth a whole nation, but sin is a reproach unto people. And in the fourteenth psalm it is said, Thou hatest unrighteousness. Now then, righteousness is the virtue of the soul, and unrighteousness is the vice thereof, & the procurer of death, And (as Philo saith) unrighteousness is the lineage and offspring of vice. And this vice bringeth with it pain and travel, according to this saying of David in the seventh psalm, Behold he traveleth with unrighteousness and wickedness. Plato in his commonwealth, Vnrighteounes is the soul 〈◊〉 sin. saith, that to order or dispose, to command, to counsel or advise, & such other things, are properties peculiar to the soul, so as an evil soul miscommaundeth, misordereth, and miscouncelleth; and contrariwise, a good soul doth all things well which it doth. And like as a man is esteemed to be in health when his body is altogether disposed according to the order of nature; and contrariwise to be out of health, when the parts of his body be infected, and all goes contrary to the order of nature: even so to do righteously, is nothing else but to keep the parts of the soul in such order, as they may both command and obey, according to the true rule of Nature. The same author saith in his Protagoras, That righteousness and holiness are both one, Righteousness and holiness are both one. or at least wise they be virtues very like one another. In so much that, such as righteousness is, such also is holiness; and such as holiness is, such also is righteousness. And in his Theetetus he saith, That he which is the holiest amongst us, is likest unto God, accordingly as our Lord teacheth us in his evangelist Matthew, saying fellow ye the example of your heavenly father. The duties of righteousness. The duty of righteousness is to live honestly, without hurting any man, and (as saith Justinian) to yield to every man that which belongeth unto him. Cicero in his Duties setteth down two sorts thereof, the fi●st is, that a man should hurt no man, vnprouoked by injury and wrong first done unto him, the which thing notwithstanding, is forbidden by God, as in respect of revenge, & hath also been put in practice by divers heathen men. The second is, that we use common things as common, and private things as private. But according to christianity, righteousness consisteth in two precepts, whereof the first is, to love God; and the second is to love our neighbour: and on that dependeth all that is written in the law & the Prophets. In the first consisteth the divine and contemplative righteousness, and in the latter consisteth the distributive righteousness. For it is not enough for a man to honour God, to fear him, and to abstain from evil, except he also do good and be helpful to his neighbour: and by the word neighbour, I mean all men, specially those that are good. The righteous stranger is to be preferred before the unrighteous kinsman. For, as saith Pythagoras, we ought to esteem more of a righteous stranger, than of a kinsman or countryman that is unhonest. Which thing our Lord hath told us more expressly, in saying, He that doth the will of God, is my kinsman, my brother, and my mother. And also in another place by the parable of the Samaritan, that had showed himself to be the wounded Jews neighbour in very deed, by setting him upon his horse, and by having a special care of him, wherein he, and not the priests and pharisees that made none account of the wounded man, had done the duty of righteousness. Whereby it appeareth, the righteous man takes pains rather for other men than for himself, and had liefer to forego some part of his own goods, than to diminish another man's. Now therefore, when men instruct the ignorant, relieve the poor, yield to their neighbours that which belongs unto them, by helping them with thing at their need; when the great personages oppress not their inferiors, nor the king his subjects, then may it be said that righteousness reigneth in that country. And if every man would live after manner, there should need neither law nor magistrate. For as saith Menander, Their own manners should be as laws. But for as much as few men do give themselves to righteousness, there must of necessity be laws and magistrates to enforce such unto righteousness, as will not be righteous for love: and to that end are kings and rulers ordained of God. For (as saint Paul saith) the king is God's lieutenant on earth, the maintainer of righteousness, and as it were his chancellor: so as they which require justice at his hand, resort not unto him as to a man, but as to the very righteousness itself, whereof he is the dealer forth, through the will of God, according to this saying of Solomon in the book of wisdom, By me kings reign, and counsellors determine right; By me princes rule, and all lords judge their lands. Not without cause therefore, did Homer call kings the disciples of Jupiter; as who would say, they learned of God to do justice. David useth terms yet of more force, and calleth them, Gods which do justice; honouring them with the name of their charge, which is of God. And Philo calleth them Gods lieutenants and vicegerents, in cases concerning justice. And in the 6 chapter of the book of wisdom, unto you kings do I speak (saith Solomon) hearken unto me ye governors of people, and you that glory in the multitude of nations. For your authority is given you of the Lord, and your power cometh from the highest, who will examine your works, and diligently search your thoughts: because you being ministers of his kingdom, have not judged uprightly, nor kept the law of righteousness. Therefore will he appear unto you with terror, and that right soon. For a very sore judgement shall be executed upon them that have been in authority. And in jeremy he sweareth that if princes execute not justice, their houses shallbe left desolate. Wherewith agreeth that which S. Remy said unto king Clowis, Kingdom's shall continue so long as righteousness reigneth in them. namely that the kingdom of France should continue so long as justice reigned there. Also Totilas king of the Goths said, that all kingdoms and empires were easily destroyed, if they were not maintained by justice; and that as long as the Goths dealt justly, their power was had in good reputation; but when they fell once to covetousness, and to taking more than they ought to have done, by and by they came to decay through their own discord among themselves. A prince is called a living law on earth because that laws speak not, A Prince is a living law. ne move not; but a prince is as a lively law, which speaketh and moveth from place to place, putting the law in execution, and appointing every man what he should do; and thereof it cometh that we be said to do men right. Seeing then that a prince is the law, it followeth that he must be just, and do justice to his subjects; in doing whereof the world receiveth very great good. And as Aristotle saith in his mattets of state, the justice of the prince that reigneth, is more profitable to his subjects than riches are. S. Cyprian in his treatise of twelve abuses, saith, that the justice of a king is the peace of his people, the safeguard of innocents, the defence of his country, the foyzon of his hand, the relief of the poor, and the hope of blessedness to come to himself. Solomon in the 20 of his proverbs saith, That a king sitting on his judgement seat, disperseth all iniquity with his look. Hereby is nothing else meant, but that he driveth away all naughtiness by his only showing of himself to his people, & by bearing a good countenance. Howbeit, the meaneth it of a good prince, & such a one as is an executer of justice, for such a one maketh the wicked to quake even with his only look; & although this virtue ought to be chief and principally appropried to princes, because kingdoms without justice are but maintenances of mischief, according to S. Austin's saying in his ninth book of the city of God, justice is needful for all sorts of men. yetnotwithstanding it faileth not to be behooveful for all sorts of men, yea even for solitary men (as saith Cicero) and for such as never go abroad, as well as for them that buy and sell, bargain and covenant, which things cannot be done without uprightness, the force whereof is such, that even they that live of robbery and lewdness, cannot continue without it, in that it assureth the goods of the robbers unto them. In city's justice procureth peace and equity. For (as saith David) righteousness and peace embrace one another. In private houses it maintaineth mutual love & concord between the man and wife, good will of the servants toward their master & mistress, & good usage of the master towards his servants. Agathias said, justice maketh a happy commonweal. that the Frenchmen became great, by being just, upright and charitable. For justice and charity make a commonweal happy, stable, long lasting, and hard to be surprised by enemies; whereas a man may reckon up a great sort, that have been overthrown by unjustice. Of justice or righteousness are two sorts, the one of the law, and the other of equality. That of the law, is the more universal, as which comprehendeth all sorts of virtue, and is that which in our English tongue we properly call righteousness. For he that performeth the commandments of the law, is Righteous because he doth all the virtuous things commanded in God's law, so as he is liberal, lowly, modest, kindhearted, meek, peaceable, and so forth. When I say that a man is righteous, I mean not that he is righteous before God, otherwise than by grace, and not by the law as S Paul teacheth us in his epistles to the Romans and the Galathians, saying, By the law shall no man be found righteous. For the blessed ●ife consisteth in the forgiveness of sins, as David declareth in the one and thirtieth psalm. And therefore what good so ever we do, our Lord will have us to account ourselves unprofitable servants. The other sort of righteousness is of equality, and consisteth in dealing uprightly, and in yielding every man that which belongeth unto him, the which in English we term properly uprightness and just dealing. And this kind of righteousness is divided again into other two sorts, A subdivision of righteousness. whereof the one concerneth distributing, and the other concerneth exchange. This which consists in matters of exchange, serveth to make equality where unequality seemeth to be, and is occupied about buying, selling, bartering, and bargaining between man and man. For we see that one man hath money, that another man wanteth, who hath corn and wine: here doth this kind of righteousness procure an equality. For the moneyed man giving his money, receiveth corn for it, that he wanted; and the other giving corn & wine, having more than he needed, receiveth money, where of he had want. Therefore when lending, buying, intercommoning, hiring, mortgaging, & such other things, proceed duly without fraud: then is a realm seen to prosper, because right reigneth there. The like whereof we see in our bodies, the eye by the sight of it, directeth our steps, but cannot go itself: the foot is able to go, but it cannot see, so as it carrieth the eye, and the eye guideth it. The hand wipeth the eye clean, and the eye directeth it; the feet bear up the head, and the head ruleth them; and without that, the body could not continue. Even so the body of a commonweal could not endure, if every man should not secure one another by such interchange. The distributive justice which the king useth toward his subjects, consists chief in distributing honour and promotion unto them, according to every man's desert. Semblably in our bodies there reigneth a kind of justice, as for example, we see how the heart gives life and moving to all the members, at leastwise according to most philosophers, who hold opinion that the beginning of life and moving is in the heart, and likewise that sense is in the brain. Wherefore it is requisite that as the heart for his excellency, reigneth as king over all the other members, so he that is most excellent of all other men, should have the prerogative to command others, & that if he be borne to have government, he should make himself worthy of that charge. For as Cicero saith in his Duties, Those that at the first were chosen to bear rule, were such as the people had great good opinion of. Others (of whom Francis Petrarch is one) divide righteousness into 4 sorts, Another division of righteousness namely divine (which is sister to Wisdom) wherethrough we believe in God, and acknowledge him to be the creator of all things, without whom, we cannot do any thing. It is he that directeth our footsteps in the right path▪ & is so gracious unto us by the intercession of his well-beloved son, that for his sake our sins are not imputed to us. wherefore this virtue consisteth in praising God, in worshipping him, in giving him thanks, in obeying him, and in doing his commandments. For God's commandments and testimonies, are righteousness & truth (saith David, in the 119 psalm) and they do bring us forth humility, patience, innocency, trustiness, and all manner of virtues. Another sort of righteousness is called natural, because it is bor●e with us; as for example, to honour and serve our father's & mothers, to cherish our children, & to do good to them that do good to us, are properties of nature, and whosoever doth otherwise, is esteemed an unkind monster. For as saith Cassiodorus, even they that are ignorant of law, do nevertheless acknowledge reason and truth, because that so to do, is not peculiar to man only, but also is common to the brute beasts, to whom nature hath given such inclination. For we see that all kinds of beasts do cherish their young ones, whereto they be led and taught by nature, and therefore the lawyers call it the Law of nature. The stork cherisheth his sire and his dam, when they be old, and therefore the acknowledging & recompensing of kindness with like kindness again, is called in Greek Autipelargia, as ye would say, A Counterstorking. The brute beast knoweth him that feedeth him, and is mindful of him that doth him good: as appeareth by a certain lion, which could well skill to requite the pleasure that a slave had done him, in taking a thorn out of his foot. For he fed the slave a long time in the cave where he had hidden himself, & afterward when both of them were by chance taken and carried to Rome, and the slave being condemned to death for robbing his master, was cast unto the lions to be devoured by them; this lion being there among the rest, & knowing him, saved him and defended him from hurt, & yet the time was passed long afore, that the slave had done him the said pleasure. Now than it is a natural thing to do good to them that do us good. The third kind of righteousness is that which we call civil, which consisteth in yielding unto every man that which belongeth unto him, in governing cities and countries, in maintaining common society, & in such like things. The fourth is called judicial, which belongeth to those that have charge to judge of controversies between parties according to laws. For the maintaining of these lattertwaine, it behoveth to have magistrates: and therefore they belong properly to princes, kings & sovereign magistrates, & may be reduced both into one, considering that judges do but supply the rooms of their sovereigns. Also the law which serveth for the executing of justice, in giving unto every man that which is his right, is called of the lawyers, the civil Law, and not the judicial Law. By these divisions a man may see what the duty of a prince is in case of justice; for the worthy executing whereof, he must above all things be religious and fear God, as I have said afore, and therefore I will speak no more thereof. Also I will omit the natural righteousness, because it is common to all living creatures, but the civil and judicial righteousness is peculiar to kings and governors of countries, and consisteth, first in well keeping the laws of their countries, and in causing them to be well kept, secondly in taking good order in cases of controversy and strife between party and party, by themselves in their own persons, or by choosing fit persons to do justice. Thirdly in doing right to the judges themselves, and to the other officers whom the prince hath set in authority; namely in honouring and rewarding them according to their deserts, and likewise in punishing them for their misdoings: and lastly, in doing justice among their men of war. As touching the first point, which concerneth the maintaining of the written laws, it is so necessary, The majesty of a kingdom dependeth upon laws. that it may well be said that the honour of a country dependeth thereupon, according to the wise answer of Pittacus, who being demanded of Craesu● king of Lydia, wherein consisted the honour and majesty of a kingdom? answered, upon a little piece of wood; meaning the laws written in tables of wood: as who would say, that where law hath his force and strength, there the realm flourisheth. For the law is the stickler between right and unright, punishing the bad, and defending the good, saith Cicero in his xii book of Laws. And Plato saith in his commonweal, The law ought to rule the magistrates. that that commonweal goes utterly to wreck, where the law overruleth not the magistrates, but the magistrates overrule the law. On the contrary part, all goeth well where the law overruleth the magistrates, and the magistrates are obedient to law. It belongeth to magistrates to keep the laws, and to bear in mind, that the laws be committed to their custody, saith Cicero in his books of duties. Aristotle saith in his matters of state, that they which would have law to reign in a city or commonweal, would have God to reign there. Aliamenes being asked why he would not receive the presents of the Messenians, Because that if I should have received them (quoth he) I could not have had peace with the laws. For to say truth, the laws are as the pillars of a state, upholding it as pillars uphold a house, so as the casting down of them, is the overthrow of the house. Wherefore men ought to take good heed how they break laws, laws must not be broken. which hold one another together like the links of a chain. For by undoing one, all the rest follow after. And even so befalleth it in laws, when men fall to dispensing with them. Not without good cause therefore did Adrian the Emperor ordain, that no man should bring up any strange custom in Rome. And as Plutarch reporteth in the life of Paulus Aemilius, men forsake the keeping of the chief foundations of the state of a publick-weale, when they refuse the care of the diligent keeping of the ordinances thereof, be they never so little and small. And Plato in his commonweal, forbiddeth the changing of any thing, yea even of so much as the plays that young children are wont to use; because the changing of them, changeth the manners of youth without feeling, and maketh folk to make no account of ancient things, and to covet and esteem of new things; a matter very dangerous to any state. And anon after he saith again in these express words, I tell you that all manner of alteration, except it be in evil things, is very dangerous, both in diet of the body, and in manners of the mind. And I see not but that the young folk which are permitted to have other plays, games and pastimes than have been accustomed aforetimes, will also differ in behaviour from the youth of old times, and being come to such difference, they will also seek a differing kind of life, and by that means desire new laws, and set their minds upon all manner of innovations. Sauly king of Scythia did put Anacharsis to death, for offering sacrifice to Berecinthia, the mother of the gods, after the manner of the Greeks. Also Scylus king of Scythia, because he wore apparel after the Greek fashion, & sacrificed secretly after the manner of Greece, as soon as he was discovered, was deposed for so doing, and in the end being taken in battle, had his head struck off, and his brother Octumusades was set up in his place: so greatly hated they strange fashions, and feared in any case to alter their old customs. Now if Plato was afraid of alteration in so small things: what shall we say to such princes as daily do abrogat laws for their friends and servants sakes, & for their own peculiar profit or pleasure make no reckoning of the upholding and maintaining of them? Agesilaus being otherwise a good prince and a severe observer of the laws of his country, was worthily blamed for favouring his friends in cases of justice. For he said that the observing of the rigour of justice, in matters where friends were to be touched, was but a cloak wherewith to cover such as lifted not to do their friends good. The inconvenience that ensueth of doing wrong. And in very deed he acquitted Phebidas who had taken the suburbs of Thebes, and Sphodrias who went about to have taken the haven of Pyrey by stealth, at such time as they were at peace with the Athenians. By which unjust dealing of his, the state of the Lacedæmonians was overthrown. So was the city of Rome also sacked by the Gauls, for that the Romans did them not justice, nor made them reasonable amends, for the wrong that had been done to them by Quintus Fabius Ambustus. Pompey was misliked of many good men, and ill spoken of on their behalf, because he himself having by decree forbidden the open commending of such as were accused by order of law, so long as their case depended in trial, entered one day into the court, & commended Plancus that had been accused. Insomuch that Cato being one of the judges, stopped his ears with both his hands, saying it was not lawful for him to hear an accused person commended, seeing it was forbidden by the laws. How much more wisely dealt the king of Locres, who having made a law that adulterers should have their eyes put out, and finding his own son to have transgressed the law, would not suffer him to be dispensed with, but in the end when he was urged by his people to pardon the offence, which thing of himself he would not grant; yet somewhat to satisfy their request, and withal to keep the law also, he caused one of his own eyes, and another of his sons eyes to be put out. Plutarch saith in the life of Aristides, that whensoever the case concerned justice, friendship could bear no sway with Aristides, no not even for his friends, nor enmity provoke him against his enemies. For law ought to be ministered uprightly, and never to be broken, unless necessity (which is without law) enforce thereto. And yet even then also, it ought to be done so discreetly, as it may not seem to be touched: accordingly as the Lacedæmonians did, who when they had lost a great battle, broke the law of Lycurgus, in not punishing them with a kind of infamy worse than death, that had fled from the field, because that if they should so have punished them, they should have had but few left to defend their country. And yet notwithstanding to the end they might not seem to despise their laws, what need soever constrained them: Agesilaus not intending to do it directly, made proclamation that the law of Lycurgus should take no place, until the next morrow; and in the mean while that present day he enrolled the fugitives again to the defence of their country. But in Rome, where there was no scarcity of men, they made so small account of them, that even after the battle of Cannae, they would not ransom 8000 men, whom Hannibal had put to their ransom. The foresaid Lacedæmonians being requested by Cirus king of Persia and other their confederates, to send them Lisander to be admiral of their fleet, if they intended the well proceeding of their affairs, because they should do all things with the better courage under his governance; refused to give Lisander the title of admiral, & giving it unto another, made him chief overseer of the sea-matters, taking from him but only the name, and giving him in effect the whole authority in all things. Artaxerxes surnamed the Long-hand, king of Persia, being a meeld and gracious prince, although he thought the law of his predecessors to be overrigorous, that punished such with whipping and with death as had lost a battle, whether it were through their own default or no; yet nevertheless would not break it directly, but ordained that the offender should be stripped, and that his clothes should be scourged with rods, in steed of his back, and that his hat should be stricken off in steed of the striking off his head. The Thebans were yet more rigorous, howbeit that in the end they dispensed with the law. For when Epaminondas had fortunately begun wars against the Lacedæmonians, and saw that he could not otherwise bring them to end, because that by the law he was to give over his charge, by reason that the time of his commission was expired: he so dealt with his fellow-commissioners, that contrary to the law, he made them presume to continue in office yet four months longer; within which time the Lacedæmonians were utterly vanquished and overthrown. And when Epaminondas was areigned for transgressing the law, & for making his fellow-commissioners to transgress it likewise; he confessed himself to have deserved death for disobaieng the law, praying the Thebans that in recompense of all the services that he had done to them, they would after his death let write upon his tomb, That Epaminondas had been put to death, for compelling the Thebans to vanquish the Lacedæmonians, whom afore that day, they never durst look upon in the face. By which means, he not only procured the saving of his life, but also the accepting in good worth, of all the things that he had done. Marius' used the like presuming beyond the law in in his iornie against the Cimbrians, where he made a thousand strangers freedenisons of Rome, for their valiant behaviour in that battle. And when he was accused thereof to the senate, he made answer, that by reason of the great noise of the battle, he could not hear what the laws commanded or prohibited. Wherein Marius could not be deemed to have done well. For although it was a point of justice to reward good and valeant men: yet ought it not to have been done with the overthrow of law, as it was then done by him, not of any necessity, but rather to have the men of war at his devotion, than for any good to the commonweal, as he showed anon after in the wars that he had against Silla. Augustus made great Augustus made account of the privilege of Freedeniship. But Agustus would rather have privileged men from paying of subsidies, & discharged them of tallages, than to have made them free of the city of Rome: for he could not abide that the right of citizenship, should be brought in small estimation, by becoming too common. Neither ought the changing of laws to be excused by this saying of Plato, In what cases laws may be corrected. That at the first making of laws, there may be some things, which the magistrates that succeed afterward may well amend; until that by good advisement and experience, they see what is best to be allowed. And in another place he saith again, it is not men, but fortune and the interchange of things, that make laws. For either nessessitie, or force and violence of war, subvert states and alter laws; so likewise plagues, tempests, sicknesses, and incommodities of many years' continuance, do cause very great changes and alterations. For no doubt but the thing which is set down for a law, is to be debated long time, & to be altered, if there by any inconvenience therein; as the citizens of Locres did, who admitted men to devise new laws, howbeit with halters about their necks, to be hanged for their labour, if their laws were found to be evil. But when a law is once allowed by long experience and custom, it is not in any wife to be changed, but upon extreme necessity, which is above all law. Also it is certain, that many new laws are to be made upon the alteration of a state. Laws once established ought not to be alt●red. But when the laws are once established with the state, they cannot be altered without injury to the state, except it be upon very urgent and needful cause. For the politic laws that are made for the maintenance of a state, tend not to any other end, (saith Plato) than to rule and command, Law must command and not obey. and not to be subject. As for the laws of nature, they ought to be kept most straightly. For (as Justinian saith) forasmuch as the law of nature is given us by the providence of God, it ought to abide firm and unmutable. But the political law is to be changed oftentimes, as we shall show hereafter. And because that among men there be some monsters, that is to say, men that sin against nature, and make war against it: it is meet that the sovereign magistrate, which is set in that dignity of purpose to encounter against monsters, as Hercules did, and to defend the poor from the violence of the greater sort, should cause an equality of justice to be observed among his subjects. For when the poor is oppressed by the rich, it is wrong; of the which wrong proceedeth discontentment, which oftentimes breeds a hatred towards the prince, and finally a rebelling against him. How to reign in safety. Wisely therefore did Theopompus answer, to one that demanded of him by what means a prince might live in surety; by suffering his friends (quoth he) to do all things that are reasonable, Princes overthrown for suffering their subjects to be wronged. taking heed therewithal, that his subjects be not misused, nor wronged. For many princes have been overthrown for suffering their servants to do all manner of wrongs and injuries; whereof we have a notable example in Philip king of Macedon, who was slain by Pausanias, for refusing to hear his complaint, and to do him justice against one that had committed a rape upon him. For the very duty of a prince, consisteth in doing justice. For as Cicero saith in his books of Duties, the first choosing of kings, was for the estimation which men had of them, that they were good and just men; such as by defending the poor from the rich, and the weak from the mighty, would hold them both in concord and quietness. folk give greater credit and authority to good justicers, than to any others. Plutarch in the life of Cato, saith that folk give greater credit and authority to good justicers, than to any others. For they not only honour them as they do the valeant, ne have them in admiration as they have the sage and wise; but they do also love them, and put their trust and confidence in them; whereas of them that be not such, they distrust the one sort, and fear the other. Moreover they be of opinion, that valiantness and wisdom come rather of nature than of good will, persuading themselves, that the one is but a quickness and finesse of wit, and the other but a certain stoutness of heart that cometh of nature; whereas everyman may be just, at leastwise if he will. Two precepts for governors. Wherefore they that will govern well (saith Cicero) must observe two precepts of Plato's: whereof the one is, to have good regard of the welfare of their subjects, employing all their devices and doings to that end, and leaving their own peculiar profit in respect of that: and the other is to have such a care of the whole body of the commonweal, that in defending any one part thereof, the residue be not neglected. For like as a tutorship, so the charge of a kingdom, is to be administered to the benefit of those that are under the charge, and not of them that have the charge. And they that are careful of one part, and careless of another, do bring sedition, quarreling and discord into the kingdom or commonweal; which is the ruin of realms and commonweals. Wherefore the duty of a good king, is not only to do no wrong to his subjects himself, but also to restrain others from doing them wrong, and to strain himself to the uttermost of his power, to do right either in his own person, or by his substitutes, to such as seek justice at his hand. For the greatest good that can be done to any people, is to do them right, and to punish such as do them wrong. And in that case the king must be like unto the law, which accepteth no person, ne punisheth for displeasure, but judgeth according to right: even so, princes must not suffer themselves to be carried away with favour, hatred, or anger; but must minister justice indifferently to all men. But oftentimes they overshoot themselves, The prince ought to minister justice unto all men indifferently. and step aside from the path of justice to pleasure their courtiers; not considering, that their so doing breedeth to themselves great dishonour, and in their people great discontentment. Aristides would never make alliance with any man in administering the commonweal, because he would not do wrong unto any man, at the pleasure of those to whom he were allied, nor yet grieve them by refusing any thing that they might require at his hand. Cato of Utica was so severe a justicer, that he swerved not any way for any favour or pity; insomuch that sometimes he would speak against Pompey, as well as with him. And when Pompey thanked him for that which he had done for him; he told him that in any good cause he would be his friend, and not otherwise. Philip was desired by one Harpalus, one in greatest favour with him, to call before him a certain case, to the intent that his kinsman, for whom he made the suit, might not be defamed. To whom Philip made this answer or the like, It is better that thy kinsman should be defamed, than that I should be dishonered for his sake. Rutilius made an answer to a friend of his, as worthy to be remembered as this of king Philip's. For when his friend being denied a certain thing that was unjust, asked him whereto his friendship served him, if he would not grant his demand; nay (quoth Rutilius) what availeth me your friendship, if I must do for you the thing that is unhonest? Antiochus gave charge to the cities that were subject unto him, that if he commanded them any unjust or unlawful thing, they should not obey it, but should take it as though the letters were written without his privity. The notable answer of king Agis. Agis king of Sparta being desired of his father & mother, to do a thing that was unjust, for their sakes: answered them on this manner, While I was under your government, I obaied you as I ought to do, and did whatsoever ye commanded me, as not knowing what was right or wrong. But now that you have delivered me to the service of my country, and taught me the laws thereof, I will do my indevorto obey the same: and for as much as your will hath always been, to set me to the doing of things good and reasonabe, I will do according to your will, and not according to your request. The answer of Themistocles. Themistocles being desired by the Poet Simonides, to help him in a wrongful matter; answered him, that neither he should play the good Poet, if he made not his verses in due measure, nor himself the good prince, if he should deal against law. Athen●dor being condemned in a certain fine by the Athenians, The answer of Alexander. prayed Alexander to write unto them for the release of his fine: the which thing Alexander refusing to do, sent them the money that he was set at, and so paid the fine of his own purse. Caricles the son in law of Photion, being indicted for taking a bribe of Harpalus, prayed Photion to assist him at his judgement; The saying of Photion. but Photion refused him, saying, I have taken thee, Caricles, to be my son in law, howbeit but in all just and honest cases only. The judgement of Marius. Trebonius being accused before Marius, than consul and general of the Roman host, for killing one Caius Lusius a nephew of the said Marius, and finding no man that durst defend his cause, did plead his case himself, and proved before Marius, that his kill of his nephew Lusius was of necessity, because his nephew would else have forced him. Whereupon Marius commending him for his labour, commanded such a garland to be brought unto him out of hand, as was wont to be given to those that had showed proof of some notable valeancie in battle, and crowned him therewith as one that had done a very valeant and virtuous deed. And Plutarch saith, that the report of this judgement in Rome, stood Marius in great stead towards the obtainment of his third consulship. The just dealing of king Totilas. Totilas king of the Goths, being importunately sued unto by all the captains of his host to pardon a very valeant man that had ravished a maid; said unto them, that whereas at other times they being out of all comparison far stronger than the Romans, had nevertheless gone always by the worse, because they had not done good justice: seeing that God now putting their offences out of his remembrance, did give them prosperity and make them to achieve things that surpassed their force, it were better for them to hold still the cause of their victories by executing justice, than to procure their own decay by doing wrong. The conversation of life carrieth the fortune of sight. For it was not possible that the man which hath committed rape, or done any other wrong, should behave himself well in battle, forasmuch as every man's good or bad fortune in fight, dependeth upon the good or bad conversation of his life. Whereupon the man was punished with death, and his goods were given to the maid. The princely dealing of k●ng Artaxe●xes. Satibarzanes, chief gentleman of king Ataxerxes privy chamber, sued unto him for one, in a thing that was scarce just; for the obtainment whereof he was promised thirty thousand dariks. Whereof the king being advertised, gave him the full sum of money that had been promised him, and said unto him, Take this Satibarzanes, for I shall never be poor for it, but had I done as thou wouldst have had me to do, I should have been unjust. And so he neither disappointed his friend, nor yet did any unjustice: The covetousness of Vespas●an. whereby he passed the Emperor Vespasian in bounty and liberality. This Velpasian was a good Emperor in many things, but his virtues were blemished and darkened with the vice of covetousness. For he was so far in love with money, that he made great hoards of it, by taking great tributes of the Dacians, by sales of things, & by other exactions. Upon a time a certain courtier sued earnestly unto him, for the gift of an office of great value; pretending that he sought it for a brother of his. But Vespasian doubting that he sought it for himself, dealt in such wise that he discovered the truth, whereupon causing the party to come to him, that had promised his courtier the money, he sold the office unto him, & took the money to himself. Within a while after, the courtier becomes a suitor again to the emperor for his brother: and the emperor sends him again to seek another brother, for the party for whom thou suest (qd. the emperor) is my brother; an answer as merry conceited as full of covetousness. Offences must not be left unpunished. To come again to our matter, a prince must not do against right, nor suffer faults to escape unpunished, neither for favour nor friendship. For he that escapes unpunished for his offence, is always the readier to do evil, because his nonpunishment provoketh him thereunto. And for that cause Ca●o said, He had liefer to be unrewarded for his doing good, Private harms are dangerous to the public state. than to be unpunished for doing evil. Also he was wont to say, That a wrong done to another man privately, is dangerous to all men generally, because no man can be in safety among the wicked, if they may do evil without reproof. Impunity of vice is dangerfull to a whole state. And as Antisthenes was wont to say, That commonweal is in great peril, where is no difference betwixt good men and bad; meaning thereby that the state of a kingdom or commonweal cannot stand where virtue is not honoured and recompensed, and vice punished. For this cause God commanded Moses to take away evil from among the people; that is to say, to punish evil in particular persons, for fear least folk should pay the dearer for the folly, and that he should make the multitude to bear the punishment due to some particular person, To let sin go unpunished, is a consenting unto it. because it is a kind of consenting to the sin, when it is willingly permitted to go unpunished. I know well it will be said, that a prince ought to be merciful, It is no mercy to pardon the faults that are committed against other men. and I deny it not. But this mercy consisteth in pardoning the offences that concern but the prince himself, and the party that is hurt by them, and not any other men's that are done against the commonweal; as king Lewis the twelfth answered both Christianly and virtuously, unto one that whetted him to be revenged of a certain wrong that had been done unto him when he was duke of Orleans; It beseemeth not a king of France (quoth he) to be avenged of injuries done to a duke of Orleans. Infinitely was julius Caesar commended for his clemency, and that of good right: For he did easily forgive the offences that were committed against himself. And Antonine was wont to say, That there was not any thing which procured greater estimation to an Emperor among strangers, than clemency did. And (as saith Statius) it is an honourable thing to give life to him that craveth it. Nevertheless there is great difference between the pardoning of offences done to a man's own self, and the pardoning of offences done to other men. For it is not in you to forgive the offences which are done against other men, In what sort a prince should be gracious. neither ought they to be forgiven by any other than by such as are hurt by them; neither can they also do it to the prejudice of the common weal. And therefore a prince cannot with a safe conscience give pardon to murderers, nor forgive the offences of wicked persons, to purchase himself the renown of gracious and merciful. Mercy to the wicked is cruelly to the good. For favour and mercy granted to naughtypacks, is nought else but cruelty towards good men, as Arc●idamidas was wont to say. And therefore Cato said, that those also which restrained not the wicked from evil doing, Prince's may not at their pleasure make la●ish of that which belonged t● God. Philo in his treatise concerning judges. if they might, were to be punished, because he accounted it as a provocation to do evil. Wherefore whatsoever is done against the law, aught to be punished by the law, the which hath no respect of servant, friend, or kinsman. Of which law the prince is the executor, and is nothing else but a living law, or rather the deputy or lieutenant of God the just judge. Now it is not lawful for the deputy or under-agent of God, to be lavish at his pleasure, of that which belongeth to God, because he hath not received it of him otherwise, than in custody, and upon account; and therefore he is not to bestow it upon any man, for friendship's sake, or for pity. Thereupon it came that the Thebans, to show what justice is, did paint in their courts, the images of judges without hands, and the images of princes without eyes: to show that in judgement kings ought not to be surprised with any affection, nor judges carried with any covetousness. Of justice in cases of treason and rebellion. And although it be not lawful for a Prince, to be judge in his own cause, for the avoiding of all passions: yet is he not forfended, to punish the wrong that is offered him in cases of treason and rebellion: but rather on the contrary part, it is a point of justice to punish rebels, as procurers of trouble to the state. The emperor Maximilian, espying in a certain uproar that was in his camp, how a soldier struck up a drum without commandment, of his captain, slew him with his own hand, because the danger of his host being on a roar, required the remedy of speedy and present cruelty. Nevertheless such manner of dealing is to be done with great discretion; for sometimes things may happen to be in such case, that dissimulation shall avail more than punishment, as it did with Pompey after the death of Sertorius. For when Perpenna had sent him a coffer full of letters, of Romans that had written to Sertorius, and had held on his side: he would not look upon any of them, but cast them all into a fire, The want of discretion in extinguishing one faction, may breed many m●. for doubt least for one Sertorius, then dead, there should step up twenty others at Rome, when they perceived themselves to be discovered: because it falleth often out, that when a man thinketh to overthrow one faction, he multiplieth the number of his enemies. And as Fabius Maximus was wont to say, It is better to hold such folk in suspense by gentle and kind dealing, than severely by rigour to seek our all suspicions, or to deal too sharply towards such as are to be suspected. In the city of Athens there happened a conspiracy of certain noble men against the state, who had determined that if they could not compass their purpose of themselves, they would call in the Persians to their help. As these things were a brewing in the camp, and many more beside were guilty of the conspiracy, Aristides feeling the sent thereof, stood in great fear by reason of the time. For the matter was of too great importance, to be passed over without care: and there was no less danger in ripping up the matter to the quick, for as much as he knew not how many might be found guilty of the crime. Therefore of a very great number, he caused but only eight to be apprehended; and of those eight, two that were to be most deeply charged fled out of the camp, and the other six he set again at liberty. Whereby he gave occasion to such as thought not themselves to be discovered, to assure themselves of safety and to repent them of their wicked purpose: saying that for judgement they should have battle, whereby they might justify themselves. The policy of Agesilaus. At such time as Epaminondas came to besiege Lacedaemon, there were about two hundred of a conspiracy within the city, which had taken one of the quarters of the town very strongly situated, wherein was the temple of Diana. The Lacedæmonians would have run upon them out of hand in a rage; But Agesilaus fearing lest it might be a cause of some further great alteration, commanded all his company to keep their places, and he himself unarmed went unto the rebels, and cried unto them, Sirs ye have mistaken my commandment, for this is not the place where I appointed you to meet in, but my meaning was that some of you should have gone to yonder place, and othersome to other places, pointing to divers places with his hand. The seditious persons hearing him say so, were well paid, because they thought their evil purpose to have been undiscovered: whereupon leaving that place, they departed by and by to the places he had pointed them. Then Agesilaus seizing that Fort into his hands, the name whereof was Isorium, caused fifteen of the Rebels to be apprehended, whom he caused to be all executed the next night. One Badius having valiantly encountered the Carthaginenses at the battle of Cannae, The manner of Marcellus dealing in a certain sedition. and being taken prisoner, to requite the courtesy of Hannibal that had saved his life, and given him his ransom, as soon as he came home to his own house to Nola, made almost all his countrymen to rebel against the Romans. Yet for all this, Marcellus considering that the time required then to mollify things, rather than to corzie them, sought not by any means to punish him, but only said unto him, Sith there be in you so evident and honourable marks of your good will towards the Romans (meaning the wounds that he had received in the said battle of Cannae) how happeneth it that you come not to the Romans still? Think you that we be so lewd and so unthankful, that we will not reward the virtue of our good friends, according to their worthiness, which is honoured even of our enemies? And after he had embraced him in his arms, he presented him with a goodly horse of service for the wars, and gave him five hundred drachmas. Whereupon from that day forth he never forsook Marcellus, but became very loyal, and a most earnest discoverer of such as took part against the Romans. Fredrick the Emperor, and king of Naples, minding to punish the rebels of Samimato, made countenance as though he had not espied their conspiracy, terming them everywhere good and loyal subjects, to the end that despair should not cause them to enter into arms against him openly, as the lords of Naples that followed the part of Conradine, had done against Charles duke of Anjou. For when they saw that Conradine was overcome, and that there was no hope for them to obtain pardon at the hands of Charles of Anjou, they fell to rebelling, and fortified themselves in divers places. Likewise when people are to far enraged, it is no time to punish, but rather to reconcile and appease. When the Parisians rebelled for the aids: to put them in fear, men began to throw some of the rebels into the water. But in steed of dismaieng them, they burst out into greater fury than afore; in so much that the executioners were feign to give over their punishment, for fear of increasing the commotion, in steed of appeasing it. Agesilaus having discovered a very dangerous conspiracy, did put some of the traitors to death secretly without arraignment or indictment, contrary to the laws of Lacedaemon. For unto people that are set upon mischief, Biting words are dangerous not only overrigorous justice, but also biting words are dangerfull, considering that in time of trouble, and in time of commotion, one word, or one letter, may do more harm, than a notable injury shall do another time. And even so befell it to Macrinus for a letter which he wrote unto Mesa, wherein he told him that he had bought the emperorship of a sort of covetous soldiers, that had no consideration of deserts, but only who would most give. With which words the men of war being chafed, did all swear that it should cost Macrinus his head, in recompense of the wrong that he had done them. And so it came to pass indeed. We have spoken sufficiently of the discretion, mildness, and uprightness which a prince ought to have in cases of justice, for the well and worthy executing thereof. But for as much as it is unpossible for a prince to attend at all times to the doing of justice: he must needs do justice by deputies, and set men of good and honest reputation in his place, to do right between party and party, when controversies rise betwixt them, as Moses did by the counsel of his father in law, Jethro. In the choosing of whom, Prince's ought to make choice of good judges. a prince may as far overshoot himself, as if he judged all causes without any foreconsideration. For he that maketh not choice of good judges, doth great wrong to the commonweal. No importunate suit, no earnest entreatance, no gifts that could be given, no favour, no familiarity could ever cause Alexander Scuerus to bestow any office of justice upon any man whom he deemed not fit ●or it, and virtuous in the administration of it. Such therefore should be chosen, as are of skill and of good life; and they ought to have good wages, and not to take any other thing, than their ordinary stipend allowed them by the prince. trajan used that kind of dealing; of whom it is written, that he could not abide, that judges should take any thing for their hire, but that they should be recompensed at his hand, according to their service and good dealing. Adrian likewise inquired of the life & conversation of the senators: and when he had in truth found any that was virtuous & poor, he increased his entertainment, and gave him rewards of his own private goods. Contrariwise when he found any to be given to vice, he never left until he had driven him out of the senate. Now then, the prince that will have good judges, Officers are to be recompensed according to their deservings. yea and good officers of all sorts, must either honour them and reward them, or else punish them according to their deserts: As touching the honouring of them, Augustus hath showed us an example thereof, who at his entering into the senate-house, saluted all the senators, and at his going out would not suffer any of them to rise up to him. Alexander Severus did greatly honour the precedents of the provinces, causing them to sit with him in his chariot, that men might see the honour that he yielded to the ministers of justice, and that he might the more conveniently talk with them, concerning the rule and government whereof they had the charge. He neither made nor punished any senator, without the advice of the whole senate. And upon a time, when he saw a freeman of his walking between two senators, he sent one to buffet him, saying it was unseemly that he should presume to meddle among senators, which might well have been their servant. Likewise the Emperor Claudius never dealt in any affair of importance, but in the senate. Even Tiberius himself had great regard of them, and saluted them whensoever he passed by them. The rewarding of judges and officers. And as touching the rewarding of them, the foresaid Alexander may serve for an example to good princes. For he did great good to judges, and rewarded them bountifully. And being asked on a time why he did so, As a prince (quoth he) neither aught, nor in reason can be truly called a prince, except he minister justice: so be ye sure, that when I find an officer which doth his duty in that behalf, I cannot pay or recompense him sufficiently. That is the cause why I do them so many courtesies; & besides that, in making them rich, Of the punishing of wicked judges. I bereave them of all cause to impoverish other men. But like as a good judge cannot be too much recompensed, so an evil judge cannot be too much punished. We have a notable example known to all men, concerning the punishment of the judge, whom Cambyses made to be slain quick, and with his skin curried, caused the seat of judgement to be covered, and made the same judges son to sit as judge on it, that in ministering justice, he should bethink him of his father's punishment Albeit that Antonine was very pitiful, yet was he very rigorous to judges that did not their duty; insomuch that whereas in other cases he pardoned even the greevousest offences, in this case he punished even the lightest. There was also another thing in him right worthy of commendation in the execution of justice; namely, that to avoid confusion, he caused all such to be dispatched out of hand, as had any suit in the court. And when any office was void, he would not that one should su● for it, but made the suitors themselves to come to his presence, as well to gratify them himself, as also to know whom he gratified. For he that receiveth not the benefit at the princes own hand, thinketh himself beholden to none but unto him by whom he had it, as we have found by experience in (this our realm of) France, within this fifty or threescore years. The justice of war●e. LEt us come now to the justice of war, which ought to be like the same that we have spoken of, and consisteth in penalties and rewards, namely in punishing the wicked, and in recompensing the good and valeant men with honour and regard. For honour nourisheth the liberal arts and virtue. In which behalf the emperor Adrian did so greatly excel, that he was both feared and loved of all his men of war; feared because he chastised them, and beloved, because he paid them well. Upon a time one demanded of Lisander, What manner of commonweal he liked best? That (qd. he) wherein both the valeant and the cowards are rewarded according to their deserts; as who would say, that virtue is furthered by reward; and that men of no value are spurred up to do well, by the shame and reproach which they receive by doing amiss, and in being despised. Ennius Priscus demanded of trajan, What was the cause that he was better beloved of the people than his predecessors? Because (qd. he) that commonly I pardon such as offend me, and never forget them that do me service. The Law of Arms. But afore I speak of rewarding or recompensing, we must know what is the law and discipline of arms, whereof the first and principal point (that is to wit, to do no man wrong) dependeth upon natural justice. And yetnotwithstanding, this seemeth so strange among us, that the chief and principal point of warlike behaviour, seemeth to consist in pilling, swearing, ravishing, & robbing, and that a soldier cannot be esteemed a gallant fellow, unless he be furnished with those goodly virtues. Contrariwise, if the Romans had any soldiers that were never so little given to looseness, they would not use their service▪ no not even in most extreme necessity, (as is to be seen by the doings of Metellus in Africa, and of Scipio in Spain) making more account of one legion that lived after the law and order of war, than of ten that were out of order. Now the laws of arms were divers, according to the diversities of the captains that have had the leading of Armies. The virtue of obedience, dependeth upon the gentleness of nature. The first consisteth in the obedience of the men of war. For (as saith Plato) it availeth not to have a good captain, unless the soldiers be discreet and obedient, because the virtue of well-obeieng, hath as great need of a gentle nature, and of the help of good trainment, as the princely virtue of commanding. All other precepts tend generally to natural justice, the which will not have wrong done to any man. Alexander being advertised that two soldiers which served under Parmenio, had ravished the wives of certain soldiers strangers, wrote unto Parmenio to inform him thereof, charging him that if he found it to be so, he should put both the soldiers to death, as wild beasts bred to the destruction of men. When the Romans marched under the leading of Marcus Scaurus, there was found in their trenches at their departure thence, a tree hanging full of fruit, so great conscience made they to take any thing that was not their own. And if any man went aside in any field, farm, or grange, at such time as the camp marched, he was punished immediately, and it was demanded of him if he could find in his heart, that a man should do as much in his lands. wheresoever Bellisarius went with his army, he restrained his men from doing wrong to labourers and husbandmen, insomuch that they durst not eat the apples and pears that hung upon the trees. After the death of Campson the sultan of Egypt, Selim king of Turks being possessed of Damascus, and the rest of the cities of Syria, would not suffer his men of war to come within them, but lodged his camp by the walls of the town, and of all the time that he was there, there was not any guard set to keep the goodly and fruitful Gardens, that were without the city, because the rigorous justice that Selim executed, restrained the Turks from misdoing; wherethrough the whole army found themselves well paid. For they never wanted victuals, but had plenty and abundance of all things. trajan caused a captain to be banished, for killing a husbandman's Oxen without need; and awarded the husbandman for amends, to have the captains horse and armour, and also his quarters wages. Tamerlane king of Tartarians, made a soldier of his to be put to death, for taking but a cheese from a poor woman. Totilas was so severe in the discipline of war, that he would not leave any one misdeed unpunished. He that ravished any woman, was punished with death, or at least wise forfeited his goods, the which were given to the party that was outraged. Insomuch that he passed by the cities and towns that were in friendship and league with him, without doing them any harm; saying that kingdoms and empires were easily lost, if they were not maintained by justice. Which thing Justinian found to be very true, who through the unjustice and disorder of his captains, lost the empire of Italy. Paulus Emilius was a stern observer of the law of arms, not seeking to purchase the love of his soldiers by pleasing them, but showing them himself from point to point, how available the ordinances of war were. And this his austerity and terribleness towards them that were disobedient, and transgressed the law of arms, upheld the commonweal unappaired. It is a less matter to overcome the enemy, than to uphold one country by good discipline. For he was of opinion that to vanquish a man's enemies by force of arms, is (as ye would say) but an accessory or income, in comparison of the well ordering and winning of a man's countrymen by good discipline. The laws of arms have been diverse, according to the diversity of captains, Of the laws of arms, the which we may learn in one word of the best and most valeant emperors that ever have been. julius Caesar would make countenance, as though he saw not the faults of his soldiers, and let them go unpunished, so long as they tended not to mutiny, or that they forsook not their ensign; and in those cases he never pardoned them. Insomuch that in the time of the civil wars, he cashed a whole legion at once, notwithstanding that he stood as then in great need of them, and ere ever he would admit them again, he ceased not, till he had punished the misdoers. Among the Egyptians, they that had disobeyed their captains, were noted with a reproach worse than death. Augustus was so severe towards such as recoiled in battle, The severity of the Romans. or disobeyed his commandments, that he would put every tenth man of them to death, and unto them that had done less faults, he would give barley bread in steed of wheaten. So also did Marcellus cause barley to be delivered in steed of wheat to the bands that first turned their backs unto Hannibal. Antony tithed the Legions that had forsaken their trench, at a sally that was made upon them by the Persians out of Phraata. And unto those also which remained of that tithing was barley given in steed of wheat, for their food to live by. Licinius the consul, being sent against Spaerta●us chief leader of the bondmen that had rebelled, tithed to the number of a 4000 men, and yet failed not for all that, to obtain the victory. At such time as Timoleon was minded to give battle to the carthaginians who were ten to one, there were a thousand of his men that recoiled back and would not fight, whereof Timoleon was well paid, that they had bewrayed themselves in good time, because that else they had done him more harm than good. But when he had once won the field, and was returned unto Syracuse, he banished them everyone out of Sicily, with express commandment, that they should get them out of the city, before the sun went down. Lucullus laid a reproachful infamy upon such as had fled in a certain skirmish against Mithridates; causing them to dig a pit of twelve foot, all unapparelled in their shirts, the rest of their company standing by to see them do it. trajan would not suffer any soldier to be put to death, for any fault committed in war, except it were for blaspheming God, for treason, for flying in battle, for ravishing of women, or for sleeping in the watch; and in those cases he pardoned not any man whatsoever he were. Albeit that Pyrrhus was a stranger, yet caused he the law of arms to be observed straightly among the Tarentines, and he punished those that failed. Marius was a sore man in that behalf, but when he had once enured his soldiers to abstain from offending, Severity in war is wholesome. and from disobeying, than they found that his sternness in commanding, and his sharpness in punishing such as forgot their duty, was not only reasonable, but also just and wholesome. The laws of the Swissers are such, that such as flee and recoil in battle for fear and cowardliness, shall be cut in pieces by their fellows in the sight of the whole army, to the end that the greater fear should over-wey the lesser; and that for dread of the violent death, they should choose the death that is honourable. This caused the emperor Julian in a certain battle to slay ten of the first that fled away, thereby to compel the rest to turn again upon the enemy. Captain Franget was degraded from the order of knighthood, & proclaimed unnoble, both he and all his posterity, for yielding Fontrabie to the Spaniards, notwithstanding that he excused himself by a secret compact that Don Peter the son of the marshal of Navarre had made with the Spaniards; because it was thought that although it were so, yet he ought not to have been negligent in foreseing such conspiracy. Auidius Cassius dealt more cruelly than any others, The cruelty of Auidius Cassius in executing the law of arms. For he made all such to be crucified, as had taken any thing from honest men, in the self same place where the crime was committed. Also he caused the arms & legs to be cut off, of all such as departed from the camp without passport: and he put them not to death, saying that there was more example to be seen in a miserable catif alive, than dead. It happened upon a time, that a very few of his men of war, having discovered that the Sarmatians kept no good ward, slew of them to the number of a three thousand. And when his captains sued for reward of their good exploit, he made them to be all crucified, saying it might have happened that there had been some ambush of enemies, & by that means the honour of the Roman empire might have been lost; in doing whereof, he followed the example of Torquatus, the history of whom is known well enough: nevertheless in the one there was a breach of the prohibition, but in this there was no such thing at all. This cruelty was far differing from the mildness of Scipio, who said, that a good general of a field, aught to deal like the good surgeon, which never useth lancing but when all other remedies fail. And as Plutarch saith in the comparison between Agis & Gracchus, It is not the property either of good surgeon or of good governor of a state, to set his hand to sword or launcer, but only in extreme necessity, when there is no other remedy. How a soldier is to be dealt with▪ that he may be good, But to make a man of war obedient, & refrain from doing wrong to any body, he must be well paid. And (as Alexander Severus saith) he must be well appareled, well shod, well armed, well fed, & have some money in his purse. For poverty maketh men heartless. The same thing was some cause, that the soldiers of Macrinus rebelled against him. For when they saw themselves so ill paid, they fell to mutiny, whereat Mesa taking occasion to lay hold of the opportunity that was offered, fell in hand with the men of war, and by offering them to pay them of his own treasures, he made them so affectioned towards him, that for his sake they set up his little son Heliogabalus. Iphicrates an Athenian captain, was content that his soldiers should be covetous, amorous, and voluptuous, to the intent that they might hazard themselves the more boldly and adventurously to all perils, to have wherewith to furnish their desires. And julius Caesar would have his soldiers fair and richly armed, to the end they should fight valiantly, for fear to lose them. Finally, to teach whatsoever belongs to a soldier to have, the epistle sufficeth which Dioclesian writeth thus to a certain governor of a province; If you will be a Tribune (saith he) or rather if you intent to live, bring to pass that your soldiers meddle not with other men's goods, that they take neither pullerie nor sheep, that they trample not down other men's corn, that they take not any man's oil, salt, or wood unpaid for, that they find themselves of the booties of their enemies, and not with the tears of your subjects, that every of them have his armour neat and clean, that they be well shod, and that they be well clad. The keeping of equality among men of war. There is yet one rule more to be kept in the law of arms, which is, to keep equality among men of war; the which rule Adrian the emperor observed very well and fitly. For when he would have any labour done in his camp, all were put to the labour; when any watching was, all watched; and he would not suffer any man to be exempted: insomuch that he himself would be the foremost among them. Soldiers have most need of discipline in time of peace. Also there is consideration to be had in warfare, how to make difference between a camp and a garrison. For in a camp it is not amiss, to take some respite that men may make merry, so the time of feasting be not overlong. And therefore in that behalf, julius Caesar looked not too nearly to his soldiers, because he did keep them commonly occupied. But when they lie in garrison, where they shall not need to fight, nor stand in fear of any enemy; It will not be good to accustom them to live too delicately and at too much ease. For in so long continuance of time, they become the more unwieldy to war, and if they pill the country where they lie, there followeth upon it the hatred of that people. Charles of Anjou was esteemed and commended for his good fortune, and for a good warrior. But yet was this renown somewhat defaced, for that after his victories, he gave his soldiers too much liberty in time of peace, to the great damage of his subjects. Therefore in time of peace is it wherein they have most chief need of discipline and labour, lest they wax unwieldy by weltering in idleness. For by that are they often undone. And in very deed, because the Legions in Germany were very much marred, by being too much nuzzled in licentiousness afore; Adrian was driven to do in time of peace as in time of war, and to set up the order of war new again, which had been discontinued from the time of Augustus. And for example to his men of war, he ate not any other victuals than such as were ordinary, and he marched on foot five or six leagues a day. Also we read that after the time that Hannibal fell to maintain his wars with less fear against the Romans, by reason of his victory at Cannae, and for that he had met with a delicate city replenished with all sorts of pleasures, he found not his soldiers so good a good while after, as they had been afore. In that respect did one say, That the vanquished Asia, had vanquished the Romans. The natious lest delicate, have been best warriors. And of a truth the nations that have had least things of delight, have ever been the best warriors. As for example, julius Caesar deemed the Belgians to be the valiantest of all the Gauls, because they were furthest off from the Roman province, and had fewest of the things of delight brought out of the province to them. The Greeks did always with small numbers make head against the Persians. The Lacedæmonians overmastered all the rest of the Greeks, and continued unvincible, so long as they kept their warlike discipline; but as soon as they forewent that, they were vanquished by the Thebans, as Darius was by Alexander, notwithstanding that Darius came with five hundred thousand men, against a fifty or threescore thousand Macedonians; and that was because the one sort was tender and trained up in pleasure and not in war, and the other sort was enured to war, and accustomed to pains taking. The Turks observing some piece of the Roman discipline, drink no wine: by mean whereof, they be discharged of a great deal of baggage, without the which our men could not live so much as one day. Pesennius Niger suffered not any wine to be brought into his camp. And on a time when the garrison that lay in Egypt, desired leave to have wine, he answered, that the water of Nilus ought to content them. So also did Augustus, when complaint was made unto him of the dearth of wine, saying, That his son in law Agrippa, had well provided for that want, by the goodly conduits that he had made in Rome. Of the rewarding of men of war. Thus much concerning the laws and discipline of war. Now must I speak of rewarding, which is the thing that most holdeth the noble and gentlemanly hearts in their duties. For (as saith Titus livius) there is not that thing which men will not undertake to do, if the hardy and valiant adventurers upon great things may be rewarded accordingly. In which behalf the emperor Adrian bore the be●: For he rewarded valiant persons bountifully; yea he went and sought them out of far countries, without sparing of money, horses, or armour. King Lewis the eleventh did the like to men of service. And the like manner of dealing aught to be observed towards a man's household servants to make them honest; namely their services ought to be recompensed in time and place, according to their deserts. For nothing doth so much encourage household servants, as when they see that their master knoweth them, Of household justice, or household righteousness. and inquireth after them. This manner of uprightness we call household justice, wherein the emperor Antonine excelled. For he would understand the order of his house to the uttermost; so as he would know who served him, and in what place or degree, whether every man were paid his wages for his pains, whether every man behaved himself faithfully, & whether all together did their duty. And this manner of recompensing & rewarding, we term justice distributive; which is, when preferments and commodities are distributed according to men's deserts, that have profited the commonweal, & done service to their masters. The rewarding of good 〈◊〉, showeth the justice o● h●m that 〈◊〉. For this liberality being joined with uprightness, taketh unto it the nature thereof, insomuch that the recompensing of deserts, showeth the justice of him that reigneth, as ●heoderik writeth unto Arthemidorus. But if wicked men, cowards, jesters, unthrifts, & such as are unmeet to have the ordering of matters, & are void of skill in cases of justice or fea●s of war, do carry away the reward of good men, it may well be said, that the state is very sore sick, & that the prince doth utterly lose all that he bestoweth, thrusting from him his worthy & good servitors, by his not recompensing them according to their deserts▪ having no thank for the good he doth to the unworthy. For as Budeus saith in his Institution of a prince, the unworthy perceiving that the great benefits that they receive of their master, proceed of ignorance & want of good discretion, & not of wise & well governed affection; despise both the gifts & the giver of them. And therefore I purpose to speak here of the recompenses that ought to be made to those that deserve them, of which recompenses some be made with honour, & some with money. Of the recompenses that are 〈◊〉 in honour. Of honourable titles, many were given in old time: as for example, wal-garlands, city-garlands, & such other without number. And in these days we have the order of knighthood, the which within a while hath been so shamefully abused, that no account is made of it. The rewards that consist in profit, are to be given to the peticaptains, & valiant soldiers in ready money, if the revenues of the crown will bear it. For, to rack and rake from the people wherewith to recompense the men of war, as did the Emperor Severus, is an evil king of dealing. Not long since we have had two kings of great fame, namely Lewis the eleventh, who was liberal in pampering men with money, howbeit at the cost of his commons. And Lewis the twelfth, who was of small liberality to his men of war, but a great lover of his commons. This man being well served of all sorts of men, died with the reputation of a good, valiant, and virtuous prince, and had borne the the title of Father to his people. The other never attained so near, nor was so much beloved as he, for all his liberality. The mounting to dignity by degrees. There is yet one other sort of recompense, and that is of honour and profit matched together, when men attain to dignities by degrees, as when a mean soldier becometh the leader of a squadron, captain, master of the camp, and colonel. And when a man of arms mounteth by degrees to be chief harbinger, guidon, ensign, lieutenant; then chief of the companies, great master, admiral, marshal, and so forth. What a prince is to do that he forget not those that do him service. Also to the intent that the prince forget not them that do him service, and deserve recompense, because they be so great a number, that he shall not be of memory sufficient to remember them all; it behoveth to have a book or a pair of tables, wherein to set down the names of all such as do him any notable service, that he may reward them in due time and place, as the emperors Charles the fift, and Alexander Severus did; who wrote down those that did him service, and the rewards which he had given to many of them. And if in perusing his notes of remembrance, he saw any man that had done him service and was not worthily recompensed; he made him to come before him, and asked of him why he had not sued for recompense, willing him to sue boldly for any thing agreeable to his estate. Two offices, or more be not to be given to one man. And for as much as it is an easy matter for a prince that hath so many subjects, to recompense them all; it behoveth him to take good heed that he bestow not two offices or more upon one man. For in so doing he bereaveth himself of the means to recompense many, and is not so well served as he else should be. For (as Alexander Severus was wont to say) it is a hard matter, that he which hath two charges at once, should be able to use them to his own honour, and his master's profit. When I speak of the recompensing of services, my meaning is, that it should be done measurably, and not by putting men in trust with too great a charge, nor by making them too mighty, lest perhaps they turn head against their master. For mightiness engendereth riches, envy, and pride, Power breedeth Pride. as it befell to Perennius, who perceiving himself to be overgreat, and the ordering of all affairs to be in his own hand, conspired against the Emperor Commodus his master, to whom he was beholden for all his welfare. But his treason was bewrayed, and he punished according to his deserts. We know what happened in France to the maires of the palace; which caused consalvo to be called home out of Naples, where he managed the king of Aragon's affairs so well, and unto whom the king his master was beholden for the kingdom of Naples; which thing was done for fear lest he should have seized upon the kingdom, considering his credit, his good government, and his experience in war. There remaineth yet one doubt more concerning the execution of justice; Whether a prince ought to shift officers or no. to wit, whether a prince for the benefit of his commonweal ought to change his officers, as they did in old time in Rome, and in Athens. If it be objected that those were pulick-weales, wherein every man ruled by turn; I will oppose Alexander Severus a sage prince and such a one as minded not any thing but the publick-weale, who also changed his officers; saying that when princes are governed continually by any one sort, means are found by entreatance, gifts, and other corrupt dealings, to pervert their good dispositions. And peradventure at that time, Alexander had seen the inconveniences thereof, the which he meant to remedy, or at leastwise to assay to remedy. But in this manner of dealing there may be as great inconvenience, as in the other: namely that their king shall not have them so well affectioned towards him, as they ought to be. For they that are accustomed to the service of a good prince, do love their master far better, than those that are but new come in. And as the proverb saith, A man must first know, ere he can love. Besides this affection, they be the better acquainted with his humours, and the better experienced in his affairs. For practice maketh men sufficient, and the new come is as easy to be corrupted as the old servitor, when the way to corruption is once set open. Moreover, they that come fresh, try by all means to make their hand of the bounty and liberality of the prince; insomuch that most commonly, the oftener that there is a change, the oftener the prince's purse is emptied. Record hereof is the fable of the slain fox, who would not suffer the flies to be driven from him, that had fed upon him, for sear least when they were gone, there would come others fresh and fasting, which would do him more harm and pain than the former that were already full. Augustus' altered not the manner of dealing which the Romans had used, of sending senators into a province, for a certain time. Nevertheless being disquieted by a feat that had been done in Germany; to make all sure, & to hold the people of that province in obedience, he would not have the senators to remove thence, to the intent that the subjects should be held in obedience by men of experience, that were already acquainted with the people of that country. And therefore it is best for all events, that a prince should not change his officers, but that if any of them offend, he should well punish them, as Augustus did a secretary of his, whose thighs he caused to be broken, because he had taken a bribe to show a letter. Lewis the twelfth king of France, lived in all prosperity, because he was served by the ancient officers of the crown, yea even by those that had taken him prisoner in battle when he was duke of Orleans. Contrariwise, king Lewis the eleventh, was in hazard to have lost his crown, by changing all new. Treasurers and officers of account. I grant that the dealing of Alexander Severus was well to be admitted in cases of account, where the prince hath more need of a man of honesty, than a man of great skill. Also the said good emperor permitted them not to continue in office above one year at once, for fear lest their overlong continuance in those dealings should make them thieves, terming the offices of general receipt, a necessary evil; because that on the one part they cannot be forborn, and on the other part they teach men to play the thieves. Froissard saith, that the Earl of Fois, of whom he maketh very great reckoning, took twelve notable men to be of his receipts, of whom two served every month, and so from month to month other two by turns, which alway yielded their accounts to a controller, in whom he put greatest trust. To conclude this discourse, Precepts of justice. the prince and he that is authorized under him to be a judge, must keep well the precept of Martian, namely, that he be neither too soft nor too rigorous inpunishing, but as the cause deserveth. For he must not affect the glory of mildness, or of severity, but when he hath well considered the case, he must do justice as the case requireth, using mercy and gentleness in small matters, and showing severity of law in great crimes, howbeit always with some temperance of gentleness. For as Theodorike was wont to say, It is the property of a good and gracious prince, not to be desirous to punish offences, but to take them away; lest by punishing them too eagerly, or by overpassing them too meeldly, he be deemed unadvised and careless of the execution of justice. S. john chrusostom saith, That justice without mercy, is not justice but cruelty; and that mercy without justice, is not mercy but folly. And to my seeming, Suetonius hath no great likelihood of reason to commend Augustus for merciful, in that to save a manifest parricide from casting into the water in a sack, (as was wont to be done to such as had confessed themselves guilty of that fault) he asked him after this manner; I believe thou hast not murdered thy father. For he that justifieth the wicked, and he that condemneth the guiltless, are both of them abominable to the Lord, saith Solomon in his proverbs. Punishment must not ●asse the offence. And above all things (as saith Cicero in his book of Duties) he must beware that the punishment be not too great for the offence, and that where many be partakers of one crime, one be not sore punished, and another slightly passed over. CHAP. four That a prince ought to be liberal, and to shun niggardship and prodigality. THus much in few words concerning justice, the which Cicero divideth into two, namely into that which is termed by the general name of righteousness, & into that which is termed liberality, accordingly as the holy scripture doth ordinarily take righteousness for the liberality that is used towards the needy, the which we call Alms or charity. He hath dispersed & given unto the poor, (saith the Psalmist) and his righteousness endureth for ever; that is to say, He will continue still to show himself righteous, and he shall have wherein to execute his liberality all the days of his life. And S. Paul in his second Epistle to the Corinthians, prayeth God to increase the revenues of their righteousness, that is to say of their liberality or bounteousness. And in the one and twentieth of the proverbs, He that followeth righteousness and mercy, (saith Solomon) He that is kindhearted and pitiful to the poor, shall find life, righteousness, and glory. And in the same place, The righteous giveth (saith he) and spareth not. Now therefore I must speak more particularly of the distributive righteousness, which is called liberality, and is as it were the mean betwixt niggardliness and prodigality, a virtue well-beseeming a rich man. For (as saith Plato) He that hath store of goods, if he make others partakers with him, is to be honoured as a great man: Liberality beseemeth a prince. but specially it most beseemeth a prince, as who is better able to put it in use, than any private persons. For liberality undoth liberality, because that the more a man useth it, the more he abateth his ability of using it towards many, A king who hath great revenues, may honourably use it in his life, without abating the mean to do good to such as deserve it. Therefore Plutarch in his book of the Fortunatnesse and virtue of Alexander, saith; That as the fruits of the earth grow fair by the temperateness of the air: even so, good wits are furthered by the liberality, honourable countenance, and courtesy of a king; and that on the contrary part, they droop and decay through his niggardship, displeasure, It is the duty of a king to do good unto many. and hard-dealing. For the very duty of a king (said Agesilaus) is to do good unto many. Ptolomaeus Lagus said, It was a more goodly and princely thing to enrich other men, than to enrich himself, according to S. Paul's saying, That it is better to give than to take. And Fabricius had liefer to have at commandment men that were well moneyed, than the money itself. Dennis the tyrant of Siracuse offered presents to the ambassadors of Corinth, the which they refused, saying, That the law of their country forbade them to take aught of any prince whatsoever. Whereunto he answered, surely ye do amiss, O ye Corinthians, in that ye bereave princes of the best thing that they have. The misliking of great power, is taken away by liberality. For there is not any other mean to take away the misliking of so great a power, than by courtesy and liberality. Alexander was wont to say, That there was not a better hoarding up of treasure, than in the purses of his friends; because they will yield it him again whensoever he needeth it. Now then, this virtue doth marvelously well beseem a prince, because he hath wherewith to put it in ure; and yet nevertheless it ceaseth not to be in the mind of a poor man also. Liberality 〈◊〉 not to be measured by the gift but by the will. For a man is not to be deemed liberal for his great gifts, but for the will that he hath to do good. For a poor man may be more liberal than a rich, although he give far less without comparison than the rich, because liberality (like as all other virtues) proceedeth chief from the disposition or inclination that a man hath to give. As for example, the poor widow that did put the two mites into the offering box, was esteemed to have given more than all the rich men, though the thing she gave was nothing in comparison of the gifts of other men. For liberality consisteth not in the greatness of the gifts, but in the manner of the giving. And he is liberal, which giveth according to his ability, unto good men, and upon good causes. This virtue represseth nigardship, and moderateth prodigality, causing a man to use his goods and his money aright. Three ways of v●ing a man's goods well. The mean to use these well, consisteth in three points. The first is in taking a man's own money where he ought to take it: and hereunto maketh the good husbanding of him that spareth his revenue, to spend it to good purpose. For he that hath not wherewith to maintain his expenses, doth amiss in making large expenses at other men's cost: and he that hath it, doth amiss if he spend it not, because there is not any thing that winneth a prince so much the favour of his people, as liberality doth. Dennis the tyrant intending to try his son, furnished him with much costly stuff, jewels, and vessel, both of gold and silver of great price. And when long time after, he had espied that the plate remained with him still, he taunted him, saying that he had not a princely heart, sith he had not made him friends with his plate, having such abundance; for he was of opinion, that such gifts would have gotten his son good will at all men's hands. For as Solomon saith in the xix. of the proverbs: every man is a friend to the man that giveth. And in the chapter going afore, Gifts get friendship at all men's hand●. he saith, That a man's gift maketh way for him, and leads him to the presence of great men. And in the xvij he saith, That a gift is as a precious stone in the eyes of him that possesseth it, that is say, that a gift hath such grace, that it can do all to the winning of men's hearts. The second mean for a prince to use liberality well, is, not to take his money where he ought not. Wherein consisteth the honour of his power, in that he will not take from one to give unto another, nor strip one naked to cloth another. The third mean, is to spend it as he ought, which is the very true mean of liberality, whereunto both the other be referred. Now then, liberality consisteth chief in the well using of money; To use money well, What it is to use money well is to spend it and give it to such as want and are worthy to have. As for the only keeping of a man's revenue, it is not the using, but rather the getting of money. Therefore liberality cannot consist in the well keeping of a man's revenues, neither consisteth it merely in not taking from others, but in benefiting others. For it is more praiseworthy to do good, than it is to keep a man's own (whereunto we be inclined by nature) or not to do any man hurt. For it is not enough for a man to abstain from doing harm, unless he also do good. And yet for all that, it behoveth the liberal to be careful in keeping his own, that he may have wherewith to maintain his liberality, A poor prince is neither well 〈◊〉 ve of his subjects, 〈◊〉 feared of stranger's. specially a prince. For as saith Alexander Severus, the prince that is poor and needy, is neither served with good courage of his subjects, nor feared of strangers: and much less the prodigal, who wasteth all without reason, and catcheth other men's goods to maintain his lavishness withal. There are othersome that give, but they be also greedy of gain; and they cannot be counted to do the deeds of liberality. For liberality lieth chief in the heart, and regardeth not gain. But to love money, is a spice of covetousness, notwithstanding that afterward a man spend it more for ostentation, than upon any liberal mind. For there are many which deface their reputation, by taking unworthily, foully, and filthily, to give it away afterward. As for example, the bawd that maketh unhonest gain, the judge that suflereth himself to be corrupted with bribes, and the prince that deviseth a thousand kind of taxes, to maintain his undiscreet expenses, as Caligula did, who took of every courtesan as much of her gain as she could get of any man at once; and as the Emperor Vespasian did, who said that the gain of money was good from whence soever it came, yea though it were made of men's urine. But to order our expenses well, there are three things to be regarded; first, the quantity which we give, that our gift be neither too small nor too great: for the over-smal, is unbeseeming a gentlemanly heart; and the overgreat dreineth the purse too much, as it befell to Alexander, who gave so excessive gifts to his friends, that they were feign to refuse them. A prince must moderate his ordinary expenses. Plato will have a prince to be temperate in the expenses of his house. For if he have not a regard to moderate his ordinary expenses, it will be hard for him to provide for his extraordinary affairs, and for his wars. To furnish out these expenses, they are wont to levy a thousand sorts of impositions of the people; and so to do, they be counseled by clawbacks and bloodsuckers of the court. But they should answer them as Antoninus Pius the emperor of Rome did; The order and manner (quoth he) which is to be sought to make me great, is to augment the commonwealth, and not my rents; and to devise means not how to impofe new tributes, but how to abate mine extraordinary expenses, and to use sparing, which is a certain & sure revenue. Sparing is a sure revenue. And as Machiavelli saith, This manner of giving to all men, maketh the prince beloved, and it carrieth a goodly show for a time; but in the end, the people conceive more disliking of the prince, than those to whom he giveth, receive contentment; and so at the last he is hated of all. For as Cicero saith in his Duties, in this kind of liberality, there is ever a desire of taking perforce, that there may be wherewith to give still. Most men esteemed Lewis the twelfth to be niggardly, The treasure prepared for the necessity of the state, is not to be ●ashed out in time of peace. because he gave no great gifts; but he had wrong, for he could not both make war, & pay his soldiers well, and also give lavishly. For as Paulus iovius saith, Princes do great harm both to themselves and to their subjects, when by spending prodigally in vain expenses, during the time of peace, they wast away the treasures prepared for the necessities of war. Secondly according to the precept of Cato, it is to be considered, to whom a man giveth. For most commonly men give to those that have no need of it, or to unworthy persons, as flatterers, ribauds, and other lewd and unprofitable folk, whom good princes have always been wont to drive out of their courts. For it were much better to spare their benefits, than to bestow it upon such people: and whosoever deemeth that to be liberaltie, mistaketh the case, and considereth not how Crates saith, That the money of the most part of rich men, is like the figs that grow upon the high mountains and rocks, which are not eaten of men, but of rooks and crows, and other vile birds. Even so is it with the goods of prodigal persons, wherewith none but harlots and flatterers are maintained. Liberality is underpropped by two things. therefore Valerius saith, that liberality is upheld by two things, namely, true judgement, and good love. For they that give undiscreetly, do it either for want of judgement, or else to attain to some evil end. Alexander said, Good turns misbestowed, are evil turns. There were two faulty extremities in liberality, the one of giving to unworthy persons, because, as Menander saith, Good turns mis-bestowed, are evil turns: and the other, of not giving to the worthy; for it is a great fault, when they that are hindermost in desert, are foremost in rewards of profit and honour. Good must be done for good desert, and not to get praise. Thirdly, it is to be considered wherefore a man giveth: namely for well-doing, and not to purchase praise as most men do, and not for charity; and therefore they give to flatterers and clawbacks, and not to such as have need, or to such as deserve it. Cicero saith in his book of Duties, That there are two sorts of liberality. Two sorts of liberality. For we utter our liberality, either by our travel and pains taking, or by our purse. The former proceedeth of virtue, and is more difficult and of more worthiness than the other; as when a man soliciteth matters for his friend, or attendeth in suit for some good turn for him, or procureth him a councillor to defend his cases. Liberality must be used without prejudice to any. But in especially a man must beware, that he offend no man in seeking to help his friend. And if you fortune to offend any man against your will, you must excuse yourself to him, and deal in such sort as you may recompense your oversight with doing some good. For as Cicero saith in his book of Duties, liberality is to be used as may profit a man's friends, without prejudice to any person, because liberality is accompanied with just dealing. And as touching the giving of money and the bestowing of benefits, they ought to be done unto the distressed and needy, rather than to others, the contrary whereof is done most commonly. For lightly men give where they may hope for some good again, though there be no need at all. But this is rather covetousness than liberality, because it is but a putting of a small fish upon a hook, therewith to catch a greater. Likewise liberality consisteth in redeeming prisoners, Of Alms. and in giving to the poor; in which behalf Cicero speaketh like a Christian. And this manner of liberality is called Alms, pity, and charity. Solomon in the xxij of the proverbs saith, He which is pitiful, shall be blessed, because he hath given bread to the hungry. And in the xxviij, Who so giveth to the poor shall not want, but he that turneth his eyes from them, shall have much misery. In the third of Ecclesiasticus, it is said that as water quencheth the burning fire, so alms withstandeth sin, and God will have consideration of him that showeth pity; for he will be mindful of him in the time to come, and he shall find assurance in the day of his death. Again in the seventh chapter, Reach out thy hand to the poor (saith he) that thou Mayst be thoroughly blessed and reconciled. Again, in the xvij chapter, A man's almsdeed (saith he) is as a purse with him, and preserveth a man's favour as the apple of an eye. And again in the xxix, Lay up thine almsdeed in the bosom of the poor, and it shall make thee to be heard against all evil. There is another sort of liberality approaching to pity, Hospitality a spice of liberality. which is called hospitality, (for which Abraham & Lot were highly commanded, and had the honour to receive angels) when the houses of rich men are open to entertain honest strangers. Among the men of old time, the almighty God (whom they named Jupiter) was called the Harberor, & so is he termed of Homer & Virgil. Cimo of Athens made a house with his own hands, to lodge strangers in. Plato saith, That the offences which are done against strangers, are greater than those that are committed against a man's own●●●untrimen; for in as much as a stranger hath no kindred nor friends, men ought to be the more pitiful towards him. The Almans made so great account of those with whom they had eaten and drunk, that they imparted their houses unto them. And the Lucan's had a law that condemned that man to be fined, which suffered the stranger to pass unlodged, after the sun was down. T●eata●●ene● of Liberality. There is also another branch of liberality, called Treatablenes, which is, when a man is not rough in requiring that which is borrowed of him, but is easy to be dealt with in all bargaining, whether it be of buying or of selling, and will not stick sometime to forbear, yea and release some part of his right, as is to be seen in the end of Cicero's second book of Duties, where he treateth of it largely enough, and that in such sort, as he may seem to have drawn it out of our books of divinity, which command us to be charitable to our neighbours, rather in doing good to the poor than to the rich, and especially in doing the spiritual works, whereof I will speak briefly hereafter, when I come to treat of kindness; referring the residue to divines, who have made so goodly treatises, & so pleasant & wholesome discourses, that it is not possible to do more. Liberality of despising money and gifts. There is another kind of liberality, which consists not in giving, but in despising money & gifts, & the same is directly contrary to covetousness, whereof we have Pericles for an example, who was not in any wise to be corrupted with gifts, neither could covetousness in any wise weigh with him; insomuch that although he was the prince of Athens, yet notwithstanding he enriched not himself one half penny. And also Photion who refused 600000 crowns at Alexander's hand, though he was both poor & needy: neither would he take aught of Antipater, though he was his friend: insomuch that Antipater said, that he had two friends in the city of Athens, namely Photion & Demades, of whom he could never cause the one to take any thing, nor give the other enough to satisfy him. The Philosopher Xenocrates sent back 500 talents unto Alexander, when he had given him them, saying, That so long as he lived in such sort as he did, he should never need so great a sum of money. Fabricius the consul did as much to Pyrrhus, refusing the gold and silver that he offered him. These men could not give, because they themselves were needy, but yet had they a liberal nature, in that they made none accout of worldly goods, and yet were contented to part from that which they had. Liberality consisteth b●●h in giving and in taking. Artaxerxes king of Persia was wont to say, That liberality consisteth not only in giving, but also in taking; as when a man through a kind of covetousness, doth courteously accept the gifts that are offered him, though they be but of small estimation and value. For thereby the prince doth men to understand, what account he maketh of small things, in that he receiveth them, and it is an occasion for him to requite it with very great usury. And although king L●wis the eleventh do say, that a man ought neither to bind a prince, nor to be afraid to ask of him, and to make himself indebted unto him, and that his so doing maketh the prince the forewarder to do for him, because the nobleness of the prince's courage is such, that he loveth them most which are most bound unto him, and naturally we love the things that are of our own making (as saith, Aristotle, where he demandeth why benefactors are more inclined towards such as are bound unto them, than towards such as are not:) yet notwithstanding a subject ought not to be afraid to offer a present to his prince, in witness of his service and good will. Neither did king L●wis the eleventh mean it concerning presents or gifts, but of services done by subjects, whereof they had no recompense. For thereof the prince is ashamed, and therefore is loath to see them. Contrariwise he loveth, liketh, and advanceth those that are made by him, even through a certain natural reason, which makes us love the things that come of ourselves, and which we have brought forth, whether it be by nature, or by wit, or by good doings. But the wel-aduised subject bestoweth not any gift upon his prince, as upon one that hath need, or thereby to bind his prince: but as in way of duty or submission to do him service. And therefore of such a present, a prince must accept very gladly. For the despising thereof, importeth a kind of pride and disdain, as who would say, the prince made no reckoning of him that offered it. And therefore Alexander did willingly receive the burgesship which the Corinthians offered unto him, when he once knew that they had never made the like offer to any stranger, save only to him and Hercules: insomuch that ever after he esteemed that gift more dearly, than all the presents of the queen of Caria. Of Magnificence. We have one other kind of liberality belonging to great lords, called Magnificence, which respecteth the greatness of expenses: as the building of temples, the making of stately dwelling-houses, of conduits, of bridges, of Theatres, and of other things serving for common use, and the bountiful entertaining of such as come to visit them, as did Lucullus, Pompeius, and Cicero, and also Paulus Aemilius, who took great pains himself in furnishing and marshalling a feast. And when he was asked why he was so curious in setting forth a banquet; he answered, That there was as great discretion to be used in the ordering of a feast, as in the ordering of a battle, that the one might become terrible to the enemies, and the other be acceptable to friends. And to show that he set not his heart upon riches; after that he had subdued Perseus, he took not to himself one pins worth of his treasures, neither would he so much as once see the money that was there, but caused an inventory to be made thereof, by commissioners appointed to that purpose, and sent it every whit to Rome. Scipio was of the same humour; and when one blamed him for his excessive bountifulness, because it might be that he should be accused for it at Rome, (as he was afterward) he answered, That treasurers and receivers were to make account of money; and captains, of feats of arms, Contrariwise Cato (notwithstanding that he was a sound and a good man) yet was he blamed for the overgreat curiosity and precise nearness that he used, in causing the great treasures of cypress to be conveyed to Rome. Too great sparing be cometh not a great lord. therefore in a great parsonage, as il-beseeming is too great thriftiness, as too great bountifulness; as was to be seen in Lucullus, who rebuked the steward of his house, because he had prepared no more store of meats for his supper: And when his steward had answered, That he had so done, because he was to sup alone. That is all one (quoth Lucullus) for do not you know that others were to sup as well as Lucullus? As who would say, That the supper of Lucullus had been a prodigal man's feast. Also he was oversumptuous in his buildings, causing mountains to be cut through, that the salt-water might come into his channels. In respect whereof Pompey scoffing at him, was wont to call him the Xerxes with the long gown; because that Xerxes at his coming into Greece, caused a bridge of ships to be made over the sea, & mountains to be cut through. Therefore whensoever we be to build a house, we must remember how Cicero in his books of duties teacheth us, that it may well beseem us to commend the dignity of our estate with a fair house, howbeit so as we seek not our reputation altogether in the costliness of our buildings, but rather that the house may be famous for his master, and not the master for his house. Stratonicus taunting the Megarians, said, That they builded as though they should never die, and feasted as if they should no longer live. The honest expense of a ●able is to be commended. The honourable expenses of a table are to be commended, so they be without superfluity, as was the table of Cimon of Athens: who was beloved of all men, and accounted liberal, because he kept an honourable table for all comers, not furnished with dainties, but with sufficient to feed many persons. He clothed such as were il-apparelled, and put money secretly into the hands of such as were needy. He made his house an hospital for the nourishing and sustaining of all poor citizens, having his hands in the mean while clean from all manner of nipping and corruption. Pelopidas the Theban, spared not his purse towards his friends. And Valerius Publicola, relieved the poor with his goods. Whereupon he was called by the name of Publicola Fabius Maximus compounded with Han●iball for the ransom of certain Roman prisoners, The charity of diue●s Romans. that were men of service: whereof when the senate had no liking, he perceiving that he could not obtain at their hands the money that he had promised for the ransom of the prisoners, sold his own goods to serve the turn. Tullus Hostilius king of the Romans, is worthy of great praise for giving a great part of his goods to the poor. And so was also Nerua Cocceius, who in the one year that he was emperor, gave unto the poor fifteen hundred thousand crowns, for the doing whereof, he sold his jewels and plate. Pomponius Atticus was princely, bountiful, and liberal, & such a one as bestowed his liberality to good purpose, as he well showed in Brutus and Cassius, whom he helped not with one penny towards the charges of their wars, as the most part of the Romans had done: but when he saw them go by the worse, & that they were driven out of Rome, then sent he then 100000 Sextercies, as a friend that aided them at their need, when other men had forsaken them. The charity of Gillias' and Buza. Valerius maketh mention of one named Gillias' a Sicilian of the city Agrigent, who was wont to cloth and feed the poor, to bestow their daughters in marriage, to help such as were in distress, to lodge strangers, & not to suffer them to go away without reward: to be short, he gave entertainment along while together, to 500 men whom the sea had cast upon that coast. Also he maketh mention of a noble lady of Povil, named Buza, that relieved ten thousand Romans which had scaped from the battle of Cannae. The bountifulness of Hiero. Hiero king of Sicily gave unto the Romans in a time of their need, 300000 quarters of wheat, two hundred of barley, and two hundred and fifty pound weight of gold. Quintus Flamminius having conquered the Macedonians, discharged them of all tallages and impositions, contrary to the manner of other conquerors, who are wont to lay burdens on the backs of them that are conquered. The ●l●teians. Also the Plateians did a princely and bountiful deed, & worthy to be had in remembrance. For to the intent to satisfy the oracle of Apollo, which had promised the Athenians victory against the Persians, so it were within their own territory (which could not be, unless the Plateians gave them the place which they had chosen for their advantage▪ near the city of Plateia) the Plateians plucked up the bounds of their territory, & gave the ground of free gift to the Athenians, to the intent that as it had been behighted by the oracle, the Athenians might fight within their own grounds against the Persians, to the welfare of all Greece: whereof king Alexander long time after had so good liking, that having conquered the emperor of Asia, he caused the walls of Platea to be re-edified; and in doing thereof, he made it to be proclaimed by a herald, at the gamings of Olympus, that Alexander did that grace and honour to the Plateians, in remembrance and recompense of their noble courage, for that in the Persian wars, they had liberally given their lands to the Athenians for the welfare of Greece; wherein they showed themselves to be men of great courage, and well-minded towards the defence of Greece. Alexander was reputed the bountifullest and liberallest of all princes; but I am of opinion that Fabricius, Aristides, Lisander, Epaminondas, and infinite other Greeks and Romans, had as liberal and princely hearts as he, notwithstanding that they had less means to utter it. There are greatdeeds of liberality to be found in the life of Alexander, and some also that pass the bounds of liberality; but yet the balance weigheth most on the side of liberality. For he gave to none but such as were worthy, as to men of war, to Philosophers, to men of service, and to men of council, as he showed very well in a certain juggler, who by his subtle sleight threw a dry pease a great way off through the eye of a needle, in hope to have obtained some great reward for his labour at the King's hands. But king Alexander making no reckoning of him, commanded one to give him a bushel of those peason to practise his feat withal. The bountifulness of Alexander matched with courtesy and cheerfulness. The thing that seemed most beautiful in Alexander's gifts, was the cheerfulness that he used in giving. For the amiableness made his gifts the more acceptable. A certain Poeonian showing unto Alexander the head of an enemy whom he had cut off, said unto him; such a present as this should in my country be recomponced with a cup of gold. To whom Alexander answered smiling and said, Yea marry, an empty cup, but I drink to thee in this cup full of good wine, the which I give unto thee. One day he found a poor Macedonian driving of his mules laden with gold. And when the mule began to faint, the muleteer laid the burden upon his own shoulders and carried it a good way himself: but in the end, he felt himself so overcharged, that he was about to cast it to the ground. Which thing Alexander beholding, said unto him, Weary not thyself, but take leisure that thou Mayst carry it to thine own tent, for I give it thee. Intending upon a time to encounter Taxilles with deeds of bounty and liberality, he drank to him at a certain supper saying, I drink to thee a thousand talents; which are in value almost 600000 French crowns. He more misliked of them that would not take of him, than of them that craved of him. Among his friends he had one named Perillus, to whom he gave fifty talents, to marry his daughters withal. Perillus said that ten would content him: to whom Alexander replied, It is enough for you to receive but ten talents, but it is to little for me to give. He had given his treasurer charge to give to Anaxarchus the philosopher, Alexander passed the bounds of liberality. whatsoever he asked: and when the philosopher had asked a hundred talents, which are about threescore thousand French crowns; the treasurer being astonished at such a demand, told it unto Alexander; who answered, that Anaxarchus knew well enough that he had a friend that both could and would bestow as much as that upon him. Hereby it must needs be confessed that he was too lavish in his gifts, howbeit that his giving was to such as were worthy, whereby he made his friends too great, which thing turned to the hurt of his posterity For his friends were so great, that after his death they made no reckoning of his wife, nor of his mother, nor of his children. And that was afterward found true, which his mother Olimpias had justly warned him of afore by a letter that she wrote unto him; I like very well (quoth she) that you should do good to your acquaintance, and that you should hold them in honour about you: but you make them as great as kings, and enable them to purchase themselves friends, & to bereave you of yours. And afore that time his father also had checked him for the same, saying, Who hath put thee in hope to think, that those should be faithful unto thee, whom thou thyself hast corrupted with money? wouldst thou have the Macedonians to esteem thee, not as their king, but as their briber? Let us come to julius Caesar who was a great counterfetter of Alexander, and was reputed very liberal: and let us see i● he were comparable to Scipio, who never bought ne sold, and died poor with his small patrimony, notwithstanding that he had subdued & sacked two mighty cities, Numance & Carthage: or unto Lisander, a stirring man, who having very great means to enrich himself, made no account thereof; whereas on the contrary part, Caesar prodigals. Caesar owed more than he was worth: insomuch that being the praetor, he said he needed three hundred talents, (which were more than ninescore thousand French crowns) because he had nothing. And when he sued for the high-priesthood, he witted not of what wood to make his arrows. And going out one morning to prefer his suit, he told his mother that she should see him that day, either highpriest, or dead. Yet notwithstanding neither the praetorship, nor the highpriesthood, (which he made easier than it had been aforetimes) nor the consulship, were able to suffice and discharge his expenses, without the help of the Gauls, by whose means he set himself clear, and bribed one part of the city of Rome. Suetonius speaking of his liberal expenses, saith that he gave a great sum of money to every soldier of the old bands: and that after the wars in Spain, he made them two feasts; whereof because the first was not royal enough according to his liking, he made them another more royal within five days after. Such was the bountifulness of julius Caesar, which tended more to liberality than the other which he had used afore to get the Consulship, the Pretor●ship, and the High-priesthood. For the lavishness that he had used at those times, sprang not from the fountain of virtue and liberality, but from extreme ambition. But when he had discharged himself to the cost of the Gauls, and was become ●ord of the whole world, he might be liberal at the charges of the countries that he had conquered. Verily we may well say he did it not of his own cost, and that it had been much better for him and for Alexander also, to have been less liberal, so they had left their pilling and polling of the world; and that if fortune had not favoured them, the one of them must have become a cruel tyrant, and the other a worse citizen than Catiline; for he had been driven to have raised a more dangerous insurrection in Rome to scape from his creditors, than Catilins was. To spend prodigally of other men's goods, It is evil done to borrow under vain hope. and to borrow upon vain hope, is a very ill kind of dealing. And it is to be considered that every man cannot make himself lord of a mighty city, as Caesar did, nor a conqueror of Asia as Alexander did, who maintained his prodigality with the sacking of Asia; for the doing whereof, he fleeced the country so bare, that Antigonus coming after him, said in witness thereof, That Alexander had reaped the full crop of it, and he himself did but gather up the glean after him. Othosilanus to win the love of his men of war, made a feast unto them, and gave every of the warders a piece of money, not ceasing for all that to bestow many rewards upon them beside. And upon a time being chosen an umpire between two neighbours, to make them agree, he bought the land that was in controversy betwixt them. This had been just, bountiful, and liberal dealing, in one that had had wherewithal of his own to do it with: but he did more than his ability would bear, which caused him to enter into arms, and to use force to make himself Emperor, saying, That he had as leeve to be overthrown in battle, and to die in the field, as among his creditors in Rome. Bellisarius was beloved of his men of war for his liberality, The libe●al●●● of 〈◊〉 because he gave them horse and armour whensoever they had lost them, so it were not through their own fault: and in so doing, his liberality was well ordered. Vitellius denied not any man his request, but was gracious in giving, and made himself familiar with his men of war, but all that was done to attain to the imperial dignity. It was otherwise with Titus, who also denied not aught to any man, for he was Emperor by birth, and had great means wherewith to maintain his liberality. In the one was seen very great kindness, and true love towards men, which was the cause of that his facility and liberality: in the other appeared overgreat facility, matched with unjustice and prodigality, as he well showed in his oversumptuous feasts, insomuch that he could abide his own brother to make him a feast full of all excess, wherein there were 2000 sundry sorts of fishes, Caligulaes' prodigality. and seven thousand sorts of fowls. Caligula was prodigal in all his feasts, he drunk up pearls dissolved with vinegar, he would be served with loaves of gold, and he caused so precious ointments to be made for his baths, that he was esteemed to have surmounted all the prodigal persons of his time; saying, That it behoved a man to be either thrifty, or an Emperor. And to maintain so excessive expenses, he caused men that departed the world, to bequeath unto him some part of their inheritance and goods, and of such as bequeathed him nothing, he disannulled their last wills. With this excessive prodigality, he was extremely covetous, and so desirous to feel money, that he would walk barefooted upon heaps of coin, and when he had so done a good while, he would lie down and wallow in it. Nero was so prodigal, that he never wore one garment twice: but in the end, by reason of his excessive expenses, he wanted wherewith to pay his men of war, & was constrained to draw money out of offices, saying to those whom he placed, Sirs ye know what I need; wherein yet he was more modest, than those that sell them openly at the outcry. Heliogabalus was extremely prodigal, and when one blamed him for it, he answered that he would spend all, & leave nothing for other men to receive after him. Was it not a goodly sight to see an Emperor in the street begging his gifts and presents, causing men to bequeath legacies unto him upon pain of disannulling their testaments, and receiving unmeasurable legacies to the prejudice of the lawful heirs. Prodigality is a counterfeiter of liberality. By these examples we see what prodigality is, how it pretendeth itself to be liberality unto those that look not nearly unto it, because the prodigal and the liberal do both of them deal largely, howbeit with great difference: for the one doth it with judgement and profit, and the other without discretion. Cicero in his books of Duties saith, that there be two sorts of those that spend largely, whereof the one is called liberal, and the other prodigal. The liberal are such as ransom prisoners out of the hands of enemies and wightriders, or pay their friends debts, or help them to marry their daughters. And the prodigal are they that spend their money in feasting, to feed idle people, in rewarding fencers, and in furnishing plays, and such other things whereof the memory perisheth by and by after, and doth more harm than good. For (as Plutarch saith) he that first made common feasts and gave money to the vulgar people, was a defacer of his own authority, and an overthrower of the commonweal. He therefore that spendeth without advisement and skill, not considering how or to whom he giveth, or how his living is able to maintain it: is counted a prodigal person, which is a very dangerful vice. For it causeth a prince to take from his subjects by force, wherewith to maintain his prodigality; and it is unpossible that he which cannot husband well his own, should husband well that which is another man's. As for the private person, he is soon cured of that disease, when he hath no more to spend. And here I will not pass over with silence, a merry conceit of Diogenes, tending to this purpose, who upon a time asked of a prodigal man a piece of gold, as it were a French crown, or a ducat. Whereat the prodigal person marveling, (for Diogenes was not wont to ask above a small piece of coin, such a one as a double or a liard) desired to know why he asked so great a value: because (qd. he) at other men's hands I hope to have oftentimes, but of you I look for no more but this. If a man w●ll be wealthy, he must not be too lavish. As touching them that excuse their over great expenses, by the greatness of their revenues, let them vouchsafe to consider the answer of Zeno, who telleth them that by the same reason, cooks may exc●se their over-salting of their sauces, and the over-poudring of their meats, under pretence that they have store of salt. The duty of liberality consisteth in distributing a man's goods measurably, to such as have need: if he go beyond that, it is a vice, whether it be in the overmuch or in the over little. For in the one consisteth prodigality, Of covetousness. and in the other nigarship, which is an incurable disease, whereas prodigality may be changed into liberality, or into nigardship; or else the lavishness may utterly seize, for want wherewith to uphold it. For (as saith Democritus) the desire of getting, (if it be not bounded by some reason) is more dangerous than extreme poverty, because the overgreat greediness of getting, causeth great want of all things, and is as little staunched by the coming in of abundance of riches, as a burning fire is by the casting on of wood: insomuch that on the contrary part, the coming in of riches, doth the more sharpen the desire of hoarding up, and of coveting still to have▪ The Scythians on a time said thus to Alexander, What need hast thou of riches, which do enforce thee to covet ever more and more? Thou art the first that of abundance hast made penury, insomuch that the more thou possessest, the more eagerly dost thou covet that which thou hast not. Plutarch in his book of covetousness, Covetousness withstande●h the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉. saith that all other lusts do help toward the assuaging of themselves, but this vice doth ever withstand it. For there was never any glutton that through gluttony forbore the pleasant morsels that he liked, nor drunkard that through drunkenness forbore the good wine: but the covetous man through covetousness forbeareth to touch his money; which is as strange a thing, as if we should see a man refuse to put on a good gown, because he quaketh for cold, or to refuse meat, because he is ready to die for hunger. Covetousness compelleth men to get▪ and forbiddeth them to enjoy that they have gotten: it stirreth up the appetite, and bereaveth the pleasure. In so much that the covetous person wanteth as well that which he hath, as that which he hath not. And he likeneth them to mules, which though they carry great store of gold and silver on their backs, yet they themselves do feed upon hay. Yet doth not this import, that a man should not make account of money, and provide therewith for his necessities, but that it ought to be done after a reasonable manner, and of purpose to bestow it well in due time and place. And hereunto relieth the answer of Simonides, of whom when one demanded why he hoardward up money towards the end of his old age; Because (quoth he) I had leaver to leave my goods to mine enemies when I am dead, than to have need of the relief of my friends while I am alive. To the same purpose Bion the Boristhenit said, that riches are the sinews of men's deeds, and that (as it is said in the proverb) Without goods goodness is maimed; that is to say, it cannot well show itself. But yet must a man beware that he set not his heart too much upon them, ne use them too basely, in banishing the pleasure of them, to endure all the misery. For it is the use that maketh riches. It is use that maketh riche● If you take your part of them, they be yours: if you reserve them for your heirs until that time, they be none of yours. For he that is a slave to his money, can have no good of his riches. But a man of understanding taketh the present use of his goods, and he that will not use them, is needy of all things. And as Plutarch saith in his book of the Desire of riches, richness consisteth in the not having of superfluous things. For niggardliness cometh of an inordinat coveting to have: and we see how such as sometime had neither bread nor drink, nor house nor home, as soon as they came to be rich, have occupied their minds about gold and silver, horses, and hounds, changing the desire of things needful, into the desire of things dangerfull, rare, hard to be gotten, and unaccustomed. Therefore whosoever possesseth more than is be hooffull for him, and is still desirous of more, it is neither gold, nor cattle, nor horses, that can cure his disease, but he hath need of a vomit and a purgation. For his disease cometh not of penury, but of unsatiable love of riches, proceeding of a corrupt judgement. Of this vice proceedeth robbery, Covetousness breedeth thee●erie. a foul and filthy sin, expressly forbidden of God in the ten commandments: howbeit that Lycurgus permitted it to the Lacedæmonians, to the intent they should be the warier in keeping their things, but yet they were punished for it, if they were taken with the fact. There are that excuse their covetousness by the multitude of their children. And sooth it is a sufficient cause to restrain overgreat expenses, and to hold a man's hand from selling, for fear he should leave them poor. But to pine a man's self for their sakes, and to hoard up heap upon heap to make them rich, I count it neither husbandry nor thriftiness, but the very desire of having, which we call covetousness. And for that cause doth Plutarch in the same treatise of the Desire of riches, say thus; Why desire we so great riches for our children? Surely to the end that they also should convey them over to their children, after the manner of conduit-pipes, which keep not any liquor resting in them, but convey it forth from pipe to pipe, until some backbiter or some tyrant come, that cutteth off this good keeper, and breaking his conduit-pipe, conveyeth the watercourse of his riches another way; until the veriest unthrift and naughtipacke of all his race, come and devour all those goods alone. The goods that are hoardward up by the covetous, shall be wasted by the prodigal. For as the emperor Constantine said, All the treasures that are hoardward up by the covetous, shall be spent by the hands of the prodigal. But for as much as of covetousness cometh the desire of riches, and there is no man but he esteemeth it a great happiness to be rich, it were for our behalf to know what richness is, and what is the mean to become rich. This question is not now first of all demanded; for it was demanded on a time of Socrate●, Whom he esteemed to be the richest man? Even that man (quoth he) that needeth fewest things; meaning that richness is to be measured by the use of riches. And he said, That a man was then rich, Who is rich, and who is poor. when he had sufficient wherewith to live honestly, accounting those to be most poor, which having store of goods, wanted wit and will to use them. For poverty consisteth not in the small quantity of goods, but in the unsatiableness of the mind. Cicero saith in his Paradoxes, That the fruit of riches is in the abundance of them, and that sufficednesse showeth that there is abundance, and that to be contented with the goods a man hath, is the surest richness. One demanded of Alcamenes, What a prince is to do for the wel-garding of his kingdom. What means a prince should use to keep well his realm? The best (quoth he) is, not to set his mind upon money, nor to make his revenue overgreat. Plutarch in the life of Marcus Cato saith, There is not a more needful provision for them that intent to deal with the government of a commonweal, than riches; but yet there is a sufficiency, which being contented with itself, without desiring particularly things superfluous, doth by that means never distract the party that hath it, from minding and intending the public affairs. Anacharsis said, That the covetous person and the niggard, The miserable case of the covetous. is unable either to conceive any good doctrine, or to give any good and wise counsel. Lucrece said, It is great riches, when a man liveth trimly of the little that he hath: because that of that little, there is not any want. Horace in his twelfth Ode, saith, That a man may live well and merrily of a little, without breaking his sweet sleep through fear or hope. For the affectionate minding of riches (saith Eccles●asticus) pineth the flesh, and the cark thereof bereaveth a man of sleep. The same Horace writing to Crispus Salustius saith, That that man is rich, not which is a great king, but which hath his lusts in subjection; and that the thirst of him which is diseased with the dropsy, is not to be staunched, but by drawing the watery humour out of the veins, and by removing the cause out of the disease. The mean to become rich. Here by it is easy to decide the other question, namely, By what means a man may become rich? For Socrates teacheth it in one word saying, Ye shall easily become rich, if you impoverish your lusts and desire. Epicurus said, That he that will make a man rich, must not increase his goods, but diminish his lusts. For there is no riches so great as contentment. And therefore the Philosopher Crates beholding how folk did buy and sell in the market, said; These folk are counted happy, because they do things contrary one to another, and I think myself happy, that I have rid my hands of buying and selling. The true way then to become rich, is to covet nought, and to be unmindful of gain, specially of unhonest gain; for that is no better than loss, as saith Hesiodus. For like as the liberal man is loved of all men, (according to this saying of Solomon in the nineteenth of his proverbs, every man is a friend to him that giveth) so the covetous person is hated of all men: For the one helpeth the poor with his goods, the other is loath to give any thing. In this respect Socrates said, that a man must not require either talk to a dead man, or a good turn of a niggard. But there is nothing so royal and princely, as to do good unto many, Nothing so royal as to be helpful to many. as saith Cicero in his book of Duties. And it is found, that there is more pleasure in giving than in taking, as saith S. Paul, and also Hesiodus in his book of Works and days. And Ecclesiasticus saith, Let not thy hand be open to receive, and shut to give. David esteemeth him happy, that dareth and hath pity of the poor, saying, That he shall ever have wherewith to do good without failing, but he that stoppeth his ears at the cry of the needy, shall cry himself, and not be heard. The same doth Solomon also say in the xxj of the proverbs. And the Psalmist saith thus; I have been young and now am old, yet saw I never the righteous man forsaken, nor his seed driven to beg their bread; but he is still giving, lending, and relieving, and his offspring is seen to grow in good fortune and foyzon. On the contrary part, The unrighteous shall be driven for very hunger to borrow, and not be able to pay; but the righteous shall have wherewith to show their burning charity. Virgil in his sixth book of Aenaeas, putteth those persons in hell, which have done no good to their friends, kinsfolk, and neighbours, but have been wholly wedded to their riches, without imparting them to other folks. Acheius king of Elis, was slain by his own subjects for covetousness, & for his overcharging them with impositions. Ochus king of Persia, was blamed, for that by reason of covetousness, he would never go into the country of Persland, because that by the law of the realm, he was bound to give to every woman that had born children, one French crown, and to every woman with child two. The only vice that Vespasian had, was that he was extremely covetous, & devised many taxes, & moreover bought things to sell them again, dealing more nearly for gain, than a poor man would have done, which was great pity, for this emperors other virtues were defaced by that vice, whereof princes ought to be well aware. For as Plutarch saith, never shall any civil matter proceed well without justice, & without refraining from the lust & desire of getting. Covetousness is nought else than unjustice a●● wickedness Hereby we see, that as liberality is called justice, so covetousness is nothing else but unjustice, the which Bion the Sophist termed the principal town of all ungraciousness. And Timon said, That covetousness & ambition are the grounds of all mischief. S. Paul in his first Epistle to Timothy, calleth it, The root of all evil; & saith, That such as are wedded to it are fallen from the faith. Whosoever hath an ambitious or a covetous mind, (saith Euripides) savoureth not of any just thing, neither desireth he it, and moreover he is cumbersome to his friends, and the whole city where he dwelleth; I am of opinion (saith the same Euripides in his Heraclides) that the righteous man is borne ●o the benefit of his neighbour; but as for him that hath his heart turned away unto gain, he is unprofitable to his friends, and hard to be dealt with. A covetous king undoth his realm. Solomon is the 15 of his proverbs, saith, That he which is given to covetousness, troubleth his own house, but he that hateth gifts shall live: for gifts do blind the wise. And in the 29 he saith, That under a good king, the land shall flourish, but under a king that is covetous, or loveth impositions, it shall soon be destroyed. And in the twenty-three again he saith, labour not to be rich, neither cast thine eyes upon the riches which thou canst not have. For they make themselves wings like eagles, and fly up into the air, that is to say, they vanish away. Again in the xxviij he saith, The faithful man shall have abundance of blessings, but he that hasteth to be rich, shall not be guiltless, neither knoweth he what want shall befall him. The oracle of Apollo had foretold, that Sparta should not perish, but by covetousness; and so it came to pass. In like manner befell it to the city of Athens: For about the end of the wars of Peloponnesus, Amintas began to corrupt the judges with bribes, and thence forth they never prospered. No other thing was the ruin of Rome. Which thing Jugurth perceiving, who had bribed a great part of the senate with his money, said this; O fair city set to sale, if a chapman were to be found for thee. Plutarch in the life of Coriolane, saith; That after that bribes began once to prevail in the election of officers, it passed from hand to hand, even to the senators and judges; and from the judges to the men of war, insomuch that in the end, it caused the commonweal to be reduced to a monarchy, and brought even the men of arms themselves in subjection to money, so as the Praetorian soldiers sold the empire to them that paid fair gold for it, and proceeded so far as to set it to open sale by the drum, to him that offered most, and was the last chapman. CHAP. v That gentleness and courtesy be needful in the ordering of affairs, the contraries whereunto be sternness and roughness. OF liberality proceedeth courtesy and gentleness, or rather liberality proceedeth of kind-heartedness and good will; for (as saith S. Paul in the second Epistle to the Corinthians) ready good will goeth afore liberality. Thereupon it cometh, that ordinarily the liberal man is kindhearted and gentle, so as liberality, kindness, affability, and gentleness, resemble either other, and may all be reduced under the name of charity, which comprehendeth them all, and much more; the which S. Paul hath so described in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, that a man cannot tell how to add more unto it, saying; charity is patiented, meeld, and gentle, she seeketh not her own, she envieth not, she dealeth not frowardly, she imagineth no evil, Kindness or Kindheartednesse reacheth further than uprightness. and so forth. Now than we call kindness a certain good will and love towards men, and a certain natural goodness which extendeth itself further than uprightness, because nature teacheth us to use uprightness and iust-dealing towards men only; but kindness and goodwill sometimes even to the brute beasts, in cherishing them when they be tired, forworne, and broken with travel and labour in our service: which doing proceedeth from the fountain of gentleness and kindness, which never ought to dry up in a man. And therefore Solomon in the fourteenth of his proverbs, saith, That he which disdaineth his neighbour, sinneth; but he that pitieth the afflicted, is happy. And David, Blessed is he that considereth the poor in his need, or which hath a care of them which are in distress; for surely God will relieve him when he is in distress. We call that man gentle and courteous, which behaveth himself familiarly towards all men, and is easy to be spoken to, as were the emperor Titus, Philip king of Macedonia, Scipio, and many others; for ordinarily he that is kindhearted, that is to say, which hath a care of his neighbour, and is willing to do him good, must yield him his ear as well as his purse, specially seeing that of both it is the less to his own cost. There be five sorts of kindness or gentleness. Five sorts of gentleness or kindness. The first is, that which we term by the general name of kindness, which is a certain meeld, charitable, and loving disposition of mind towards men; as when a man pitieth the poor, the oppressed, or the needy; and generally when a man behaveth himself courteously towards all men, be they poor or rich, according to the example of our Maker, who delighteth to be among the children of men, to do them good. The second sort of kindness may be called familiarity or familiarness. For there be that are kindhearted, and ready enough to do good to every man; and yet notwithstanding they have a certain native ●ullennesse that barreth men from having access to them. But they that are gentle in all points, are also meeld and easy to be dealt with, persuading themselves that the way to do men good, is to hear their requests. And they that have intended to show themselves yet more kind and courteous, have gone further, as Alexander Severus did, who blamed his good servants, for that they required not recompense at his hand. Some other princes to draw men the more unto them, have called men by their names. For it doth the subject good, The subject is desirous to be known of his prince. when he seethe that his prince knoweth him, because he gathereth thereby that his prince loveth him. And for that cause did Cirus call all his men of war by their names, howbeit that was a thing that could not be done without a divine memory. And to the same purpose I will not omit Scipio's answer to a certain Roman which vaunted, that he could call more men by their names, than Scipio could. You say true (quoth Scipio) for my study hath not been to know many, but to be known of all. The third sort of kindness, consisteth in clemency, that is to say, in forgiving offences, or in making light of them, which thing God hath commanded us in the fift chapter of saint Mat●e●, and in the xxv of the proverbs, If thine enemy hunger (saith he) give him bread to eat, and if he thirst give him water to drink, for so shalt thou heap coals upon his head, and God will pay it thee again. But let us leave the handling of this point to divines, and take us again to the examples of the heathen. It was asked to Cleomenes king of Sparta, What a good king ought to do? To his enemies (quoth he) all evil, and to his friends none at all. Then Aristo replying, A prince ought to 〈…〉 N●y sir (quoth he) how much more beautiful and commendable a thing is it, to do good to his friends, and of his enemies to make friends? Whereof the prince reapeth such profit, that he maketh himself beloved of all men. And therefore trajan said unto a friend of his, That the thing which made him better beloved than his predecessors, was, that he did easily pardon such as had offended him. Agesilaus by his good doing, made those that were his enemies to become his friends. Augustus made one his servant that would have killed him. Lewis the eleventh assayed by all means to draw those to his service, that had been his enemies, if he knew them to be men of service; but he was moved thereto more for the profit that he hoped for by their service, than of any meeld disposition of nature. julius Caesar being worthily commended for his clemency and mercy, was no sooner reconciled to any enemies of his, but he would by and by use them as friends; insomuch that he would even set them at his own table the same day. While Bibulus was in Egypt, a certain man killed two of his children by mischance; whereof Cleopatra being advertised, sent him the two offenders with a couple of hangmen, to take such punishment of them as he listed: but he would not touch them, but sent them back again, saying, That the punishing thereof belonged not to him, but to the people of Rome. When Philip king of Macedonia had lost one of his eyes at the siege of Modon, he became never the more rigorous to his enemies for it, but received them to mercy upon reasonable conditions. King Francis the first being dangerously wounded in the head with the stroke of a firebrand, would in no wise be informed who it was that threw it at him, saying, That seeing he had committed folly, it was good reason he should taste his part thereof. The fourth sort of kindness may be called mercy, He is to ●e pit●ed which submitteth himself ●o ou● mercy. when such as have offended you do cry you mercy. For it is God's will that we should have pity upon them that submit themselves to our mercy, and that (as the Earl of Derbie was wont to say) He that crieth mercy, should mercy have. Plato saith, That the greatest sin which we can commit, is to use outrage towards them that humble themselves to us, and that he which doth such folk evil, shall never go unpunished. The fift kind of kindness is mildness and Moderation, as when a prince having overcome his enemies, doth use them gently. For such dealing serveth to win the hearts both of subjects and of enemies. When Alexander saw Darius dead, he fell not to dancing, laughing, and singing, as one that had made an end of a great war, but what did he then? he took off his own cassoke, and covered therewith the body of Darius, philosophically hiding (as saith Plutarch) the royal offspring. Alcioneus the son of Antigonus understanding that one had cut off the head of Pyrrhus, went to see it, and required to have it; the which as soon as he had received, he ran to his father, and cast it down before him. But as soon as Antigonus had seen it and knew it, he drove away his son with strokes of a cudgel, calling him cruel, a murderer, barbarous, and unnatural, and thereupon hiding his face with his cloak, he began to cry for compassion sake, and afterward caused the head to be honourably buried. Within a while after, Alcioneus met Helen the son of the aforesaid Pyrrhus in very poor estate, appareled in a very simple cloak, and receiving him courteously with gentle and amiable speeches, brought him to his father. Whom when Antigonus saw, he said to Alcioneus; My son, this deed of thine is much better, and pleaseth me far more than the other; but yet thou hast not done altogether as thou oughtest, in that thou hast not taken away this course cloak that hangeth upon his shoulders, which doth more dishonour to us that have gotten the victory, than to him that hath lost it. Therewithal he embraced Helen, and having set him in good apparel, sent him home into his kingdom of Epire; and being possessed of the army of Pyrrhus, he dealt very courteously with all his servants. Of the excess of gentleness. But in gentleness as in all other virtues, a man may offend in too much or too little; as they do, which through shamefastness do condescend to all things; of whom Plutarch speaketh in his book of Misshamefastnesse, and as soothers and slatterers do, which sooth men in all that they say, as Gnato doth in Terence. The other sort is of them that deny all requests that are made unto them, be they never so just, and which through a froward disposition of gainsaying that accompanieth them, do encounter all things that are spoken to them: or else are so rough and stern▪ that they never laugh, neither can a man tell how to be acquainted with them. And so kindness or gentleness matched with mildness, is a virtue that represseth the excess and moderateth the default; keeping men from exceeding in overmuch pliantnes, like the soother & the flatterer; and from the default of unpliablenes like the cloune and the churl. For oft-times overgreat familaritie, maketh a prince to be had in contempt, and overgreat sternnes & gravity make him odious, hard to be entreated, and not to be come unto. Therefore it behoveth him to hold the mean, and to consider what may best beseem him. For (as the Preacher saith) All things have their times; there is a time to laugh, & a time to weep, a time to grant, and a time to refuse. Whether a prince ought to be meeld or stern. The which some not considering advisedly, do either counsel princes to make themselves too familiar, and to deny nothing; or else to refuse all things, and in no wise to give their subjects easy access unto them: saying, that if a king make himself too gentle, & too easy to be spoken to, he shallbe despised, and consequently ill obeyed of his subjects, because that overmuch familiarity breedeth contempt. And therefore the Englishmen, Spaniards, Turks, and Scythians, do reverence their kings well near as gods, and dare not press into their presence. For they that suffer themselves to be comen unto, do oftentimes promise more than they can perform, as Titus did, who often promised more than he was able to do; saying that no man ought to go away sad and discontented from the presence of a prince. Insomuch that many men allowed the apothegm of Brutus, who said, That that man had misspent his youth, which granted all things. Caligula made no niceness to deny all men's requests, saying, That there was nothing in his own nature that he esteemed so much, as impudency and stoutness of denying all things. The which point the emperor Maximilian practised upon a poor man that craved an alms of him, and told him that the emperor and he came both of one father, to wit of Adam, and so consequently were brethren, and therefore he desired him to deal brotherly with him and to do him some good. The emperor consented, and gave him a small piece of silver. Whereat when he saw the poor man discontented, he told him that he ought to take his gift in good worth, saying that if every of his brethren would give him as much, he should be richer than he himself was. A certain courtier whom Archelaus loved well, prayed him to give him a certain goodly vessel: by and by Archelaus commanded one to give it to Euripides. Whereat the party marveling that had craved it, received none other answer but this; thou art worthy to ask it and to go without it; and he is worthy to have it without ask. Meaning that he had given the courtier access to ask what he would, but that the goodness of Euripides was such, as deserved some gift without ask. Philip counseled his son Alexander to behave himself gently and graciously to his subjects afore he were king: for were he once king, he could not be so gracious. Deeming very wisely, that as there is not a better thing to 'stablish a kingdom, than the love of the subjects, so it is very hard for him that reighneth, It is hard for him that reigneth to be gentle to all men. to be gentle to all, as well because the state of a king, is subject to envy, as also because it cannot maintain itself against it, unless it punish the wicked. For it behoveth a king so to temper his goodness and gentleness, as therewithal he retain his authority and gravity. For oftentimes overgreat gentleness causeth men to make no account of a prince. And as Plutarch saith in the life of Pericles, It is very hard for a prince to keep a severe gravity, for the upholding of his reputation, and therewithal to suffer all men to have familiar access unto him. After the time that Pericles had the managing of the public affairs, he was never seen abroad in the streets, nor at any feasts. They that would have a prince to be familiar, defend their cause by reasons and examples, saying that gentleness maketh a prince well beloved, well-willed, and acceptable. For as Terence saith, he that is a man, aught to be a partaker of that which belongeth to man, that is to say, he ought to be gentle, loving, and merciful. And (as saith Juvenal) nature hath made man's heart tender, that he should pity such as are distressed, who crave help of the prince, whose throne is upheld by goodness, gentleness, and kindness, as saith Solomon in the twentieth of the proverbs. Dennis the father said, That he had chains of adamant to uphold this dominion; namely, a guard of eighteen thousand strangers, besides his ordinary soldiers, and a great number of galleys. On the contrary part Dion said to the younger Dennis, that the cheins of adamant to assure a kingdom, Only good will maketh a kingdom sure. were neither fear nor force, nor great multitudes of men of arms, as his father had said; but the good will, hearty affection, favour and love of the subjects gotten by the prince's execution of justice. Which chains though they be loser than the other that be so sturdy and stiffly stretched out, yet be they more firm, strong, and long lasting, to keep and maintain a principality. Titus because he had the perfection of gentleness and princely courtesy, was termed, The dainty delight of mankind. Plutarch saith, that Brutus was beloved of all men, because he was a man of a gentle and gracious nature, having a right intent and will, without swerving or varying. Philip was of so courteous conversation, that he got more cities by that means than by force of arms. Alexander his son was gentle and familiar amongst his men of war: in so much that being suddenly taken upon a time in Asia, with such a sore tempest and cold, that there was not one in his company which fainted not; when he saw a simple soldier of Macedon half past himself for cold, he arose out of his chair where he sat at a fire, and made the soldier to be set down in it; whereof the soldier being aware when he was comen to himself again, by the warmth of the fire; he start up astonished out of the chair to excuse himself unto Alexander. But Alexander with a smiling countenance said unto him; Knowest thou not my soldier, that you Macedonians live after another sort under your king, than the Persians do under theirs? For unto them it is a deadly crime to sit in the King's chair; but unto thee it hath been life. The great princes of old time banqueted privately with their friends. he banqueted oftentimes privately with his friends, and so did also king Lewis the eleventh, notwithstanding that he was feared and dread, which thing procured him great good will. The like also did Hismaell Sophy king of the Persians, taking his repast openly in a great company of his lords, with whom likewise he took his pleasure in hunting, continuing always gentle, easy to be come unto, and willing to hear such as were desirous to speak with him. julius Caesar was fingularly beloved and liked of the common people, for his gracious manner of saluting, embracing, and conferring with all men, privately and familiarly. And on a time, when he saw a friend of his sick, he gave him his chamber and bed, because there were no more beds not chambers in the inn but that, and went out and lay himself xpon the hard ground. And when his host one day gave him old oil in steed of new, & they that sat at his table with him were offended therewith, he to save his host from shame, did marvelously praise it, & ate more thereof than he was wont to do. Antony was highly esteemed & commended of his soldiers, because he ordinarily exercised himself, & ate & drank often with them, & sent them gifts according to his power & ability. He was so obeyed, that in the voyage of Parthia, although the world went against him, yet notwithstanding his men of war followed him, & never forsook him, because he went to visit them from tent to tent, The visiting of the sick. comforting the sick & wounded with great compassion, insomuch that he could not forbear weeping; whereas they on the contrary part made good countenance unto him, calling him with great reverence, their general, & praying him that he would not disease himself for their sakes. Insomuch that his kindly simplicity & liberality, his familiar manner of playing and making mirth in company; and specially the pains that he took at that time in succouring, visiting, and bemoaning them that were sick or wounded, wrought such effect, that he made the sick and wounded men, to continue as affectionate towards him, and as resolute to do him service, as those that were whole and sound. The Emperor Adrian had the good wills of the Romans, because he visited as well his enemies as his friends that were sick, and relieved them all that he could. Also he would go to the houses of old and ancient folk, that by reason of their years could not go abroad, of whom he would inquire how they had lived, where they had dwelled, what customs they had seen, and what distresses and dangers they had endured. By doing whereof and by showing charity towards them, he profited himself, because that oftentimes, he served his own turn in matters that befell him, by the examples which those good old folk had told him of the time forepast. Cimon was greatly accepted of the common people for his plain dealing, and for the same was advanced to great offices. Contrariwise Nicias for his overgreat sternness and hardness to be acquainted with, was envied of most men, and but for his great virtue and integrity, which caused men to reverence him and fear him, he could never have weelded his affairs as he did. Lucullus for want of behaving himself courteously and gently enough to his soldiers, and for want of skill to entertain them, could not make an end of his wars, which he had so happily begun, and brought almost to the point of perfection. For his soldiers became heady, and would not follow him. Dion was blamed, not only of the Sicilians, but also even of Plato, for his manner of dealing, in speaking more roughly unto such as sued unto him, than the state of his affairs could bear. The Macedonians forsook Demetrius, because he was uneasy to be dealt with, and very hard to be spoken to. Coriolanus was hated of the people for his sternness, notwithstanding that he was a wise captain. Contrariwise Alcibiades, notwithstanding that he was full of vice, yet was he well-beloved and esteemed of all men, for his courteous behaviour towards all sorts. Among the good parts that were in Aristides, one of the best account was, that he could well skill to win and allure men's hearts unto him, which thing (saith Plutarch) cometh of gentlnesse: but as for gravity, it is accompanied with solitariness, that is to say, such kind of men have few to follow them, and are forsaken of all men. The gentleness of Pompey was so great, that he contented all men that spoke with him: insomuch that even they that complained unto him, of the wrongs done unto them by his friends and servants, were persuaded to bear them patiently; so greatly did he content them. And that was the very thing, that procured him so many honourable offices of great charge. Suetonius reporteth Augustus to have been so gentle, that he caused his doors to stand open to as many as would come and salute him, and received their petitions with such mildness and courtesy, that after a smiling manner, he reproved one for making too much niceness in preferring his suit unto him, as though he had showed a piece of coin to an Elephant. The people of Rome purposed to have kept Crassus by force, from going to make war against the Parthians. Which thing Crassus fearing, prayed Pompey to accompany him. When the people saw Pompey coming before him, with a smiling countenance and amiable look, they were altogether appeased, and opened themselves to make way for him to pass. Yet notwithstanding he could not always hold his native gentleness of his: for the honourable offices of great charge which he had, made him oftentimes too grave. Crassus' being of less authority than Pompey, got the favour of the people against him by gentleness and courtesy In so much that Crassus by behaving himself lowly and courteously, and by admitting men easily to his speech, doing pleasure with good will, to as many as sought it, defending his friends in places of judgement, lending money to such as stood in need, and assisting and furthering such as sued for offices; made himself in the end more acceptable than Pompey, who towards the end of his life altering his natural gentleness into a certain severity, became more difficult to be spoken to, and did less for his friends. And although Crassus had not the like authority and reputation, yet notwithstanding he obtained his suits, and most commonly prevailed against Pompey. Pyrrhus is highly commended for his gentleness and familiarity with his household folk and friends. Plutarch saith of him in his life, that he had won the good favour of the people of Sicily, by speaking more graciously than any other had done: and that afterward when he fell to be rigorous and sharp, he soon lost the realm of Sicily. As soon as he went about to compel the Tarentines to the discipline of war, by and by he lost their hearts. Cimon by his gracious speeches, and by his gentle hearkening to the Greeks, recovered the principality of Greece out of the hands of the Lacedæmonians. Contrariwise, Lisander king of Lacedaemon, by his hard dealing caused the confederates of Greeks to departed from the Lacedæmonians, and to ally themselves with the Athenians. Plutarch reporteth that the gentleness of Quintus Flaminius, was the cause that the Greeks submitted themselves to the Romans; for had he not been meeld, gentle, & tractable, using reason rather than force, Greece would never have submitted itself to the dominion of the Romans. Totilas having many prisoners of the Roman camp, The gentlnes of Totilas drew the soldiers to him that had warred against him. handled them so courteously, and with so good entertainment, that many of them did put themselves in his pay, for the courtesies sake which they knew to be in him. Demetrius did a deed of great courtesy to the Athenians, when they had rebelled against him; for when he had overcome them, he gave them a great quantity of corn, whereof they had then need, and in his offering it unto them, committed a solicisme, whereof being reproved by one of them, he said that for that correcting of his speech, he would give the people as much corn more; showing therein his goodness toward the vanquished, and his gentleness and mildness towards his corrector. Paulus iovius speaking of Lewis Sforcia, who of a governor ungraciously made himself duke of Milan, saith he was very courteous (which thing won him the good will of the people) and ready to admit such to his presence & hearing, as sought it at his hand. He saith as much of Laurence Medicis, who could well skill to win the hearts of the Florentines, by gracious speeches, courtesy, and mildness. And likewise of the Marquis of Mantua, who appeased a mutiny that was between the Italians and the Almans. For the Almans regarded him for his gentleness, because he kept company with the mean soldiers in uncredible familiarity, and yet notwithstanding held his honour as general of the host. Bellisarius was beloved of all men for his gentleness, because the poor as well as the rich had access unto him, and he imparted himself equally to all men. The Cardinal of Medici's (who afterward was Pope Leo) by giving courteous entertainment unto all the Florentines that had to do at Rome, and by admitting them favourably to his speech, made the Florentines to forget the hatred which they had borne unto his brother Peter, and so by conforming himself in qualities agreeable to his citizens, opened the passage for his family, to enter into the city of Florence. The constable of France using the like fashion at the camp before Avignon, and talking by the way eft with one and eft with another, did by that means draw to obedience a troop newly assembled of sundry and diverse nations. Men are to be tuned by gentle means as well as brute beasts. Fabius was wont to say, That he marveled that men dealt better with horses, hounds, and other beasts, in taming them by gentleness, than with men; for even by fair and gentle means, are froward men also to be won and tamed. And we ought not to be more hard-hearted towards them, than husbandmen are towards wild vines, who do not cut them up for their harshness, but do make them become sweet by grassing them. And even so must evil men be by benefits appeased, and good men by the same means be maintained. Cleomenes said, That the pampering of men with money was gross, void of policy, and full of unjustice; and that to his seeming, the most honourable and the most royal means, was to allure them by courtesy of delightful entertainment and communication, wherein both grace and faithfulness went matched together. For he was of opinion, that there was none other difference between a friend and an hireling, but that the friend is gotten and kept by gentleness of nature and good usage, The tyrant that is a coward, is most cruel and suspicious. and the hireling is caught by money. Hereunto we may add that which Plutarch saith in the life of Artaxerxes, namely, That the tyrant which is most coward, is most cruel and thirsty of blood. And contrariwise there is no man more gentle and kindhearted, or less suspicious, than the valiant and hardy man. And therefore the beasts that are not to be tamed, are commonly cowards and fearful; whereas on the contrary part, those that be noble and full of courage, do think themselves sure, and acquaint themselves with man, because they be void of fear, and refuse not the allurements and familiar usages, which man proffereth unto them. Even so when princes yield themselves gentle to their subjects, their subjects also by that means become meek towards them, in hope that their king will hearken to them, whensoever they request it. And that kind of demeanour is oftentimes a cause that the courtiers keep themselves in right mind, for fear lest they should be complained of to the prince, if they do amiss. And the princes that deal otherwise, are subject to this saying of Dioclesian the Emperor, That only the Emperor knoweth that which he should not know, and is ignorant of that which he should know; because there are three or four about him, which keep him from knowing the truth. But to eschew the falling into this inconvenience, Antony the meek, one of the best emperors that ever was, gave easy access unto his presence, and willed that his palace gates should be open every day, to all such as listed to come in, to crave justice of the emperor; as I have said already in the title of justice. moreover he had good and discreet men about him, of whom he would inquire in secret what men reported of him, and if he found that their speaking evil of him was for just cause, he endeavoured to amend his fault. And therefore it is better that a prince should be too gentle, than too slerne; howbeit, that it is to be considered, that the excess in any of both ways, cannot be without vice, and that as well in this as in all other things, the best is to be followed, which is the mean, in matching gravity and gentleness together; as the Athenians said of Pericles, that no man's nature could be more moderated in gravity, nor more grave with mildness and gentleness, than his was. And as Guevara saith in his first book, Princes ought to endeavour to get the good wills of men by courteous conversation, and also to be feared and redoubted for their maintaining of good justice, as we read of Liberius Constantine the emperor, who was both feared of many, and loved of all. Plutarch in the life of Photion saith, That too rough severity, as well as too meeld gentleness, Too great gentleness and too great severity are both very dangerous. is a very slippery and dangerous downfall; and that the middle way of yielding sometimes to the people's desire, thereby to make them the more obedient otherwise, and to grant them the thing that doth delight them, thereby to require of them the things that are for their profit, is a wholesome mean to rule and govern men well, who suffer themselves to be led to the executing of good things, when too lordly authority is not used over them. Therefore when majesty is mingled with courtesy, there is no harmony so perfect & musick-like as that. For it is the thing wherein the prince may resemble God, God enforceth 〈…〉 to obedience. who enforceth not us to any thing, but doth sweeten the constraint of obedience, with demonstration and persuasion of reason. Chilo said; That princes must match gentleness with puissance, to the intent they may be the more reverenced and feared of their subjects. For this reverence is accompanied with love, but fear is accompanied with hatred. Now it is both more sure & more honourable to be loved than to be feared. Therefore a prince must moderate his behaviour in such sort, as he may be neither too much feared of the meaner sort, nor too much despised of the greater. For to be too much feared of his subjects, belongeth unto a tyrant. But yet must he also beware that he be not despised of the great, he must keep his estate, & be grave, howbeit, such gravity as is accompanied with gentleness, so as when he is abroad he show a princely majesty, & when he is to hear requests, he show himself affable & easy to be dealt with. After that manner did julius Caesar behave himself in his dictatorship, but that was to his own overthrow, because he had taken upon him that pre-eminence by force of arms, and had altered the state of the city, He that altereth a state, must have force to make men fear him, until he be surely settled in his tyranny. in which case it is more safety for a prince to be feared than to be loved. For it cannot be but that the prince which hath changed a state, hath many enemies. Augustus' his successor was better advised than he, for at the beginning he was cruel, & put those to death whom he thought able to impeach his doings at any time after. But when he once saw himself throughlie settled in his tyranny, & that the most part of the citizens that had been brought up in liberty were dead, than began he to be a gentle, affable, & gracious prince. Antigonus did the like in the beginning of his reign, dealing roughly at the first, & afterward becoming meeld and gentle. A new dominion is to be gotten by force, and to be maintained by gentleness. And when it was asked of him, Why he had altered his manner of dealing? he answered, That at the beginning he needed a kingdom, & now he wanted but favour and good will, because a new dominion is gotten by force of arms, & by austerity, but it is maintained by love and good will. But in lawful King's love is more available than fear. The kings of France demean themselves better in that behalf than all other kings. For their attendance representeth a great majesty, & yet notwithstanding no man is barred from preferring his suit unto him after he is out of his chamber, specially in the morning when he goeth to mass, where certain masters of requests attend upon him, & deliver him the petitions that are brought unto them. There is a kind of gentleness that is hurtful to a prince, To be over-easily entreated may be hurtful. and his granting of every man's request, may breed many great inconveniences. For by granting some point of favour in case of justice, wrong is done: and by granting money, the prince his purse is emptied, whereby he is driven to take where he ought not, or else where he can. The laws of France have well remedied that matter. For the king hath set down by his ordinance, that he will not have his letters regarded which concern not justice, & for the view of them he referreth himself to his judges, for his chequer matters: moreover, there is his court of parliament, and a chamber of accounts which controlleth the King's gifts: so as no man can go away discontented from him, because he granteth all things that are demanded of him, and yet those gifts are without effect, whereof the ministers only do bear the disgrace, as Machiavelli hath very well marked in his book of Princes. And so long as this law stood in force, the affairs of France did always prosper. Now let us speak of envy, Of envy. which extendeth itself further than roughness or austerity, which properly is contrary to gentleness and courtesy. For the rough & stern person is contrary to the gentle and kindhearted, as Terence teacheth us in his comodie of the brethren, under the persons of Mitio and Demea. But envy containeth in it churlishness, hatred, ambition, & manslaughter, according to the saying of S. john Chrisostom upon the xxvij of Genesis, where he saith, That envy is the root of manslaughter, and manslaughter is the fruit of envy. S. Ambrose in his Duties, maketh no great difference between the wicked and the envious, saying, That the wicked man delighteth in his own welfare, and the envious man is tormented at the welfare of another: the one loveth the evil, & the other hateth the good; so as he that desireth the good, is more tolerable than he that would the mischief of all men. Envy then is nothing else but a soriness conceived at the prosperity of another man. Bion the Boristhenit speaking to a certain envious man, whom he saw sad, said unto him; I cannot tell whether some harm hath happened to thyself, or some good to some other body. For envy is not sorry for another man's harm, but contrariwise is glad of it. The Greeks call it, Epicaireca●ian, as ye would say; A joying and rejoicing at other men's harms. Themistocles said; he had not yet done any thing worthy of praise, seeing that no man envied him. Hereby we see, that as charity extendeth further than gentleness, so envy extendeth further than hatred, which seemeth contrary to love and charity. The difference between hatred and envy. For envy (as Plutarch teacheth us in his book of envy and Hatred) never departeth from those whom it hath once caught hold of, neither in prosperity nor in adversity: whereas hatred vanisheth away in the extremity of either fortune. Furthermore, when a man is persuaded that he hath received no wrong, or taketh an opinion that those whom he hateth as wicked persons, are become honest men, or if they have done him some such pleasure as is a cause to dissolve the former injury, the hatred ceaseth. But as for the envious person, although no man do him harm, yet ceaseth he not to be spiteful. And if he see an honest man, or a man of good qualities, or if he receive a good turn, it doth but provoke him the more to envy, so as he is exasperated by the things whereby hatred is assuaged. Envy is undeterminable. envy is undeterminable, and resembleth diseased eyes, which are offended at all brightness and light. But hatred is determinable, and is always founded and settled upon certain grounds, in respect of itself. By envy came death into the world, for through Satan's envy were we deceived, through that deceit became we disobedient, and through that disobedience came death upon us. It is a very perilous vice, which seizeth not only upon men's states and livings, but also upon their lives, as we read of Abel, who was murdered through the envy of Cain; and of Joseph, who was sold through the envy of his brethren. Saint john Chrisostome in his 44 homily, saith; That this vice in respect of other vices is unexcusable: The sin of envy is unexcusable. for the lechor excuseth himself by lust, the thief by poverty, and the man-slear by choler; but the envious man can find no excuse at all God commandeth us to love our enemies, and the envious man hateth even his friends. And in his five and fortieth homily, and likewise upon the one and twentieth of Genesis, he saith; That as the worm marreth the timber wherein it breedeth, afore it go out; even so doth envy mar the man. Antisthenes' said, That as rust eateth iron: so the envious are consumed by the fretting of their own envy. For the envious (saith Horace) pineth away at the prosperity of another. And Alexander said unto Meleager, That the envious man carrieth his own torment with him. Solomon in the fourteenth of the proverbs, saith, That as a sound heart is the life of the body, so envy is a consumer of the bones. Plutarch likeneth envy to smoke, For afore the flame break out, it mounteth up great, but as soon as the flame showeth itself, the smoke vanisheth by little and little, and in the end is no more seen. Plato in his book of laws, saith; That the envious man imagining to vaunt himself the more by finding fault with others, can never attain to true virtue, and is a hinderer of those whom he spiteth, by the wrongful slanders which he reporteth of them. Plutarch in the life of Lisander, saith; that in the pursuit of virtue, the envious and ambitious men do hold those for their adversaries whom they might and ought rather to serve and help, in the doing of great and goodly things. For through their iealousnesse of glory, they commonly envy their like. Whereupon cometh this saying of martial, That there no account is made of them that are alive. It is envy that causeth us to esteem more of men of old time, than of men now living. And as Ovid saith, We take no pleasure in reading men's books, until the authors of them be dead, because envy hath accustomed us to wound the living with venomous tooth. For envy feedeth upon us so long as we be alive, but be we once dead she ceaseth, and then is praise given according to desert. Some man will say, that this discourse may well be directed to common persons, Whether a prince be subject to envy. but princes are out of envies reach. For if a prince be envied, it cannot hurt him; and therewithal he is too great to bear envy to his subjects. The envy that Saul had unto David, for fight with Goliath, showeth sufficiently that kings are not exempted from envy. For albeit that he received right great good by that deed of David's, yet notwithstanding for as much as he was blinded, and as it were drunken with envy, he held him being his benefactor as his enemy. Abimelech was a king and a great lord, and yet when he saw Isaak a stranger prosper and grow rich in his realm, he drove him out. When Laban saw Jacob his son in law grown richer than himself, he could not afterward give him a good look. Wherefore it is not to be doubted, but that a prince may be envious, & also be envied, & thereby receive harm. For man, whatsoever he be, the more goods & power he hath, the more envy beareth he on his back. Denni: the tyrant kept himself not only from his enemies, but also from his friends, yea even from the wisest of them, saying that there was none of them which had not rather reign than serve. Had D●on & julius Caesar done as he did, it had been the better for than: but they said, they had liefer die than to distrust their friends. And ye must not think that a prince can be privileged from being envious, as who would say, there were no person whom he could or ought to envy, for envy is a disease of the mind, as well as jealousy is. The jealous person foregoeth not his jealousy by having a discreet wife, that giveth him no occasion to misdout her, for he is jealous of all that he seethe: even so the envious man must needs feed his own fancy, though there be no apparent matter wherewith. Othanes said that kings do envy good men, yea & hate them deadly, & that virtue is commonly hated of kings. His so saying was to serve his turn in pleading against regality, as I have said in the 1 book. For a good king loveth virtue & virtuous folk, but an evil king doth both hate & envy them. Whereto envy serveth. And as Manlius said in Titus livius, envy serveth but to speak evil of virtue, to deface the honour thereof, and to bereave it of reward. Plutarch saith in the life of Cato, That all the great men were enemies to Cato, because they saw him to be upright in justice, & they were ashamed of their own unjustice. This was but an envy that they bore unto Cato, The envy o● Caligula. & therefore they were enemies unto him. Caligula was desirous of his own ease, & yet was he envious toward those that were at ease as well as he. In the voyage that he made into Germany, so hastily that the ensigns were folded up & carried upon sumpter-horses, that the bands might march with the more speed, albeit that himself went in a goodly couch, and made plain paths all the way that he went, yet notwithstanding he wrat unto Rome that seeing he was in such danger, and ready to give battle, he marveled that they gave themselves to feasting, to haunting of the theaters, and to make pastimes in the fields and gardens. This doing of his proceeded of nothing else, but of an inordinate and unreasonable envy, that fretted his brain, the which he showed sufficiently towards the noblemen, in bereaving them of their cote-armors, and of the ancient cognisances of their houses. And if he spied any fair boys that had fair hair, he caused the hinder parts of their heads to be shaven. And he was so spiteful, that he envied even Homer, the greatest Poet that ever was: insomuch that being determined upon a time to abolish the remembrance of him, he said he might well have as much power as Plato, to weed him out of his commonwealth. Alexander's envy was the chief cause of the death of Clitus. The inconveniences of envy. For he so envied the high exploits of Philip his father, that he fell into a rage when any man compared him with him. Lisander accompanying Agesilaus in the voaige into Asia, was so honoured of the men of Asia, because he had had the government of them aforetimes, that in comparison of him, they made no reckoning of the king: by reason whereof, Agesilaus bore him such envy, that in all that voyage he committed not any honourable charge unto him, but employed him about such things as a man would not have employed the meanest of Sparta, and it was thought that that would have cost the city of Lacedaemon dearly: For had not death prevented Lisander, he would have overthrown the king. Envy made Socrates to be put to death; and Aristides, Themistocles, and others to be banished. Also it was the death of Coriolane, because the chief princes of the Volses envied his virtue and his greatness. And by his death, the Volses were vanquished of the Romans. Through envy, Dion was slain by Calippus; and Sertorius by Perpenna: and by their death were they themselves vanquished and disappointed of the fruit of their former enterprises. The envy that was rooted between Themistocles and Aristides, hindered the Athenians from doing many goodly enterprises; insomuch that Themistocles said, that it was unpossible for the affairs of the commonweal of Athens to prosper, until they were both of them cast into the barather, which was a deep dungeon, whereinto men were thrown headlong, that were condemned to death. And no doubt but the affairs of Greece had gone to wrack, if Aristides had continued his envy against Themistocles. But when he saw the danger whereinto all Greece was like to fall, if he and Themistocles did not agree: he bespoke him after this manner; Themistocles, if we be both wise, it is high time for us to leave the vain spite and jealousy which we have hitherto borne one against another, and to take up a strife that may be to the honour and welfare of us both; that is to wit, which of us shall do his duty best for the safeguard of Greece; you in commanding and doing the office of a good captain, and I in counseling you and in executing your commandments. Hereunto Themistocles answered: I am displeased Aristides in this, that you have showed yourself a better man than I; but sith the case standeth so, that the honour of breaking the ice is due to you, for provoking me to so honourable and commendable a contention: I will strain myself henceforth, to out go you by good continuance. The envy that was borne to Peter Saderin Gonfa●●nnier of Florence, for the great credit and authority that he had in that city, caused the return of the Medici's, and the utter ruin of the commonweal. Now we must consider what remedies there be, to defend a man from this malady, Remedies against envy. that a man may not be envious, nor envied. As touching the first, the curing thereof is by the contrary, that is to say by being meeld, gentle, and charitable: for he that loveth men, cannot envy them. And that is the cause why we be commanded to love our neighbour as ourselves, to the end we be not envious against him, but rather glad when he hath good success in his affairs. And (as S. Paul saith in the 12 to the Romans, rejoice with them that rejoice, and weep with them that weep; and bear well in mind, that envy doth more harm to the envious man himself, than to the party whom he envieth, remembering how Solomon in the seventeen of the proverbs saith, That he which rejoiceth at another man's fall, shall not be unpunished. And in the four and twentieth of the proverbs he saith, rejoice not whenthine enemy hath a fall, neither be thou glad that he stumbleth: lest perchance the Lord do see it and be displeased thereat, and turn away his wrath from him. If this be spoken of enemies, what ought we to do concerning friends? I will not allege the infinite precepts and examples touched by divines. I will take but the only example of the Heathen Aristides, of whom I have spoken. When his enemy Themistocles was banished, he neither spoke ne did any thing to his prejudice or disadvantage, neither rejoiced he any more to see his enemy in adversity, than if he had never envied his prosperity. How to eschew en●y. envy is eschewed or diminished by modesty, as when a man that is praised, challengeth not such honour to himself, but referreth it over to those that praise him. Whereof we have example in Pyrrhus, who after many victories, when his men of war called him Eagle, I am (qd. he) an eagle by your means, being carried up by your knighthood and chivalry, as the eagle is carried up by his feathers: and so he cast back the honour and title to his men of war. So also did Philip abase the praise that was given unto him for his beauty, his eloquence, and his good skill in hunting; saying, that the one belonged to women, the other to sophists, and the third to sponges. Othersome do attribute this answer to his enemy Demosthenes. Contrariwise, Alexander for enforcing men to worship him, and to esteem him as a god, began to be hated in his camp. Augustus' disallowing all such doings of Alexander, did the clean contrary. For when he was entered into Rome in triumph, as lord of the whole world in peaceable possession, and one in a certain comedy said, O good lord, and every man turned that word unto Augustus, flattering him and clapping their hands for joy: he gave a token presently that he liked not of it, and the next morning made prohibitions, that men should not use the term of lord unto him, neither permitted he any man, no not even his own children, to call him by that name, either in jest or in good earnest. There is another way to avoid envy, which was practised by Dennis the tyrant; which is, that he advanced a man that was wicked and hated of the people: and when he was asked why he did so; because (quoth he) I will have a man in my realm, that may be more hated than myself. Caesar Borgia to avoid the envy of his cruel deeds, did put the party to death by whom he had executed the same, to the end that the envy should light upon his minister, and die with him. For such is the disposition of the common people, that they can the better endure a hard prince, when they have upon whom to discharge their ●urie. Alcibiades to avoid the over great envy of the people, and to turn aside the evil speeches that they had of him, did cut off the tail of a dog that he had bought very dear, and drove him through the city, to the intent to busy men's heads about talk of his dog, and not about other matters. For they that set their minds upon small things, are not so envious as they that deal in great matters. CHAP. vi That modesty or mildness well beseemeth a prince, and that overstatelinesse is hurtful unto him. THere is yet one vice more that maketh a prince irksome, and uneasy to be dealt with; and likewise one virtue that maketh him gentle and easy to be comen unto: the one is Pride, and the other is lowliness or humility. Pride maketh him sour, wayward, choleric, ambitious, envious, unpatient, hard to believe counsel, & full of unjustice. For arrogancy is a spice of unjustice, exacting more honour at men's hands than is due, whereupon riseth the despising of them, as Chrisostome hath very well noted upon the fourth psalm of David. The other maketh a man courteous, gentle, patiented, and free from all evil. Proverb. 11. therefore humility maketh a man wise & wisdom maketh a prince to govern his people well. On the contrary part, nothing is so much against wisdom, as overweening is. For the proud man is so far in love with himself, that he cannot in any wise endure any man to be equal with him in virtue or power. And because that cannot be; needs must envy issue out of that spring. And because he is of so small patience, and esteemeth none but himself, the least thing in the world setteth him in a choler; whereas the lowliminded man, having small opinion of himself, and beholding his own infirmity, is not so easily in a chafe with his neighbour, as saith S. Chrisostome in his homily of Fasting. The lowly is at rest both in body and mind, but the proud man hath no rest in neither of both. And therefore our Lord saith thus, learn of me, for I am meek and lowly of heart, and you shall find rest unto your souls. And among the blessednesses, he setteth this for most in S. Matthew, saying, Blessed be the poor in spirit; that is to say, the lowly minded, unto whose prayer he hearkeneth. Of whom shall I have regard (saith he) but of the meek & lowly? Lowliness then is the root of all virtue, & pride is the ground of all sin, as saith the Preacher: He that holdeth of it s●albe filled with cursedness, & it shall overthrow him in the end. S. Austin in his fourth book of the city of God, calleth pride, A Definition of Pride. a froward lust or desire to be great: so as we may define pride to be a certain ouer-lo●tinesse of mind, that maketh us to despise every man, & to esteem none but ourselves. This sin cometh of self-soothing, & of too much self-love, as S. Peter hath noted, in that he calleth the proud man a Selfe-pleaser, because he which is in love, is blinded in him whom he loveth, as saith Plato in his Laws: whereby it cometh to pass, that the man that is in love with himself, thinking that he ought to be more honoured, than in truth he ought, deemeth evil of that that is righteous, good, & fair. Therefore he that is desirous to be great (saith he) must not be in love with himself, but with the thing that is just, whence soever it come. This sin maketh him to imagine his ignorance to be wisdom: and when we will not forbear to do that unto another, which we cannot do; we be constrained to fail in doing it. And he concludeth in the end, that we must refrain from loving ourselves too much, God abhorreth all loftiness of heart. & follow our betters without restraint of shame▪ Solomon in the sixteenth of the proverbs, saith that the Lord abhorreth all loftiness of heart; and in the xv, That he breaketh down the houses of the proud. There is no health in the house of the proud, for the seed of sin is rooted in them. And in the seventeenth of the proverbs, loftiness of heart (saith he) presupposeth a fall, but lowliness and humility go before honour and glory. And in the nine and twentieth, the pride of a man abaseth him, but glory and honour shall be heaped upon the lowliminded. And in the tenth of Ecclesiasticus, God hath cast down the seats of the proud, and in their steads hath made the meek to sit in their rooms. God hath dried up the roots of the proud, and in their place hath planted the humble in glory. And in the eighteenth Psalm, Thou wilt let the lowly live in thy protection, & the springs of the presumptuous thou wilt dry up. On the contrary part, the lowly and meek shall inherit the earth, and without trouble they shall have all the pleasure that man can get. And in the 40 psalm, Blessed is the man that maketh God his defence, and hath no regard of the proud. King Lewis the eleventh said, That when pride road foremost, shame and loss followed after. Esdras is specially commended of the angel, for his humbling of himself as he ought to do, and for that he deemed not himself greatly worthy to be glorified among the righteous. But as for them that have walked in great pride, they shall have great store of miseries. The angel would not suffer St. John to worship him, saying that he was a servant of God, as he was; and bearing in mind that for the vice of pride the wicked angels fell. St. Peter did as much to Cornelius the Centurion, not suffering him to kneel down before him. Whereof pride cometh This vice cometh of the want of judgement, that is to say, of the want of knowing a man's self, and of the want of the bearing in mind of the goodly precept written in the temple of Apollo at Delphos, whereof I have spoken so oft afore. For as the great Mercury saith, The first disease of the mind is forgetfulness. And the man that forgetteth himself, is compared to the unreasonable beasts, and becometh like them, as David saith in the 48 psalm. The prince therefore must descend into himself, and know himself. To know himself is to view the nature, as well of his body as of his soul, and to consider that he is no better but man, as David saith. For whosoever knoweth what he is, will beware that he forget not himself, and not suffer himself to be cast into sin, the which Bion the Boristhenit did rightly affirm to be a hindrance to profit, and a more hindrance to the fruits of righteousness. Pride a hindrance to all the fruits of righteousness. For if we speak of becoming righteous to Godward, we cannot attain thereto, but by humility. The lowly heart and repentant soul, are an acceptable sacrifice unto God, as witnesseth unto us the parable of the publican, who went home justified by humility, and for acknowledging himself a sinner, in accusing himself to God, of which accusation ensued immediately reward, clean contrary to the judgements of men, who upon accusation and confession, do by and by give death. And therefore that we may be justified, we be commanded to tell our sins: and in old time (as Macrobius reporteth) the priest afore he made sacrifice to his idols confessed that he was a sinner, and thereat began his ceremonies, as we also do in our religion. Our Lord commanded his disciples to say, that when they had done all manner of good, they were unprofitable servants; to the end they should not seem to have any trust in their good works. Wherewith agreeth the doctrine of Plato the heathen Philosopher, whosoever (saith he) will be good, must believe that he is evil, He that will ●e good, must believe himself to be evil. Philo expounding the laws of Moses, which ordain above all things, That men should abstain from Pride, telling us that it is only God that enableth us to utter our power; saith that he which hath received strength and power of God's mere gift and bethinketh himself of the weakness that was in ●im afore he enjoyed that grace, will put away that proud stomach, and yield thanks to him that is the cause of his better state. Now then, the mind that acknowledgeth the grace that is given unto him, is enemy to pride: whereas the unthankful is linked in with pride. Solomon forbids us to justify ourselves before the Lord, likewise David shuneth to enter into judgement with the Lord, saying that no man shallbe justified before him; which is to be understood of trusting to any other thing than only God's mercy. Humble yourselves (saith S. James) in the presence of God, and he will exalt you. And S. Peter, Be ye appareled with humility; for God resisteth the proud, and giveth grace to the lowly. The proud provoketh God to wrath. Philo saith, That the proud person provoketh God to wrath. Also Moses giveth him no temporal punishment, but reserveth him to God's judgement; because Pride is a sin of the soul, which is not seen and perceived but of God. If we speak of the righteousness that is to be used towards men, it is hard for a prince to apply himself thereto, unless he be humble. For this virtue maketh a prince meek, ready to hear poor men's requests, and to do them reason, and loath to give ear to flatterers and talebearers; it scorneth not any man, but maketh account both of poor and rich, behaving itself lovingly and gently towards both, giving easy access unto either of them. Job among his complaints protesteth that he never despised the judgement of his servants, were they man or woman, but esteemed of them as of himself. But he that is too highminded, will hear none but slatterers and talebearers; he regardeth no counsel, he despiseth the poor, he disdaineth every man, and easily taketh leave to do wrong and injury, according to this saying of David, The froward are set on fire through their pride, to trouble the lowly that maketh small account of himself. To be short, he is full of vainglory, envy, and trouble, according unto this saying of Solomon, Among the proud there is always debate. Plato in his laws saith, That he which is proud of his riches & honour, & burneth with a glorying in himself as though he needed no prince or guide, beating himself on hand that he is able enough of himself, is by and by forsaken of God, and so left, and then finding as very fools as himself, he triumpheth and turmoileth all things, A proud people overthroweth a whole city. seeming unto many not to be a man to be despised. But within a while after, being punished by God's just judgement, he overthroweth himself, his house, and his whole commonweal. Also there is another spice of pride, when young men despise their elders, & believe not their council. For it is a young man's duty (saith Cicero in his book of Duties) to yield honour to his ancients, which thing was inviolably observed in Egypt and Lacedaemon, whereupon rose the proverb, It would do a man good to be old in Sparta. Of the said vice springeth the disobedience of some young folks to their fathers and mothers, He that honoured not his parent, is proud. contrary to Moses precept, which commandeth the honouring of the father and mother, with promise of reward. In the temple of Eleusis, there were but three precepts set down to be read of all men; the first concerned the praising of God; the second the honouring of father & mother; and the third, the forbearing to eat flesh. And (as Cicero saith in his Duties) youth is first of all to be enjoined modesty and kindness towards their father and mother. Plato in his fourth book of laws, doth in honour such as seek to please God in two things: first in worshipping God with prayers & sacrifices, and secondly in honouring their father and mother. and he saith, That the child ought to believe, that all that ever he hath belongeth to those that bred and brought him up, so as he ought to secure them with all his goods, whether they be of fortune, of the body, or of the mind, and to recompense them in their old age, for the things which they have endured for them in their younger years, & to be short, that they ought to yield them reverence both in word and deed, and to give place unto them in all their doings both in word and deed, and to think that a father is not angry without a cause, when he perceiveth that his son doth him wrong. Generally we may well say, That all disobedience and all mis-behavior cometh of pride, All disobedient cometh of P●●de. as S. john Chrisostome witnesseth in his 45 homily, and S. Luke speaking of the rich man, who was damned for taking too much delight in his riches and brave apparel, and for his despising of the poor. Solomon in the 17 of the proverbs, saith; That proud, froward, and scornful, are the names of him that dealeth arrogantly with anger. For bloodshed is in the report of the proud, and their curse is grievous to hear, saith ecclesiasticus. As for Ambition, Ambition springeth of Pride. no doubt but it proceedeth of Pride, for it is nothing else but a desire to be great, and to be had in honour. Antony the meek said, It was unossible for that man to govern a country well, which was atteinted with pride and ambition. My meaning is not in speaking of pride and ambition, to take from a young man the desire of honour, and a virtuous emulation that may make him to glory and delight in his well-doing. For (as saith Theophrast by the report of Plutarch in the life of Agis) virtues do bud and flourish in that age, and take the deeper root for the praises that are given unto them: proceeding still in growing and increasing, after the measure of the growing of their care and courage. But whereas too much is dangerous of itself in all other things; it is most pestilent and deadly, in the ambition of those that put themselves in the managing of public affairs. We see how Alexander's ambition, wrought the ruin of all Asia; & for one Alexander that made profit of his ambition (howbeit with the loss of his reputation among all good men) infinite numbers were brought to ruin, as Pompey, Caesar, Crassus, Mariw, and others innumerable. P●●rhus might have been a great prince, if he had not been too ambitious, and it had been better for him to have credited the counsel of in●as, who being desirous to have diverted him from his voyage into Italic, asked him to what purpose that so far voyage should serve him for the getting of one city? Whereunto he answered, That from Tarent he would go to Rome. And when you have taken Rome (quoth Ci●●as) what will you do then? We will go to Sicily, answered Pyrrhus. And when we have done with Sicily, whether shall we then? We will to Carthage, said Pyrrhus. And when Carthage is become yours, what will you do then? I will make myself (quoth he) lord of all Greece. And when we have done all this, what shall we do afterward. Then will we rest ourselves (qd. Pyrrhus') & make good cheer. And what letteth (quoth Cineas) that we should not fall presently to this making of good cheer, sith we have enough wherewith to do it. Prince's therefore must not only beware of ambition, but also withdraw themselves from all ambitious persons. For they be never satisfied. Pride and Ambition never grow old. And as Plutarch saith in the life of Silla, Pride and ambition are two vices that never wax old, and are very dangerous to a state, like as it is dangerous to sail in a ship, where the pilots be at strife who shall govern it. Ambitions is never without quarreling, for every man falls to heaving at other, and seeks to take his fellows place: As for example, Pompey to take Lucullussis, Marius to take Metellussis, and Silla to heave out Marius; until in the end they brought the state to ruin. Envy proceedeth of pride. As for envy, no doubt but it proceedeth of pride, as Alexander showed very well, who would needs be the perfectest of all men, and was sor●e that his father did so many goodly exploits, esteeming it as a bereaving him of occasion to purchase himself reputation. He would not that Aristo●le should publish the books that he had taught him, to the end that he himself might pass all others in skill and in feats of war. Now as pride is the first and greatest sin, so also commonly it seeketh not any other than the most excellent things, be it in virtue, in prosperity, in riches, or in dignity. Pride is the ordinary vice of estates. And therefore Sallust said, That pride is the ordinary vice of nobility; and Claudian, That it cometh ordinarily in prosperity. For adversity, poverty, and sickness, do light he cut off the occasions of arrogancy, and there is nothing worse than a poor man that is proud, as Solomon saith in his proverbs. Darius' the father of Xerxes, said; That adversities and troubles make a man the wiser. Antigonus seeing himself sickly, commended his sickness, saying; that it had done him great good, by teaching him not to advance himself above measure, considering his infirmity. It is no small benefit, when a small disease driveth away a great. And therefore David boasteth in the 119 psalm, That God had done him a great good ●●ne in bringing him low. And a little after, Afore I was afflicted (saith he) I went astray, but now I keep thy word; now lord I acknowledge that thy judgements are just, & that thou hast humbled me of very love, that is to say, thou hast afflicted me to a good end. And in the 131 psalms, Lord I 〈◊〉 not highminded, I have no lofty looks, I have not dealt in things that are greater and more wonderful than becometh me. Secondly, the virtuous and wise are more assailed with pride, than are the vicious, and the painful more than the idle. And therefore S. P●ule said, That God had given him an angel of Satan's to bullet him, lest he should be puffed up with his revelations. For the mischief of pride comes of overfulnesse. And as S. john Chrisostome saith in his homily of humility, Like as too much eating engendereth an inflammation of humours in our bodies, which inflammation breedeth the ague, and of the ague often cometh death: even so is it with pride, which cometh not but of too much ease, & too much welfare. Pride assaulteth good men, and such as are best occupied. The same author in the same place saith, That other vices steal upon us, when we be idle and negligent, but this vice presseth & assaulteth us when we be doing good. And like as they that intent to go upon a cord, do by and by fall and break their necks, it their sight go astray never so little, so they that walk in this life, do cast themselves down headlong out of hand, if they take not great heed to themselves. For the way of this cord is without all comparison far more narrow & straight out than the other, for so much as it mounteth up unto heaven, and therefore it is the more danger to slip or to miss footing, because the fear is wonderful to them that are mounted so high, whereof there is but only one remedy, which is, never to look downward, for fear of dazzling. He maketh yet one other goodly similitude, saying, That like as sea-rovers pass not to assail merchants when they set out of the haven to fetch merchandise, but when they come loaden home: so when the mischievous enemy seethe our ship full of precious s●ones, of all sorts of godliness, then doth he bend all his force to light us of our treasure, Pride step●●th ●n even i● devotion. to sink us in the havens mouth, and to leave us stark naked upon the strand. And as saith S. Ambrose in his epistle which he writeth to the virgin Demetrias, Satan watcheth to cast in a collup of pride, in place of our devotion. And he findeth not a better occasion to tempt us, than by our virtues, which are the cause why we be of good right commended. After that manner befell it to Osias king of Juda, a good man, for in the end his heart was puffed up, and he would needs offer sacrifice to God, whereupon ensued that he was by and by punished with a leprosy. Through pride & overweening Dathan, Coree and Abiron, moved sedition against Moses, and would needs be equal with him, but the earth swallowed them up quick. Herod taking pleasure in the flattery of the people, which said, That his words were the voice of God and not of man, was eaten up of louse; so odious is that vice unto God. Thereof it cometh that it is said, not that God forsaketh the proud, but that he resisteth them; to show that he will fight against them with his power, so greatly doth he abhor that vice, according to this saying of the Psalmist, Thou didst cast them down when they advanced themselves. Virgil seemeth to approach hereunto, when he saith, That they which humble themselves are to be pardodoned, and that the proud are to be encountered and subdued. For as Herodotus saith, God will have none to be great but himself. God will not have any other than himself to report or make himself great. The proud man never escapeth unpunished (saith Seneca) and whensoever ye see any man praise himself out of measure, and more than is due unto him, ye may assure yourself, (saith Euripides) that god's vengeance followeth hard at hand. Froisard saith, That Philip king of France, and John his son, and the prince of Wales, lost Gwyen by their over-haughtinesse, and that king Charles recovered it by gentleness, bountifulness, and humility. David was proud of the multitude of his people, but God to humble him, bereft him of a great part of them, and made him to understand in good time, that he was offended thereat, to the intent to set him in right course again, and to reform him afore his fall were grown too great. The way to keep a 〈◊〉 from Pride. And for as much as it is hard to be raised out of so foul a fall, because the proud man will not acknowledge it, it standeth us on hand to seek all means to keep us from it. S. Paul giveth us an excellent one in his Epistle to the Philippians, where he saith, That we must go through with the work of our salvation in fear and trembling, because it is God that worketh in us, and therefore the more good we do, the more cause have we to stand in fear. And S. Peter in his first epistle, giveth us the fear of God for a remedy, When any man speaketh (saith he) let him speak as the words of God, that God may be honoured and glorified. The second mean to keep us from this vice, is to make little account of ourselves, and to humble ourselves when we be advanced to dignity, according to Cicero's precept in his Duties, and to the principle of the gospel, which saith, That he which humbleth himself, shall be exalted, and he that exalteth himself shall be brought low. And in Ecclesiasticus it is said, The greater that thou art, the more see thou that thou humble thyself in all things, and thou shalt find favour at God's hand. Humility 〈◊〉 lowliness is as a bit or a bridle against overweening, to subdue it to reason. wherefore we must take humility for a bit, and for a bridle to tame this overweening of ours, and to subdue us to reason, as many heathen princes could well skill to do. When Philip spoke more loftilie after the winning of a battle than he was wont to do afore, one willed him to measure his shadow, and he should find that it was no greater after the battle, than it was afore. This saying caused him to humble himself so well, that thenceforth he spoke not more loftily than he had been wont to do, giving one of the grooms of his chamber charge to put him in remembrance every morning, that he was a man. For there is none so insolent (saith Plutarch) as he that is carried away with an opinion of being happy. And as saith Gui●ciardine, men have not a greater enemy than overgreat prosperity; for it maketh them unpatient, full of looseness, bold to do evil, and desirous to trouble their own welfare by attempting new devices. Epaminondas perceiving himself to be somewhat at too much ease after the battle of Lewstra, and somewhat the prouder for so goodly a victory, came forth the next morning homely appareled, and as it were in some grief. And when it was demanded of him, whereof that sadness proceeded? he said, He had no cause of heaviness, but did it because he had been too well pleased the day afore, and therefore intended to chastise and moderate the intemperance of his joy by that means, There are many that do now adays as Epaminondas did, and are outwardly modest, but inwardly they burn with ambition and desire of glory. For that vice is not discovered alonlie by the outward pomp and bravery; it lurketh within in an hypocritish and ambitious mind. 〈…〉 that 〈◊〉 modes▪ and meek. And such are they that affect the glory and estimation of modest, religious, & honest men, who have none other reward at God's hand, than that which they gain of the world, which is very small, for in the end they be noted for such as they be indeed. And therefore David reputeth him to be blessed, in whose heart there dwelleth no hypocrisy, nor any point of deceit. In the time of Alexander, the world did wondrously commend the frugality of Antipater, who led a stoure life, without any delicateness of meat and drink or apparel. But Alexander said of him, That outwardly he was clad all in white, and inwardly all in purple; meaning that it was but a counterfeit kind of sparing, and that within he was full of ambition. Of which sort also was Diogenes, who using a straight kind of life, as much for ostentations sake, as for love of virtue, did wash himself often with cold water in winter-time: whereof when folk having pity, desired him to use no such hardness any more; Pl●to said unto them, If ye will have pity upon him, go your way from him. For he saw that he did it not so much for love of virtue, as to be famous among the people. Likewise at another time he very well encountered him when he trod upon Plato's beds which were finely decked, for divers men of good calling to take their refection at. For when Diogenes vaunted himself to tread Plato's pride underfoot: you do so indeed (quoth Plato) but with another greater pride; meaning that Diogenes had more pride and presumption in his poverty, than Plato had in his wealth. The same Plato beholding one day a brave Rhodian passing by, cried out; O what a vanity and pride is here. And anon after seeing another come like an hypocrite in a very simple philosopher's rob, Behold here (quoth he) another kind of pride. For he knew that the Philosopher burned with ambition under his habit. Also he said, That pride was like a gilt armour, the which is fair without and far otherwise within. Even so the proud person carrieth a good countenance, though he have no good at all within him, for it is nothing but vanity and mere folly. Pride is l●k● b●a● 〈…〉 wind And as Socrates said, like as an empty bladder seemeth great when it is puffed up with wind, so fools are puffed up with nothing but opinion, neither can they agree with any but with flatterers, as Terence showeth us in his comedy entitled the Eunuch, under the person of Thraso. And if there happen any of them to be a man of valour, as there are some, that only vice hindereth all their welldoing Plutarch in the life of Coriolane, saith, That the proud and stoure nature of Coriolane, was the cause of his ruin, notwithstanding that therewithal he was one of the absolutest men of all the Romans. For whereas pride of itself is odious to all men, surely when it is matched with amibition, then becometh it much more savage and untolerable. The proud man resembleth him that is sick of the falling evil. Philo saith, that the proud man is like to him that is sick of the falling sickness, who is altogether unsettled in his countenance and in all his gestures and movings. The presumptuous opinion that Pompey had of himself, surmounted the reach of his reason; by means whereof forgetting the heed that he was wont to take in standing upon his 〈◊〉, whereby he had always assu●ed his prosperity afo●●, he changed it into rash and bold bravery. Gaulter burn having conquered the greatest part of the kingdom of Naples, and holding Diepold an Almane besieged within Sarne, happened to be taken in a salie that Diepold made out upon a desperate adventure, and being prisoner was used courteously by Diepold. Who having caused him to think upon the curing of his wounds, would have sent him home again, and have put the kingdom into his hands. But Gaulter having too lordly a heart, answered, that there was not so great a benefit, nor so great an honour, that he would receive at the hands of so base a person as he was: with which words Diepold being provoked to wrath, threatened him that he should repent it. Whereupon Gaulter fell into such a fury, that he opened his wounds, drew his bowels out of his belly, and within four days after died for very mood. Had he been lowlie-minded, his imprisonment had profited him, and he had gotten a faithful servitor of Diepold, who would have made the kingdom of Naples sure unto him, whereas now through his passing pride, he lost both kingdom and life. Alfons of Arragon dealt not so, for when he was prisoner, he did so much by his gentleness and humility, The fruits of humility. that he made his enemies to love him, and practised with them in such sort, that they helped him to win the realm of Naples. Taxilles' gained more at Alexander's hand by his humility, than he could have conquered in all his life, with all his forces and men of arms. And yet notwithstanding his humbling of himself unto Alexander, was after a brave and princely manner, somoning him to the combat with such words as these: If you be a lesser lord than I, suffer me to do you good; If you be a greater lord that I, do by me as I do by you. Well then (qd. Alexander) we must come to the encounter, and see who shall win his companion to do him good: and therewithal embracing him in his arms with all gentleness and courtesy, in steed of taking his kingdom from him, as he had done from others, he increased his dominion. Herod by humbling himself before Augustus, saved and increased his kingdom. Plutarch saith, That Pyrrhus could very well skill to humble himself towards great men, and that his so doing helped him very much to the conquest of his kingdom. Lois the eleventh, king of France led the county of Charrolois with so sweet and lowly words, that he got the thing by humility, which he could never have obtained otherwise, and by that means, wound himself from all his enemies, and settled his state in rest and tranquillity, which had been in great hazard, if he had used bravery towards him. The lowliness of Aristides did marvelous great service, to the obtainment of the victory which the Greeks had of the Persians, at such time as he agreed to the opinion of Miltiades, and willingly yielded him the sovereign authority of commanding the army: For there were many captains, which had every man his day to command the whole army as generals; but when it came to Aristides turn, he yielded his pre-eminence into the hands of Miltiades, thereby teaching his other companions, that to submit a man's self to the wisest and to obey them, is not only not reproachful, but also wholesome and honourable; after whose example, all the rest submitted themselves to Miltiades likewise. I told you in the chapter going afore, how he submitted himself to Themistocles his enemy for the profit of Greece. And I will say yet further of him, that being sent with Cimon to make war against the Persians, both of them bahaved themselves gently and graciously toward the Greeks that were their allies: on the other side, Pausanias and the rest of the captains of Lacedaemon, which had the sovereign charge of the whole army, were rough and rigorous to the confederate people. In doing whereof he bereft the Lacedæmonians by little and little, of the principality of Greece, not by force of arms, but by good discretion and wise demeanour. For as the goodness of Aristides, and the gentleness and meekness of Cimon, made the government of the Athenians well liked of the other nations of Greece; so the covetousness, arrogancy and pride of Pausanias, made it to be the more desired. To have honour's a man must flee from it. S. john Chrisostom saith in his nine and thirtieth homily, That honour is not to be had, but by flying from it. For i● we seek after it, it fleeth from us, and when we flee from it, it followeth us. And as Salom●n saith in the xviij of the proverbs, The heart is puffed up against a fall, and lowliness goeth afore glory. Not without great reason therefore is pride esteemed the greatest of all vices, and humility set foremost among all the virtues. And as S. Austin saith in his thirteenth book of the city of God, For as much as the glori●ieng and exalting of a man's self refuseth to be subject unto God; it falleth away from him, above whom there is not any thing higher: but humility maketh a man subject to his superior. Now there is nothing higher than God, and therefore humility exalteth men, because it maketh them subject unto God. And as S. Chrisostom saith, It is the mother, the root, and the good of all goods. The Centurion was esteemed worthy to receive the Lord, because he protested himself to be unworthy. And S. Pa●l who counted not himself worthy the name of an Apostle, was the chief of all the Apostles. S. John who thought not himself worthy to untie the Lords shoes, laid his hand upon his head to baptize him. And S. Peter who prayed the Lord to departed far from him uretched sinner, was a foundation of the church. For there is not a more acceptable thing unto God, than to muster a man's self among the greatest sinners. Hereby we see the profit that is gotten of the small esteeming of a man's self. For the less a man esteemeth himself, the more is he esteemed; first of God, and secondly of men. Also we see that ordinarily, the lowly prince is loved of every man, and the proud is hated of all. And therefore let such as have the government of young princes, teach them chiefly among other things to be lowly and courteous towards all men; as knowing by experience, that nothing winneth men's hearts so much as humility, which killeth vainglory, insolency, impatiency, envy, Ambition, and all manner of vices. CHAP. VII. Of Fortitude, valiancy, prowess, or hardiness: and of fearfulness or cowardliness. LEt us come to the third Cardinal virtue, which the learned call Fortitude, prows, or valiantness, the which the Poet H●mer said to be the only moral virtue that hath as it were sallies and outmoving inspired into it of God, Plutarch in the life of Pirr●us. and certain furors that carry a man out of himself. This virtue is more generally followed of princes, than any of the other as we have seen in Alexander, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Pompey, Julius Caesar, Themist●cles, Alcibiades, and many others, who were not so curious of other virtues, as painful to excel in prowess and greatness of mind. A definition of prowess. Cicero in his Tusculane questions saith, that valiantness or prowess, is a skill to endure; or an affection of the mind fitly disposed to sustain adversity; or else a certain stable or steadfast purpose, to undertake or repulse the things that seem to be dreadful. Plato in the fourth book of his commonweal, bringeth in Socrates, saying thus; I say that prowess is a certain fastholding. Glaucus. What manner of fastholding? Socrates. Of the opinion which a man hath conceived by trainement and education, whereby he judgeth of things terrible. Glaucus. And after what sort shall we call a man valeant? Socrates. When the force of his choler or anger is so ruled, that he continueth resolute in his opinion between pleasure and grief, not deeming otherwise of that which we call terrible or not terrible, than reason willeth him. Aristotle saith, It is the duty of prowess to be utterly undismaied with the fear of de●th, to be constant in suffering adversity, to be void of dread of danger, to choose 〈◊〉 for to die with honour, than to live with dishonour, or to be conquered in battle. At a word, it is the duty of prowess, to be unafraid of any dangers, which reason showeth that we ought not to fear. Cicero in his Duties setteth down three sorts of prowess: Three sorts of prowess. the first consisteth in not fearing any thing; the second, in not making account of worldly things; and the third, in believing that there is not any adversity, which a man is not able to endure. The same author in his first book of the ends of good and bad, saith, That the strong-hearted and highminded man, is free from all care and grief; considering that he despiseth death, and is so fully resolved concerning sorrows, that he always beareth a mind, that the greatest miseries are ended by death, the smallest have ever some release, and the meaner sort we overmaster, either enduring them if they be tolerable, or patiently passing out of this life as from a stage, if they be untolerable. Which passing out of this life, we must so understand, as it must be without hasting our own end. For (as Plato saith) we must not departed hence, without the commandment of our captain general, that hath set us in ward. It is no point o● prowess 〈…〉 to eschew mischief And to kill a man's self to avoid poverty, love, or trouble, is not the property of a noble and stout courage, but of a base, fearful, and cowardly heart. Ari●totle lib. 8. Floral. The Lacedæmonians were above all things trained up to valiantness, and had but three principal precepts, the first to obey magistrates, the second to endure travel, & the third to get the upper hand in battle, appendents. of prowess. or else to die. Upon prowess do depend, travel, resolution, strength, boldness, magnanimity, confidence, and sufferance. Not without cause do we put travel into prowess, Of travel. for as Diogenes said, No travel is praiseworthy, which tendeth not to magnanimity, and such travel is to be understood, as well of mind, as of body: For in strength (saith Socrates) and in prowess, there goeth a moving both of body and mind. And commonly all good captains have put themselves to travel as much as was possible, both with body and mind, as we read of Alexander, who of a great courage rowed over waters, scaled towns, and put himself foremost in perils and painstaking. Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Sertorius, and julius Caesar did the like, and so did many emperors also, who sticked not to march five or six leagues on foot with their armies, put themselves into the water up to the knees to pass a large marish of a two or three leagues over, ate of the same bread that their soldiers did, endured hunger and thirst, and slept upon the hard ground, as I have said heretofore. Next I say, Of Resolution. that Resolution is requisite in a man of prowess and valour: for the very substance of prows, is to be resolute. For resoluteness keepeth a man from wavering, so as having determinately set honour and virtue before him as his mark to shoot at, he feareth not any impediment that may cross him. Leonidas chose rather to die with three hundred men whom he had all resolute to die with him, than to abandon the place which he had taken to keep, notwithstanding that he was sure he should be overlaid with force: And when one said unto him, the sun was hidden with the shot of the Persians; So much the better for us (quoth he) for then shall we fight with them in the shadow. One asked of Agis how many Lacedæmonians he had to the wars; enough (quoth he) to chase away the wicked. Also he said of them, That they demanded not how many their enemies were, but where they were. Sceva a Jew having long time defended every man, at the last after much slaughter by him made, abode still having his eyes stopped, his head, his arms, and his thighs broken, and his shield stricken through in sixscore places. I see no resoluteness comparable to the Maccabees, who to maintain their laws, offered themselves to all perils, and in the end rebelling against Antiochus, did with three thousand men discomfit forty thousand. Likewise Eleasar thinking to kill the king, whom he took to have been him that was mounted upon the greatest Elephant, opened the th●ong, and did so much that he killed the Elephant, and died himself under him. And judas Machabeus chose rather to die than to flee in battle, though he had but few men in comparison of his enemies. Likewise Jonathas the third brother, renewed his army being broken, and carried away the victory. The Christian martyrs were resolute to die, rather than to do sacrifice to idols: and with that resolution they endured death, and all manner of torments with wonderful constancy. Of Strength. Strength also is needful to prowess, so as it behoveth good courage to be accompanied with strength, that it may put in execution that valeancie and nobleness of heart. Antisthenes' said, That a man ought to will all the good in the world to his enemies, saving only prowess: because all his goods should come one day to him that is valeant. And whensoever he saw a brave dame, and well apparelled, he was wont to go to her husband, and to pray him to show him his horses and armour: and if he found them good and well provided he said no more to the woman: but if he were not well horsed and well armed, he would desire him to take from her all her goodly jewels, for fear lest they became a prey unto some other, for want of a man of descend them. Of boldness. Likewise boldness is necessary to prowess. And doth in some sort resemble it. Nevertheless as saith Plutarch in his Protagoras, there is a difference between prowess and boldness. For ordinarily every man of prowess is bold, but every bold man is not valeant and full of prowess. The difference of boldness and prowess. For boldness may come by art, by fury, or by choler: but prowess cometh of good education, and of a certain inworking secret force and goodness of nature. Cato seeing his sword salne among his enemies, took it up again as boldly and constantly, as if his enemies had not been there. We call this a boldness, howbeit not simply a boldness, but rather a prowess, because it had been a shaine for him to have lest his sword to his enemy. So then, there was a cause of this boldness; otherwise it had been but rashness. Likewise the deed that Robert de la March did at the journey of Novara, was full of virtuous boldness accompanied with prowess and natural kindness: for his fatherly affection made him to enter bareheaded but with one squadron of horsemen, into the thickest or the Suitzers that had 〈◊〉 die gotten the victory, to save his two sons Florange and jamais captains of the Lanceknights, who lay sore wounded upon the ground, where he fought with such fury, that the Suitzers themselves marveled greatly that he could recover them alive out of so great danger. julius Caesar perceiving the Neruians, that is to say, the people of Turney, to have the better hand, caught a buckler out of a soldiers hand that began to quail, and taking his place, did such feats of arms, that all his army took courage again, and got the victory. The same Caesar seeing his standard-bearer ready to fly, caught him by the throat, and showed him the enemies, saying, Whether wilt thou? Behold, these be the enemies with whom we have to deal. And he did so well by his boldness, valiantness and words, that he won the victory. And in that case boldness was needful. When Cirus the younger was about to give battle, Clearchus counseled him to hold himself behind the Macedonians; What say you Clearchus, qd. Cyrus, would you have me to seek a kingdom, and to make myself unworthy of it? To put a man's self in peril to no purpose, is rash boldness: but if need require, a man must not be afraid, and he that is not so afraid, is deemed both bold and valiant. And as Plato said in his defence of Socrates, the man that is valeant and full of prowess, is without fear. So that they are in an error, which say that prowess is a moderating of fear. As for magnanimity, it is the self same valiantness which hath respect to nothing but virtue, as shall be declared hereafter. As touching Confidence, Of Confidence. it is annexed to valiantness, and victory doth often depend thereon. For the beginning of conquest is an assuring of a man's self that he shall conquer, as Plutarch saith in the life of Themistocles. We have seen with what confidence Alexander went to make war against Darius, having but a handful of men in comparison of him. Agesilaus having but ten thousand men, nor only defended the Lacedæmonians, but also willingly made war upon the king of Persia. As Hannibal stood looking upon the great and brave army of the Romans, at the battle of Cannae, one Gisco said unto him, That it was a wondrous thing to see so many men; It is yet much more wonderful (answered Hannibal) that in all that great host there is not one like unto thee. This confidentnesse made the Carthaginenses the more assured, when they saw their general take so great scorn, and so little regard of the Roman army. Therefore it is neither rashness to be confident, nor prowess to thrust a man's self into peril without cause, after the manner of that Lacedaemonian which had liefer to overthrow his army through his rash boldness and vainglory, than to shun the battle; not considering that in losing himself, he lost a great number of his countrymen, whom Scipio would have held so dear, that he would rather have saved one of them, than have discomfited a thousand enemies. Paulus Emilius being ready to give battle to Perseus, retired his people without doing any thing, and lodged them in his camp, the which he had fortified. And when Scipio Nasica and other young noble men of Rome, desired him to make no delay; I would make none (quoth he) if I were of your age: but the victories that I have gotten in time passed by deliberation, have taught me the faults that are committed by such as are vanquished, and do forbidden me to go so hotly to assail an host, ready ranged and set in order of battle, afore I have rested my people that are but newly arrived. Pericles never hazarded army where he saw great doubt, or apparent likelihod of danger. And he thought them no good captains which had gotten great victories by adventuring overfar, but was wont to say, That if none other than he did lead them to the slaughter, they should abide immortal. Upon a time when he saw the Athenians desirous to fight with the Lacedæmonians whatsoever peril came of it, for wasting their territory; When trees (quoth he) be cropped or cut down, they grow again within a while after: but when men are once lost, it is unpossible to recover them. Also in prowess there is Sufferance, Of Sufferance. and as Epaminondas said, To bear with things in matters of state, To bear with things amiss, is a ●oint of prowess. is a spice of prowess. For it behoveth oftentimes to put up injuries, and to hear mis-speeches of himself, without making account of them, which is the property of magnanimity, as I shall declare hereafter. Insomuch that the goodly precept of Epictetus, which commandeth to bear and forbear, is to be understood of nothing else than valiantness, meaning that men must bear adversities with a constant mind, and princely courage, not suffering themselves to be dismayed by them, or to be corrupted by prosperity. Prowess o● valiantness is most proper to wa●. And for as much as this virtue doth ordinarily follow difficult things, because great things will not be had without great danger, (as saith Herodotus) and the danger of war is greatest: we attribute valiantness chief to chivalry and war, as wherein the conceit of death is greatest. Why the conceit of death is greater in battle than in other places. For commonly we conceive not death so much when we be sick, because the mischief is hidden; nor when we be in peril on the sea, because by the touching of the water, we feel not the inconvenience that cometh by the touch of the sword in the maiming of our members, which causeth us to conceive the violentnesse of death so much the more, as it lieth in us to avoid it by flight. Wereupon it cometh to pass, that few men resolve themselves to die the death that lieth in them to eschew. But such as resolve themselves to it, do get themselves great honour and reputation among men. When one demanded of Agesilaus, What was the way to achieve honour? He answered, To make no reckoning of death. For he that is afraid to die, can do nothing worthy of praise. This virtue is the mean between fearfulness and foo● hardiness; for it repres●eth fear, and moderateth boldness. It is easier to 〈◊〉 boldness, 〈…〉. True it is, that it is harder to restrain fear, than to moderate boldness. For to abide danger, time and custom be requisite for the enduring of the inconvenience: but when a thing is to be adventured upon it is done upon the sudden, and with a speediness, the which is easier to be moderated than fear. Wherein prowess doth chief consist. Therefore the state of prowess consisteth chief in the contempt of grief and death. And that man is counted a man of noble courage, which when an honest or honourable death is offered unto him, is nothing afraid of it. But for to put a man's self in danger upon a brunt of sorrow or anger, cannot (as saith Aristotle) be counted valiantness. Fearfulness is the contrary to valiantness▪ and a corruption of the lawful judgement, The definition of fearfulness. concerning the things that are to be feared, or not feared; or rather an ignorance of that which is to be feared, or not feared. Aristotle saith, It is a vice of the courageous, wherethrough a man trembleth for fear of danger, specially of death, believing that it is more commendable to save life, by any manner of means, than to die honestly. And as saith Ecclesiasticus, Like as chaff and dust in the air cannot stand against the force of wind, so a cowardly heart in the conceit of a fool, cannot stand against the violence of fear. Generally we fear all that is evil, for fear is an expectation of evil, as of poverty, sickness, and such other things, whereof we be afraid, because of their hurtfulness. The bold man is clean contrary to the fearful, for he is not afraid, neither of death, The difference between the vali●nt and the foolhardy. nor any other thing. He doth not offer, but rather cast himself headlong into danger, afore danger come, & oft-times in danger he is lazy, & repenteth him that he hath cast himself into it. But the man of prowess is cold afore he undertaketh, but ready and sharp in doing & undertaking. Which thing Thucydides declareth sitly and elegantly in saying thus, This we have above all others, that not only we be hardy, but also we deliberate of the things which we be to take in hand, whereas others are bold through ignorance, and lazy and slow to undertake, by reason of their uncertain con●ultations. But those men are above all others most excellent, who having foreconsidered both the good and the evil, the pleasure and the displeasure, do, not for all that shrink away from danger. On a time one praised in Cato's presence, a rash-na●die man for a valiant man of war, whereunto Cato answered, There was great odswhether a man made great account of virtue, or none account at all of his life: esteeming those men to be of noble courage, not which despised their life without purpose, but rather which made so great account of virtue, that in respect of that, they passed not for life. At what time Epaminondas besieged Sparta, and was gotten by force into the town, a certain Lacedaemonian named Isadas, being not only unsurnished of armour to defend him, but also of apparel, came anointed all over his body with oil, as one ready to wrestle, and holding in the one hand his Partisane, and in his other a sword, went and thrust himself into the press of them that sought, laying about him, and beating down all his enemies that he found afore him, and yet was never wounded himself. A notable judgement of the Lacedæmonians. Afterward the Ephories gave him a crown in honour of his prowess, but they amerced him by & by at a fine of an hundred crowns, for being so rash as to hazard himself in the peril of battle, without armour to defend him. Cicero in his Duties saith, That we must not show ourselves cowardly for fear of danger, and yet we must refrain from thrusting ourselves into danger; but if necessity require, we must not make account of death. And therefore when the Lacedæmonians were afraid, lest some hurt might befall them, for refusing to take part with king Philip, Dannudas said unto them, ye half men, what harm can befall us, which pass not for death? According to some men, there are seven sorts of valiantness, ●euen sorts of Pro 〈…〉. which we may rather term Visors of valiantness. For they have a resemblance of prowess, but if ye pluck off their masks, ye shall find them an other thing than they seemed, The first fort is termed civil, which is when a man hazardeth himself for the honour, dishonour, & penalties set down by the laws, unto such as mis-behave themselves in war, The fear of 〈…〉 or otherwise. This forth hath more likelihood than the rest, because the fear of transgressing the laws, is a certain kind of prowess. And as Plutarch saith in the life of 〈◊〉 It seemeth that the men of old time took 〈…〉 not an urter privation of 〈…〉 reproach, and a dread of dishonour, because that commonly they that are most afraid to transgress laws, are safest when they be to encounter with the enemy. And they that stand not in fear, to have any reproach, are not careful to endure any adversities. Prowess is a skill. Socrates' said, That prowess is a skill, and that many are not nobleminded, for want of knowing what it is. For this cause laws are very needful to set every man in his duty, but they cannot make a coward hardy, no more than the punishing of lewd men by laws can make all men good. But they hold all men to their duties, so as good men hate sin for virtues sake, and evil men are wary to offend for fear of punishment; but no whit doth that change their disposition unto evil. Also the law may enforce a fearful man to a adventure, but it dischargeth him not of his inclination. And as there be some bodies stronger than othersome, so also be some minds stronger by nature to endure casualties, than othersome. X●nophon in his fourth book of the de●ngs and sayings of Socrates. Another kind is called slavish, which is, when neither for honour, nor for dishonour, but for necessity's sake, a man becometh courageous, for necessity maketh even cowards courageous, (as saith Sallust) or else for fear of punishment, as when Julian the Emperor in a battle against the Persians, slew ten of the first that ran away, to restrain the rest from doing the like. For that punishment compelled them to sight whether they would or no. And William conqueror, duke of Normandy, who caused his ships to be set on fire, as soon as he was landed in England, to take from his people all other hope of safety, than only in the sword. For the greatest mean of safety, is to be out of hope of safety. Accustomednesse unto peril▪ maketh those to seem ha●die that be not. The third sort is called Warlike, which is, when we see men of war that are expert in arms, do deeds that seem to be of hardiness, to such as have not the experience; and yet they fail not to retire when they see the danger. And that also cannot be called valiantness, no more than mariners can be called Valiant, Aristotle in his ninth book of Morals. for they being accustomed to tempest, do less fear them than doth the man of greatest magnanimity in the world: and surely no man is ignorant but that a man of magnanimity may die at the sea without fear, not after the manner of marinets. The fourth is called Furious, when a man fighteth upon hatred, choler, or passion. In so doing he seemeth courageous, because (as Aristotle saith) choler is a great spur to prick one forth to danger; yet notwithstanding he is not so: for as soon as his rage is over, he beginneth to wexlasie, and is willing to be gone at the least entreatance that can be. Aristotle in the eight of his Morals. Sorrow and Anger make men to seem hardy. Now then, it is no valiancy to put a man's self into danger, when he is spurred with sorrow or anger. Likewise the foolhardy seemeth of great courage though he be not so, because he putteth himself forth to danger without cause. But men ought in all things to deal by reason: for that which done with reason, is welbeseeming and commended of all men, and that which is done otherwise, is blamed. Such as discern not good from evil, think a man to be of great courage, because he seemeth so, whereas indeed it is either rashness, folly, or rage, that maketh him to seem so: as we read of Coriolan, who when he was condemned of the people, showed not any grief and that (as saith Plutarch) was not through any drift or persuasion of reason, or through any calmness of disposition, that made him to bear his misfortune patiently and meeldly, but through a vehement despite, and desire or revenge, which carried him so forcibly away, that he seemed not tofeele his own misery: Despite maketh a man to forgee the baseness of a lazy and languishing mind. the which the common people suppose not to be sorrow, though it be so in deed. For when such grief is set on fire, then turneth it into despite, and then foregoeth it the baseness, laziness, and faintness which is natural unto it. And therefore as he that hath a fever, seemeth full of heat; so he that is choleric seemeth as though a man's mind were puffed out, and made greater and larger by his being in such disposition. The fifth kind is called customary, which is when a man hath always been wont to overcome, and never been foiled, such customablenesse maketh him to go the more boldly to the encounter. But if he found resistance, then would he fly as well as other men, for want of resolute purpose in valiantness. The sixth sort is called beastly, which is, when a man goeth like a beast to find his enemy, not thinking him to be courageous, and that he will make resistance against him, whereby it may befall him as I have said of the other. The seventh sort is called virtuous, which is the true and only kind of prowess, as when a man warreth or putteth himself in danger, not by constraint, nor upon choler, experience, or ignorance, but because it is expedient and behooveful in reason to be done. As for example, a prince must not make war, unless it be just, and for the benefit of his realm, or for the tuition and defence thereof, and of his subjects, and not upon ignorance, or for Ambition, or desire of revenge. CHAP. VIII. of magnanimity. Magnanimity approacheth unto prowess and valiantness, but yet it hath some thing greater. And like as magnificence being nothing else than liberality, is notwithstanding counted a greater thing, even so is it with magnanimity, which ought to be proper & peculiar to princes who set their minds, They that have the managing of great matters, ought not to set their minds upon base things. or at least wise aught to set their minds, on none but great matters. For as Demosthenes saith, it is a hard matter for them that set their minds upon base things, to have a high and bold spirit, or for them that have the managing of great affairs, to mind the small things. For such as the state of a man is, such is his mind. Alexander by reason of his valiant and hardy courage, thought nothing to be impregnable, nor any thing too strong for a firm and resolute mind. Wherefore being about to assail a place that was impregnable, he demanded what courage the captain was of, that was within it. And when he understood, that he was the veriest coward of the world, that is well for us quoth he, for that place is always to be won, which is held by a fainthearted coward. And in very deed he won the place, by putting the keeper thereof in fear. Now then, The definition of magnanimity. magnanimity is a certain excellency of courage, which aiming at honour, directeth all his doings thereunto, and specially unto virtue, as the thing that is esteemed the efficient cause of honour; in respect whereof, it doth all things that are virtuous and honourable, with a brave and excellent courage, and differeth from valiantness of prowess, The differ●●●● between 〈◊〉 Magnanimity. in that prowess respecteth chief the perils of war, and magnanimity respecteth honour. Insomuch that magnanimity is an ornament unto all virtues, because the deeds of virtue, be worthy of honour, the which are put in exceution by magnanimity. As for example, when it is said, That it belongeth not to a man of magnanimity to do wrong; this is a virtuous and just deed, which bringeth honour to the man of magnanimity, and therefore we say, That magnanimity is an ornament to all virtues, because it maketh them the greater, in that the honour whereon the nobleminded man setteth his eye, surmounteth all things. But yet in this do magnanimity and prowess agree, that both of them are void of fear, & despise death, grief, peril, and danger, not suffering themselves to be over-weighed by prosperity or adversity. Cicero in the fift of his Tusculane questions, saith, That if a man bend himself to despise the things that are commonly had in estimation, as strength, beauty, health, riches, and honour, & regardeth not their contraries; he may go with his head upright, & make his boast, that neither the frowardness of fortune, nor the opinion of the common people, nor sorrow, nor poverty, shall be able to put him in fear, but all things are in his hand, and nothing is out of his power. And in his first book of Duties, We deem it (saith he) the part of a noble courage and a constant mind, to be so firm and stable through the working of reason, as to make no reckoning of the things which other men esteem to be goodly and excellent; and to bear the things in such sort which seem hard and bitter, as he serve not from the state of nature, The nobleminded-man is not troubled either with prosperity or with adversity. and from the dignity which a wise man ought to have: and that it is the point of a nobleminded & constant man, not to be dismayed with adversity, nor to shrink a whit from the place where he standeth, nor to step aside from reason. For it is a token of lightness, not to be able to bear adversity, as well as prosperity. On the contrary part, it is a goodly thing to keep one self-same manner of dealing in all a man's life, yea and even one self-same one selfesame countenance. The magnanimity and constancy of Aristides was so great, that for all the honour that was done unto him, he was never highminded, nor for any rejection, putting back, or rebuke, was never discouraged or troubled. Metelius having only, of a great number of senators, refused upon peril of his life, to be sworn to a wicked law that was proclaimed by Saturnius a tribune of the people: said unto his friends that accompanied him, That to do evil, was too easy and too loitering a thing; and that to do well, where no danger is, was too common a thing: but to do good where danger is, that was the property of a man of honour and virtue. Cicero in the second book of his Orator, saith, It is a great commendation to endure adversity wisely, and not to be discouraged by misfortune, but to hold a man's self upright, and to retain his dignity in the time of distress. He that hath a lofty courage in adnersitie is a noble minded man. For there is not a thing more beseeming a noble minded man, than to be of great courage and lofty in adversity, the which would ill-beseeme him in prosperity. And as Plutarch saith, like as they that walk with a stately gate, are accounted vainglorious, and yet notwithstanding, that manner of marching is allowed and commended in them that go to battle: even so he that advanceth his mind in adversity, A brave port and stout countenance is in adversity commendable, but in prosperity discommendable. is deemed to be of excellent and unvanquishable courage, as having a brave port and stout countenance to encounter adversity, which in prosperity would ill beseem him. For we read that he which is of great courage, despiseth and maketh none account of all that may befall to man, ne esteemeth any worldly thing in comparison of himself. They therefore that are endued with a great and lofty courage, are always happy, as who do know that all the turmoilings of fortune, and all the changes of matters and times, are light and weak when they come to encounter against virtue. Noblemindednesse the mean between faintheartedness or Bacemindednes, and Fool-hardines. magnanimity or noblemindednes is the mean between bacemindednes and overloftines. For he that apply himself to great things, is called nobleminded; and he that dareth not adventure upon them, is called baceminded. Likewise he that adventureth upon all things, though he can do nothing aright, is called foolehardy. The nobleminded man advanceth not himself for honour, riches, or prosperity, neither maketh he the greater account of himself for them; if he fall from his degree or lose his goods, he stoopeth not for it; for he is upheld with a certain force & stoutness of mind. Contrariwise, the baceminded or fainthearted man, becometh wonderfully vainglorious of every little piece of good fortune or advancement that befalleth him, and at every little loss that betideth him, he shrinketh and is cast down like an abject, as if he had lost all, because he hath not the force of mind, to bear his fortune either good or bad. The foolhardy is of the same stamp, saving that without reason, he adventureth upon the things which the other dareth not undertake. The nobleminded hath six properties. The nobleminded man hath six properties: the first is, that he thrusteth not himself into perils rashly and for small trifles, but for great matters, whereof he may have great honour and profit. As for example, Alexander liked not to have the honour of winning the wager at the gamings of Olympus, because there were no kings to encounter with him. This came of a noble and princely mind. But when he was to go to the assault of a town, or the give battle: he was ever one of the foremost. The second property of the nobleminded, is to reward virtuous persons, and such as have employed themselves in his service. Whereunto a king ought to have a good eye, as I have said in the title of righteousness. The third property of the nobleminded, is to do but little, and not to hazard his self at all times. For a man cannot do great things easily and often. The fourth property, is to be soothfast, and to hate lying and all the appurtenances thereof, as flatterers, tale-bearers, and such others, which ought to be odious, most chiefly unto princes, who should be a rule to other men, as I have said already in speaking of truth, and shall speak again hereafter in discoursing of untruth. The fifth property of the nobleminded, is that he is no great craver nor no great borrower; assuring himself that nothing is so dearly bought, as that which is gotten by entreatance. Wherefore as for the emperors that held out their hands at their court gates, to receive presents and newy earsgists of the people: they were so far off from being princely minded, that they were rather to be esteemed inferior to rogues and beggars and all such like rascals. The sixth property of the nobleminded, is that he passeth not whether he be praised or dispraised, so long as he himself do well: of which sort was Fabius Maximus, who regarded not to be called a coward, but went forward continually with his platform of the overthrowing of Hannibal, without giving him battle of hazarding any thing. Pericles, what outcries so ever men made upon him, forbore not to go unto the multitude, but did like the good pilot of a ship, which giveth order for all things in the ship, without staying at the tears and shriekings of the passengers, tormenting themselves with the terror of the storm. Magnanimity passeth not for vain turmoils. For magnanimity consists, not only in despising death, but also in not regarding the vain discourses and turmoils, of such as understand not what the matters mean. In which behalf Pompey made a great fault, when he yielded so easily to go to battle, lest he should displease the young captains of his army and had liefer contrary to his own determination, to hazard the victory which was as good as sure unto him without stroke striking, than patiently to here the wrongful railings that were cast forth against him. CHAP. IX. That Diligence is requisite in matters of state. FOrasmuch as valiantness or prowess cometh of a constant mind that is ready to adventure without regard of danger, and magnanimity spareth not itself in any thing, so honour may ensue, ne regardeth what men say or do, so she may compass her affairs, for the attaining whereunto she forbeareth not any pains: me thinks it is reasonable to treat here, of that branch of prowess and magnanimity, which is called Diligence, a virtue very well beseeming a prince, as without the which he cannot reign happily. And as Xenophon saith in his first book of the Trainemnt of Cyrus, It is agreeable to reason, that such should prosper in their affairs, as are skilful in them, and be diligent in going forward with them, rather than they that are ignorant and slothful. A prince should pass his subjects in diligence. And a little after he saith, That a prince ought to endeavour to pass his subjects, not in sloth and idleness, but in discretion and diligence. Plutarch saith, That as water corrupteth that is not resored to: so the life of idle folk is corrupted and marred by slothfulness, because none are helped by them. Thucydides reporteth Alcibiades to have said, That a city given to idleness did mar and corrupt of itself; but did uphold and amend itself in experience of many things by keeping itself occupied with divers wars. We see ordinarily, that such as have given over themselves in idleness, have had ill success in their affairs: of which sort was Galba, who said that no man was to yield account of his idleness, contrary to the christian doctrine, which teacheth us that we must yield account of all our idle words, and that we must put forth our talon to profit, under pain of punishment, & also contrary to the law of Draco, which punished idle folk with death. In doing nothing men learn to do evil. For (as the men of old time said) in doing nothing, men learn to do evil. And as Ecclesiasticus saith, idleness teacheth many evil things. And therefore Amasis' king of Egypt, commanded all men to give a reckoning daily of their days labours. And Solon ordained that the high court of Ariopaguses, should have authority and charge to inquire whereof every man lived, and to punish those whom they found idle and un-occupied. An army must not be su●●ered to be idle. And Cambyses forbade Cyrus above all things, to suffer his army to be idle. Upon a time one asked D●onisius, whether he were at leisure and had nothing to do? God forbidden (quoth he) that ever that should befall me; thinking it to be a foul and shameful thing to be unoccupied. And Scipio said he was never less alone, than when he was alone: because that when he was alone, he busied himself as well as when he was in the senate. Among the great affairs wherewith Alexander was occupied, he would now and then take some recreation; but during those weighty affairs, there was neither feast, nor banquet, nor play, nor marriage, nor any other pastime that he would stay upon. The diligence of julius Ca●sar. julius Caesar obtained many victories by his diligence, in such wise that he amazed the Carnuts, that had revolted from him. For he passed the mountains with such speed, that he was in their country with his army, in shorter time than a messenger could have been, and began to waste the country out of hand, afore they had any tidings of his coming: Wherewith, and with some loss that they had received in a battle, his enemies were so dismayed, that in the end they submitted themselves to his will. And as he was diligent in war, so was he not idle in the city: but was occupied in pleasuring his friends, in doing justice to every man, and in ordering the affairs of the stare with great speed and skill; in so much that he did bring the year into that order which we have at this day, and was about to have set the civil law in order of art. Albeit that the lord of Chaulmont had but few men, yet if he had gone speedily to the besieging of Bolonia, according to his former deliberation, he had brought the Pope to such a pinch, that he had driven him to make peace, because there were but few people within the town. The harm of going slowly about a man's business. But by his ouerslow setting forth to the siege, he lost the opportunity, for in the mean time there came in sufficient force to encounter him. Contrariwise, Monsieur de Foix, by his hardiness and diligence, did within fifteen days compel the army of the Churchmen and of the Spaniards, to dislodge from before Bolona, discomfited john Paul Baillon, with part of the Venetian companies in Campaine, and recovered Bresse by force of arms, where eight thousand men were put to the sword, and the rest were made prisoners. Hannibal was not only diligent, but also a despiser of all pleasures. trajan and Adrian were so diligent and skilful in war matters, that they knew the account of their legions, and called the most part of their men of war by their names, the which they did so precisely, least vagabund strangers should intermeddle themselves, with them that were Romans born. And they permitted not any man, which could not good skill to handle his weapon and to fight. Epaminondas never gave himself any respite from dealing in matters of the state, saying that he watched for his countrymen's sakes, to the intent that they might make good cheer at their ease while he traveled for them. Homer saith, That it becometh not a man of government, and such a one as is to command many, to sleep the whole night. Of overmuch sleep. For too much sleeping is a spice of idleness, according to this saying of Solomon in his proverbs, Slothfulness causeth sleep to come. Whereof Plato speaketh after this manner, overmuch sleep is not good, neither for the body nor for the mind, nor for the doing of any business; and that he that is a sleep, is as a dead man. Wherefore whosoever will be wise, and well advised, must wake as much as he can, and take no more sleep than is requisite for his health. For overmuch sleeping feedeth vice, as Cato saith in his pairs of verses. Solomon in the twentieth of his proverbs saith, Delight not in sleep, lest thou become poor, but open thine eyes that thou mayest have foyzon of food. And in the 23. chap. he saith, That overmuch sleeping maketh a man to go in ragged clothes. For these considerations the king of Persia caused a groom of his chamber to waken him every day, and to bid him arise and intend to the affairs of his realm, as I have said heretofore. Therefore the Prince that is well advised, will not give himself to overmuch sleeping, nor shut up himself in a corner to do nothing, like to Domitian, who took pleasure in pricking flies to death, nor cast off all affairs to thrust out the time by the shoulders. For they that will disburden themselves of their affairs, have commonly more to do than they would have. And as the Greeks' said in their common proverb, A solitary life is al● one with the life that is troublefull. Adoxia, that is to say, The life that is without honour, or rather the life that is elendge and solitary, is all one with the painful life, because that they which think to live without pain alone by themselves, are more troubled to defend themselves, from the wicked which be not afraid of them, and therefore do vex them, than those which following some trade, do travel for the common weal. And as saith Thucydides, The rest that a man taketh through negligence, is more hurtful to a man than laboursome toil. That was the cause, why Darius would needs plunge the Babylonians into all manner of idleness, that they might not have the heart to rebel afterward. A policy of Cimon. The same policy used Cimon, to diminish the force and power of his allies, by granting them whatsoever they required. After that the Persians were driven out of Greece, the allies of the Athenians ceased not to contribut both men and money, towards the making of new wars, and the maintenance of an army on the sea, whereof in the end they waxed weary; & considering with themselves that the Persians troubled them not, would not furnish them any longer with men and ships: well were they contented to pay money for their fines; but the Athenian captains enforced them thereunto, and condemned them at great fines if they failed. The which dealing made the dominion of Athens to become hateful to their allies. But when Cimon came to the governing of the state, he took the clean contrary way. For he did not compel or enforce any man to the wars, but was contented to take money and empty ships of such as listed not to serve in their own persons: and he liked well of it that they should wax lazy and grow out of kind, by the allurements of rest at home in their houses; and of good men of war, to let them become labourers, merchantmen, and husbandmen. And in their stead, he caused a good number of the Athenians to go into their galleys, in hardening them with travel of continual voyages. Insomuch that within short time after, they became lords of those that had waged and entertained them, healing themselves at their cost. And in the end they made those to be their subjects and tributaries, which at the beginning had been their fellows and allies. Such as were but captains, have in the end made themselves Dukes, Kings, & Emperors, by their diligenc●. The like hath come to pass of diverse captains that served in the camp, and had the leading of armies: for in the end, of Captains they have made themselves dukes, kings, and emperors, as Vespasian, and other emperors without number. Tamerlane king of Tartars, Ottoman king of Turks, Sforza duke of Milan, and other great lords whom it would be too long to number. Nero and many others have by their wickedness and negligence lost their empires. Sardanapalus by his laziness, lost the kingdom of Assyria. So long as the kings of France suffered their affairs to be managed by others than themselves, they were less esteemed than an image, surely no more than liked the master of their Palace to allow them, who at length drove out the kings without gainsaying, as men of none account and unprofitable. For it was the opinion of all men, that those were unworthy to reign and to command men, which were themselves inferior to women, and by their Unweeldines had made themselves very sots and beasts. Sluggishness 〈◊〉 an enemy to wisdom. For as Anacharsis saith, idleness and sluggishness are cruel enemies to wisdom. But he that loveth virtue, shuneth not any pains, saith Theodericke. Plutarch in the life of Dion, saith That the carelessness and negligence of Dennis the soon, getting continually the upper hand of him, carried him to women and bellicheere, and all vicious pastimes, & at length did break asunder his adamant chains, that is to say, the great number of his warlike soldiers, and his store of galleys, of whom his father boasted that he le●t his kingdom fast chained to his son. A king ought to be diligent in looking to his estate. And that is the reason why he that is the governor of a people, should intend to the state whereunto he is called, lest he receive blame at a woman's hand, as Philip and Demetrius did; of whom the one being of his own nature gentle and easy to be spoken to, yet at that time having no leisure to do justice, and the other being hard to be come unto, did either of them learn their lessons at two poor women's hands, who told it them in one word, saying, Then list not to be kings. This free speech of the one, made Philip to do justice unto her out of hand, & the same free speech of the other, made Demetrius to begin thenceforth to become more affable to all men. Although Augustus was as peaceable a prince as ever reigned, yet failed he not to intend continually to other men's matters: and sometimes to refresh his spirits, he would go from Rome to a pleasant house that he had near unto Naples, and yet even there he could not be without doings. But the hypocrite Tiberius made his sojourning there to serve to cloak his laziness, or rather to discover it. The harm that Tiberius took of his lasines. For whensoever he was ready to departed thither, he gave straight commandment that no man should be so bold, as to come thither to speak to him of any matters. And besides that, he set warders upon the way, to stop such as traveled thither. And he received the reward of his laziness. For as he was playing the drunkard in all excess, news was brought unto him of the invading of three of his provinces by his enemies. Vitellius was so deep plunged in voluptuousness, that he had much a do to bethink himself that he was Emperor: and his end was like his life. All slothful princes have either had a miserable or violent death, or else their names have been wiped out of the remembrance of men. Slothfulness bringeth darkness, which is a great punishment. For as Plutarch saith, The manner of punishing those that have lived lewdly, is to cast them into darkness out of all knowledge, and through everlasting forgetfulness, to throw them down into the deep sea of sloth and idleness, which with his waving bringeth darkness, and putteth folk out of knowledge. And as Theodorick saith to the Goths, under idleness and slothfulness commendable prows is hidden, Sloth and idleness overwhelm prowess. and the light of that man's deserts is darkened, which hath no life to put the same in proof. Contrariwise, by adventuring, by undertaking, and by setting hand to work, Great things are done by diligence. great things and of great value have been compassed, which to the careless and negligent seemed unpossible, and not to be hoped for. And if the diligent and painful have happened through their desire of honour, William Bellay in his Ogdoades. or by some misfortune, to end their days with violent death: yet hath the remembrance of their noble deeds flown through all the world, and been commended and honoured of posterity. And as Solomon saith in the 12. of the proverbs, The hand of the diligent shall bear rule. The hand of the diligent shall bear rule, but the idle hand shall be under tribute. And in another placed, An idle hand maketh poor, but a diligent hand maketh rich. The slothful person shall not gain, nor have whereof to feed, but the store of the diligent is precious. The slothful person wisheth, and his heart always wanteth. The idle folk shall suffer famine, but the life of the diligent shall be maintained. The slothful man cometh to penury. And in the 21. of the proverbs, The thoughts of the diligent tend altogether to abundance, but whosoever is slothful, shall surely come to penury. And in the 36. Like as a door turneth upon the hinges, so doth the slothful man wallow in his bed. The sluggard hideth his hand in his bosom, and is loath to put it to his mouth. And in the 21. of Ecclesiasticus, The slothful man is like a filthy or miry stone, whereof all men will speak shame. Hesiodus saith, Not travail but idleness is a foul thing. That men grow rich by travail and diligence. For not pains taking, but idleness is unhonest. And he saith moreover, that slothfulness is accompanied with scarcity, which feeding itself with vain hope, engendereth many evils in a man's mind, and keepeth a man idle in four way leete without getting wherewith to live. To them that watch, God reacheth out his hand. Aeschilus' saith, That unto such as watch, god reacheth out his hand, & liketh well to help them that take pains. We see how goods do melt away between the hands of the slothful, without his spending of them, and that oftentimes he hath as little as the prodigal person that is diligent, according to this saying of Solomon, in the 18. of his proverbs, That he that is slothful at his work, is brother to the scattergood; therefore men must beware of idleness. For as saith Theodorick writing to Festus, Like as man's nature is furnished by pains taking; so by sluggish idleness it decayeth and becometh beastly. men's minds wax rusty and forgrowne by doing nothing. Plutarch saith that men's minds do rust and forgrow through idleness; and that as the waters that stand unoccupied in the shadow, do gather filth and infection: so the life of them that live in idleness, if it have any thing that may avail, yet because it is not derived unto others, that other men may taste thereof, the native force and virtue thereof becometh corrupt and stolen. And by and by after, I am of opinion (saith he) that whereas we live and are borne, and grow to be men, it is given us of God to make us to know him. Now if this be spoken of all men, who ought to employ themselves to all virtuous actions, and make their talon profitable: what shall we say of Princes, who have that charge of purpose, not to hide themselves in a chamber, but to be always doing, and to travel for those that are under their charge. CHAP. X. Of Temperance. The definition of Temperance. Cicero in his second book of the Ends of good and bad. NOw remaineth the last Cardinal virtue, called Temperance, which in the things that are to be sought or eschewed, warneth us to follow reason, and is nothing else but a natural and interchangeable agreement, of those parts of the soul which have the rule of delights; the which virtue Socrates called, The brideler of bodily pleasures; because all passions are moderated by that virtue. And long time afore him, Mercury in his Pimander, in the chapter of Regeneration, calleth it staidness, a virtue contrary to all lustings, the which he termeth, The foundation of righteousness. Plato in his Phoedo saith, That when Reason guideth a man's opinion to that which is best, that power is called Temperance. Like as on the contrary part, we call it Intemperance, when lust without reason draweth us to our delights, Temperance the strength of the soul. and overmaistreth us. Pythagoras said, that Temperance is the strength of the mind. For as the body that is well compacted together, endureth heat and cold: so they that have their minds and understandings well disposed, do easily bear the passions of the soul, as anger, joy, sorrow, and such other affections. Philo the Jew saith, That the soundness of the soul consisteth in the good temperature of the ireful, lustful, and reasonable powers; whereof the reasonable, as Lady and mistress, by means of Temperance, bridleth the other two as resty horses. Democritus was of opinion, that valiantness consisteth not only in overcoming enemies, but also insubduing desires. And as Cicero saith in his Duties, It is no reason that he which cannot be overcome by fear, should be overcome by his lusts: or that he which hath not shrunk for pains taking, should yield to his delights. An evil commander is he (saith Cato) that cannot command himself. For the patiented man is better than the strong; and he that overmaistreth his own heart, is better than he that winneth a city by force, The difference between valiantness and Temperance. saith Solomon in the sixteenth chapter of the proverbs. Nevertheless, this virtue differeth from valiantness in this, that valiantness undertaketh things great, terrible, and difficult, and the other withdraweth men from the things that are pleasant and delectable. And like as valiantness holdeth more of boldness than of fear, though it be the mean between them both: so Temperance being the mean between sensual delightfulness, and insensiblitie, approacheth nearer to insensibility, because it represseth the sensual delight. Socrates' said, That no man could be wise, which was not temperate. Saint Paul saith, That a good life consisteth in three things, namely godliness, uprightness, and sobriety; which sobriety is nothing else but Temperance, when we abstain from all lusts, and suffer not ourselves to be overcome by our desires. Mercury saith, that temperance is a virtue that bringeth joy, Temperance maketh us happy. because we become happy by abstaining from our lusts. Among the beasts that are good or evil to eat, Moses doth chief commend the Lopiomache, which representeth unto us Temperance, which hath continual and deadly war against Intemperance and voluptuousness, termed of Moses a Serpent, because the one embraceth frugality, by contenting itself with that which is necessary for this life without superfluity, and the other is given to a kind of sumptuousness, which maketh the body efteminat, and the mind troubled and beastly. And like as Temperance appeaseth all desires, making them obedient unto reason: Intemperance utterly confoundeth the state of the m●nde. so Intemperance marreth the understanding utterly. And as Cicero saith in the fourth of his Tusculane questions, The fountain of encumbrances is Intemperance, which withdraweth and estraungeth us from true reason, and is so contrary unto it, that it is unpossible to govern and restrain the lusts and desires of the heart. And therefore in the ten commandments, we be forbidden to covet or lust after any manner of thing. For of this coveting springeth Intemperance, the root of all evils, as Saint Paul after many others calleth it in his Epistle to Timothy. And saint John saith, That in this world is nothing else but coveting and lusting after the delights of the flesh (under the which may be comprehended lechery, sloth, and gluttony) and coveting after the delight of the eyes (under the which are comprehended the desire of riches) which containeth in it all manner of usury, robbery, niggardship and extortion. And desire of honour which he calleth the pride of life, (under the which we may comprehend all vainglory, wrath, and envy) as I have said afore in treating of envy. There was a certain young man, that said it was a goodly thing to have all that a man could wish. But a certain Philosopher named Monedemus, answered, that it was a goodlier thing not to desire that whereof a man had no need. Plato and Thales of Milet, counted that man happy, which was not covetous, because he was master of his lusts. And Socrates (as Xenophon reporteth) was of opinion that that man could not be virtuous, that was a servant to his delights, and that none but they which have stay of themselves, do say and do that which is best; who choosing the good, and refusing the evil, do make themselves happy. For he liveth well at ease, He liveth most at ease, that is contented with least. that is contented with a little. And Epicurus said, That that man had nothing at all, which could not away with a little. Menander called Temperance the storehouse; & Socra●es, the foundation of virtue: because he which thrusteth down voluptuousness, Temperance the foundation of all virtue. doth consequently and of necessity acquire all virtues. As for example, He that is not nice, dainty nor gluttonous, nor desirous of women, nor covetous of riches, nor reacheth out his hand to receive rewards, and can skill to bridle his anger, his hearted, his envy, his sorrow, his fear, and his joy: for joy (as saith Plutarch in the life of Aratus being entered into a man's mind, maketh him sometimes besides himself, and worketh him greater incumberance of mind, than either sorrow or fear do. On the contrary part, we call him an untemperant man, which is vicious and letteth himself lose unto voluptuousness, and which (as Plato saith in his Phoedon) suffereth himself to be overruled by his delights, the which a man ought to pass by, with his ears stopped, as if they were Meremaids. For they be enemies to reason, Voluptuousness blindeth the eyes of the mind. impediments to all good advice, and blindness of the understanding. For wheresoever voluptuousness is, there virtue hath no place. Therefore Ecclesiasticus turneth us away from it in these words, C●cero in his duties. Go not (saith he) after thy lusts, neither turn thee aside after thy pleasure. Architas the Tarentine said, That the greatest plague that ever Nature brought forth in this world, is delectation or voluptuousness. For out of that fountain come all the mischiefs that we have. Philo the Jew saith, That voluptuousness is likea harlot, who to enjoy the man whom she loveth, seeketh bawds to set her love abroach, the which are the senses whom voluptuousness winneth first of all, by them to subdue the understanding afterward. For the senses reporting within what they have seen without, do represent unto the understanding, whatsoever they have seen, and imprint in it the same affection. Antisthenes' affirmed that he had liefer to be senseless, than to be surprised with voluptuousness; for voluptuousness bereaveth a man of his understanding, Voluptuousness bereaveth men of their wit. no less than folly doth, and folly may be remedied by medicine, but so cannot the other. And when it was said unto him, that it was a great pleasure to live deliciously, I pray God (quoth he) that such pleasure may befall to the children of our enemies. At such time as Fabricius was ambassador unto Pyrrhus, Cineas told him how he had heard a great Philosopher in Athens, counsel men to refer all their doings to pleasure. Which thing seemed so strange to Fabricius, that he prayed God to give such wisdom to Pyrrhus, and the Samnites. When one asked of Agesilaus, Voluptuousness the plague of all commonweals. what profit the laws of Lycurgus yielded: The despising of pleasures (quoth he) meaning to declare thereby, that all commonweals, are more confounded by deliciousness, than by other things. And for that cause, when Darius had overcome the Lydians, he ordained that they should use perfumes, and that they should do nothing but dance, leap, haunt taverns, and be finely appareled, to the intent that by that means becoming altogether effeminate, they might not have the courage to rebel afterward. Pyrrhus seeing the Tarentines to be too full of dilicatenesse, and to set their minds to make war with words more than with deeds: forbade all assemblies to feasts, to mumries, and to such other effects of joyfulness, than out of season, and brought them back to the exercise of arms, showing himself severe to them that were enrolled in his muster-book, and bound to go to the wars. When one wondered that all the Lacedæmonians lived so soberly: Liberty is maintained by frugality. marvel not (quoth Agesilaus) for of this thriftiness we reap a good crop, meaning freedom: as who would say, that liberty could not continue long with voluptuousness and delights. The Persians on a time would have shifted their dwelling place, from the hill grounds into the plains: but Cyrus would not permit it; men's manners change according to the countries. saying that as plants and seeds, so also men's manners altered according to the nature of the soil; deeming wisely, That the less delicate country, yieldeth the best men. As for example, Ulysses said of Ithaca, That it was a poor country, but it bred very good men. And so said the king of Scythia to Philip king of Macedon: Thou reignest (quoth he) over the Macedonians, who be great warriors; and I reign over the Scythians, who be wont to endure hunger and thirst. Sandaris a well advised lord of Lydia, would have stayed Croesus from leading his host into Persia against Cyrus. You go to make war (quoth he) against a people whose clothing is but of leather, whose food is not such as they list, but such as they can get, whose drink is water, who eat not figs, or any other such dainties. If ye overcome them, ye can take nothing from them, because they have nothing: and if you be overcome, consider well what goods ye shall lose. As soon as they shall have tasted of our goods, they will high them apace hither, and we shall not be able to drive them away. It is very hard, yea and utterly unpossible, that persons tenderly brought up, should vanquish them that be temperate & enured to travel and painstaking. And no marvel though Ep●ctetus had this saying always in his mouth, To bear and forbear. Bear and forbear: that is to say, we must with patience bear and endure things hard and evil, The untemperate man is unjust. and by the virtue of Temperance forbear our delights and pleasures, for that is the thing wherein the virtue consists. And as Plato saith, He that is a stayed man, is a friend to god, After what manner pleasure is to be ●ought. for he resembleth him. And whosoever is untemperate, is contrary to God, and unrighteous. I say not that pleasure is not to be sought at all: but (as Plato saith in his Gorgias) it is to be sought so far forth, as it is matched with profit, as health and strength of body are, the which we seek for the benefit of them, and not the benefit for the pleasures sake. And as Aristippus saith, That man moderateth pleasure, not which abstaineth utterly from it, but which useth it in such sort, as he is not carried away with it, as we govern a ship or a horse, when we lead them whether we list. For Reason (as saith Demosthenes) must be the mistress of lusts. Also a man may take pleasure of the five senses of nature without offence, as when a man taketh delight in eating and drinking, because he is well a hungered and a thirst, for the pleasure that a man taketh in his taste, cometh of sobriety: and when a man scratcheth where it itcheth, that touching is not faulty; as for example, Socrates took singular delight in rubbing himself after he had endured the stocks. The difference of the five senses. Yet notwithstanding, ordinarily these two senses are most dangerous above all the other, when a man taketh more pleasure of them than he should do, the which befalleth not to the other: as for example, if a man take pleasure in colours & paintings, albeit there be too much or too little, yet is he not therefore accounted either temperate or untemperate; neither he likewise that is too much given to the hearing of accounts, or of songs; nor he that taketh too much delight in scents and smells, but rather they that delight in the savours of meats and drinks, because that those scents renew the remembrance of the things which they love: as for example, the Emperor Claudius at the only sent of the roast-meat, that was prepared at a feast that was made for the Salian priests, did by and by leave all his affairs, and went to dine with them. Also they that see or hear any speeches of the things which they love, are tickled with some pleasure thereof, which being entered in at the eyes or the ears, taketh such root in the heart, that it is hard to put it away again. For that cause when Sophocles beheld a fair young boy and commended his beauty, one told him, That it became him to have not only chaste hands, but also chaste eyes. Candaules king of Lydia having a Lady of most excellent beauty to his wife, showed her naked to a friend of his named Gyges: but the sight of her so inflamed the heart of Gyges, that he murdered the king, to marry her. The people of Bisance being besieged of Philip, sent Ambassadors unto him to know what injury he pretended to be done by them. And he sent them back again without any good answer, saying that they were great fools, & like to one that having a fair wife demanded of them that resorted often to her, Concupiscence the cause of very great sins. wherefore they came thither: meaning that the beauty of their town, made him desirous to win it. And for that cause doth our Lord and lawgiver say, that he which lusteth after a woman sinneth as much as if he had to do with her, by reason of the consent which he hath given to the sin, the performance whereof engendereth death. For when lust is once entered in, it is hard to keep the rest from following after, or at leastwise to forbear to give attempt to obtain the rest, as the judges did to Susan, David to Bersabee, and Tarquin to Lucreece. Well may we hear, see, and smell a far off; but we cannot touch or taste, but the things that are near at hand. And that is the cause that we have most delectation by those feelings. Moreover, nature hath conveyed into them, all the pleasantness that she could, to the intent that that pleasure should maintain all living wights, which cannot live but by eating and drinking, nor be increased and continued without the act of copulation, specially the brute beasts, which would neither feed nor engender, if they were not provoked thereto by nature. And as touching hounds which follow freshly upon the scent of things, it is not for any pleasure that they have in the hunting, but for the pleasure which they have to eat it. The lion taketh no delight in the lowing of a bugle or an ox, nor in the sight of a goodly stag, otherwise than by accident, that is to say for that he hopeth that it is meat prepared for him to dine upon. Temperance consisteth most in eating and drinking and in use of women. therefore I say that temperance, consisteth chief and most peculiarly in eating and drinking, and in use of women. And as Plato saith, all things seem to depend chiefly upon three necessities and inward desires; of the which being well ordered, springeth the virtue of temperance, or contrariwise the vice of intemperance, if they be unruly. Two of them be in all living wights as soon as they be borne; namely, the desire to eat and to drink: and because every living creature hath a natural appetite, even from his very birth, therefore is he carried unto it even with a violent and forcible desire, and cannot abide to hear him that shall tell him he must do otherwise. But the third necessity, lust, or pregnant desire, which serveth for propagation and generation, cometh a certain time after, and yet it burneth men with a hot fury, and carrieth them with a wonderful looseness. These three diseases enforcing us after that manner to the things that we most like of, must be turned to the better by fear, by law, and by true reason. S. Jerome writing to Furia saith, The lust of women is within us, and therefore hard to overcome. That this lust is harder to subdue that the others, because it is within us, whereas other sins are without us. As for example, niggardliness may be laid down by casting up a man's purse a far of: the railer is corrected, if he be commanded to hold his peace; a man may in less than an hour, change rich apparel into mean: only the desire which God hath endued us withal for procreation, doth by a certain constraint of nature, run to carnal copulation. Wherefore great diligence is to be used for the vanquishing of nature, that in the flesh a man may not live fleshly. Some have taken Temperance more largely, as Anaoharsis the Scythian, who said that a man ought to have stay of his tongue, of his belly, and of the privy parts. Which thing Plato hath declared more largely in his Phoedon, saying of the inordinat appetits of Intemperance, that there be diverse sorts of names of them, according as they themselves are divers. For the lust of things above the navel concerning food is called gluttony, and he that is possessed of that vice, is called a glutton; he that is overmaistered with drinking, is called a drunkard: that which forceth a man to the pleasute and overliking of a beautiful visage, and surmounteth reason in the desire thereof, is called love: and the like may we say of all lust that overmaistreth the opinion which tendeth to well doing. Pythagoras said that we must chief moderate these things; namely the belly, sleep, the desire of the flesh, and choler, whereof I will speak particularly hereafter, after that I have exhorted princes to Temperance generally, as to the virtue which is most necessary. For the desire of honour may lead a prince to prowess, Co●●tousnes an ordinary fault in princes. and withdraw him from cowardliness, but it is hard to reclaim him from covetousness. For the desire of having more, is the ordinary vice of princes and great lords; so that if they desire women, banquets, or feasts, no man pulleth them back, but rather flatterers allure them thereunto. Wherefore it standeth them on hand to withdraw themselves from them and to bear in mind, that a man may be temperate without danger, but he cannot attain to prowess without putting himself in peril of war. And the cause why valiantness is preferred before Temperance, is, that valiantness is the harder to attain unto: But to have the train of virtues which consist in the sensitive appetit; Temperance will obtain more than valiantness, which is peculiar to those that are hardy, and is hard by reason of the peril wherewith it is matched. Wherein Temperance consisteth. But this virtue of Temperance is easy and void of all peril, and consisteth but in the contempt of voluptuousness, the which as S. john Chrisostome saith in his xxij homily, Voluptuousness like to a dog. Is like a dog: if you drive him away, he is gone; if ye make much of him, he will abide with you. Democritus saith that Temperance increaseth the pleasure of things. Temperance increaseth pleasure. Which thing Epicurus considering, who placed all man's pleasure in voluptuousness, drank nothing but water, neat other than crible bread, saying that he did it according to his profession, because it liked him better to eat little, and to use meats that were least delicate. And yet nevertheless he gave himself to Temperance, granting the thing in effect which he denied in his words, namely that virtue was the chief cause of pleasure. Also it is most commonly said, that there is not a better sauce than appetit. And to have great pleasure of any thing whatsoever it be, a man must taste of his contraie, as of hunger to find meat sweet, and of thirst to feel drink pleasant; after the example of Darius, who drinking up a glass of water, good God (quoth he) from how great a pleasure have I been barred heretofore. Ptolemy in making a road through the country of Egypt, happened to want wherewith to dine, because his victuals followed him not, insomuch that for the hunger that pinched him, he was feign to eat a morsel of bread in a poor man's cottage, saying he never ate better bread nor with better appetite. Diogenes said, It was a strange thing, that wrestlers and singingmen despised their belly and their pleasures; the one to have a good voice, and the other to have the stronger body: and that for temperance sake no man regarded so to do. A notable precept for Temperance. Isocrates in the exhortation which he giveth to Demonicus, giveth this precept for temperance worthy to be noted, bethink yourself (saith he) to become temperate and stayed, in the things which you would esteem vile and shameful, if your mind were held down in them, as lucre, wrath, sensuality, & sorrow. Now it will be easy for you to have stay of yourself, if you set your mind to the obtainment of the things that may increase your renown, and not your revenues. As touching anger, you must use no greater towards others, than you would that others should use towards you. In the things that bring pleasure, you shall easily temper yourself, if you consider what a shame it is for you to command your slaves, and in the mean while yourself to be a slave unto voluptuousness. Your sorrows you shall be able to moderate, by beholding the miseries of other men, and by considering that you be a mortal man. And above all you shall be stirred up to do good, if you consider that upon that point dependeth pleasure. For in the idle life which seeketh nothing but feasting and cheering, the pleasantness endeth forthwith together with the pleasure: but when a man intendeth to virtue and purposeth upon a sobriety in all his life, What pleasure is to be sought. it giveth him a true joy and a longlasting. Therefore none other pleasure is to be fought, than such as bringeth honour: for the pleasure is noughtworth that is not matched with honour. Alexander Severus said That an ill conditioned prince doth often spend his treasures in superfluity of apparel & curiosity of feasts, which he needs for the maintenance of wars. again he ware no gold nor precious stones: saying that a prince ought not to measure himself by the things which cover the body, but by the goodness and virtue of his mind. Plutarch in the life of Philopemen saith, Voluptuousness maketh men nice and effeminate. that by superfluity and sumptuousness in household-stuff, apparel, and far, many have been brought to seek the delights, that make nice and effeminate the courages of such as use them, because the tickling of the outward sense that is delighted with them, doth by and by soften and loosen the stoutness & strength of the mind. I say (quoth Agapete to Justinian) that you are now rightly a king, seeing that you can rule and govern your delights, by wearing on your head the diadem of Temperance. A king is lord of all, but then specially when he overruleth himself, and is not subject to evil lusts, but (by help of reason wherethrough he overruleth the unreasonable affections) maketh himself lord and master by means of Temperance, over the lusts that bring all the world in subjection, which thing those could well skill to do, which have had most estimation in the world. Scipio was so temperate, that in four and fifty years which he lived, he neither sold nor purchased nor builded: and having razed two great cities, namely Numance and Carthage, yet he enriched not himself with the spoils of them; insomuch that at his death, he left behind him no more but three and thirty pound of silver, and two pound of gold. Paulus Aemilius had such stay of himself, that he never took one penny of the treasure of Perseu●, ne died richer than did Aristides. Lysander and infinite other Greeks and Romans famous in histories, Lacedæmonians trained up from the shell in Temperance and specially the Lacedæmonians, were trained up in Temperance from their youth, and taught to keep themselves from being corrupted with money, as Herodotus reporteth of one Gorgo a little daughter of Cleomenes, of the age of eight or nine years. In the presence of this little wench, one Aristagoras entreated Cleomenes to do so much with the Lacedæmonians, as to cause them to send an army into Asia, promising to give him ten talents for his labour; when Cleomenes refused, he offered him fifty: The pretty wench hearing that took her father aside, and said unto him, My father, if you get you not hence, this guest will corrupt you. Whereat Cleomenes departed presently, without hearkening to Aristagoras any more. The Temperance and staidness of Titus Quintius, Quintius won more cities by Temperance than by the sword. gate more countries to the Romans, than all their forces had done. First of all after that he had won the battle, although his victuals followed him not, yet made he his men of war to march on still, in such sort as they took not any thing in the country where they went, notwithstanding that they found great abundance of goods, the which his forbearing he found anon after how greatly it availed him: for as soon as he was come into Thessaly, the cities yielded themselves willingly unto him, and all the rest of the Greeks required nothing, but to give themselves unto him. Demetrius was subject to his belly, & to women; and yet in the time of war he was as sober and chaste, as they that be naturally given thereunto; rightly deeming that he could not overcome his enemies unless he were temperate. But yet at length, Demetrius exp●l●ed for 〈…〉 when he let himself lose to his pleasures, the Mac●do●●●ns drove him out, saying that they were weary of bearing arms, and of fight for his pleasures. CHAP. XI. That he that will dispatch his affairs well, must be Sober. I Said afore, that Temperance is chief over the belly, and the privy parts, the tongue, and choler. Now must I speak in order of these four sorts of Temperance, and first of all I will speak of that which concerneth the belly, that is to say, which concerneth eating and drinking, the which we call Abstinence or sobriety; the contrary whereof we call gluttony, a foul and filthy vice, specially in a Prince. For as saith Mercury Trismegistus, It bereaveth a man of all goodness, whereas sobriety doth marvelously become him. For sobriety withdraweth him not from his affairs for cheering, and therewith it exempteth him from all diseases, that often come of fullness, through too much eating and drinking. The sober man hath his wit the more at will. It preserveth a man's wit the clearer, to judge sound of the matters that come afore him; whereas he that hath vapours in his brain through too much meat that is cast into the stomach, cannot be so fit for the ordering of them, by reason of his distemperature. Cicero in his Tusc●lan questions. For it is hard to occupy our wit well, when we have eaten and drunken too much. And S. Jerom saith, in his rule of Monks, We cannot apply ourselves to wisdom, if we set our minds upon the abundance of the table; and that nothing but belly-cheer & lechery do make us to court riches. For this cause Solomon esteemeth them unhappy, that are under a king that is early at his feeding; that is to say, which is subject to his mouth. Cato said, That we must take so much meat and drink, as is requisite to maintain the strength of the body, and not as shall accloy it. And as Cicero saith in his Duties, We must refer our feeding to the health and strength of our bodies, and not unto pleasure. And Socrates saith, That we must so use our feeding, as neither body nor mind be overcharged therewith. And therefore Ecclesiasticus in the seven and thirtieth chapter saith thus; Be not greedy of thy meat, neither thrust thy hand into every dish, for the multitude of meats procureth diseases, and of full feeding breedeth choler. A man of moderate diet prolongeth his life. Many have died of gluttony, but he that abstaineth shall prolong his life. Our Lord in the 21 of Saint Luke commandeth us to beware, that our hearts be not accloied with wine and meat. And S. Paul to the Ephesians, forbiddeth us to take too much wine, as wherein lieth surfeiting. Horace in the second of his sermons, describeth naturally the pleasure and discommodity of too much feeding. Pliny saith, That simple meats are most wholesome for the body, & that all sauces and sawcepikets are dangerous and deadly. Such as have written of antiquities, say, That in the time of Saturn, the world neither ate flesh nor drank wine; wherein they agree with our divines, who put us out of doubt, that the use of flesh and wine was unknown afore the universal flood. The Esseans lived longest of all the Jews, because they did most abstain, and used least dainty meats. There were three sorts of feeding in Persia, whereof the excellentest contented themselves with herbs and meal. Saint john chrusostom in his five and fiftieth homily saith, A poor table is the mother of health. That a poor table is the mother of health, and a rich table is the mother of diseases, as of headache, of quaking of the limbs, of agues, of gouts, and of other diseases more dangerous than hunger. For hunger killeth within few days, but excess rotteth a man's body by piecemeal, and pineth away the flesh with sickness, and in the end killeth him with a cruel death. Again in the mind it breedeth testiness, melancholy, sloth, and unweeldinesse: and there is not any thing that driveth away so many diseases, as moderate diet. That which I say tendeth not to the utter taking away of all feasts, Of feasts and ba●quets. for as Plutarch saith in his banquet of the seven Sages, They that take away the use of eating and drinking one with another, take away that which is strongest in friendship. And our bodies cannot receive a greater pleasure, nor a more rightful, familiar and agreeable to nature: because that by that means men communicate, and participate of the self same victuals. Socrates did oftentimes banquet and gather good companies together, whom he entertained well, howbeit soberly and without superfluity, delighting them more with his mirthful and sweet talk, than with his meats and drinks. Insomuch that afterward, sober and merry meals were called Socratissis meals. And this manner did Plato well hold still of his master: For he entertained his guests well, but without any superfluity. Which thing Timothy of Athens marked well in him, who having had very good and convenient entertainment at his hand, howbeit without any great furniture of meats; at his meeting with him the next morning, thanked him for that his supper had done him pleasure, not only for the present time, The sobriety of the Lacedæmonians. but also the day after. The Lacedæmonians were wonderful sober in eating and drinking, and had certain public places called Phidities, where they ate very soberly; whereof it came, that when men would speak of a small pittance, they would liken it to a meal of the Phiditie. A spare diet is the Schoolmist●es of wi●e counsel. And when a certain stranger asked them, Why they drunk so liltle? To the intent (answered they) that we may counsel other men, and not other men counsel us. Meaning to show by that answer, that the greatest drinkers are not the best in counsel, but that sobriety breedeth good advice. For temperate diet is the schoolmistresse of good and sage counsel, as said Sophocles. Epicurus said, That he should esteem himself always alike happy, so he might have bread and water. For the appetite of eating and drinking, consisteth more in hunger and thirst, than in the delicateness of wines and meats. The Lacedæmonians in stead of all other dainties, had for their first dish a broth that was black and of small taste, whereof notwithstanding they made great account. Dennis the tyrant would have tasted thereof, because they liked it so well; and he had a Lacedaemonian cook that prepared thereof for him: but when he had tasted of it, he liked not of it. Then said his cook unto him, that it was not to be wondered, if he misliked it, seeing it was not seasoned as it should be, that is to say, with travel in hunting and running, The sauces of the Lacedæmonians. nor with hunger & thirst, which are the sauces that the Lacedæmonians use to season their meats withal. On a time the Queen of Caria gave Alexander great store of delicate meats, for the which he thanked her: howbeit in taking them, he told her that he had much better than those, that is to wit, for dinner the journey that he marched afore daylight, and for supper a small dinner. For a great dinner hindereth a good supper, as Diogenes said to a young man that ate nothing to his supper but olives; If thou hadst dined (quoth he) after this manner, thou wouldst not feed as thou dost. more men die of eating too much, than of hunger, as saith Theognis. And as the common proverb saith, The mouth killeth more men than the sword. Cato said it was hard for that commonweal to endure long, wherein a little fish, was sold dearer than a great ox. Socrates' said, That most men lived to eat, but he himself ate to live. It was said of the emperor Bonosus, that he was borne to eat and drink, the which hath a better grace in latin, Non ut vivat natus est, sed ut bibat. He that listeth to see more thereof, let him read Juvenal in his eleventh Satire. Let us add hereunto, The pampering of the body swerveth the soul. that which Porphirie saith, That the pampering and glutting of the body starueth the soul, and by increasing that which is mortal, it hindereth and casteth us back from the life eternal. And as Galen saith, The mind that is choked up with grease and blood, cannot understand any heavenly thing. A fat belly afordeth not a good wit. And S. Jerom saith, That a fat paunch cannot breed a good and sharp wit. For Pliny saith, That such as have great bellies, have slender wits. Therefore we call him a glutton, A Glutton. which eateth either too much or too hastily, or oftener than he needeth beside his ordinary meals, or that seeketh delicate and dainty meats. A Drunkard. And we call him a drunkard, which drinketh out of measure. For, to drink wine moderately, is not forbidden. And as Anacharsis said, The first draft serveth for health, the second for pleasure, the third for shame, and the fourth for madness. For as Herodotus saith, drunkenness putteth a man out of his wits, and makes him mad. Moses forbiddeth the priests to drink wine, or any other drink that may make men drunken, during the time that they were in their course of sacrificing. Plato in his commonweal forbiddeth magistrates wine, during the time of the executing of their office, and also children until they be eighteen years old, for fear of putting fire to fire. For great heed ought to be taken, that we drive not youth into a settled disposition of fury. And after that time he will have them to use wine moderately. And when they be come to forty years, than they may drink the more liberally, as a remedy against the waywardness of old age. And in the same book, He that is full of wine (saith he) both draweth and is drawn hither and thither. And therefore a drunkard as a man besides himself, The drunkard is unmeet to beget children. is unmeet for generation; because it is likely that his procreation shall be unequal, crooked and unstable, as well in members as in manners. And therefore he saith, That a drunkard being set in any state of government, whatsoever it be, undoth and marreth all, whether it be ship or armed chariot, or any other thing whereof he hath the guiding and government. The Carthaginenses prohibited wine to their magistrates and men of war, and so doth also Mahomet to all those that hold of his law. It was felony for the magistrates of Locres to drink wine, without the licence of a physician. And the young Romans drank no wine, afore they were twenty years old. Atheneus saith, That the Greeks never drank wine without water, and that sometimes they put five glasses of water to one of wine, and sometime but two of water to four of wine. Hesiodus will have men to put three parts of water to one of wine. Sophocles mocked the poet Aeschylus, for that he never wrote but when he was well drunken. For although he writ well (saith he) yet writeth he unadvisedly. Aristophanes' termed wine the milk of Venus, Wine is the milk of Venu●. because it provoketh men to lechery. And Horace saith, That a cup of wine, is the companion of Venus. And for that cause, a certain Jewish sect called Esseans, who were holier and of better conversation than the Pharisees, or than the Saducees who were heretics; abstained from wine and women, as witnesseth Josephus in his Antiquities. Osee saith, That wine and fornication bereave men of their hearts; that is to wit, Wine dimmeth and overcometh wisdom. of right understanding and discretion. For wine hideth and darkeneth wisdom. And Solomon in the the 23 of the proverbs, saith, That the drunkard and the glutton shall become poor. And in another place, Who (saith he) have misfortune, who have sorrow, who have trouble, who have sighing, who have stripes without cause, and who have faintness of eyes? Even they that sit at the wine, and strain themselves to empty the cups. Wine is alluring, but in the end it stingeth like a serpent, and leaveth his sting behind him like an aspworme. At that time, thine eyes shall see strangers, and thy heart shall utter fond things. Pliny in the 14 book of his natural history saith among other things, The inconveniences of drinking too much. that it maketh the eyes water, the hands quivering, the night's unquiet, lewd dreams, a stinking breath in the morning, and utter forgetfulness of all things. Moderate wine helpeth concoction, and the sinews; and abundance thereof hurteth them. Esau by his gluttony, lost his birthright. Noah by his drunkenness became a laughing stock to his own children; and Lot dealt shamefully with his own daughters. Between a drunken man and a mad man, Drunkenness is a peti-madnesse. is small difference. And as Crysippus saith, drunkenness is a peti-madnesse; as we read of Alexander, who in his drunkenness was commonly furious. And as Strabo saith, Like as a small wind doth easily carry him away that is swaieng forward already, so a little grief doth easily make him mad, that hath taken in too much wine. And Sophocles saith, A drunken man is easily carried away with choler, and hath no understanding: whereby it cometh to pass, that when he hath rashly discharged his tongue, he is constrained afterward whether he will or no, to hear of it at their hands of whom he railed in his lustiness. For who so evil speaketh (saith Hesiodus) shall shortly after hear more of it than he had spoken. Theognis saith, That as gold is tried by fire, so is a man's mind by wine. A man's disposition is bewrayed by wine. For wine bereaveth him of all knowledge, and consequently of all advisement and mean to dissemble, so as it is ill done to commit any secrets to a drunkard. If a drunkard offended in his drunkenness, Pittacus would have him punished with double punishment, that he should the rather abstain from drunkenness. The Romans did put them out of the Senate, that were drunkards. In old time a man could not put away his wife except she had been an adulteress, A remedy for drunkenness. a witch, or a wine drinker. To eschew this vice, we will take the remedy of Anacharsis; who counseled them that were subject to that vice, to behold how drunken men behaved themselves, or rather (as Pythagoras said) to bethink them of the things that a drunken man hath done. That was the cause why the Lacedæmonians made their bondslaves drunken, that their young folk might learn to hate drunkenness, when they saw those poor souls out of their wits, and scorned at all hands. Furthermore it is to be considered, what mischiefs have come of drunkenness, whereof all stories are full: as how the army of Thomiris was discomfited by Cyrus, for that they having drunk too much, were laid down and fallen a sleep. How the city Abida in Mesopotamia was lost by drunkenness, because the men that were set to guard the tower of Hipponomethere, having drunk too much, were fallen into so deep a sleep, that they were surprised by their enemies, and slain afore they could awake. In general for frugality, we must have the virtue of Temperance before our eyes, which warneth us to follow reason, and to eschew superfluity of eating and drinking, under colour that we have whereof to make good cheer; and say as Alcamenes did, who being upbraided that he lived so sparingly and poorly for the riches that he had, said, That he which hath great revenues, aught to live according to reason, and not at his pleasure. For frugality doth always well beseem a Prince, so long as it proceed not of nigardship. Our former kings lost their kingdom, through following their delights. Of the sobriety of diverse princes. King Charles the seventh, who was wont to sup with three young pigeons, and a breast of mutton, raised the siege of the Englishmen before Orleans, and recovered the whole realm of France from them. Antony and Cleopatra, who spent three or four hundred thousand French crowns at a banquet in one day, were vanquished by Octavius, who was sober, and contented himself with common meats, eating and drinking but little. Also julius Caesar was sober, and a small drinker, and it was said of him, That he was the only sober man that went about to overthrow the state; as who would say, the subverting of states belonged rather to drunkards and giddi-headed persons, than to men that are sober and discreet. Romulus was sober, and a small drinker. And when it was said of him, That if all men did as he did, wine would be good cheap: Nay (quoth he) it would rather be dear if every man should drink as much as I do, who do drink as much as I list. Tiberius as if he had been a very thriving and sparing man, would be served the next day, with the meats that had been dressed for his supper the night afore, with a pretence of nigardship: but to say the truth, it was but to mock and deceive the world: for at the last he would drink well. By means whereof, when he was yet a young man long afore he was Emperor, being in the camp, in stead of Tiberius, he gate himself the name of Biberius, and in stead of Claudius, he gate himself the name of Caldius, and in stead of Nero, he got himself the name of Mero. And good cause why: for he bestowed two days, and one night together, in nothing else but eating and drinking with Pomponius, Flaccus, and Lucius Piso, to whom he gave great presents, and committed unto them the managing of great affairs, in recompense of their gluttony, calling them men for all hours. The way to eschew gluttony. To eschew this vice, we must follow the counsel of Socrates, who would have men to forbear all meats and drinks, that allure the appetite more than is behooveful for the staunching of hunger and thirst. For dilicat meats provoke feeding, and make men tender and subject to many diseases. Contrariwise, they that use no dainty meats, are more strong and lusty than the other sort, as we see in men of the country, servants, and poor men, who without comparison are stronger than citizens, Through disorder of diet we deprive ourselves of the health which we pray for. masters, and rich men. Democritus said, There is not any man which doth not pray and make vows to God for his own health, and yet we do the contrary to that which we sue for. For by our unruliness we bereave ourselves of the health which we might obtain by sobriety. If we see a country infected with any dangerous disease, we flee from it a hundred leagues off, and as much as we can, we shun all contagious airs. There is no man but he shuneth blows, and dreadeth death, unless that prowess put him forward. And yet all men run into intemperance, which causeth death, and which (as Hesiodus saith) betrayeth us into a cruel old age, that is to say, to a swift, hasty, untimely, and unripe old age. CHAP. XII. Of continency, and incontinency. THe second sort of Temperance concerneth women, which we may call continency and chastity: and the contrary we may call incontinency, or lecherousnesse. Tertullian calleth chastity the flower of manners, the honour of the body, and the ground of holiness. The greatest personages have eschewed marriage and women. Saint Cyprian calleth it the ornament of manners, the holiness of fathers, and the crown of concord. How great this virtue is, and how acceptable to God, those holy persons that have vowed themselves unto it, do witness unto us; and also the excellentest Philosophers, the most part of whom eschewed both marriage and women, to the intent they might have their minds more attentive & lifted up to heavenly things, because that such are meetest for contemplation, and beloved of God. Which thing Saint John intending to show unto us, saith in the fourteenth of the apocalypse, That he saw a hundred and four and forty thousand men, which sung a new song before the throne of God, and that none other but those hundred and four and forty thousand could sing that song. And these (saith he) are those which have not defiled themselves with women, because they be virgins, & follow the lamb whether soever he goeth. He magnifieth the martyrs & other holy confessors, but of these only he saith, That they follow the lamb wheresoever he become: giving honour & prerogative to virgins. And such as cannot be so, have marriage for their remedy, wherein a man may live chastened, when the man keepeth himself to his wife, and the wife to her husband, according to the precept of Saint Paul, and of Solomon, who saith, Let thy well-beloved servant keep company with thee; meaning his wife. And let us drink of the water of our own cup, of our own pit, or of our own well, to the intent to debar the vice of adultery, which oftentimes causeth the ruin of realms and commonweals. Nero being wicked and incestuous, said, There was not a chaste and continent person in the world, but only that most men cloaked the vice by subtlety and hypocrisy. And because he was so much given to that vice himself, he thought it unpossible for any man to be clear. Yet notwithstanding it is said of Laelius, That in all his life he never had to do with any other than his own wife, and that after her death, he never knew any other. Julian the Emperor lived in continual continency after the death of his wife, notwithstanding that he was a young man. There are many men and women, both Greeks & Romans to be found, which have been marvelous chaste and well stayed. Porcia the sister of Cato, said, That the chaste woman never marrieth more than once. Men attribute the continency of Xenocrates, The continency of Xenocrates. to a certain insensibility: But he was too wise, and too great a parsonage, to be without any feeling: for he was a Philosopher of great renown, temperate and well stayed in all things, such a one as passed little for money, women, and other pleasures, but continued always as sad and grave as was possible; whom Plato counseled to offer sacrifice to the graces, that he might become more courteous and gracious. In his time there was the most beautiful and gentle courtesan of the world, named Phrynee. Now certain young men laid a wager with this Phrynee, that they would lay a man by her, that should not be moved by her beauty, nor by all her dalliances. When the wager was made, they made the said Xenocrates to be laid in a fair bed, and the courtesan tarried not long after ere she came into the bed unto him, where she forgot not any thing that might serve to kindle a man's courage, though he had been of marble: finally after many kiss, touchings, and wanton dalliances, all that evershe could win of him that night, was that she was feign to leave him as she found him. The next morning her paramours came to know whether they had won or lost. Phrynee confessed that the philosopher was not moved at all with her dalliances. And when they required the money which she had lost upon the wager; she answered them, that she had made her wager of a man, and not of a block: truly in the opinion of the covetous and unchaste, he was a very block & senseless; but in very deed he showed himself to be well stayed and a right philosopher, in that he could so well skill to overmaster his affections, specially considering that the courtesan would have triumphed over him and his philosophy, in maintenance whereof he stood so resolutely grounded, that it was not possible afterward for the courtesan, to make him to stoop to the feats of her amorous temptations. And so this his doing proceeded not of any gross insensibility, but rather of a gallant mind that stood resolute in his purpose. After which manner we read of certain saints and martyrs, which by the grace of God did wonderful deeds of chastity, resisting such temptations with invincible courage, whom we will omit for shortness sake, The continency of Joseph. after I have set down the wonderful staidness of Joseph, who could not be moved with the beauty of his mistress, nor with the good that he might have received at her hand, nor with the danger that he incurred by refusing. At whose continency S. john Chrisostome marveling saith, upon the nineteenth of Genesis, That it is not so great a wonder, that the three children overcame the fire in the furnace at Babylon, as it is wonderful and rare that this righteous man, being in this furnace of the incontinency of the Egyptian woman, far more dangerous than the furnace of Babylon, abode safe and sound, and so waded out of it, keeping the mantle of his chastity pure and clean. S. Jerom being half broiled with the heat of the sun in the desert, confesseth that he could not refrain, from thinking upon the delicate delights and beautiful dames of Rome. But yet the austerity of his life restrained those lusts, from taking place in his head. I know well that some even of nature are too cold, and othersome again be too hot, and too sore given to flesh: but yet reason and resoluteness aided by the grace of God, get the upper hand. Polemon king of Licia was put away by his wife, for being to rough in dealing with her, as witnesseth Josephus in his twentieth book of his Antiquities. Among the greatest praises that Mahomet giveth to himself, he vaunteth in his Alcoran, that he had not his fellow in that feat. And james Churre reporteth, that in his time there was a woman that complained to the king of Arragon, The prodigious lechery of a certain Spania●d. of her husband's prodigious lechery. Whereupon he was forbidden to have to do with her above six times a day, which was a restraint to the fift part of his ordinary dealing; who so marketh and considereth this man's dealings, he shall find more hours in the day, that the Egyptians made, who ruled their hours by a certain beast dedicated to Serapis, which pissed twelve times a day by equal distances: at leastwise if such as are hard of belief will not muster this in the same rank with the fable of Hercules, who is reported to have deflowered fifty daughters of one man in one night. The profit of chastity and the harm of unchastity. Now must I speak of the good that is reaped by chastity, and of the harm that is received by unchastity: which good and harm extend themselves to the goods of the body, of the soul, and of fortune. As touching the goods of the body, it is certain that a man cannot be beautiful and well disposed, if he be given to that pleasure. For as Cicero saith, An unchaste youth yieldeth an overworn body unto old age. As touching strength, nothing is so noisome to it as that, according to this saying of the Poet, Venus and Bacchus bereave men of all strength. And Menander saith, A woman is a shortener of man's life. Women shorten men's lives. Cornelius Celsus saith, That lechery dissolveth the body. And Hypocrates saith, That nothing doth so much whither and waste a man as that, calling it an underkind of the falling sickness. Paulus Aegineta saith, that it maketh the body col● and feeble. And therefore Clinias and pythagorical philosophers said, That the company of women was but then to be used, when men were desirous to fall into some disease: wherein he followed his Master Pythagoras, who prohibited the use of women, unless it were to make them the weaker and feebler. That is the cause why Solon in his laws ordained marriage; The laws of Solon and Lycurgus concerning marriage. howbeit with charge that the husband should not have to do with his wife, above thrice in a month. Lycurgus to make the Lacedæmonians the stronger, prohibited them to lie with their wives, enjoining them to take them unapareled and secretly, of purpose to take away the abuse of them & the overmuch use, whereby they might afterward become weak and less able to take pains. Plutarch among his precepts of health, setteth down chief the conservation of the vital seed. Plato in his laws, commandeth young men to employ their strength about other things than that, and to weaken the lust of the flesh by much travel, which will easily be done, if a man use it not too unchastly. For if a man use it rarely and with shamefastness, lechery shall have the less power over him. Wherefore we must persuade ourselves to do so, by custom without law written, and think it a shame and note of insamie, to do otherwise. And if it could be, a law should be made, that no man might touch any woman but his wife, nor beget bastards upon concubines, and that if any man kept a concubine, he should be proclaimed as an infamous person, and be deprived from all honour and offices of the city or commonweal. Incontinency maketh men to grow out of kind. As touching the mind, nothing doth so much abate it and make it to grow out of kind. It is evident how Antony managed his affairs amiss, after that he fell in love with Cleopatra; namely how he made an unfortunate voyage against the Parthians, and knit up his doings with a mis-incounter at the journey of Actium. It would require a whole book, to number the mischiefs that have come thereof, and to show the alterations that love hath wrought in the minds of men. And as Parmeno saith in Terence, It is a strange thing, to see how men are altered by love, and how a man that was well stayed, and stern, becometh lose and ill disposed through love. And for all, Solomon the wisest of all men in the world may suffice, who through love became more fond and unadvised than any man; insomuch that he left his religion, and became an idolater. We read in the 19 chapter of the judges, what a bloody battle there was between the Israelites and their fellows of the tribe of Benjamin, for a levites wife that was ravished by them; in which battle there died three score and five thousand men on both sides, and in the end the Beniamits being overcome, were feign to accept such conditions as their conquerors would give unto them. Alexander would never give himself to love, until he was lord of Asia, for fear of being vanquished. And therefore he would not see the wife and daughters of Darius, for fear to be caught in love by them, saying commonly, that the ladies of Persia were eyesores unto him. And albeit that vainglory made him so to do, for fear lest he should have been hindered in his enterprise: yet he saw well that a man which doth such things, could not prosper. And as long as he set not his mind that way, his affairs went well, and he purchased great praise, yea even at the hand of Darius himself, who hearing of a truth how the world went with his wife and children, besought God that he might have none other successor but Alexander. Thus ye see how continency doth good both to body, ●oul, & worldly state; that is to say, even to the getting of kingdoms and empires, The continency of Scipio. whereof there be so many examples, that a man cannot reckon them up without wearying of his readers. I will but only set down the continency of Scipio towards Indibilis, because comparison is made between that and Alexander's. Now therefore Scipio having by the law of arms, taken prisoner the wife of one Indibilis, a noble man of Spain, and a great enemy of th● Romans, a woman of rare beauty, with divers other fair ladies and gentlewomen of Spain, would not shut his eyes, but would have a ●ight of them. And after courteous entertaining of them, sent them home to Indibilis, without doing any wrong to their honour. For which courtesy, Indibilis finding himself infinitely bound unto Scipio, turned to the Romans with more than five hundred Spaniards, and was the cause that Scipio became master of the whole country. There have been few good captains which have not abhorred, if not simple fornication, yet at leastwise adultery, saving only julius Caesar, who always entertained some other men's wives. But he was punished by the son of one whom he held in adultery, who slew him in the senate. And when he entered into any city, the soldiers would say, Ye chief men of the town keep well your wives, for we bring unto you the bald adulterer. Alexander showed himself more stayed in that respect; The Continency of Alexander. for he would do no wrong, neither to men's wives nor to their lemons. Upon a time having long waited for a certain woman, when she was come, and he had asked her why she came so late, she answered, because I was feign to tarry till my husband was a-bed. Which thing Alexander hearing, commanded his men to convey her home again out of hand, saying that through their default, it wanted but little that he had become an Adulterer. He did as much to Antipater. For seeing a fair wench that Antipater kept, come to feast, he began to cast a fancy to her. But understanding that she was Antipater's, naughty fellow (quoth he) why takest thou not this wench hence, which enforceth wrong to be done unto Antipater? Francis Sforcia duke of Milan, being offered a very fair woman whom he had taken to lie withal, perceived that as soon as he would have come near her she began to weep and prayed the duke that he would not touch her, but that he would send her back to her husband, who also was a prisoner. Of whose request the duke had such regard, that he cast himself down from the bed for fear of touching her, and delivered her again to her husband the next morrow. Dennis the tyrant rebuked his son sharply for an adultery which he had committed, ask him if he had ever seen him do the like. When his son had answered no, for he had not a king to his father: he could well skill to foretell him what would come of it, that is to wit, that he also should not have a son that should be a king after him, unless he changed his manners, as I have said in my first book. Agesilaus one day refused a kiss, whereat when all men marveled: he said, He had rather to fight against such affections, than to take a good city well fortified and well manned with men of war. Many examples of the chastity of princes. Alexander rebuked Cassander very sharply for kissing; and was angry with Philoxenus for seeming to invite him to unhonest things by his letters. Antiochus beholding a very beautiful religious woman, that was vowed to Diana, was by and by surprised with her love: and for fear least overgreat love might enforce him to some incest, he went his way by and by out of the place, for doubt lest he should do any thing that might not become him. Heliogabalus not only deflowered, but also married a virgin vestal, saying it was reason that priests should marry nuns, because that in times past he had been priest to the sun. But he was so wicked, that the remembrance of him ought to be wiped out of the world. When Pompey had put Mithridates to flight, he would not touch his concubines, but sent them all home to their friends. Julian would not see the goodly ladies of Persia that were his captives, for fear lest he should be taken in love with them, but sent them home every eachone. Selim the emperor of the Turks did as much in the same country. For when he had won the field against the sophy, he found many noble women in his camp, whom he sent home without touching them, or without taking any ransom for them. Dioclesian having taken the wife and daughters of the king of Persia, did as Alexander had done. Which deed caused the Persians to render unto the Romans, all that ever they had taken from them. Totilas king of the Easterngoths, having taken Naples and many Roman ladies that were there, sent them all home to their friends, without doing or suffering any wrong to be done unto them. He that would here rehearse the tragical histories that have ensued of adultery, should be feign to make a whole book by itself. Let us but only bethink us of the evening-worke of Sicily, which befell unto us Frenchmen, more for our incontinency than for any thing else; and let that be added unto it, which was done by Alexander the son of Amyntas unto the Persians. The good turn that Alexander the son of Amintas did. Amintas made a banquet to the Persians, whereat were present the noblemen's wives of Macedon. Whom when the Persians had before them, they would approach unto them; insomuch that when they were set down by them, they began to feel their breasts and to do divers unseemly things unto them. Whereat Alexander being extremely grieved, did nevertheless set a good countenance upon the matter, and told them that he would make them cheer to the full. Whereupon when bedtime drew nigh, he desired that the ladies might go aside to wash themselves, and they should come again by and by unto them. Anon the ladies departed, in whose stead young men attired like women, were brought in to the banquet; at whose coming, the Persians began immediately to handle them overboldly. But the young men set hand to their weapons, and slew them every eachone not one excepted. Joane Queen of Naples was hanged up for her adultery in the very same place where she had hanged her husband Andreasse afore, because he was not a lusty companion to her liking. I will forbear to speak of Fredegund and other unchaste women, and for this matter will allege but only the guile of the Madianits, who perceiving the children of Israel to be impregnable and unvincible, so long as they sinned not: took of the beautifullest young women that they had, and sent them afore to the camp of the Israelits to entice them to sin: which thing caused the Israelits to be overcome by them. The Troyans' were utterly destroyed for the adultery of one man. And Homer maketh Apollo to send the pestilence into the camp of the Greeks', because the king had taken away the daughter of Chryses his priest. Let us now speak of punishments ordained by laws. The punishment of adultery. The Persians were rigorous in punishing adulterers; and likewise the Egyptians, who punished the adulterer with a thousand lashes of a whip, and the adulteress by cutting off her nose. And sometimes (as saith Diodorus) they did cut off the privy members of him that had deflowered a gentlewoman, because of the corrupting and confounding of issue. Herodotus reporteth, That Feron king of Egypt, did cause all the women in a city to be burned, whom he understood to be adulteresses. The same king had been blind ten years, and the eleventh year the Oracle told him, that he should recover his sight, if he washed his eyes in the water of a woman, that had never had to do with any other than her husband. First he made trial of his own wives water, but that would do him no good: and afterward of infinite others, which did him all as little; save only one, by the rubbing of his eyes with whose water he reeovered his sight, and then put all the rest to dearh. By the law of Moses, adulterous persons were stoned to death, as appeareth in the one and twentieth of Levitticus, and in the two and twentieth of Deuteronomie; and afore that also in eight and thirtieth of Genesis. The law Julia, punished both the offenders with death, whereof there is an express title in the Digests. Ecclesiasticus speaking of an adulterous woman, saith, That her children shall not take root, and that her branches shall not bear fruit. They shall leave their remembrance accursed, and the shame thereof shall not be wiped out. Such as by reason of their greatness have escaped the rigour of law, have not failed to be defamed, as Faustine and the exceeding infamous Messalina, who in that trade went beyond all the courtesans that ever were, returning from the brothel house rather tired than satisfied. And Julia the daughter of Augustus was so shameless and unchaste, that the emperor was never able to reclaim her. And when one thinking to have good credit with her, desired her to leave that life, and to follow chastity as her father did: she said, That her father forgot himself, and considered not that he was Caesar, but as for her, she knew well she was the daughter of Caesar. The means to remedy incontinency. Cicero in his Cato. Now must I treat of the means to avoid this inconvenience. Saint Paul giveth one, which is very certain, that is to wit, marriage. Another remedy is, to eschew occasions. For there is more pleasure in not desiring, than in enjoying. When one demanded of Sophocles, whether he gave himself to women still in his old age, or no? No (quoth he) I have withdrawn myself from it, and have left up that trade, as a wicked, wild and harebrained master. Occasions are eschewed, by the eyes, by the tongue, and by the ears. By the eyes, when a man turneth them away from looking upon fair women, as I have said of Alexander, and divers others. Cyrus would never see the beautiful Pantea: And when Araspes one of his couriers told him, That her beauty was a thing worthy the beholding; even therefore (quoth he) is it best to abstain from seeing her. The same cause (as witnesseth Josephus in the eleventh book of his Antiquities) made the Persians not to show their wives unto strangers. And as Tertullian saith in his treatise of the veiling of Virgins, Of the veiling of maidens and married women. The Corinthians veiled their maidens. Contrariwise, the Lacedæmonians did let them go unueiled, that they might get them husbands: And when they were married, than they veiled them. Sulpitius Gallus did put away his wife by divorce, because she went abroad bare faced, as Valerius saith in his sixth book: but that was but a slender cause of divorce. It is said in Genesis, That Rebecca covered herself as soon as she saw Isaac. This was not done without cause. For as Plutarch saith, love is nothing else but a well-liking of beauty, which carrieth us with an ardent desire to the obtainment of that which we covet. And Ovid writing to a certain woman, saith, Would God thou wert not so fair, for than should I not be so importunate, but thy beautiful face enforceth me to be bold. Theocritus termed a fair face a mischief of ivory, because it is pleasant to see to, and causeth many mischiefs. It is a speechless commendation, for it commendeth itself sufficiently without speaking. It is a kingdom without halberdiers; for the beautiful command even kings, and without force obtain what they will of them, yea and they be of such power, that some have said (as Tertullian and many others) that even angels have been in love with them, alleging the sixth chapter of Genesis, howbeit misunderstood by them, the which thing Saint john chrusostom, writing upon the same chapter, Saint Ambrose in his book concerning Noah and the ark, S. Austen in his fifteenth book of the city of God, and all the right believing doctors have disproved at large. If Paris had not seen Helen, the city of Troy had not been destroyed. Sight is an enticement to adultery. If David had not seen Bersaba, and Gyges the wife of Candaules: none of them both had been murderers and adulterers both at once. If Caracalla had not seen his mother's thigh, he had not married her. Suetonius saith, That Tiberius caused many boys and girls to come to Capree, whither he had withdrawn himself, that he might not be seen of the Romans in such lewd dealings. And he caused them to do a thousand villainous things in his presence, to delight his sight withal, and to quicken up his lust, which was almost dead unto such things. So that the surest way for a man, is to withhold his eyes from the sight of all vanities. Next, a man must keep himself from speaking foul and filthy speeches, Speeches is an other enticement. and from hearing them spoken, as such men and women will do, as list not to read unchaste books, nor to hear ribaldry talk, nor to come in place or company where such are read. For words spoken in jest or in earnest, serve well to kindle the fire of love, according to the answer that Popilia made, when one asked her why beasts endure not the male after they have once conceived, seeing that women endure them at all times: Because (quoth she) they be but beasts. The Emperor Sigismundus widow, intending to marry again, albeit that in so doing she did no unlawful thing, yet made she a meetly pretty answer, to him that would have persuaded her to lead the rest of her life unmarried, after the manner of the turtle-dove, who never seeketh any make again, after she hath once foregone her own. If you counsel me (quoth she) to follow the example of birds, why speak you not to me as well of pigeons and sparrows, which after the death of their makes do ordinarily couple themselves with the next that they meet? A vestal virgin named Spuria, because she was foul-mouthed, was accused of incest, and discharged by the censor, upon condition that she should no more speak filthily as long as she lived. For it behoveth to be chaste in words, as well as in body. For by men's speech is it known how they be minded, By a man's speech is his disposition known. as Bacchus saith in Terence. And Jesus the son of Sirach in his seven and twentieth chapter, saith, That like as a man's labour maketh a tree to show forth his fruit: so doth a man's speech bewray the thoughts of his heart. Socrates' said, That such as a man is, such are his affections: such as his affection is, such are his words; such as his words are, such are his deeds; and such as his deeds are, such is his life. Hiero king of Syracuse punished the poet Epicharmus, because he had spoken wanton before his wife: and very justly, for his wife was a true mirror of chastity. And upon a time Hiero perceiving himself to have a strong breath, found fault with her that she had not told him of it. To whom she answered plainly, That she had thought that all other men's breaths had had the like sent. Aristotle in his seventh book of matters of State, Law makers ought to banish all filthy talk out of their commonweals. saith, That lawmakers ought above all things, to banish all filthy and ribaldry talk out of their commonweals; because the liberty of filthy communication, draweth vile and unhonest deeds after it. And therefore Epictetus said, That amorous talk was an allurement unto whoredom. And for that cause Saint Paul to the Ephesians would not have any corrupt word to pass out of our mouths. By the laws of Romulus, He that spoke any filthy words before women, was punished as a manslayer. In the Digests under the title of injuries, we have a notable book-case of Ulpian, who saith, That he which uttereth any filthy speech before women, although he stain not their chastity, shall nevertheless be sued upon an action of trespass. And as men ought not to attempt the chastity of women by lewd speeches: so likewise women must not provoke men thereto, by too much decking and painting themselves. For, that is no better than an enticing of men unto whoredom. And like as hunters lay baits upon their snares, to allure wild beasts unto them, and to draw them in; so do adulterers (saith Saint chrusostom) lay baits for the amorous, by their eyes, by their speeches, and by their attires. And afterward they entangle them, and mask them in their nets, out of the which they suffer them not to scape, until they have sucked out all their blood, and then they give them a mock for their labour. The ornaments of a good woman. The ornaments of a good woman are mildness, shamefastness, and chastity. Poppea the wife of Nero was misliked of, for her ordinary using of asses milk, to make her colour the fresher. What would they have said, if she had every day used the Spanish white, and vermilion? A wife ought to go cleanly and comely appareled, but neither ought she to be painted, nor to be curiously attired: which thing Homer showeth unto us, when he saith in his Iliads, That Juno washed herself to do away the spots of her body, and then anointed her with oil after the manner of old time. But of the curiosities and fond tricks that are used now adays, I will not speak at all. Secondly a woman must beware that she show not herself naked: for that provoketh men to do evil, and maketh women shameless. A woman in stripping herself out of her clothes, strippeth herself of all shamefastness. As touching the first, the example of Caracalla and others are a sufficient testimony unto us. And as touching the other, Herodotus assureth us in his first book, That a woman in stripping herself out of her clothes, bereaveth herself of all shamefastness. And Saint Cyprian in his first book of the appareling of maidens, will not have them to be naked, or to be bathed; saying that in putting off their clothes, they put off also all shamefastness. And for that cause, Saint Ambrose rebuketh sharply one Siagrius bishop of Veron, for ordaining that a certain maiden should be searched upon a pretended deflourment. As for the Lacedæmonians, their short apparel, beneath the which a man might see their knees, and some part of their thighs, was ordained to make them the stronger, and the more warlike. But in very deed, that kind of apparel was light. We have yet one other great remedy of love; which is, to eschew idleness: for idleness nourisheth love, the taking away whereof breaketh Cupid's bow. Therefore hunting and all exercises of travel serve well to that purpose. And for that cause Phedria in Terence, promiseth that he will toil himself as much as he can during the absence of his lover, that his travel may make him to rest without thinking upon her. Likewise, he that taketh pains, and is altogether given to study, is not subject to venery. And in very deed the Poets feign that Diana and the Muses are enemies to Venus, and care not for Cupid. For it is hard that the man which hath any great conceit in his mind, should have leisure to think upon the pleasures of Venus; or that he which hath his limbs tired with travel, should desire any thing else than rest: howbeit that Caelius Rhodiginus in his eleventh book of ancient Readins, maketh mention of a man, that the more he was beaten, the more fervently did he desire women. CHAP. XIII. Of refraining a man's tongue, of such as be too talkative, of liars, of curious persons, of flatterers, of mockers, of railers and slanderers, and of talebearers. THe third kind of Temperance consisteth in ruling the tongue, when a man keepeth himself from speaking too much. Socrates enjoined his disciples to have silence in tongue, demureness in countenance, and discreetnes in heart. Cato in his paired verses, setteth down the bridling of the tongue among the chiefest virtues, saying, That never man repent him of holding his peace, but many have taken great harm of speaking. The greatest speakers be not the greatest doers. It is commonly said, That he which is lavish of his words, is a niggard of his deeds. Numa taught the Romans to reverence one of the M●ses more than all the residue, & her he named Tacita, as ye would say, Silent and speechless; to the intent they should highly esteem of silence. And in very deed, they were very secret in all their enterprises, as we read of their victory which they had against the Persians, which was known of in Rome, afore it was understood there, that the war was begun. Quintus Fabius Maximus, was rebuked by the consul, for giving intelligence out of the counsel, of the third war in Africa. Secrecy a most behooveful thing to a frato. For there is not a more behooveful thing to a state than secrecy. Pythagoras' enjoined silence to his disciples above all things. And good cause why, For speech bewrayeth what a man is, as saith Ecclesiasticus. Periander one day demanded of Solon, whether he held his peace for want of ability to speak, or folly. A fool (quoth Solon) cannot hold his peace: for the heart of the fool (saith Ecclesiasticus) is in his mouth, and the mouth of the wise in his heart. Therefore when Socrates saw an ignorant person sit mute at the table: Thou hast (quoth he) but this one token of a learned man. And as Solomon saith in the sixteenth of his proverbs, The man that is of understanding and skill, is sober in speech; yea, and the fool while he holdeth his peace, is counted wise: but he is to be hated which is shameless in speaking, and which for a drop of wit, flasheth out a whole flood of words. An orator is known by his speaking, and a philosopher by his silence in due time. Macrobius saith, That an orator is seen by his speech, and a philosopher also is known by his holding of his peace, and by his speaking in their due times. And that could Isocrates well skill to tell one, which at a banquet desired him to say somewhat of the art of eloquence. For he answered him after this manner, I know not (quoth he) what time and place require to be said, and that which I know, is not meet for this time and place. For as the son of Sirach saith, Some man holds his peace, because he discerneth the convenient time. And thereupon it cometh that in the thirteenth of the proverbs, Solomon teacheth us that he which keepeth his mouth, keepeth his soul, and that he which openeth his lips rashly, shall feel hurt by it. And in the twelfth he saith, That he which keepeth his tongue, keepeth his soul from sorrow; and that he which babbleth many words, woundeth his own soul. Again in the same chapter he saith, That rash speaking is like the sting of an aspworme: but the tongue of the wise is health. And therefore he counseleth us to hedge up our ears with thorns, He that giveth a man ear, inviteth him to speak. and not to hearken to a wicked tongue: and to set a door to our mouths, and a lock to our ears: because that he which giveth ear to a man inviteth him to speak, as S. Ambrose saith in his Duties. And Mercury in the tenth chapter of his Pimander saith, That the religious man is he, which neither speaketh much, nor heareth many things; and that he which intendeth to hearing and speaking, fighteth with his own shadow, considering that God is neither spoken nor heard; that is to say, cannot be expressed, neither by word nor by hearing, who above all things will have us to yield account of our idle words. Sirach in his 20. chapter saith, That he is to be hated, which is shameless in speaking. The man that speaketh little shall be honoured. And in the 21. chapter, A babbler defileth his own soul, and shall be hated where he dwelleth; but the man that speaketh little, and is well advised, shall be had in honour. Who art thou O man (saith the Psalmist) that desirest to live long, and to see good days? Keep thy tongue from evil, and thy lips from speaking guile. And therefore he prayeth God especially, to set a watch before his mouth. And Ecclesiasticus saith thus, Who shall give a watch to my mouth, and set a seal upon my lips, that I fall not by mean thereof, and that my tongue destroy me not? And in another place, Many words are not without fault. Weigh thy words (quoth he) and put a bridle on thy tongue, and consider aforehand, lest thou sin with thy tongue: for in many words must needs be some fault. And as Solomon saith in the third of the proverbs, The tongue revealeth secrets, but he that is of a faithful heart, keepeth things close. And in the twelfth, A man shall be had in estimation for his wise mouth: for a wise heart (saith Solomon in the sixth of the proverbs) guideth the mouth discreetly, and shall put learning upon his lips. But upon the lips of the froward, there is as it were a burning fire. He that cannot refrain from speaking, is like a city that is open without walls. When the Lacedæmonians sat down to their meals, the eldest of the company, pointing to the door, said unto them all, Let no word go out yonder: meaning that if any thing were spoken freely at the table, it ought not to be blabbed out abroad. Sabellicus in the fourth Aenead of his fourth book, saith, That in old time it was the custom of the Persians, to conceal and keep close all secrets, as a thing enjoined them by their ancient discipline, upon pain of their lives. And no vice was rather punished among than than the vice of the tongue: The vices of the tongue punished above all vices among the Persians. for they deemed them worthy of great punishment, which could not hold their tongues, seeing that nature hath made it most easy for man to do. For (as Ovid saith) what less pains can we take, than to hold our tongues? Pittacus saith in his Sentences, He cannot well speak, that cannot skill to hold his peace. That that man cannot speak, which cannot skill to hold his peace. Unto a certain governor of a province, that demanded of Demonax how he might well keep his province? Demonax said, It should be easy to him, if he restrained his choler, and harkened much, and spoke little. Among the vices of Thersites, Homer blameth chief his overmuch babbling. The Psalmist to show the danger of the tongue, saith, That men's teeth are weapons, and their tongues arrows and sharp knives, which may do much good, and much evil, after as they be applied, the one way or the other. The king of Egypt sent Pittacus a mutton, desiring him to put asunder the good flesh from the bad. Pittacus sent him back the tongue, as the instrument of the greatest good, and of the greatest evil that is done in the world. For as Solomon saith, Both life and death are in the power of the tongue. Saint James in his canonical Epistle saith, That though the tongue be but a small member, yet it doth great things: and is like the helme of a ship to the whole body, and like a bridle by the which being in the horse's mouth we turn his whole body which way we will. And a ship how great soever it be, yet is it ruled by a small piece of timber. Saint john Chrisostome in his two and twentieth homily to the people, warrieth them that they should not undo themselves by their tongues. For it is the tongue that marreth the whole body; and when the body is corrupted, the mind must needs be corrupted to. Evil words corrupt good manners. For evil words corrupt good manners. Yea and in our daily prayers which we make unto God, he will not have us to use abundance of words, as Ecclesiasticus saith in the fifth chapter, that it is the property of fools to use many words unto God, and that the multitude of words without reason, betoken a foolish prayer. And our Lord will not have us to pray after the manner of the Heathen, who think they shall be heard for the multitude of their words. For as S. Paul saith in the second to the Corinthians, The kingdom of God consisteth not in words. As touching the manner of speaking, Of the manner of speaking. Cicero shows it us briefly in his Duties, saying, That in talking a man must not be too stiff of opinion, but must suffer every man to speak in his turn, and consider whereof he speaketh; so as if it be a matter of earnest, it be done with gravity; or if it be a matter of mirth, it be done cheerfully: and in any wise a man must not speak without the bounds of reason. The unbridled tongue findeth ever misfortune. For as saith Euripides, In the end every unbridled tongue shall find itself unfortunate: and the great talker hath this inconvenience, that he is not ever believed; and yet our speaking is to the end that we would have our sayings believed. Plutarch speaking of a babbler in his treatise of too much speaking, saith, That as corn shut up in a moist vessel, increaseth in measure, The words of great talkers are unfruitful. but impaireth in goodness: even so doth a babbler. For he increaseth much his words, by putting them forth, but his so doing bereaveth them of all power to persuade. And as it is held for a truth, that the seed of such as company with women too much, is not of strength to beget children: so the words of great talkers is barren and fruitless. And like as in our bodies, the parts that are infected and diseased, do always draw to them the corrupt humours of the parts next unto them: so the tongue of a great babbler, being as it were in the hot fit of a burning fever, doth always gather together and draw unto it some secret lurking evil. He that will see the mischiefs that have happened to many men by too much speaking, and the mean to remedy the same: let him read the treatise of Plutarch concerning too much speaking, where he treateth of it so largely, that nothing can be added unto it: and also Erasmus book of the Tongue. Nevertheless I may say in general, that to keep a man's self from the vice of the tongue, he must eschew curiosity, lying, flattery, Of curiosity. mockery, slandering, and tale bearing. I call curiosity or inquisitiveness, a discovering of things that are to be kept secret. For commonly it cometh to pass, that he which is desirous to know too much, is a great babbler. And that is the cause, why a certain great Poet counseleth us to shun inquisitive folk, because he is a great babbler, and the property of a great babbler is io bewray secrets, The property of a babbler. to sow discord, to make quarrels, to offend friends, and to make enemies. The fashion of inquisitive folks is, to learn men's pedigrees, the vices of their races, the doings of their houses, the faults that befall in men's families: what the neighbour oweth, and how he governeth his wife; also to silch letters, to stand listening by men's walls, to hearken what they say, to mark diligently what servants and chambermaids do or say; if he see a woman pass through the streets, to inquire whence she comes; if he see men talk in secret, to learn whereof they speak. To be short, as Plutarch saith in his book of inquisitiveness, they be like to pullerie, which as long as they have a grain to eat, do never leave scraping in the dunghill, to have one little grain of corn more: so the inquisitive folk, in stead of setting their minds upon histories and good doings, and other needful things, the which are not forbidden to be inquired of; do fall to gathering and hoarding up the evil of some house. In this case the Athenians showed themselves to be good men to Philip, and little inquisitive of household secrets. For having intercepted his couriers, they opened all his letters and read them, saving those that were written unto him by his wife Olimpias, the which they sent unto him closed and unbroken up as they were. Lysimachus demanded of Philippides, what he would have of him; ask what you will sir (qd. he) so it be no secret, because that commonly men conceal not any thing, Men conceal not any thing but that which is evil. but that which is evil, and that is the thing that the underminer is inquisitive of. And like as the spondgie places of leather, do draw into them the worst of the leather: so the inquisitive ears do draw all the matters that are to be had. The law of the Locrians. Therefore the law of the Locrians was good, which amerced the party at a good fine, that inquired after news. And like as cooks to stir coals well in their kitchens desire but good store of flesh meats and fishermen good store of fish: so the inquisitive sort desire abundance of mischiefs, great numbers of dealings, store of novelties, and great changes, that they may have wherewith to hunt and kill. The remedy of curiosity. The remedy of inquisitiveness, is neither to here nor to see the things that belong not unto us. For the eye is one of the hands of curiosity, & is matched with blabbing, that is to wit, with babbling out again, as saith Plutarch in his treatise of the Fruit of foes. As for the liar, The liar. he hath no need of eyes, for he forgeth what he listeth: of whom Horace speaking, saith, That he that can forget that which he never saw, and hath no skill to conceal things committed to him in secret, is a naughty fellow and to be taken heed of. Lying is a vice detested of God and man, as I will declare anon, after I have treated of the several sorts of lying. For this vice should seem to be common to all men, considering how David saith that all men are liars. And so it might seem that this vice were in some sort excusable, until we consider that the word Lie, Lying is the foundation and substance of all vice. is taken in divers significations. Mercury in his chap. of understanding; saith that lying is the foundation and substance of all vice, and therefore sin is termed nothing, and leasing or lying, The first sort of lies. because it consisteth of not-being, or of bereaving, and all not being or bereaving, is out of the truth, which truth is God: and whatsoevet is out of the truth is leasing. And therefore saint Austen in his fourteenth book of the city of God, saith, That the man which liveth after himself, that is to say, after his own imagination, and not according to God's ordinance, which is the truth, doth surely live in leasing, because he liveth according to himself, and not in such sort as he was created to live. And although a man live well; yet do we say that he is subject to leasing, by way of privation of the truth, which privation he is run into by the sin of Adam. For there is not one that doth good, no not one. And therefore Saint Paul to the Romans saith thus: If God's truth abound through my lying. The second sort of lying. Also there is another sort of leasing, that draweth nigh unto this, whereof David speaketh, where he saith, The sons of men are nothing but vanity; insomuch that if they be put into the balance, they shall be found lighter than vanity itself. Also the Preacher saith, That all that is in this world is vanity of vanities, or nothing of nothings: that is to say, there is not any thing in this world, that can give a man true and sure contentment, neither is there any thing settled and certain, as saith Mercury speaking of the will of God. And therefore we say that in man there is nothing but leasing. For they be not so certain as other things, no not even as the heavenly bodies and elements, which be not changed. For fire continueth always fire: earth, earth, and so of the rest. But man consisteth of the four elements, which are diverse, and altereth from age to age, so much that fathers know not their own children, when they have been long absent and unseen of them. Now the thing that changeth after such sort, and is subject to growing, breeding, diminishing and dissolution, and consequently to shifting and alteration, cannot be true. And as Mercury saith in his fifth chapter of Generation, The shape of mortal things is changed from day to day, by reason that in time it returneth from growing to decaying like a leasing; for that which is not permanent and certain, cannot be true: and therefore it must needs be a leasing. Another kind of leasing whereof I intent to speak here, The third sort of leasing. is when we disguise the truth by falsehood and deceit, or when for our own pleasures sake, we say otherwise than it is, a vice proper to Satan, (whom our Lord in S. John calleth a liar, and the father of lying) and clean contrary to God, as full opposite to his divine nature, which consisteth in truth. And for that cause it is said in wisdom, the mouth that lieth slayeth the soul. And David in the threescore and third psalm saith, That the mouths of such as speak lies shall be stopped. And in the xxiv psalm, it is said, That that man shall go up into the Lords hll, which giveth not over his heart unto leasing, ne sweareth to beguile. For the words of the Lord are pure words, as gold fined in the furnace from the earth, and seven times tried. And the man that will live long and see good days, must keep his tongue from evil, and his lips from speaking guile. For the mouth of the good liver, teacheth nothing but wisdom, and his tongue uttereth nothing but that which is righteous and fruitful, as saith Solomon. Saint John in the xiv of the apocalypse, setteth down among those that follow the lamb, them that have not defiled themselves with women, and them in whose mouths no guile or lying hath been found. And in the last chapter, he excludeth out of the number of the blessed, all liars and them that love lying. Plato in his fi●t book of laws, saith, That he which chooseth to lie, is worthy to have no credit given unto him: And that he which lieth against his will, is a fool; and of those two names, we should desire none of them both. For destitute of all friends is that man, and unworthy to be believed and credited. And in time when he is known to be such a one, he is so forsaken of all men in his hateful old age, that he is feign to lead a solitary life ever after. And in his Timaeus he saith thus, If ye be liars, ye shall be despised, how great so ever ye be. The manners of liars are without honour. For the manners of liars (saith Solomon) are without honour, and their confusion accompanieth them continually. And in the same place, Lying is a shameful reproach to a man, and will continually be in the mouth of them that be without nurture. And to show the enormity of the vice, A thief is better than a her. The benefit of suffering 〈◊〉 in princes courts. That a thief is better than he that accustometh himself to lie: but both of them shall have destruction to their heritage. Anachars●s said, That when liars are suffered in the houses of princes, it is a sign that both the king and the realm be going to decay. Ecclesiasticus abhorreth three sorts of men; A poor man that is proud, a rich man that is a liar, and an old man that is a fool. And Salom●n in his proverbs saith, That as words of authority become not a fool: so lying lips become not a prince. Lying lips become nor a prince. And in the xxix he saith again, The prince that hearkeneth to lying words, hath all his servants wicked. And in the seven of Ecclesiasticus he saith, He will not lie any manner of leasing, for the custom thereof is not good. And in another place he saith, That the Lord abhorreth lying lips, and that he which giveth ear to lies, is like one that catcheth a shadow, and pursueth the wind. And David in the hundred and nineteenth psalm, prayeth God to take from him the untrue way, the which he protesteth himself to hate above all things, and utterly to abhor it. And in the psalm next following, deliver me (saith he) from false lips, and from a guileful tongue. And in the eight and fiftieth, They that speak lies (saith he) are as venomous as serpents. And in the fift, Thou wilt destroy them that speak leasings. And in the thirtieth of the proverbs, Put far from me all vanity and lying words. All good men hate lying. Menander saith, That all good and wise men hate lies. Aristotle and Demetrius said, That the gain which hers gained by their lying, is that men believe them not when they say truth. And as Ecclesiasticus saith, What thing can be made clean by him that is unclean? or what truth can be spoken by a liar? Archidamus intending to withdraw the Lacedæmonians from believing a certain ambassador of Chio; stood up and said: How can this fellow say any truth, which beareth his lying not only in his soul, but also in his head; because the ambassador had caused his grey hears to be died black. Alcibiades to hinder the peace that the Lacedæmonians granted to the Athenians, did craftily counsel their ambassadors, to be more streight-laced to the senate than they had been before the people, and to hold another course of speech, than they had done. The which thing they did, believing that Alcibiades had given them that counsel for their benefit. But he taking occasion thereby to set all things in a broil, said in open senate, that no credit was to be given unto men that were proved to be liars, & which in one self-same matter, said one while one thing, He that is mutable in words deludeth princes. Why the Persians hate 〈◊〉 debtor. and another while another. For he that is mutable in his words saith Solomon deludeth princes. The Persians esteemed lying to be the greatest sin in the world: and therefore they hated debtor, and numbered them among offenders, because it is hard for a debtor to forbear lying, seeing he assayeth to deceive: and to deceive, a man must needs lie. Notwithstanding, Darius said to his companions, That it was meet that men should lie, when it was for their behoof, and that the liars and they that speak the truth, tended all to one effect; and it was for men to lie, when there was any hope of gain to be had by force of persuasion. But it is no marvel though a Persian said that: for that manner of lying was to a good end, namely to deceive the guard of the Magies, who had usurped the crown, that they might be killed, as they were afterw●rd. And in this and such other like, it is lawful to lie, else not. David detesting this vice, compareth it to murder; saying in the fith psalm, The Lord abhorreth the blood thirsty and deceitful man. Periander ordained by his laws, that he which had lied to another man's harm, should carry a stone in his mouth the space of a month after. The Gimnosophists of Caldie condemned liars to perpetual prison; & the Scythians condemned all such to death, or to some other grievous punishment as took upon them to foretell things that were false. And it is to be noted, that b●b●ing, lying, & inquisitiveness, are three grounds or under beings that resemble one another, and may be reduced into one: For the inquisitive person is commonly talkative, and the talkative person is a her, and a liar is inquisitive, and the inquisitive person is a liar. And from this fountain spring slanderers, tale-bearers, mockers, flatterers, and backbiters. The slanderer and the talebearer are the imps of the inquisitive, of whom Ecclesiasticus speaking saith, That the slanderer defileth his own soul, and shall be hated in all things. And he that so continueth shall be odious: whereas the peacemaker and wise man shall be honoured. And therefore he will have us to stop our ears with thorns, to the end we may not hear the slanderous tongue. David in the fourteenth psalm reckoning up many sorts of innocency, maketh great account of him, that yieldeth not his ear to hear the slander of his neighbour. And in the hundred psalm, he saith, That he pursued him that secretly slandered his neighbour. And Solomon in the eighteenth of the proverbs, saith, That the words of the talebearer are as wounds, and do enter even into the entrails. For he that purposeth with himself to raise slanders, searcheth out all the evil that is in a house, to publish it abroad afterward. If a woman by her oversight have given any occasion of suspicion, by and by he blazeth her abroad, as though she were the wickeddest woman in the world. As for them that are unchaste indeed, they besisted to the uttermost, and their legend is deciphered without omitting any thing. If a man have never so small a speck of vice, or of evil grace in him, the slanderer faileth not to make every fly an elephant. They that offend in this case, do sin directly against that commandment of the ten, which prohibiteth us to bear false witness against our neighbour. For he that lieth (saith Solomon) is a false witness. Also he sinneth against the law of the gospel, which saith, It were better for a man to be drowned in the bottom of the sea, than that he should give occasion of offence or stumbling to his neighbour. And in the nineteenth of the proverbs, The false-witness shall not escape unpunished, and he that speaketh lies shall perish. And in the five and twentieth, The man that beareth false-witness against his neighbour is as a club, a sword, and a sharp arrow. And in the sixth of the proverbs, God hateth false lips, and the false-witness that bringeth forth untruth. Saint James saith, speak not evil one of another, He that speaketh evil of his neighbour, speaketh evil of the law: that is to say, in speaking and judging after his own fancy, he usurpeth the authority that belongeth to the law. It is written in the first chapter of the book of wisdom, That the spirit of wisdom is gentle, and will not discharge him that speaketh evil with his lips: For the sound of his words shall mount up unto God, to the punishing of his iniquities. Therefore beware of grudging which booteth nothing, We must not eat with the slanderer. and refrain your tongues from slander. And Saint Paul in the sixth to the Corinthians, forbiddeth us to eat meat with the slanderer. The Psalmist saith, That he that will live long, must keep himself from mis-speaking, and from speaking deceit, reproving them that set their mouths to slandering and evil speaking, and their tongues to the kindling of fraud and annoyance. And the seven and fiftieth psalm saith, My soul is among lions, I dwell among firebrands, even among men whose teeth are spears and arrows, and their tongue a sharp sword. By the teeth are meant false reports. And in the threescore and fourth psalm, they shoot forth their arrows, even bitter words: that is to say, False and stinging reports, The man that accustometh himself to evil speaking, shall receive no instruction. to smite the innocent in secret. And in the 2●. of Ecclesiasticus, The man that is nuzzled in words of reproach or wrong, will receive no instruction all the days of his life. And in the eighteenth chapter, The backbiter and the double tongued man are accursed for they trouble many that are at peace. A double tongue hath removed many, and dispersed them from nation to nation. It hath destroyed cities that were walled with riches, and defaced the houses of great personages. The tale b●●●er setteth princes at variance. It hath dissevered the powers of peoples, and set strong men at division. And in the sixteenth of the proverbs, The froward man setteth forth debate, and the talebearer setteth princes at division. Pl●to saith in his laws, That we must forbear to offend against good men, either in word or deed, and that we must be well advised, that we overshoot not ourselves when we either praise or dispraise any man: because God is angry when we blame him that resembleth him; that is to say, a good and honest man. Solon (as Plutarch reporteth of him in his life) made an ordinance, whereby he prohibited men to speak evil of those that were dead. For it is well and devoutly done, to think that a man ought not to touch the dead, no more than to touch things consecrated to God, and to refrain from offending against them that are no longer in the world. Railing and slandering do bring forth unreconcilable enmity. And it is wisdom even in policy, to beware that enmities grow not to be immortal; sagely deeming, that railing and slandering proceed of unreconcilable enmity. Alexander Severus said, That princes ought to esteem liars and slanderers, as great enemies unto them, as those that enter upon their lands by force. For these do but seize upon their grounds and lordships, but the others do rob them of their reputation and renown. In the city of Naples there was one Demetrius, who ceased not to rail upon Totilus without cause, and to do him all the spite he could. But being taken afterward with all the residue, he only had his tongue and hands cut off. Nicholas Scot was beheaded, for railing upon Maximilian Sforcia duke of Milan. And Livian a captain of Venice, having taken many prisoners, used them all well, saving Godfrey Galear, whose head he caused to be smitten off immediately, because that in scoffing at him, he called him ordinarily the little crook-backt beast. Augustus' showed by his punishing of it, how much more dangerous railing and slandering is, than manslaughter. For he pardoned Cuma that would have murdered him, and made him consul; whereby he won him to be his friend. But for railing upon him, he drove Timagenes out of his house: deeming that of an enemy he might make a friend, and of a friend a defender: but of a railer, A backbiter cannot be reclaimed. backbiter and slanderer, a man can make nothing else. And therefore he thought good to drive away the slanderer, because he was not to be reform. And lie did it not so much for revenge, as to sequester the slanderer far from him. For ordinarily he was not moved at such people, saying, It was enough for him that men did him no further harm than in words. Wrong returneth to him that telleth it. Among slanderers we put them, that upon choler do tell of their cruel wrongs: of which sort of men a wise man will make none account, because he deemeth that the wrong returneth always to him that hath told it. Like as dust flieth back into the eyes of him that puffeth it, as saith Saint Ambrose; or like as the reflection of the light offendeth weak eyes the more, as saith Plutarch: so those are most offended at their wrongs, which the truth hath made to rebound against them that offered them. A wicked life draweth wrongs unto it. Prince's must not have tickle tongues, not ticklish ears. And as the north-east wind draweth clouds unto him: so a wicked life draweth wrongs unto it. And therefore a prince must be well aware, that he have not a tickle tongue, and ticklish ears, as Saint Jerom saith in the life of clerks. That is to say, he must neither mis-speake others, nor hear others misspoken of, to the end that men may learn, not to be hasty in misreporting men, when they see the king taketh no pleasure in it, who ought to shun such persons as the plague, and to show them no good countenance. For as the wind, driveth away the rain, so doth a frowning look drive away the slanderer. For if the Prince suffer them to come near him, Of mockers and scornets. he shall become like them, not only a slanderer, but also a scorner, whom David detesteth in his first psalm, affirming that man to be blessed, that hath not sit on the seat of the scornful. Solomon in the two and twentieth of the proverbs, forbiddeth us to scorn any man in the bitterness of his soul. For God who seethe all things, is he that exalteth and pulleth down. And in the ninth chapter, he opposeth scornfulness against wisdom, saying thus: If thou have understanding, thou shalt be wise to thyself: but if thou be scornful, thou shalt suffer all alone. scornfulness procureth a prince the ill will of his people. And in the 14, The scornful seeketh wisdom, and findeth it not; and nothing maketh a prince to incur the ill will of his subjects more than scornfulness. Fur as Terence saith, They that are not rich, and they that are nothing in respect of the great ones, do take all things in ill part, and think continually that all men hold scorn of them. Plutarch in the life of Photion, saith, That commonly adversities make men fretting, wayward, and easy to be set in a choler, loath to give ●are to any thing, and soon offended at all speeches and words, that are but somewhat roughly spoken. Whosoever reproveth them when they do amiss, seemeth verily to upbraid them with their misfortunes, and he that speaketh freely, seemeth to rail upon them. Admonish●ments must be tempered with some sweetness. For like as honey being of it own nature sweet, doth nevertheless breed pain, when it is laid to sores, wounds, and parts infected: so oftentimes wise and true admonitions do bite and exasperate them that are in adversity, unless they be well sweetened. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that if a man do scorn a man that is poor and distressed, the poor man beareth it unpatiently. The which thing Scipio Nasica was made to seel, who suing for the Edil-ship at Rome, and being in a manner sure of all the voices, took one of his electors by the hand, and asked him if he would go hand in hand with him, because the man had rough hands, as commonly all labourers and artificers have: Wherewith the people being provoked to displeasure, did flatly refuse him. 〈◊〉 ●asting. There is another sort of scorning, which is called ●easting, the which may well enough become a man if it be to good purpose, but there are few that use it without some bitterness. For as Macrobius saith, A jest is as bitter as an accusation, if it be not spoken fitly. And when it is cast forth by a great lord, it is in such sort, as lightly it hath some bitterness with it. Iea●●i●g doth ill beseem a great lord. Ptolemy king of Egypt jesting with an ignorant grammarian, asked him who was the father of Pelius? Sir (quoth the grammarian) I will answer you, if you will first tell me who was the father of Lagus; meaning thereby to give a quip to the King's race, whereat when all his men were offended, he said, If it be not meet for a king to put up taunting words at other men's hands, neither is it meet that he should taunt any other man. Next the scorner and the slanderer, Of the flatterer. cometh the flatterer, which is a very perilous beast. For it biteth laughing, and turneth kingdoms and principalities upside-down. One demanded on a time of Diogenes, what beasts teeth did bite most venomously, and dangerously. If ye speak of tame beasts (quoth he) the flatterer: if of wild beasts, the backbiter. Both of them have a mischievous tooth, but the tooth of the flatterer is the more dangerous. When we hear a man speak evil of us, we do what we can to correct our fault: but it is hard for us to beware of the flatterer. For he is not easy to be discerned, because he pretendeth to be a friend, and not to gainsay us, and in the end he suffereth himself to be overcome with reason, and doth so thoroughly bewitch the mind of him whom he possesseth, that it is easy for him to deceive him afterward. The allurements of flatterers are more dangerous than the wounds of foes. For as Cicero saith in his Duties, We be of such nature, that to our own seeming we be worthy of praise. Now the allurements of such kind of people, are more dangerous, (saith Solomon) than the wounds that come by enemies. Their words are sweet, but they wound and pierce even into the bowels. And therefore Esay saith thus: My people, they that praise thee, seduce thee, and disorder the paths of thy feet. And David in the 12 Psal. wisheth that God would cut out the tongues of all flatterers. And the thing that maketh them to prevail with us, is the love of ourselves, as saith Plutarch in his treatise how to discern a flatterer from a friend. By reason whereof, forasmuch as every man is the first & greatest flatterer of himself, it is easy for him to admit unto him another flatterer stranger, whom he will have to be a witness and a confirmer of the opinion, which he hath conceived of himself. In which case a prince is more deceived than a private person, because he is not gainsaid in any thing, nor wont to hear any thing that may displease him. Insomuch that the flatterer playeth his feats the better, and more safely with him, unless the prince do as Agesilaus did, who liked well to be commended of such as were not afraid to find fault with him. On the contrary, Alexander loving flatterers, was overthrown by them, and slew Calisthenes, Parmenio, and Phil●tas, to whom he was beholden for his crown. This caused Anacharsis to counsel Croesus to banish all flatterers out of his court, saying, The prince that loveth flattery loveth not the truth. Two sorts of flatterers. That the prince which loveth flatterers, loveth not the truth. Now there are of flatterers two sorts; the one are but trencher-men, which for a morsel of meat will soothe a man whatsoever he says, like Gnato in Terence. The other be close flatterers, which put upon them the visor of a friend, and hold aloof from the ordinary fashions of the peti-flatterers, that delight men to deceive them the better: and these are hard to be discerned. And as a wolf resembleth a dog, so a flatterer resembleth a friend, And therefore it behoveth a man to be ware, that he take not the wolf for the dog. But in this point they jump together, that commonly they follow not poor men that are of no ability, but stick ordinarily to the greatest. The flatterer seeketh but credit. And as Plutarch saith, even as louse doth go away after death, and forsake the body so soon as the blood is quenched, whereby they were fed: so flatterers never resort to those whose affairs begin to go to wrack, and whose credit decayeth. He that is desirous to learn the mean how to discern a flatterer from a friend, let him read the fore-alleged treatise of Plutarch, from whence I have taken part of that which I have said. And the matter itself compelleth me to add this, which I have taken out of a thousand of the good and goodly things that are there. We have (saith Plutarch) two parts in our soul, the one true, which delighteth in things honest, and is obedient to reason; the other brutish, which delighteth in untruth and letteth itself go after affections. The friend sticketh to the good after the manner of physicians, preserving and increasing that which is sound: but the flatterer holding himself to the brutish part that is subject to affections, doth rub it, tickle it, & put it quite away from reason. And like as there be meats that are good neither for the blood, nor for the sin●es, and do but swell the belly, and breed gross & evil ●lesh, such as is rather lush than sound and substantial: so the talk of a flatterer, addeth not any thing to wisdom and sobriety, but either provoketh to wrath, or stirreth up a man's own discontentment, or else maketh him proud. The description of a flatterer. For the flatterer hath no piece of truth, or of plain meaning, or of free-dealing. But like as an ape putteth up wrongs, because he cannot keep the house as a dog, labour as an ox, or bear burdens as a horse, and therefore doth nothing but make mirth, and provoke to laughter: even so the flatterer, because that abhorring all peril and danger, he cannot do good to his friend by his words in counsel, or by his deeds in war: refuseth not the doing of any thing that may delight or please, as to be a trusty messenger of love, a cunning conueyer of young venery, diligent to discharge you of the care of the furnishing out of the charges of a banquet, ready to prepare suppers, a careful conueyer of concubines, troublesome and impudent towards friends, and practising to cast the wife out of the house, if he can. Those in few words are the virtues of flatterers, whom princes of all others ought to beware of, specially the close ones. For as Cicero saith, every man may espy the open flatterer; but the close one is not easy to be discerned, because his flattering lurketh under pretence of gainsaying, and in making countenance to have a man in estimation, and in the end he suffereth himself to be overcome, to the intent that he which is deceived, may think himself to have gotten the advantage. The last imp of the wicked tongue, The talebearer or backbiter. is the backbiter or talebearer: of whom Solomon speaking in the eighteenth of the proverbs, saith, His words are as wounds, and that they pierce even into the entrails within the belly. This trade was devised first by tyrants, who being acquainted with men's humours, chose the greatest babblers and the wickeddest persons, to serve their turns in listening for news, and in hearkening what men said of them. Zozimus saith, That under the Emperor Constantius, there were even forges and shops of slanders, and that those backbiters laid chief for such as were in prosperity, in hope to have the offices and promotions of those whom they could put out, the which made them to apply themselves wholly to bring up slander upon them. We in French do call such folk Mouches, that is Flies; The Romans called them Delatores, that is to say, Talebearers; and the Greeks called them Acoustes, that is to say, Hearkners, or Spies, Talebearers were first brought up by evil princes. which go and report unto princes all that ever they here and see. That first that used them was the younger dariuses, who suspected all men. And next him Dennis, the tyrant of Siracuse, who intermeddled them among the burgesses, that by that means he might easily hear all news. But at the alteration of the state, they were the first whom the Syracusans put to the sword. Since that time princes have so doted upon that kind of people, that they have given them certain fees to promote men, that is to wit, the one half of the goods of him that was accused, concerning the which matter there was a law called Papies law. But Nero abridging them of their unmeasurable liberty of accusing all men, did cut off that gain, and brought it to a fourth part, whereof they were ever after called Quarterers, because they had a quarter of the goods that were so excheated. Tiberius was the first of all the emperors of Rome that brought them credit, and after him Domitian. Nevertheless, he punished slanderers very sharply, saying, That the prince which punisheth them not doth stir them up. Vespasian and his son Titus, caused them to be whipped, and afterward sent them unto the sands to be seen of all men. Caligula would not admit any mention of a certain conspiracy that was made against him, saying, That he had not done any thing why he should be hated, & therefore he would give no ear to Talebearers. trajan said, It was safer for a prince to hearken to such as discovered their faults unto them, than to hear the reports of the other sort: and that it is hard that that prince should have unbloody hands, which hath too tender ears. Antonine did put the Talebearers to death, which could not prove their sayings. And if they proved them; then gave he them their hire, but yet did he declare them to be infamous. The punishment of fals-accusers is written in the Digests, and in the books of Moses, where all men may see them. CHAP. XIIII. That princes must above all things eschew Choler. THe fourth sort of temperance consisteth in moderating anger, Anger unseparably matched with rashness. the which Mercury said to be unseperatly matched with rashness. And therefore Socrates said, It was less danger to drink foul and muddy water, than to staunch a man's choler with revenge. The contrary thereof is mildness, clemency, or meekness, which is the mean between anger and blockishness or sheepishness, and moderateth the passions that rise in us by reason of some wrong or evil spoken or done unto us, the which we would punish more than reason will admit, if we should suffer our choler to go unbridled. And as a wise and mild man must not be angry at every word; so not to be angry at any time, and to leave malefactors unpunished for fear of being angry, is ill done. And we may offend as well in too little, as in too great desire of punishing crimes. For it is meet we should be angry in due time, with such as deserve it, provided that reason accompany our anger, the which taking from anger the eagerness of revenge, (as Plutarch saith) doth the more safely and more profitably punish the party that deserveth it, without putting a man's self or the party in danger, as choler often doth. Impatiency. For as Solomon saith, he that is unpatient shall bear the pain of it. mildness neither seeketh revenge of the faults that are committed, ne leaveth great faults unpunished. Whereof all such aught to take good heed, as are in authority, lest they pass the bounds of mildness and gentleness, through too rigorous correction; or lay away the rigour of correction, through too much mildness and lenity, as Saint Gregory saith in his morals. Aristotle in the fourth book of his morals, saith that as inordinate anger is a vice, so is also the utter want of it. For when there is a heinous crime, a man ought to be angry, and they that in such case are not angry, seem ignorant, misadvised, and careless to encounter the faults that are committed. Cicero in his Duties saith, There is not any thing more commendable than mildness, nor more beseeming a great lord: and yet must it be with condition, that severity be matched with it, without the which, no commonweal can be well governed. mildness, and clemency, and the difference betwixt them. Aristotle in his Rhetoriks', calleth mildness a pacifying of choler; and differeth from clemency, in that clemency is a gentleness in punishing, proceeding from the superior to the inferior, whereas mildness is common to all men, according to the distinction of S. Thomas of Aquine. What anger is. Anger is a boiling up of the blood about the heart, which (as saith Aristotle in his book of the soul) worketh an eagerness to punish the offender, or else (as he saith in his Rhetoriks') it is a desire of revenge appearing with a grief, or an eager disposition to revenge: or else (as Plutarch saith) a certain enforcing of the courage unmeasurably swelling, with the affections that provoke a man to revenge. Chrisostome in his third Homily saith, It is a certain violentnesse void of reason. Cicero in his Tusculans, saith it is a certain eagerness and inordinat desire to punish a party, whom we deem to have done us wrong. Let us speak first of mildness, and afterward of Anger. mildness is commended of all men, and numbered by Saint Matthew among the eight points of blessedness. And yet notwithstanding he that is meeld and merciful, faileth not to be angry. For else he should be blockish and without any feeling. But he is angry with reason, he is angry at the vice, and not at the person. And that is the meaning of the Psalmist where he saith, Be angry and sin not. After that manner was Saint Paul angry, at the horrible wrong done by Elymas the Magician; and Saint Peter at Saphyra. Moses' was counted the meeldest man of his time, and yet he made men oftentimes to pass the edge of the sword. For his mildness was no impeachment to justice, and to the punishing of sin. mildness then is a virtue that neither seeketh revenge of all faults, nor leaveth the great faults unpunished. In which behalf many deceive themselves, The leaving of wicked men unpunished is cruelty against good men. Of clemency or mercy. Examples of clemency or mercy. calling a prince merciful, when he pardoneth one that hath committed a wicked murder, or some other notable mischief. But (as Archidamus saith) this is to be counted cruelty against good men. Mercy is occupied in pardoning, not the faults done against the publick-weale, but the faults committed against ourselves, as Titus did, who forgave them that had conspired against him: and Agesilaus, who by his benefits made his enemy his friend: and likewise Augustus, who pardoned Cuma a traitor, and banished Timagenes that did but slander him without hurting him. There was one Caelianus accused unto him to have spoken evil of him: prove it (qd. Augustus') & then shall ye see that I have a tongue, & that I can speak evil of him also. Tiberius wrote unto him that one railed upon him: and he answered, it was enough for him that no man did him harm. Alexander said it was a princely thing, to be ill spoken of for well doing. Philip did so much good unto one that railed upon him incessantly, that he won him to be a faithful servant, and a trumpet to sound abroad his praises. And when he had inquired of his friends that had counseled him to punish the railer, whether he had been as outrageous in his words as he was wont to be or no; and understood by them that he spoke good of him every where: It is in our own power to have good or ill report Lo (quoth he) ye see it is in our own power to have good or bad report. The same Philip having one of his eyes stricken out at the siege of Modon, when he was possessed of the town, dealt never a whit the worse with the townsmen for it. Antigonus walking abroad in his camp, heard certain soldiers speaking evil of him, whereupon lifting up the tent, he showed himself unto them, and said, Ye shall weep for it if y● go not further of to speak evil of me. Pyrrhus' was easy to pardon, whensoever any man had angered him; insomuch that one day (as Plutarch saith in his life) when certain young men were brought unto him, that had spoken many outtrageous words against him: he asked them if they had spoken those words or no. Yea sir (qd. one of them) & had spoken many more, but that our wine failed us. At which saying he smiled, and pardoned them. The same prince being counseled to banish a tailor that spoke evil of him, answered: it is better that he should raise an ill report of us among a few by tarrying here still, than that he should sow abroad his railing here and there, by driving him ●urther of. Quintus Flaminius was soon angry, but he held it not long, and he gave but light punishment to him with whom he was angry. Anon after that Adrian was created emperor, he met with a deadly enemy of his to whom he said, Thou art escaped. He that most can, lest should, in seeking revenge. Meaning that he would never go about to be avenged of him, now that it lay in his hand to do it. King Lois the twelfth did the like (as hath been said in another place) when he would not be revenged for the wrongs, that had been done unto him afore he was king. Pittacus had but one only son, who was slain through misfortune by a sawyer, the sawyer was taken and brought to Pittacus to be punished: But he let him go, saying it was better to pardon than to punish. Plutarch reporteth in the life of Pericles, that there was a shameless railer, that railed upon him all a whole day together, to whom Pericles answered not a word, but intended to the dispatching of matters of importance until it was night, whom the railer followed home to his lodging still railing upon him. And when Pericles was come thither, he commanded one of his servants to take a torch, and to light the man home back to his own lodging. Ye see here a wonderful temperance in a prince that had absolute power in the city of Athens: who notwithstanding that he had such power, yet yielded not a whit to hatred, spite, or anger. Insomuch that he made his boast that there was never any Athenian that wore a black garment by his means. Pompey also was greatly commended for pardoning the Mamertines that had taken part with Marius, howbeit that his so doing was for his hosts sake. Cicero saith that Caesar in setting up again the Images of Pompey, did the better fasten and settle his own: as who would say, that by this clemency of his he won the favour of the citizens, whereby he himself should be guarded. Albeit that Augustus took the Alexandrians his enemies by force, yet did he pardon them in honour of Alexander the founder of their city. In respect whereof the Alexandrians found themselves more beholden to him, than to Alexander himself, & commended him in all cases, saying that Alexander was the founder, but Augustus was the preserver of their city. But the softness, patience, The mildness of David. and mildness of David is not to be compared withal by those that I have alleged: For he did put up infinite injuries at the hands of Semei, without giving him any answer, commanding his men to let him alone, and telling them that God had raised him up to humble him; and after his victory, he pardoned him that misdeed, notwithstanding that he followed him casting stones at him. Which serveth to show, that the precept of the gospel concerning the forgiving of enemies, was practised by princes of good nature, as David himself witnesseth in his seventh Psalm, where he saith, If I have requited evil for evil, I am contented that he shall pursue me in war, and that he shall take me and fling me against the ground, and so forth. Saint john Chrisostome in his treatise of mildness, saith, That mildness becometh all men, but specially kings and such as are set in authority. mildness well beseemeth kings and great states. And the more power that the majesty of a king hath to do all things: the more ought he to bridle himself, & to take God's law for his guide, if he will have glory and honour of his doings. Our Lord in S. Matthew will have us to learn of him, because he is meek and lowly, that we may find rest to our souls. David commendeth his own meekness unto God, saying thus, Remember David and his meekness. The which he showed well towards Saul, when he let him go, at such time as he was in his power. S. john Chrisostome in his xxix Homely against Irefulnes, The benefit of mildness. saith, That the meek man is pleasant to himself, and profitable to others: and that choleriknesse displeaseth a man's self, and doth harm unto others, of the which I must now speak in order. Two sorts of cholerik persons. And it is to be understood, that there are two sorts of choleric persons, the one will out of hand have revenge, and those are the less dangerous, so a man sh●n the first brunt of them. For by and by they cool of themselves, and suffer not the sun to go down upon their wrath. For commonly they burst forth into words, and utter their choler in wh●t speeches, by means whereof the rigour of their doings is assuaged, as the lord of Chaumont told wisely to the Vincentines, which were afraid of the Emperor's anger. The other sort dissemble the wrong that is done them, that they may have time and place to consider of it, and those are very dangerous, as Homer saith of Agamemnon, Although he dissemble his anger for a time (saith he) yet ceaseth he not to hold it fast in his heart, until he have revenged himself indeed. And as Peter of Gauntwood said, Some men do forgive with their mouth, An argument of the choleric. but hatred and malice abide still in their heart. Nevertheless it seemeth to the common people, (as Plutarch saith in his treatise of the Bridling of wrath) that because it is stormy, therefore it is workfull, so that an angry man's menaces are hardiness, his headiness stoutness, his cruelty disposition to do great things, his unappeasable hardness firm steadiness, and his furiousness a hating of vice; after the manner of Helias, who was angry at the people's sins, through a certain zeal that he had to Godward: and of Cato, who was always of the same mind, Choleric pursons aptest for learning. towards such as were given to vice. And to that purpose serveth this which is said in philosophy, that the choleric folk are aptest to learn sciences. And the proverb saith, That he which hath no choler, hath no wit. Many esteem it to be as it were the sinews of the soul. Plato in his laws, saith, That a good man must be both meeld and also courageous; that is to say, not utterly void of kindly choler. For we can hardly without it, eschew the wrongs and harms that are hard to be cured otherwise, than by fight, by victory, and by defending a man's self, and by not suffering a man's self to be wronged: the which thing cannot be done without anger and stomaching. And in his Theeterus he saith, It is hard to find a man both soft and witty together. And they that have sharp and ready wits, and apt to be taught, are commonly choliricke and hasty, as being carried with waves like ships without anchors. Aristoile saith, Chol●ricknes is a token of a ready wit. that cholericknesse is a true sign of a ready wit, and of a forward, brave, and gallant nature, that is not sleepy and drowsy; and that anger must be used not as a captain, but as a soldier. Saint john chrusostom upon the fourth psalm of David, saith, That anger is good and profitable against them that do wrong, or be negligent, and that it is a fit instrument to waken us out of our sleepiness, to make us the more fierce in being angry for their sakes, that have received any wrong or harm. Alexander from his very youth did burn with desire to go to war, and to do some exploit of arms. The which thing Aristotle perceiving, to turn him away from it, told him that he must tarry till he were of age. Nay (quoth Alexander) for if I tarry so long, I am afraid that the great hardiness and forwardness which is now in my youth, will then be quite gone: and this vehement desire giveth the greater force to our doings. Yet notwithstanding these reasons cannot move us to think, Arguments against choler. That which is done through perturbation cannot be done steadily. but that all perturbations are attainted with vice, and this above all others. For as Cicero saith in his Duties, A man cannot do well and advisedly with anger. For that which is done with a troubled mind, cannot be done steadily, nor be allowed of them that see it. And as saith Theodericke writing to John the consul of champain, choleric persons have no feeling of the thing that is just, neither seek they any moderation of their revenge. For this cause Saint Paul in his Epistle to the Romans, biddeth us give place unto wrath, and to let it vanish away, waiting for the judgement of God. And Saint James in his Epistle saith, That the anger of man performeth not the righteousness of God; that is to say, hindereth the accomplishment of God's work in us. And Saluian bishop of Marsels saith, That wrath is the mother of hatred. Anger is the mother of hatred. And therefore the Lord would in any wise exclude anger, for fear least anger should breed hatred. And for that cause he said in Saint Matthew, That whosoever is angry with his brother, is worthy to be punished in judgement. Solomon saith in his proverbs, That a stone is heavy, and sand is weighty, but the wrath of a fool is heavier than they both. I confess that oft-times it encroacheth upon good dispositions, as evil weeds do upon good grounds: but the diligence of the good husband doth easily destroy them, to make room for good corn, and good herbs. And as touching that Aristotle saith, That anger must be used as a soldier: he meaneth a certain kindly and princely coragiousnes, which maketh men to follow a brave and difficult object, as I have said already of Alexander's forwardness, which provoked him to war. For such a boiling forwardness, savoureth more of nobleness of mind, than of wrath. And whereas Saint john Chrisostome saith, That anger is behooveful; that is meant for the punishing of faults. But as he saith in the same place, That is not properly wrath or anger, but a care, a wisdom, and an orderly disposition, as the father that is angry with his child's fault, for the care that he hath of him. And whereas some say, That anger hath a kind of noble-mindedness, and of resemblance unto prows, it is like as if a man should say, that a man which is sick of a fever were well dsposed, because he doth some parts of a lusty man in his fits, which he could not do if he were in health: Cholericknes proceedeth of weakness of the mind. even so is it (saith he) with anger, which giveth a man a certain forwardness that oftentimes is taken for prowess, and yet is so far off from savouring of prowess and true forwardness, that contrariwise it rather proceedeth of weakness and feebleness, than of hardiness, as witnesseth Plutarch, making this comparison; Like as the swelling and puffing up of the flesh, betokeneth a great soreness in the flesh: so in tender minds, the more they relent and yield unto sorrow, the more abundance of cholericknesse do they cast forth, arguing the greater imbecility. That is the cause why women are commonly more treaf and testy than men; and sick-men, than men in health; and old men, than men that are in the flower of their youth; and men in adversity, than men in prosperity. But to subdue anger is a point of prowess and noble-mindedness, as saith Plutarch in the life of Dion, To subdue anger is a point of a noble and valiant courage the proof whereof is showed, not in bearing a man's self modestly towards his friends, or toward honest men, but in the gentle forgiving of them that have offended him, & in his meeld releasing of his displeasure. That is the cause why Solomon saith, It is better for a man to bridle his wrath, than to win a city. And if a man will say, That irefulness is as it were the sinews of the soul: Irefulnes likened to the cramp in the opinion of Plutarch he should rather liken it unto the cramp, which retcheth a man out, or draweth him in with so much the greater vehemency, as it is the more desirous to revenge. And as the same author saith in the life of Coriolanus, Anger seemeth to be magnanimity, because it hath a desire to overcome, and will not yield to any man: and yet for all that, it is but a feebleness, the which thrusteth the choler forth, as the weakest and most passionate part of the soul, no less than a corrupt matter of an impostume. They that have upheld, Choleric persons unfit for government. that choleric persons are apt to learn, have added that they were not fit for government, and therefore that the Lacedæmonians prayed daily unto God, to enable them to bear wrongs: esteeming that person unworthy to be in authority, or to deal in great affairs, that is subject to anger. That is the cause why Chilo the Lacedaemonian, being asked by his brother, why he was not made a judge as well as he; answered, It was because he could skill to bear wrongs patiently that were done unto him, which thing his brother could not do: That man is unworthy of authority which cannot bear injuries. as who would say, He is not worthy to be a magistrate, which cannot bear injuries and discountenance them. There is a Greek proverb which saith, That a prince must hear both the just and unjust. And as Lois the eleventh said, He that can no skill to dissemble, can no skill to reign. For they that run headily upon their own opinions, and will not yield to any other, do in the end become desolate. But they that will live among men, The unpatient are forsaken, or else have few followres. and have to do in matters of state, must of necessity become patiented; or else they shall have few to follow them, or rather they shall be utterly forsaken. One asked a philosopher, wherefote he durst not meddle with the public affairs? It is not (quoth he) because I am afraid of them, but because I am afraid of myself: whereby he gave inkling of his own overgreat cholericknes, which he knew to be clean contrary to the managing of public affairs. Another asked one why he liked not to teach children: because (quoth he) I like not myself: meaning that he was too choleric to teach children. The choleric are unmeet to teach children, For as Plutarch saith, Men are not wont to draw a fresh cheese with a hook: but as for the choleric, they draw not, but brooze, break and shatter in pieces; and in stead of drawing, do thrust off children from coming to learning. Coriolanus was a great parsonage, and but for his choler, one of the forwardest in Rome: But that did reign so sore in him, that it made him of small account, and unmeet to live and be conversant with men. Insomuch that to avenge himself, he displeased all his friends, and of friends made them enemies, and so he refused the repeal of his banishment, the which the people offered unto him. Albeit that Philopaemen was an excellent captain, furnished and endued with many virtues: yet Plutarch blameth him for his cholericknes, saying, That in the controversies that happened in matters of government, oftentimes he could not hold himself within the bounds of gravity, patience, & mildness, but flung out often into choler and wilfulness: by reason whereof he seemed to have more parts of a good captain for war, than of a sage governor of a commonweal for peace. For nothing is more contrary to the admitting of good counsel, than choler and too much hastiness. Anger is a medley of all the passions of the mind. Plutarch in his treatise of the bridling of choler, saith, That choler is a medley composed of all the passions of the soul. For it is derived and drawn out of pleasure and sorrow, insolency and audacity: it holdeth of envy, in that it is well paid to see another man's harm; and it is matched with violence and manslaughter, for that it fighteth, but not in a man's own defence, and cannot suffer but to make other men suffer, and to overthrow them: and it taketh part of covetousness in the thing that is most unhonest, & worst to be liked, namely in that it is an eager and fierce desire to do harm. Anger a furor of short continuance. Horace saith, That anger is a short madness. And Cato saith, There is no difference between a man that is in choler, and a mad man, but only in the length of the time, esteeming anger to be a madness of short continunce. Saint john chrusostom in his thirtieth homily saith, There is no difference between a man possessed with a devil, a madman, a drunkenman, and a man that is in choler. And if ye mark well a man that is thoroughly angry, ye shall find his countenance of another sort than when he was in quiet. Ye shall see his eyes sparkling, his face red and fiery, his mouth writhed, all his limbs trembling, and as it were in a palsy, his tongue stammering, his words misplaced, and without discourse of reason, like the words of a fool, of a drunken man, or of a man out of his wits. Therefore a wise man will to the uttermost of his power, beware that he give no place to his choler, no not even in mirth, The inconvenience that ensueth of cholerickne●. Because that (as Plutarch saith) it turneth sport into enmity: nor in talk or writing, because that of conference in learning, it maketh a heady heartburning and contention: nor in judging, because it matcheth authority with insolency: nor in admonishing and teaching children, because it putteth them out of heart, and maketh them to hate learning: nor in prosperity, because it augmenteth the envy that accompanieth good fortune: nor in adversity, because it taketh away pity, when they that are fallen into misfortune are angry, and fall to encountering against those that should have compassion of their misery. The praise of meekness. On the contrary, mild behaviour giveth to some succour, and to some honour; it sweeteneth sourness, and by the meekness thereof, overcometh all roughness and harshness of men's manners. The operation of either of them is like a clear and fair day, in winter and rainy weather. And therefore meekness doth specially become a prince, Anger dangerous in a prince. and him that is set in authority. For if there be any dangerous thing in the world, it is the anger of a prince. And as Solomon saith in his proverbs, The indignation of a prince is as a messenger of death. And in another place he saith, That the indignation of a prince is like the roaring of a lion, but his favour is like the dew upon the grass. And as Plutarch saith in his book of the Trainment of princes, After they have once spoken the word, the party that is but suspected to have offended, is undone. And as the natural philosophers say, as the lightning cometh after the thunder, and yet is seen afore it; Among prince's men are oft condemned afore aught be proved against them. and as in a wound, the blood is seen afore the wound itself: so with princes and great potentates, punishment goeth afore appeachment, and men are seen to be condemned, afore any thing be proved against them: and that is because the prince cannot refrain his choler, unless the force of reason set itself against their power, and break it. For as saith Ecclesiasticus, According as the wood of the forest is, so burneth the fire, and according as a man's power is, so burneth his anger, and so mounteth up his wrath in substance. Therefore the first and chiefest remedy that we can find for cholericknesse, Remedies against anger. The first remedy. is to submit ourselves to reason For as saith Aristotle in his seventh book of Morals, Anger hearkeneth unto reason, howbeit confusedly and negligently, like a quick and hasty page, that goes his way ere he have heard half his errand, which causeth him to do his message amiss: or like a dog that barketh as soon as he heareth any noise at the door, without knowing whether he that knocketh is a friend or a foe. Even so anger, through favour & light moving, doth give some ear to reason, but yet so as it runneth forth to punishing, without understanding his commission. For reason had judged that there was some reproachful deed, or some contempt, but choler flingeth forth incontinently at random, as though it had been concluded and resolutely determined by discourse of reason, that the party which hath done the wrong, Naturally we covet revenge and esteem wrongs to be greater than they be. is to be fought withal out of hand. For naturally we covet revenge of the harm that is done us, and esteem it greater than it is. And like as bodies seem great through a cloud, so do men's faults seem greater through anger, than they be in deed; by reason whereof we be desirous to punish them more than reason would we should. Insomuch that he which will punish as he ought to do, aught to be clear from anger. For when anger bursteth out, it punisheth without reason, clean contrary to the manner of eating and drinking, the which we use not but when we be a hungered and a thirst. But we do then use revenge best, when we neither hunger it, nor thirst it, but have begun to forego the appetite thereof, applying it to reason and discretion, without the which we cannot master our choler. And as the smoke that steameth up into our eyes, letteth us to see the things that are before our feet: so choler dimmeth reason, and suffereth us not without pain and labour, Reason must be applied to anger. to enjoy the good wherewith reason could furnish us. And therefore it must be put in readiness long aforehand. And like as they that look to have their city besieged, do gather and lay up in store aforehand, whatsoever may serve their turn, and tarry not till succour come to them from abroad: enen so (saith Plutarch) must the remedies provided long afore out of philosophy, The troubled mind heareth not what is said without. be applied in time, against ire. For by reason of the turmoil that is within, the mind heareth not that which is said without, unless it have reason of it own, and such discretion of itself within, as doth by and by set itself against the anger and suppress it. And that is the palace which Homer in the first book of his Iliads, fameth to have restrained Achilles from killing Agamemnon. The second remedy is, The second remedi●● to retire from the mischief aforehand, as soon as a man perceiveth it coming; as they that be diseased with the falling sickness, do withdraw themselves in due time, for fear of falling into their disease afore company. The third remedy is, The third remedy. to follow the counsel that Athenodorus gave to Augustus, which was to say over the whole alphabet or Apsie at our entering into choler, to the end that that space of time, may give us leisure to moderate our anger. For the wise man (saith Solomon) delaieth his anger, and it is a glory unto him to overpass faults committed, that is, to let the offence pass, and not to do as Darius did, who being in an exceeding great rage against the Athenians for sacking the city Sardus, prayed God that he might revenge that injury, and ordained that thrice every day when his meat was upon the table, one should say unto him, Sir, remember the Athenians; but rather as the Romans did, who to show that magistrates ought not to be angry in haste, tied the rods of their praetors unto halberds, to the intent that the delay which was made in the untying of them, should break and appease the headiness of the praetors wrath. If the Pythagorians happened to be angry, their custom was to touch one another in the hand, afore they departed out of the place, to the intent that they would not let their anger take place, according to the precept of Saint Paul. The fourth remedy is, The fourth remedy. never to take upon ones self the chastising of the party that hath offended him, but to put over the doing thereof to some other body, as some philosophers have done, who prayed their friends to chastise their bondslaves, saying, That they themselves could not do it, because they were too much moved with anger. As for example Architas of Tarent, who would not chastise his servant because he was in anger with him. Cicero in his Duties saith, That a man must be well aware that he be not angry when he punisheth, because anger never keepeth the mean that aught to be between too much and too little. And magistrates ought to be like unto laws, which punish men, not for anger, but for justice. The fift mean is, The fift remedy. to consider that we would be loath to be punished as we would punish others; whereto agreeth the parable of the receiver in the Gospel, who having obtained favour for his debts at his master's hand, yet nevertheless would needs play the tormentor towards a poor debtor of his own. By the which parable we be commanded to forgive the wrongs that our neighbours do unto us, as god forgiveth us freely our misdeeds. And for want of so doing, we cannot have grace at gods hand. For thus saith Ecclesiasticus, Doth man keep anger against man, and crave health of God? If he that is a mortal man (saith he) do keep anger, and crave forgiveness of God; who shall forgive him his sins? Be mindful of the fear of God, and bear no anger to thy neighbour. And in the 20. chap. Say not▪ I will requite evil, but wait thou the Lords leisure, The sixth remedy. and he will deliver thee. Sixtly, he must eschew all occasions of anger, as Cotis king of Thrace did, to whom, one gave very fair and delicate vessel, but very easy to be broken. Cotis received the present willingly, but he broke the vessels out of hand. And being asked the cause, he said he did it for fear, lest he should be angry with some other body for breaking them. The seventh remedy. Seventhly, He must consider with himself the inconveniences that may come of anger, seeing that as Ecclesiasticus saith, Anger and wrath do shorten men's days. Valentinian was so angry at certain ambassadors, which brought him news that misliked him, that he broke a vein within his body, whence the blood issued so abundantly out at his mouth, that he was immediately choked with it. Gaston Earl of Fois had but one only son, against whom he was so outrageously fumish, that the poor child died of it; whereof the father repent him afterward at leisure, as Froyssard reporteth at large in his history. Of manslaughter. As for manslaughters, the most part of them come of choler. Now to assure us that manslaughter is detestable afore God, we have a precept in the ten commandments, the which forbiddeth us to kill. Romulus' called all manquelling, Parricide, because the one was villainous and detestable, and the other was not tolerable. Moses' appointed out five cities of refuge, for them that had committed manslaughter, so it were by chance and not upon malice; meaning that such as had their hands defiled with blood, should not be conversant among other men. David being well-beloved of God, and an earnest lover of God, would have builded him a temple; but he was dissuaded from it by Nathan, who had commandment from God, to bid him leave the doing thereof to his son Solomon, because his own hands were defiled with the blood of his enemies. And as he himself saith in the five and fiftieth psalm, Bloody men shall not live out half their days. bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days. And we may say generally with Ecclasiasticus, That a man full of anger, kindleth strife and variance among friends, and setteth enmity among them that were at peace. Of anger come injuries, discords, disagreements, and oftentimes the utter overthrows of cities, Anger causeth the overthrow of cities. whereof princes repent them afterward, or at leastwise are blamed for it, as Philip was for Olinthus. And when some marveled at his power, that he had so soon razed so great a city: one Agesipolis said, It would behove Philip to have a longer time to build up such another: whereby he meant that it is a far more princely act to build cities, than to overthrow them, and to destroy them when they be builded. The same anger doth oftentimes make many to pass the edge of the sword, even after the field is won, yea and sometime even those that had yielded themselves to the mercy of the conquerors; which thing Cicero forbiddeth in his Duties. Agesilaus said, He thought it a wonder, that men took not those for traitors to God, which do evil to poor folk, that cry for mercy, and beseech them for the honour of God to pardon them; and that they punish them not more grievously, than the robbers of churches: deeming well and wisely, that men's lives are dearer than all the ornaments of temples and churches. The eight remedy. Lastly, let him read histories, and consider the blame that hath lighted upon ireful persons. I will not speak of Coriolane and others, who through that only vice have defaced great virtues, and misguided their affairs. Nor of Alexander who slew Clitus, whereof ensued repentance by and by, and that so great, that men had much a do to keep him from killing himself, for the misliking that he had conceived of his fault. No nor of Clitus himself, who procured his own death by his impatiency and choler. A prince is pacified with patience. For a prince (saith Solomon) is pacified by patience, & a mild speech breaketh all hardness. A mild tongue breaketh all hardness. But I will speak of Augustus, whom we have commended for his mildness. For we must needs confess, that it was disgraced by these two deeds of his. The one was, that with his own hands, he put out the eyes of one 〈◊〉 was accused unto him of treason: and the other was, that 〈◊〉 used most shameful outrage, towards one that had com●●●●ted adultery with his daughter. But when the young man had showed him the law, that he himself had made for adultery, and was contented to be punished according to the law, if he had offended. Augustus was so grieved thereat, that notwithstanding that he had just cause of punishing him, yet he ate no meat that day. And he moderated his choler so well afterward, that he did not any deed unbeseeming himself. The chole●iknes of Marius and Syll●. Plutarch speaking of Marius, saith that his cholericknes, ambition, and covetousness, did drive him like a mighty wind, into a bloody, cruel and unkind old age. The same Plutarch in the life of Sylla, saith, That Sylla suffered himself to be carried away with choler without advisement, without setting any other consideration before his eyes, than only the revenge of his enemies, without making any account of his friends and kinsfolk, and without any touch of mercy and compassion: and his fury was so fiery, that he put no difference between such as had offended him, and such as had done nothing. If these examples suffice not, let him consider that a man ought to be more tractable than a lion. Now the lion how fierce so ever he be, is made gentle and tame by art, which surmounteth his nature. And shall not man which by nature is meeld, take pain to tame the beast that lodgeth within him? he overcometh the nature of beasts, A man may command anger seeing it harbereth within him. and yet for all that he cannot overcome himself. And as S. john chrusostom saith upon the first of Matthew, If I charged you to appease another man; you might answer me that you have not other men's wills in your hand: but I speak to you of anger, which is your own beast, and lion, whom you may command. Anger impaireth the health both of body and soul. And if by cunning and good means ye can make a lion a man; how happeneth it that through your negligence, you suffer yourselves of men to become lions? For there is no lion that doth more mischief, than anger; as the which not only hurteth the body, but also marreth and impaireth the health of the soul, weakening her strength, and making her unweeldy to all things. And a man must not excuse his cholericknes by this common saying, That the first motions are not in man's power, and therefore it is hard to resist anger. For if it have an earnest desire to any thing, it will boldly adventure to obtain it with loss of a man's own blood, and with the peril of his life. Reason stayeth the first brunts. For the movings thereof are stayed by the stepping in of reason. And to excuse any evil that is happened through anger, it is like as if a man should excuse himself of the giving of a blow, by saying it was not he that did it, but his hand. As little also ought we to excuse ourselves, by that, that we were not the beginners of the quarrel, for it is as if a man should excuse himself of a murder, by saying that he was not the man that gave him the first deadly wound. For as saith Chrisostome in his xxxj Homily, He that taketh not example by another man's offence, is more to be punished than the other; like as he is that seeing another man drunken, becometh drunken after him. Solon in his laws forbade men to wrong any body, by outrageous words in the time of divine service, in place of justice, and in places of open assembly, under pain of three drams to be paid to him that was wronged, and of two to the commonweal: deeming it a point of overgreat licentiousness, not to be able to bridle men's choler in any such place. The end of the second book. The third book. CHAP. I. ¶ Of league's. AS Pyrrhus' king of Epyrots was at a solemn feast, one asked him, whether of the Flute-players, Python or Cephesias was the best? to whom he answeswered, That in his opinion Polyperchon was the best captain; as who would say, That that was the only thing whereof a prince should inquire and learn to know. For to say the truth, the very office of a prince, is to deal with war-matters, and to make himself a good captain, that he may know how to defend himself, & to assail his enemies when time serves, The prince that is valiant is esteemed and had in fear. which is the thing that setteth his subjects most in peace. For the prince that is valiant and practised in fears of arms, is commended, feared and redoubted of his neighbours. Contrariwise, the coward, and he that despiseth the art of war, and hath not weapon in hand, is subject to the contempt of his neighbours, and to endure war whether he will or no. Wherefore as a prince ought to have great understanding in matters of government, so ought he not to be ignorant what belongeth to war. And as his duty consisteth, The art of war upholdeth the commonweal. first in the well-ordering of the commonweal: so is it also necessary for him to have skill of martial affairs, to maintain the commonweal. Now as touching the art of war, I find not a better book or a better schoolmaster thereof, than experience; though enough have written thereof. For it is learned more by practice than by speculation, and it belongeth not unto any other to treat thereof, than to such as have spent some part of their life in the wars. And if any man of my calling would treat thereof, it might be said unto him that he played the fool, as Hannibal said to Phormio. But to treat of policies and sleights of war practised by captains, is not a dealing with the Art of war, otherwise than by accident, and after the manner of Historiographers, who forget them not in their histories; but in bringing again of the histories to remembrance which make mention of them, according to my fore determined purpose, which was to show how noble princes have demeaned themselves, both in peace and war, and to deliver as in evidence, their quick sayings and politic stratagems. Of the one I hope I have in some sort discharged myself in my former two books: and now in this, I will treat a little of the feats of war, and of some policies found in histories for the instruction of princes, to the end that among the notable things which I have inserted here out of diverse histories where they were dispersed; this which is the principal point, may not tarry behind untouched, leaving the larger discovery thereof, to such as deal with arms. Wherein if I keep some order and fashion of precepts, it is but to treat of those things in some method, which are dispersed in the histories; and not to give any certain judgement▪ what is to be done in that behalf. For I hope that when the matter is once set down, a prince may upon this discourse, choose what he thinketh good, as bees do upon flowers. I know that the most part of the stratagems that were found good in time past, are now out of use, and that as Cambyses said unto Cyrus, like as in music the newest songs & such as were never heard afore, do like men best: so in war, the policies that have not erst been practised, have best success, because the enemy doth least suspect them. But we may also say, that many times old songs are renewed and sung for new: and likewise in war, Nothing is done, which had not been 〈…〉. old policies may be renewed, and taken for new. For there is not any thing done, which hath not been done afore. By means whereof I have gathered and compacted together, a part of the old policies of time past, to the intent that among many, the prince may choose that which he shall find best, or at leastwise not be ignorant to keep himself from them. For the knowledge of the policies of times past, together with those which he hath seen by experience, will give him a great judgement in the feat of war, and will make him to call to mind again, and bethink him of the things that he hath seen at other times. Wherefore to keep the order that I began with, it is to be understood, that to reign happily and to maintain himself and his subjects in peace and tranquillity; it is not enough for a prince to 'stablish good laws and ordinances, if he do not likewise set good order for matters of war, which may light upon his army whether he will or no; and sometime the wrong that shall be offered him, shall compel him to war upon his neighbour. So that it is hard for a prince to reign long without some war, either in assailing or in defending, whereof it cometh to pass that he increaseth and diminisheth his state and reputation, according to his fortunate or unfortunate success. And to make himself the stronger he maketh leagues with his friends and allies; or else his enemy preventeth him, who having made an offensive league with his associates, cometh with great power to enter into his country. For the which a prince must provide afore hand, as it shall be easy for him to do in time, if he have strength, howbeit that it be a terrible thing to see so many nations against him alone. In ma●ters of 〈…〉 hours' 〈…〉. nevertheless we have seen almost continually, that he which hath stood upon his defence, hath had the skill to untwist such knots well enough. And the reason is, ●or that the princes or commonweals that are neighbours, do never yield mutual love one to another, and that which they do, is for their own peculiar profit, fearing nothing so much as the advancement of 〈…〉. By reason whereof such leagues are easy to be broken, by a prince that hath courage, and some small mean to prolong time, and a little skill to sway with the time. The way to disi●ine leagues. wherefore when a prince is assailed by a puissant army, he must oppose another against him, he must furnish well his holds, and he must encamp himself in a place of such advantage, as his enemy may not be so bold as to adventure upon him. And in the mean while, he must attempt by all means to disjoin the whole league, or at leastwise to get some one out of the league, which is so easy a thing to be done, that as many as have bend themselves unto it, have almost never failed. King Lois the eleventh was very excellent in this feat. Every man knows how he accorded with the county of Charolois at Constans; so that when he was once taken out of the play, it was of necessity, that the dukes of Berry and Bretaine should be comprised in the accord, because they were not of sufficient power to encounter the king of France, without the help of the Burgonions. Another time, having to do with two mighty neighbours, the king of England and the duke of Burgoine, when he saw that the duke of Burgoine was not yet knit to the king of England; he made peace with the king of England, so as he had no more to deal with, but the duke of Burgoine. King Francis the first was assailed by the Emperor, and by the king of England in the year 1544. By reason whereof he opposed against the Emperor a strong host, and against the king of England towns well fortified. And in the mean while he found means to agree with the Emperor, without calling the king of England thereto; and by that means it was the easier for him to agree with the Englishmen afterward. The emperor was sore cumbered, in having to deal with two mighty armies at once, to wit king Henry the second, and the Protestants. By reason whereof he advised himself to grant the Protestants their demands, that he might afterward bend himself upon the king. Which thing maketh me to think, that in leagues there is somewhat to be feared, and that there is danger in entering into them, the which it standeth a prince greatly on hand to provide for. But it is not hard to undo them, because the leguers look more to their own peculiar profit, Leaguers respect their own peculiar profit. than to the common profit of them all; and the society which all of them do make, is lion-like, as they term it; for every of them respecteth his own peculiar profit. And if ye set that aside, by and by all is laid a water. But if there befall too happy success to any one that is in league, and the prince see that fortune smileth upon his companion: he must not by and by give him over there, and make league against him, Leagues broken by divers means. as the Pope, and the duke of Milan, and all Italy did for king Francis the first, upon his taking of the Emperor Charles prisoner, with whom they had been linked in league afore against the king. The Leontines, and Rhegines, having entered into arms against the Syracusanes, made a league with the Athenians, by whose aid they maintained the war along time. But in the end, when they understood by the report that Hermocrates made unto all the Sicilians in general, that all that the Athenians did, was to make themselves lords of Sicily: they gave over the league, and made peace among themselves. The drawing back of one leaguer, disappointeth the whole league. moreover, in most of these leagues there is always some one that draweth backward, and cometh lagging behind, as the Emperor Maximilian did, when he was allied with king Lois the twelfth, against the Venetians. For king Lois was in the field at the day appointed, and had spoiled the Venetians of the places that should have fallen to his share by agreement of the league, afore the emperor was entered into Italy. And this slackness of his saved the city Padua, and a good part of the state of Venice. And had the Venetians been warriors and well provided, they had put king Lois to a plunge. For they had as than no more but him to deal with, so that his league did him small service. The duke of Burgoine should have joined with the king of England, to invade the country of king Lois the eleventh; but he lingered so long at the siege of Nuis, that the king of England was feign to return and make peace, as I have said already. The league of the Spanish king and the Venetians against the Turk, turned by and by into smoke by reason of distrust that rose betwixt them, notwithstanding that the Turk was overcome upon the sea by the confederates at Lepanto. Many times did the Italians and Spaniards, jointly conspire to drive the Frenchmen out of Italy. But one while the Spaniards departed from the confederacy, another while the Pope shrunk back, and another while the Venetians fell in with us, which was a cause that we held our footing still, notwithstanding their leagues. These examples with a hundred others which I leave for briefness sake, may warn us, that a puissant and well advised prince, shall never want means to dissever such as confederate themselves against him. CHAP. II. Of governors sent into the frontiers of countries, and whether they should be changed, or suffered to continue still. WHen a prince hath associated himself with his friends and neighbours, to defend himself or to assail his enemies; It behoveth him to take order for his frontiers, and to provide himself of a good wise and valiant chieftain, to lie ordinarily with a good number of soldiers, in the province that is most subject to the invasion of enemies. But here some man might demand, whether such a governor or chieftain ought never to be changed, or whether he ought to be changed as the praetors, proconsul's and precedents of provinces were among the Romans. I have declared in the title of justice, that the Emperor Alexander Severus changed his officers oft, and that Augustus altered not the custom of the Romans, in sending senators into provinces for a certain time. Aristotle in his books of commonweal- matters, reproved the Candiots, for suffering one of their magistrates whom they called Consuls, to be perpetual, whereas they should have been shifted from time to time. And it is not to be doubted, but that that manner of dealing was very behooveful in a commonweal, where every man looks to bear office of honour, which few should have enjoyed, if the charge of government should have been tied to one alone, to occupy the place of many good citizens, who could have discharged the office as well as he. The danger of suffering one governor continually in a province. And thereof would have ensued a great inconvenience, namely that an army being governed overlong by one citizen, would have grown partial in his behalf, and not have acknowledged any other for their head, than him under whom they had so long served. Moreover the general or chief captain of an army, that shall have continued so long together in office, would become so rich and increased in honour, that he could not find in his heart to live as mean citizen afterward. Whereupon it would follow of necessity, that the citizens should fall to war among themselves. That was the cause that Silla and Marius found men at their devotion, which durst maintain their ambition against the welfare of the commonweal. The prorogation of the five years, which was given to julius Caesar for the governing of the Gauls, and the overgreat number of offices of honour, that were bestowed upon Pompey, were the cause of the ruin of Rome. For there was not in his time any goodly enterprise, whereof he was not the executor. And although there was great reason, that the Senate should prorogue the consul, Philoes' authority before Palepolis, and likewise of Lucullus & Metellus, without sending Pompey to be successor to the one, and Marius to be successor to the other: Yet had it been better for the commonweal, to have forborn that gain, and to have left the war unfinished, than to have suffered the seed of tyranny to grow up, to the overthrow of the publike-weale. And I marvel not that Epamin●ndas was put to his neck-verse, for executing the praetorship, contrary to the law, but only three months beyond his appointed term, though in that while he finished the war that had been begun, and delivered the Thebans from bondage. For as on the one side, the greatness of the benefit encountered the law: so on the other side, there was as an apparent breach of the law, which might procure great prejudice in time to come. Too great a mightiness is dangerous in a commonweal Now in a free city, this overgreat mightiness is to be feared: and therefore it is no wonder though Publicola was in good time redoubted of the Romans, and compelled to show that he meant to make himself equal with the meanest. And in mine opinion, the ostracism of Athens, which afterward was mocked at for banishing a fellow that was nought worth, was not without great reason. For had not the excellent citizens been bridled by exile, they would at length have grown so proud, that they would have made themselves kings and masters of the city, as Pericles might well have done, if he had been of an ambitious mind, and as others did afterward that were meaner than he. And therefore I make no doubt of it, but that in commonweals there ought to be no such thing. In monarchies needeth no change of governors. But in Monarchies where one alone commandeth, it is better to set a governor or viceroy, that shall continue there all his life. After that manner have our kings done in Piedmont with happy success. But if the people of the provinces make any complaints of the covetousness of their governor, or of his extortion and great cruelty, or if the prince doubt of his loyalty, in such cases the prince must revoke him, and send a new in his room. consalvo was called home from Naples by the king of Arragon, who was so jealous of him, that he feared lest he should abuse his authority, and defeat him of the realm. But if a governor be not too full of vice, it is much better that he continue still. For he shall learn how to behave himself towards the men of his province, by acquainting himself long time with their humours. And for his knowledge of the country, he shall do goodlier exploits than a new lieutenant could do: besides that he shall be more loved and regarded of the soldiers, with whom he shall have spent his young years. CHAP. III. Of a lieutenant-general, and that there behoveth no more but one to command an army. FOrasmuch as a prince cannot be always with his army, it behoveth him to choose some excellent captain, to have the commanding thereof. Now it may be demanded, whether it were better to appoint two or three to that charge, or to be contented with one, for if one alone have the execution of that charge, no man shall control him, whereas more doing their duty well, may do more faithful and trusty service, by striving who shall do best. And this manner did the Athenians use, who for a time held the dominion of the Eastern seas; and so did the Romans who subdued the whole world. The Athenians in their wars of Sicily (which were of great importance) sent thither Niceas and Alcibiades. And ordinarily they had two at the least, and sometimes ten together that commanded. The Romans most commonly sent the two consuls to the wars, who ruled the army with equal power. But they that did so, found not themselves ever best at ease, We have an example thereof in three Tribnnes of Rome sent to Fidene with authority of consuls, It is not good to have many commanders in an army. who through their disagreement & mistaking one anorher, were like to have brought the Roman host to ruin. Also they used but light wars. For in times of danger they made a Dictator, that one might absolutely command alone: being of opinion that one alone might better govern an army than many could, because it is hard to find two or three excellent captains in a whole country: as Philip of Macedon said, He marveled how the Athenians could every year appoint ten captains to command their army, whereas he could find but one in all his realm. And in good sooth, had the captains whom the Athenians appointed, been no wiser than they that appointed them, their commonweal had smarted for it. In a certain dangerous war, they had appointed many companions to Miltiades, among whom was Aristides, who as wise as he was, yielded unto Miltiades the authority of commanding; the which thing the rest of his companions did likewise, being constrained to do it by his example, which was the cause that all things went well. It is hard for two generals to agree in one army. He did as much to Themistocles his enemy, whereby the Athenians received marvelous profit. For ye shall never find two men of one selfsame humour. And if it were so; yet the one is so thrust forward with ambition, envy, and jealousy against his fellow, that they fail not to mar all. If Niceas and Alcibiades had been never so long together, they would never have agreed. For the one was too slow, and the other too quick, after the same manner that Fabius and Minucius, Paulus Aemilius and Varro were: for if the one did well one day, the other marred all the next day, the harm whereof the Romans felt a long time after. In our civil wars we had two princes in our armies, of whom the one took upon him to command, and the other would give no place to him. And in hope to content them both, unto the one was committed the vanguard with the tokens of battle; and unto the other was committed the battle, rather in name that in effect: whereat the other disdaining, was a cause that a good part of the army was broken. Therefore the best is to have but one general. And we must not here take example at commonweals: for their upholding of themselves is dearer unto them, than the overthrowing of their enemies. And because the overgreat mightiness of a citizen is dangerous to their state, they had rather fail in the other point, than to give too great authority to one alone, for fear lest he should fall to usurping, or that his greatness should cause some sedition in the city. But a king, who cannot be deposed by any one alone, how excellent and valiant a captain so ever he be, is never in that doubt, nor in the distrust wherein commonweals are. And therefore he ought not, but upon some necessity, There must be no equals to the general in an army. to commit the charge of his army to any more than one. Aso he must beware, that with his governor he send not other captains, that esteem themselves as great or greater than the general. For that were the way to set all out of order. Olympius thought she did well, in sending the Siluershields to the succour of Eumenes, but she marred all by it: for their captains made so great account of themselves, that they would not obey him, no nor scarcely accept him for their companion. By reason whereof they betrayed him, and delivered him to his enemy. The ruin of the commonweal of Rome, came of two citizens well near of equal power, of whom the one would abide none greater than himself, and the other would have no peer. And because either of them was of great credit with the Senate, they set the whole city together by the ears But the king who carrieth his counsel with him, and hath neither tribunes not consuls, disposeth of his state at his own will, and no man dareth intermeddle with the government, further-forth than is to his liking. CHAP. four Whether the chief of an army should be gentle or rigorous. HEre is offered a question which is no small one, that is to wit, Whether the chief of an army, be he prince, king, or lieutenant to a king, aught to use rigour rather than gentleness, as well towards his soldiers, as also towards the country which he intendeth to conquer? For there have been, which by their rigour have been obeyed & reverenced, both of their soldiers and of the country where they warred, and by that means have compassed their affairs very well. And othersome have gotten so great good will by their gentleness, that they have won more by their courtesy, than the others have done by their cruelty. They that prefer gentleness, For gentleness and courtesy. allege Pericles, who was very mild and patiented, and was wont to say, That there should never be any cause, why any man should were a black gown by his means. Yet notwithstanding as gentle and patiented as he was, he governed that insolent people without any rebellion, specially at the beginning of the wars of Peloponnesus, where the people of Athens saw their goods spoiled from out of their windows; whom notwithstanding their eager desire to go out against the Lacedæmonians, he kept still at home by his gentle and honourable persuasions. Xenophon maketh Cyrus gentle, courteous, familiar, and void of all pride, roughness, and cruelty. Scipio was meeld and gentle to his men of war, and used his enemies with so great courtesy, that he won the hearts of the Spaniards by such means, & overcame them rather with honourable dealing than with force. Plutarch saith as much of Lucullus. Infinite other examples may we allege; of such as have been obeyed by their men of war, and been loved of all their countries. For rigour and cruelty. On the contrary part, we have some that have kept their people in order by austerity, as Manlius Torquatus and many others. Hannibal was cruel and stoure, as well to his men of war as to his enemies. And yet had he an army of sundry sorts of strangers, all obedient and well ordered; and besides that he drew to his side many of the allies of the Romans. And they that hold this opinion, have for their ground a sure and undoubted reason, namely, that nothing holdeth men in awe so much as fear, and that he which is dreaded, is better obeyed than he that makes himself beloved. Nothing outweareth, so soon as a good turn. For nothing doth so soon wax stolen as a benefit. All men love and commend him that doth them a pleasure, and such a one is followed of all men, but soon also is he forgotten: whereas he that is feared and had in awe, is never forgotten. For every man bethinketh him of the mischief that he shall run into, In governing of a multitude, punishment availeth more than pity. if he fail to do the thing that he is commanded. And this fear is of much greater force than love. In that respect Cornelius Tacitus said, That to the governing of a multitude, punishment availed more than gentleness. When Tamerlan came to besiege a city, the first day he would have a tent of white, which betokened that he would take all the city to mercy, & good composition. The second day he would have one of red: which betokened that although they yielded themselves, yet would he put some of them to death at his discretion. The third day he had a pavilion all black, which was as much to say, as that there was no more place for compassion, but that he would put all to fire & sword The fear of such cruelty caused all cities to yield themselves at his first coming, That captain is to be punished, which holdeth a place unable to be defended, against an army royal. And he could not devise to have done so much by friendly dealing, as by that means. Nevertheless it is the custom of war to deal hardly with that captain, which defendeth a place not able to be kept, against an army royal: to the intent it may serve for example to such as would withstand an army, in hope to come to composition. For when they see there is no mercy, they yield themselves afore it come to the canon-shot. Which manner the Romans practised. For had the battel-ram once begun to beat the walls, there was no great hope of any composition. Some time it is needful to use cruelty. When julius Caesar had lost the battle at Dirrhachium, as he fled, a little town did shut their gates against him: wherinto he entering by force, sacked it, to the intent to put others in fear, that were minded to do the like. Caesar was mild & gentle: but his gentleness could nor procure the opening of the gates to him; & this cruelty of his, was the cause that no man durst deny him to come in. And as for Scipio, although he was a valiant and fortunate captain & as gracious as could be: yet was he not always obeyed, but had rebellions of of his soldiers against him, so as he was compelled to turn his gentleness into rigour. Machiavelli handling this question, is long time balancing of his discourse upon Quintius, Valerius corvinus, & Publicola, all which being mild & gentle, were good captains and did many noble feats of arms, were well obeyed of their men of war, & obtained many fair victories. These he compareth with other valiant captains, Machiavels' distinction. that were rough, stowr, & cruel, as Camillus, Appius Claudius, Manlius Torquatus, & others. And in the end he maketh a good distinction, saying, That to men which live under the laws of a publik-weale, the manner of the proceeding of Manlius is commendable, because it turneth to the favour of the publick-weale. For a man can win no partakers which showeth himself so rough to every man, and he dischargeth himself of all suspicions of ambition. But in the manner of the proceeding of Valerius and Publicola, there may be some mistrust, because of the friendship and good favour which he purchased at his soldiers hands, whereby they might work some evil practices against the liberty of their country. But when it cometh to the consideration of a prince, as Xenophon painteth us out a perfect prince under the person of Cyrus: the manner of Publicola, Scipio, and such others, is much more allowable and dangerless. It is good that a prince should have his army affectionated to him alone. For the prince is to seek for no more at his subjects and soldiers hands, but obedience and love. For when a prince is well minded on his own part, and his army likewise affection it only towards him, it is conformable to all conditions of his state. But for a private person to have an army at his devotion, is not conformable to the rest of the parts, whom it standeth on hand to make him live under the laws, and to obey magistrates. But there remaineth yet one doubt undecided, which is whether a lieutenant-general of an host, Whether a lieutenant general should be gentle or rigorous. who is neither prince nor king, but is sent by a king to command, aught to be gentle or rigorous. For he cannot be suspected to make his army partial. And though he had it so, which thing he can not do, he should smally prevail against his prince. Wherefore in this behalf, I would hold as well the one as the other, to the observation of the laws. I would be rigorous to the men of war. For there is not so beautiful and profitable a thing to an army, as the execution of justice, and the keeping of the law uninfringed. The which if ye once break in any one man, though he be a very brave and valeant fellow; it must needs be broken in divers others. But, the discipline of war being well kept and observed, The general aught to be familiar in behaviour and rigorous in discipline. the general aught to be familiar towards all his soldiers. Alexander was familiar, gentle, and courteous to the common soldiers. Antony was to them, both gentle and loving. julius Caesar was likewise, and so were all the excellent emperors. On the other side, they also were well-beloved, and yet in discipline they were rigorous. I have told you heretofore in the chapter of justice, how the said julius Caesar, Augustus, trajan, & certain others winked at small faults, but were rigorous in others, as towards mutineers, traitors, and sleepers in the watch, and such others aforealledged. The reason was, that they would not in any wise corrupt the discipline of war, for fear of the mischief that might ensue: and therefore they never pardoned the faults of them that infringed it. It is a wondrous thing, that Caesar being but a citizen, and having his army but of such as served him of good will, and being lately afore discomfited at the battle of Durazo, and fleeing before the army of the senate; was notwithstanding not afraid, to punish such as had not done their duty in the battle; insomuch that whole legions were feign to sue to him for mercy. Which doing, showeth the good discipline that was in the Roman armies, and the faithful service which they did to their general, to whom they had given their oath. Anon after again, when he gave battle to Pompey, with what cheerfulness did all his soldiers accept it? With what zeal and good will did they bear with their general? Austerity abateth not the love of men of war. and with what feercenesse did they fight? The which serveth to show, that severity taketh not away the love of men of war, when they perceive that otherwise their chieftain is valeant and worthy to rule. For than they impute it not so much to his austerity, as to their own faults. Which ought to be punished according to the law. Tamerlane hanged a soldier of his, for stealing a cheese. This rigour was was very needful. For else he should have had no victuals in his camp, which was always followed with infinite vitellers. And by being so rough towards his soldiers, he got the good will of whole countries, in executing justice upon his men of war according to the law. He was gentle to such as submitted themselves unto him, but sharp and cruel to such as resisted him: which was the way to win much people. And no man withstood him. Wherefore I conclude, that whether it be the prince himself, or whether it be his lieutenant; he must not be so gentle to his soldiers, as to bear with all their faults: nor so courteous to the plain countrymen, but that he must show them all some examples of his severity, that they may stand in awe of him. But he must reserve his austerity for the wicked and stubborn sort; and he must use gentleness, mildness, and lovingness, towards his good soldiers and such as hold out their hands to yield themselves unto him, whom he ought to entreat well, not for a day or twain a some do, but for ever, to the end that the people which are his neighbours, may be alured to do the like, when they find that this his good dealing, proceedeth not of dissimulation, but of the very love, mildness, and good nature of the prince. CHAP. v Whether it be better to have a good army and an evil chieftain, or a good chieftain and an evil army. THe prince that hath to deal with arms, aught to be provided of two things, namely of valeant and well experienced captains, and of good and well trained soldiers. For little booteth it to have a good chieftain, that hath not good men of war; or good men of war that have not a good captain to lead them. But the question is, in case that both meet not together, whether it were better to have an evil army and a good captain, or a good army and a bad captain. This question seemeth to be doubtless. Notwithstanding forasmuch as Machiavelli putteth it in balance, although he resolve it after the common manner; yet am I to say a word or twain of it by the way, to confirm it the better. In this discoursing upon the history of Titus Livius, he saith, The valiantness of the soldiers hath wrought wonders, and that they have done better after the death of their captain than afore, as it befell in the army which the Romans had in Spain under the conduct of the Scipios, the which having lost those two generals, did nevertheless overcome their enemies. Moreover he allegeth Lucullus, who being untrained to the wars himself, was made a good captain by the good peticaptains of the bands that were in his army. But his reasons are not sufficient, to encounter the opinion of those that uphold, That an army of stags having a lion to their leader, is much better than an army of lions, that have a stag to their captain. And in very deed, The winning of a battle dep●●leth upon the sufficiency of the captain. if ever battle, were won, the winning thereof is to be attributed to the captain. It is well known, that so long as the Volses had Coriolane to their captain they had always the upper hand against the Romans. But as soon as he was dead, they went by the worse. When the Romans had cowardly captains, they were continually beaten by the Numantines: but when Scipio was once chosen general, they did so well overset their enemies, that in the end they razed Numance itself. And as I have said in this discourse, when one upbraided the Numantines, that they suffered themselves to be beaten by those, whom they had so often beaten afore; they answered, That in very deed they were the same sheep, whom they had encountered afore, Some one man is of great value in an host. but they had another shepherd. This showeth sufficiently, how greatly some one man may avail in an army. Antiochus not regarding the multitude of his enemies, asked a captain, How many men he thought his presence to be worth? making account, that he himself alone should supply the number which the captain desired. Eumenes had not an host so well trained as his enemies: and yet he guided it in such sort, as he could never be overcome. When Antigonus supposing this Eumenes to have been extremely sick, was purposed not to have lost the fair occasion of discomfiting his army, as soon as he saw the good governance thereof, judged incontinently that it was a good chieftain that had the ordering thereof. And when he perceived the horslitter of Eumene● a far off, by and by he caused the retreat to be sounded, fearing more that which was within the litter, than he feared five and twenty or thirty thousand men. The bondmen of the Romans had not beaten them so oft, unless it had been by the good guidance of Spartacus. Sertorius had the whole force of Rome against him, and yet could never be overcome. Epaminondas and Pelopidas did by their good government, train people that had no skill of war, and vanquished the greatest warriors of all Greece. For it is a hard matter that any army, be it never so well practised in wars, should be able to maintain itself against a politic and valeant enemy. The sk●lfulnes of a captain may disorder his enemy's battle which want a good chieftain. I say not but that they may fight valiantly; but the skilfulness of the captain of their enemies may be such, as to disorder them by using some cunning device, the disappointing and preventing whereof, belongs to the captain and not to the soldiers. As for that which is alleged of the Scipios, it will not serve. For inasmuch as the battle was well ordered afore, the Romans might well obtain the victory, though both the consuls were there slain. Likewise, notwithstanding the death of the duke of Bourbon, yet was Rome taken by his army, because the soldiers that had adventured upon the assault, knew not of the death of their captain. And the Thebans failed not to get the victory though E●aminondas was wounded to death. Again, the Emperor's army which was sent against the marquis of Brandenbrough, got the victory notwithstanding that duke Moris the general of the field lost his life there. And as touching that which is said of Lucullus, who had little experience of war; that is very true: nevertheless he behaved himself so discretely in the war wherein he was employed, that he was nothing beholden to Pompey, which bereft him of the honour of conquering the whole East. And to show that he was not led by the advice of his army, but by his own skill; being at the siege of Tigranocerta, & being counseled by some to raise his siege, and to go meet his enemy who was coming towards him with great forces, and not to stay about the city: he believed his own wit, and undertook a jeopardous adventure. For with the one half of his army he went to encounter his enemy, whom he overcame, and left the other half afore the city, the which he took at his return. Also Plutarch commendeth him highly, for governing himself so well, considering his small experience. I know that an army without a head, may fight so valiantly as no fault may be found in them; but a very small oversight may put them out of array. And he●unto the saying of Machiavelli, That a good army without a captain, becometh rebellious and unweeldy to be dealt with, as it befell to the array of Macedon, after the death of Alexander. Therefore we must conclude, that as the members have no function without a head; no more hath an army without a good chieftain. CHAP. vi Of the order which the men of old time did use in setting their people in batel-ray. Sigh we have given a head to an army, now we must come to the heart, and provide it of that which is requisite for it within, which is nothing else but the good order that is to be used in ranging the men of war in battel-ray. For in this order consisteth the welfare and life of the host. This in mine opinion, should be handled by a man that had followed the wars the most part of his life; the which thing I cannot do for want of experience. Wherefore I leave this chapter as a blank paper, to be filled with good and goodly discourses, by some valeant and wel-experienced captain. I will but only set down the manner used in old time, showing how they ordered their battles. The Greeks had a great battle compacted and closed together of many ranks, which they named a Phalanx. When a soldier of a former rank happened to be slain or beaten down, Of the Phalanx. he of the next rank stepped into his place; and he of the third rank into the place of the second: and so consequently all the rest, as the Suissers also do at this day, so as no rank was disfurnished but only the hindermost; the former were always kept whole and unbroken, by reason of their great number, so thronged and close couched as they were hard to be opened. And albeit that the Romans were most expert in war, The policy of Paulus Aemil●us. yet could they not tell how to have dis●orced the Phalanx of Perseus, except Paulus Aemilius had bethought him to choose a place, where they could not march so linked together. And when he discovered any part of their battle opened, he made some small troup of his men to enter into it, and so by fight in small companies in places where he perceived any default, he broke their array and discomfited them. But the Romans had another order, which might hold than tack in fight a whole day, after such manner as I will tell you, presupposing that they divided their people into many sorts of companies. One was of a Camarada of ten men, the which they termed a Maniple, a word whereby they betokened that which we call a band. And setting aside many degrees like unto ours; they had their cohorts, of six hundred men a piece, or there about. Then was the legion, which was of six thousand footmen, comprehending with it three hundred horsemen, and was compacted of ten cohorts: Wherein were two sorts of armour, the one light, and they that wore those, were named Velites, which served to skirmish as our harquebusirs, our forlorn hopes, and our light horsemen do now adays. And they that wore the heavier armour, were called Cataphracti. Now having their battle compacted of a legion, The order o● the Roman legions. or making many battles of every legion, they ordered them to battle, not in the form of the Phalangs, to supply the places as they failed from rank to rank; but by receiving one rank into another, after which manner they would continue the fight stoutly a whole day together. And to that end they parted their legion into three manner of men, that is to wit, Pikemen, Principals, & Triaries. The Pikemen being the foremost and of least valeancie and experience, Pikemen. fought thick set, and had many more men in their battle, than were in the second, which was of the Principals, who were of more practice and experience than the pikemen. For these had their ranks clearer than the former, ●he Principals to the intent that if the first battle were foiled, they might retire without disorder within the battle of the Principals, and there begin the fight again. And if it happened by mischance, that the battle of the Principals was foiled also, which happened not oft, The Triarie. than they were received by the Triaries, who had their ranks loser than the Principals, that they might receive into them the soldiers of the other two battles. Now these Triaries were the valiantest and best experienced of all the army. Therefore by the orderly retiring of the Pikemen and Principals, into the ranks of the Triaries, who were old soldiers, the fight was maintained more than afore. So then the Pikemen who made the foresront, had their battle well stuffed and furnished with men. The Principals had their battle somewhat thinner, that they might without disorder, receive into them the former ranks. And the Triaries were twice as thin as they. And after that manner they fought stoutly, without disorder all the day long. And it may be, that the same order being brought in use again, might be found good and profitable. CHAP. VII. What he ought do which setteth himself to defence. IT behoveth him that is assailed in his own country, to set himself in defence, and to do what he can, as well to prevent, as to break the force of his enemy. This is to be done diverse ways: either by laying aforehand to stop the passages where he must come; or by suffering him to come into the plain fields to fight; or by fortifying the towns, and by setting of good garrisons in convenient places, without respect of spoiling and wasting the country where he is to pass; or by maintaining an army not to fight with the enemy, but to keep him at the staves end, and to cope with him in a narrow room; and to cut him off from all commodities that he might have if he were at large, to the intent to cumber him, or to make him retire; or else to draw him to some combat to his great disadvantage. As touching the keeping of a passage to stop the enemy, The keeping of a passage. it is misliked by William Bellay in his second book of Warlike discipline, and by Machiavelli in his discourse, because that seldom or never hath it been found, that an enemy hath been letted to make himself free passage, if he had a great army. The Swissers (as the aforeledged authors witness) in the year 1515, did seize the common passages of the mountains, to stop king Francis from going down into Italy. But yet for all that he failed not to pass another way, whereof they no whit doubted: insomuch that he was seen in the plain of Lombardie, afore the Swissers were come down from their rocks. The Spaniards that kept the passage of Suze, notwithstanding that they were many, and had fortified themselves, were broken nevertheless by the constable of France. The same Spaniards being encamped by the river Behamby, and strong enough to stop our army from passing, did nevertheless abandon the place, when they saw the duke of Guise with lance in hand, and his army following him, enter into the water to encounter with them. The king of Castille had caused the river of Derne to be well guarded, and yet the duke of Lancaster and the king of Portugal, found the ford and passed over it. No man could stop Hannib●l from passing the mountains Pyren, and the Alps, to come down into Lombardy. Marius' encountered the Cimbrians, not in their passage, but on the hitherside of the mountains, afore they had gotten to the passages of the Alps. And the residue having passed the mountains, were met withal in Lombardy. King Philip of Valois had appointed Godmardu Fa● to keep the passage of Blanch take in the river of Some, with a thousand men of arms, besides crossbows of Genoa, and six thousand men on foot. And yet was he forced from the passage, and the king of England passed with all his host, having but six hours to pass them in, which was the time between the ebb and the tide. The Flemings took stoutly upon them, to stop the passage of the Frenchmen over the river Alis, which was both deep and maddie; and although it was about the feast of Saint Martin, yet notwithstanding a part of the vanguard passed about a league from the bridge of Comines, in two or three boats, whereof the greatest carried not above nine men at once, who after they were arrived, did hide themselves in an Aldercarre, right over against the place where they took boat. And when they were all together, they marched against the▪ Flemings, and won the bridge of Comines. When the marshal of Hesse sent the Reisters' into France, by the conduct of Monsieur D' Andelot; the late Earl of Nevers, and the marshal of Saint Andrew, were sent to stop their passage, because the rivers began to swell being in the end of October. Yet for all that, they letted not to pass, even in the sight of our men, and so they went over to Orleans without gainsaying. In the year 1567. they came again under the leading of Casimire the county Palatines son. To stop whose passage, because it was not meant to hazard a pitched field, a part of the King's power was sent under the leading of the duke of Nevers that now is, who spared not the pioneers to make trenches, nor to set lets in places that might be waded, nor to interlace trees to stop the passage: and yet all this could not let them, but that they passed at their ease. Afterward the king to stay the meetings of those whom he meant to punish, seized all the bridges and passages, and set good guards at them: and yet for all that they ceased not to pass in two places of the river Loir, to Bonnie and rosyers', where the monsieur d' Andelot leading great companies, passed his men both on horsbacke and on foot at a ford, though he had some of them drowned. Charles mirtill waited not for the Sarzins at the passage of Loir, but went to meet them on the further side of the river, and gave them battle near unto Towers. Actius tarried not for Attila at the straits of the Alps, but with the help of the Frenchmen encountered him in France. Monsieur d' Aumalle had a fair and great army upon the borders of Germany, and there he tarried for the duke of Bipount, but he spared not to pass on, and to get the town and bridge of charity. Livian captain of the Venetians, had seized all the ways that lead to Brent, hoping thereby to keep back Cardon captain of the Spaniards, or else to give him battle to his disadvantage. But Cardon found a ford somewhat higher, and passed his army in silence, afore Livian had any inkling thereof. The duke of Saxony stayed with a few men at the rivage of the river Elbe, thinking to stop the passage of the Emperor Charles the fifth. But he found another shallow, where he passed his army, to the duke of Saxonies' confusion. The mountains of Italy never made the Huns or Herules afraid: for they leaving those high rocks behind them, got the passage of Aquileia, and passed all their people there. Although the Greeks' bore themselves in hand, that they could defend the straits of Thermopyle against the Persians; yet could they not quit themselves so well, but that in the end they were environed, and the Persians found a path that one Epialtes showed unto them, whereat they passed, and made the Greeks' abandon the place which they kept. But Themistocles gave advice, The wholesome counsel of Themistocles. neither to guard the entrances of Greece, because he knew it was unpossible; nor to hold any fort in the city of Athens, seeing they were to deal with millions of men: but he chose a place of advantage upon the sea, to encounter the Persians to his advantage, who were nothing near so expert in sea-matters as the Athenians were. And whereas they should have encountered at the passage, Machiavelli is of opinion, A passage is not to be kept but with great forces. that they should have encountered there with all their forces. For it is hard to keep a passage against a puissant army, without great force. And if an army happen to be defeated at the passage which they take to keep, it is an utter discouragement to the whole country; as it be●ell at the coming of king Francis into Italy. For as soon as the cities of Lombardy which had put their trust in the Swissers, saw the French army, they were so wholly discouraged, that they witted not to what Saint to vow themselves, ne could take any other counsel of themselves than to yield to the Frenchmen. Of the plā●ing of garrisons in cities. As touching the fortifying of a city, and the planting of a garrison there, Pericles used that fashion against the Lacedæmonians. For albeit that they had burned all the territory of Athens, yet would he not suffer one man to go out to skirmish with them, but thought it better to keep still his forces than to hazard them, because he knew well he was not of strength to match them. An army to pursue the enemy without giving him battle. Another manner of defending, is, to have an army, not of purpose to encounter, but to weary the enemy, as Fabius had against Hannibal; as king Francis and under the conduct of the Constable in avignon against the Emperor Charles the fifth; as the duke of Alva had at Naples against the duke of Guise; and as the same duke had in Flaunders against the prince of Orange. And this manner of encountering is most sure, and least dangerous, so it be not in way of defence, as I will show anon. For in case of assailing, a man must always be resolute to encounter, and think that great enterprises are not without some hazard. The fault of Niceas. In which behalf Niceas did greatly amiss: For having a great power in Sicily, he did nothing but turn to and fro, and lose his time in consulting, so long till the courage and hope of his people were quite quailed. On the contrary part, the fear which his enemies had conceived at the first brunt, when they saw so great a power, by little and little vanished away. And he was to blame, for that by too long lingering, upon desire to do his things too surely, he let slip the occasions of doing many good and ●aite exploits, notwithstanding that he undertook them well, and executed them with speed: but he was slow in resolving, and cowardly in adventuring. An army to bid the enemy battle. The fourth manner of defending, is to have an army ready within the country, and there to wait to give him battle, as Thomyris did against Cyrus. For she tarried for him with a quiet foot, and her Massagets about her within her country of Scythia. And as Basiil duke of Moscovia did, who did the like on the further side of the deep and swift river Boristhenes. But therein he did amiss, for that whereas by encountering with Constantine the chieftain of the Polonians as he was passing the river, he might have made the victory certain: by his fight with him in the plain field, without advantage, he lost the battle. And so did the Aetolians against the Romans, for want of prohibiting them the passage of Naupact. So did the Venetians under the conduct of Lalmian at the river Dade, against king Lewis the twelfth. So did the viceroy of Naples, and Prosper Columna, against the Frenchmen. And so have many others done, who very seldom have found good speed. For the courage and lustiness of a conqueror, must be broken by taking him at some advantage, as when he is encountered at some passage, afore he have set his men in array, or have passed them all over: or by delaying and driving off the time, if he cannot be stopped otherwise. But if necessity require, then must he be fought withal, as Themistocles did unto Xerxes, Hannibal unto Scipio, and Charles Martell unto the Sarzins. CHAP. VIII. Whether it be better to drive off the time in ones own country, or to give battle out of hand. The fortune of a battle is not to be hazarded, unless some great advantage be offered. IOhn Jaques of Trivulce marshal of France, said, That a prince must never attempt the fortune of a battle, except he be alured by some great advantage, or compelled by some urgent necessity. It is to gross a kind of play, to hazard a battle when a man stands upon his guard. Gasely one of the great captains of Egypt, said, That the wars of greatest importance, which at the beginning have vehement and sudden sways, are wont to assuage of themselves by intermission and space of delay: A prince can not adventure a battle in his own country without great danger. and that on the contrary part, man cannot assay a battle in his own country without great danger, because there is no way to amend a fault that is done in battle. For if the battle be lost, the country is in great peril to be lost too, as befell to the Romans at the battle of Cannas against Hannibal. To Campson and Tomombey against Selim; and unto the last king of Hungary, who chose rather to bid the Turk battle, than to win time of him: for he lost both his life and his kingdom. Xerxes' by losing the battle against the Greeks, lost but his men, because he was the assailant. But Darius by giving battle in his own country, lost his whole kingdom. And to say the truth, it was to gross a kind of play, against one that had so small a rest. And he showed himself too negligent in his own defence, and too hasty in bidding battle. Too negligent, in that he being so great a lord, and having wherewith to set out a million of men, he took not order to have three armies in a readiness, one to enter into the country of Greece, thereby to turn their forces back again; another to watch at the passage into his own country, and the third to be about him in his realm, to gather up those again together, which had not been able to defend the passage, and to have encamped himself in a sure place of advantage, to follow the tail of Alexander's host, as Fabius did the host of Hannibal, that he might not be compelled to come to a battle. But in stead of bethinking him what he had to do (as commonly they do which upon an overweening of their own greatness, do despise their enemies) he let Alexander come in so far, that it gave him courage to try his fortune. And when Darius saw him well forward in his country, he made very great haste, with an infinite number of men, to find the new conqueror, and he was sore afraid lest he should scape his hands and return without battle. But Alexander eased him well of that fear, for he came to meet Darius in the face, and with a well ordered army gave him battle, and discomfited him. Wherein Darius did greatly amiss, for he might have held him play with his great number of men, & have wearied him with some of his light horsemen (as the Parthians could well skill to do afterward to the Romans) without hazarding the substance of his army. The despising of their enemies, is the overthrow of great princes. And the thing that undid him, was his overweening opinion that he should overcome Alexander with ease, which is the thing that overthroweth all such as upon disdain to their enemies, do set no good order in their affairs, and in the leading of their armies. This despising of enemies caused the loss of the battle at Poitiers, where king John was taken prisoner. And of the battle of the moscovites at the river Boristhenes, which also did put the city of Semoleuch in danger of taking, if the winter coming on, had not foreclosed the Polonians from besieging it. Caesar being in penury of all things, went to seek Pompey, with intent to give him battle. Pompey being wise, would not tarry for him there, because he was sure that ere long he should have him by famine. Nevertheless being overcome with the suit of his captains that desired battle, upon trust of their power which without all comparison was far greater than Caesar's, he gave him battle and lost it, by putting the assured victory together with the time, in hazard of a battle, to the ruin of the Senate, and of the whole commonweal: Now then, it is a great fault to put that in hazard at one hour, which is sure, They that hazard themselves upon necessity, have commonly good success. in tarrying the time. And they that have so hazarded themselves, have commonly been undone. Contrariwise, they that have hazarded themselves upon necessity, have had the upper hand. The Spaniards being entered a good way into the lands of the Venetians with a power well armed, were suddenly abashed, to see a mighty army ready at hand; and to avoid the danger wherein they saw themselves, they fled before the host of the Venetians, and took the way to Trent, but yet in order of battle, howbeit with small hope to escape them. But Lalnian and Loridam, suffering not the fair occasion that was offered them, to slip away, did thrust themselves forward in such headlong haste, that the viceroy of Naples, and Prosper Colonne, chose rather to try the uncertain chance of battle, than to trust to the small hope of saving themselves by flight; and so standing resolute upon that point, they carried away the victory. The duke of gelders finding a great power of the Brabanders coming upon him, was sore astonished, for he saw that he must either fight thirty to one, or else shut up himself in a city. To shut up himself he was loath, and therefore fully resolving himself to abide the battle, he fell to giving charge upon his enemies unprovided, who being taken with a lunatic fear, fled away without striking a stroke. Stillico went and charged suddenly upon the Goths, as they were going into Gallia. At the first they were astonished at the sudden and unprovided onset: but at length, resolving to abide the battle, they not only overcame him, but also returned into Italy by the country of Genes. When Manfride gave battle to the duke of Anjou, A notable fault of Manfred. the duke of Anious army began to want food, as well for the men, as for their horses. And in driving off the time a while longer, and in tarrying for his men that were dispersed in diverse places of his realm, he had both made himself the stronger, and also brought his enemy to extreme necessity. But in choosing rather to set upon his enemies while they were weary, and ill at ease of the long journey that they had made; he found by experience that nothing is unpossible to a conqueror: for he lost the battle and died. Carafa the county of Mathalon, would not believe the counsel of them that would have had him to follow the Frenchmen that drew toward Salerne, and to have cut off their victuals without fight with them, unless they could take them in some place of advantage; or to get between Salerne and their camp, to keep them from entering into the town, & to make them return into the Basilicat, because they wanted both victuals & artillery. But of a bravery he would needs give them battle, because they were but few in number: and for his labour he lost the field. For the lord of Perfie attending him with resolution, discomfited him. Had he been trained in the school of king Lewis the eleventh, he would have learned, that he which hath the profit of a war, hath also the honour thereof. When Ferdinand king of Naples began to reconquer the realm of Naples, he was so joyful of his good fortune, that in a bravery he would needs give battle to the Frenchmen, contrary to the advice of a great captain, who counseled him to hold himself close within Seminara, until he were more certainly advertised of the intent and power of the Frenchmen; telling him that the counsels which promise surety in all things, are honourable enough; and that they which by a fond overlustiness of courage, do hinder the means whereby a matter should come to good issue, are void of honour, shameful, and miserable. But this good counsel was overcome by the worse, so that he gave the Frenchmen battle, who won the day, to the great confusion of Ferdinand, and of the Arragonians. The Frisons being advertised of the great preparations, that the county of ostrevant made for war against them, met in counsel to consider what was best for them to do; many gave counsel to bid him battle at his first arrival, but jews jovire, a man of parsonage as big as a giant, and wonderful valiant withal, counseled them to watch the time, and not to hazard their forces against stronger than themselves, saying▪ That they had many good ditches and trenches, which would disappoint horsemen wherein their enemies overmatched them, and that their footmen should soon be wearied and tired with the combersomnesse of their journey, and with the small store of victuals which they should find abroad in the country, so as they might be rid of them for the burning of a dozen villages. Yet notwithstanding they forbore not to give battle, and lost it. The men of Liege would needs fight with the duke of Burgoins men, who was entered with an armed host into their country: and they did it against the counsel of the lord of P●erandes, who would have them to win time of them, and to put their men in garrison. But he could not persuade the common people to do so, and therefore they were all discomfited, and left eight and twenty thousand men dead upon the field. Now must we a little see, how we in France have sped in that behalf. King Philip of Valois, gave battle to the Englishmen in his own realm at a place called Cressye, and was there overcome. King John trusting in his own force chose rather to give the Englishmen battle at Poitiers, than to subdue them by famine and unrest: and he ●or his labour was taken prisoner: but Charles the fift, having taken another course, and helping himself with the counsel of Fabius, would never hazard his state upon a battle; by means whereof he overmatched the Englishmen, and did so much by his countenances, that he took from them almost all given even from under their nose, and seized upon the towns and cities of the duke of Bretaine. And when any man spoke to the king of giving battle▪ his counsel would say thus unto him; Sir, let them go, they can never get your inheritance for smoke. For when a storm cometh into a country, it must in the end needs departed again. King Edward was wont to say of him, That never any king did less put on armour, nor ever any king did work him more incumberance: Charles the fift overmatched the Englishmen by taking opportunity of time. for he conquered given without battle. And the king of England with two puissant armies levied both at one time, could do no more but waist and burn the country, without winning so much as any one city of account. At the beginning of the wars of Peloponnesus, Pericles chose rather to see the forraying and burning of the territory of Athens, than to go out of Athens to hazard a battle; persuading himself that the delay of time, would quail the force of the Lacedæmonians. Fabius Maximus overthrew Hannibal more by not fight, than other captains had done by fight with him. At the first encounter of Trebia, because Sempronius had given a foil to the Africans, he was so puffed up with that first skirmish, that he thought all was won, and that the want of a little hardiness, was the only let that the war was not brought to a full end, contrary to the opinion of Scipio his fellowcommissioner. And so he lost the field, Flaminius being unmindful of this loss, would needs do the like, and he also was served with the same sauce. Minutius striving to follow their steps, had been undone, if Fabius had not been; as Varro was, who by like headiness was the death of fifty thousand Romans at Canna●. A man may say that Marcellus wearied Hannibal in so many combats, that he felt himself discomfited by winning, but yet in the end Marcellus abode by it. And although fortune began to turn her back upon Hannibal; yet notwithstanding, had not the foresight of Fabius been, the valeancy of Marcellus had served the Romans to small purpose. But Hannibal having two valeant captains upon him at once, of two diverse humours, was sore encumbered how to deal with them. For when Marcellus had lost a battle, Fabius was ready at hand to stop Hannibal from passing any further. And in this case, seeing the Romans were able to maintain two armies, and it stood them on hand to conquer, or at leastwise to recover that which they had lost at the journey of Cannae: they were not misadvised in their counsel, to choose these two brave captains of so differing humours, to the intent that the continual fight of the one might weary Hannibal, and the linger of Fabius might overthrow him. But this is not easy for all men to do, and specially for them that have not their people trained to the wars as the Romans had, who sent them out of Rome as it were by swarms. After whose example, the prince that is able to levy store of men and well trained, needeth not to be afraid to give battle, to uncumber himself of a noisome enemy that cannot be driven away but by fight. The Romans did so against the Gauls and Germans, against Pyrrhus, and against Hannibal. So did Charles Martell against the Sarzins, and Philip of Valois against king E●ward. But when a prince sees that fortune is against him, then must he alter his manner of dealing, as Charles the fifth did against the Englishmen. For the former victories that they had obtained against the Frenchmen, had taught him to seek the opportunity of time. For sith the former way availed him not, it behoved him to try another. The Gauls were valeant and furious in fight; and therefore Cneus Sulpicius did well to protract time with them. Hannibal was invincible in Italy, and therefore Fabius did wisely in trying another way; and Scipio did boldly and valiantly in making war in Africa, to turn him away from Italy. If Manfred had taken the advantage of time at Naples, he had done well: for he had cut the combs of the Fenchmen, who are furious and almost unpregnable at the first brunt; and had in short time brought Charles to utter want of victuals and money. Contrariwise it stood Conradine on hand, to give battle to Charles duke of Anjou as he did: For he was to reconquer the country. And Charles of Anjou being but a new conqueror, and as yet scarce well assured of his kingdom, was not to have refused him; There are times that admit no delay. neither did he. For there are times and seasons which permit not delay, but require of necessity the hazarding of a battle. In our civil wars we have seen two captains, that have used means clean contrary one to another, and yet the purpose and resolution of either of them was commendable, and had come afterward to a good end, if it had been ripe. The duke of Guise a brave and valeant captain, if ever any were, sought battle by all the means he cou●d, and could not away with linger delays, the which he did not without great reason. For first he meant to allay the fire which he saw increasing in such sort, as it would be hard to quench, if it were once thoroughly kindled in all parts. Again, he feared least the prolonging of time, would increase the contrary side, and that many would incline that way, if it were not prevented by destroying the chief leaders of that part by a bloody battle. And as for winning thereof, he thought himself sure of it. For although the contrary party had the choice of the soldiers of the old bands; yet had he not such a number of horsemen as the duke of Guise led, the which alone might be a cause of victory; for the footmen do nothing without horsemen. Moreover he had a great number of Suislers, and a goodly b●nd of French harquebuzers, store of ordnance, ceil pieces, and whatsoever else is requisite in an army royal; whereas the other side was but an army patched up, howbeit that there were some good and well practised captains, and valiant soldiers. Contrariwise Monsieur de tavanes, perceiving that there behoved many battles to be given for the utter defeating of the contrary side, though it be better to delay the time, and that the king should by length of time bereave them of the country that they had conquered, forasmuch as he had sufficient wherewith to hold out the war at length; which ability they had not, who oftentimes wanted money and men of war to be at commandment of the ring leader, because the most part served of good will, and could not enforce us to hazard a battle, but to their own great disadvantage. And if that manner had continued any longer than it did, they had been brought to a great afterdeale. CHAP. IX. Whether it be possible for two armies lodged one near another, to keep themselves from being enforced to fight whether they will or no. WE have seen the profit that cometh of waiting to take the opportunity of time, and of overmatching the enemy by long delay and protracting of time: but yet there remaineth a doubt concerning the possibility thereof, whether it lie in a man's power to refuse to come to battle, when he is near his enemy, and marcheth side by side with him. They that hold the opinion that a man cannot be enforced to battle, allege the examples of Cneus Sulpicius against the Gauls, of Fabius Maximus against Hannibal, of Pericles against the Lacedæmonians, of Charles the fifth against Edward king of England, of the constable of France at Avignon, of the duke of Alva at Naples against the duke of Guise, and of divers others, who by delay of time brought the enterprises of their enemies to nothing, and were never enforced to come to handstrokes. On the contrary part, they that have hazarded a battle in their own country, have found themselves ill paid, as Croesus against Cyrus, Darius against Alexander, Philip of Valois against king Edward, and many others aforealledged, whom we forbear to speak of to avoid tediousness. A mighty enemy may compel us to come to handstroks. But these examples are not able to prove, that a captain cannot be compelled to fight whether he will or no. For when a conquering enemy cometh strongly into a country, he may compel you to come to battle, or else to flee, or else to shut up yourself in some city, which are dishonourable points, and of dangerous consequence. The duke of Saxony meant to have won time of the Emperor Charles the fifth after that manner, upon trust of the great river Albis that was between the two camps: but the Emperor found a ford, the which was showed him by a miller, whereat he passed some of the troops of his horsemen; and the residue did so much by swimming and by boats, that they got land on the side where their enemies lay. Philip king of Macedon the father, and Perses his son, encamped themselves upon a mountain, whereunto there was but one only access, very difficult. But the Romans at length caused them to dislodge, and the said Perses, who feared nothing so much as to come to ba●tel, was compelled to come to handstrokes. Ye know how the late prince of Condie, trusting to the river Charent, came before Newcastle, thinking it unpossible for us to have enforced him to battle, but to our disadvantage: and yet was he driven thereto without any difficulty. An army may be compelled to come to handstroks. And therefore I say with Machiavelli in his discourses, that a very small army may well weary and vexa conqueror, but in the end they shall not keep themselves from battle, unless they will leave the field free to their enemies. As for the examples that I have alleged of Pericles, and of king Charles the fift, they will not serve the turn in this case. For they had no armies, and therefore were contented to hold themselves close and in covert. For the one knew well enough, that the Lacedæmonians were not of power to besiege Athens, nor to do any more than burn the country; and the other having well provided his towns, and set good garrisons in every of them, witted well that the Englishmen being wont to overcome the country, could do him no harm in wasting it, but were as a flash of lightning that passeth away. For the king of England was not able to maintain a continual army as the Romans were. But if king Charles had had an army, he could not have followed the Englishmen, but he must have been driven to fight with them some one time or other. And therefore he suffered them to cast their ●ite, and to travel a hundred leagues without any profit, during all which time, king Charles spared his men and money. But they that ma●ch near their enemy, cannot exempt themselves from coming to a battle, would they never so feign. Preu●●●●ng is to b●●●ght 〈…〉, and not by refusing t● fight. nevertheless i● 〈◊〉 ●●ue a convenient nu0mber of men and well trained, they may fight to their advantage. Such was the resolution of Fabius, who would not ●aue refused battle, if he had seen himself forced thereto, because he knew he should have the advantage, as he well showed in the succour that he gave to Minutius. For he left the hillgrounds and came down into the plains, and the let was in Hannibal that the matter was not tried by battle. But Hannibal thought it better to sound the retreat, than to hazard himself against so mighty an enemy, that could not be deceived by his slights, as other captains had been whom he had sought withal. As touching that which the constable did at Avignon, it proved him to be of good discretion. For being unable to make head against so mighty an enemy, he was feign to fortify and strengthen himself, in a place where he might not be forced. And in the while that he stayed the Emperor and quailed the luslines of his army, men came to him from all parts, whereby his own army became so increased and strenghned, that it was sufficient to encounter the emperors power. And it is not to be doubted, but that if sickness had not cast down the constable, he would have followed the Emperor as Fabius followed Hannibal, encamping himself in places of advantage: and in that case, if he had been forced to battle, it would have been to his advantage, and to the Emperor's los●e. As for example; The Spaniards could not exempt themselves from encountering a● Bicocke, but that was to the Frenchmens loss. As touching the fact of the duke of Alva, holding fast continually this principle, Not to come to battle in his own country, without necessity; when he saw that the duke of Guise had not yet taken sooting in the kingdom of Naples, but rather that he was stopped at a little town which he could not obtain: the protracting of time was needful for him. And if the duke of Guise would have passed on further, he should have wanted victuals, having so great an army attending upon him at hand to cut them off, & not one town wherein to make his storehouse. Protracting of time is profitable, when an army may lodge at advantage. So that the duke of Alua's protracting of time, having lodged his camp in a strong & sure place, was profitable to himself, and prejudicial to the duke of Guise, who sought nothing so much as to come to hand strokes, whereby he might have opened unto himself a way into the realm of Naples, if he had had the luck to win the battle: but he could never come unto it. The Emperor Charles and the king of France, played at the barriers one against another in Picardy and Arthois. For as soon as the one did put off arms, the other entered by and by into his country with an armed power. And all the fruit of their sallies one against another in all a whole summer, was but the taking of some little town: & so they skirmished one with another at handy strokes. And in this case, although there was a light army against the assailant, only to cumber him, and to cut off victuals from him: yet was it wisely done to shun the combat. For it was well known, that the winter would cause the army to break up, & there was no need to put any one man in jeopardy. But when a puissant enemy is in a country, whence he intendeth not to departed: the prince thereof must oppose against him as strong an army as his, or at leastwise an army sufficient to encounter his, if he will not lose his estate; and yet notwithstanding to the intent he tempt not fortune, the wisest counsel is to abstain from encounter. When a man hath the advantage of the ground, he is not to let s●p the occasion of combat. For at length, if he have not gotten many towns, ye shall overmatch him. But yet for all this, a good occasion must not be overpassed, nor the winning of a battle be refused, which is made sure unto you by having a place of advantage, the which is easier for him to choose that standeth upon his guard, than for him that is to make the conquest, as you may see by Fabius, who used it wisely. For although he had an army well trained; yet would he not without purpose adventure against another more trained to the warts, and against so brave a captain, seeing it was more for his own profit to make delay, than to fight out of hand. But if his enemy would have enforced him to forsake his ground, he would have answered him without refusing the battle, because he could not but be sure to have won it, having a good and strong army, and the advantage of the place. Paulus E●nilius was determined to have followed the same counsel, had it not been ●or the headiness of his fellow. And that manner of dealing, would in the end have compelled Hannibal to abandon Italy, without stroke striking, and without the hazarding of any one man's life. CHAP. X. Whether the danger be greater to fight a battle in a man's own country, or in a strange country. THis principle being well observed, not to fight at home, but upon necessity, or upon some good occasion of assured victory offered: it is doubted whether it be more dangerous to lose a battle at home, o● in a foreign country, Monsieur de Langey in his Discipline of war, is of opinion that it is less danger for a captain to fight in his own country, (if he be a man of power as the king of France is) than to fight in a strange country. And hereunto I will add that which Paulus iovius saith in his history, Why the sophy invaded not the Turks dominion while Selim was in Egypt. where he demandeth, Why Ishmael sophy king of Persland, did let slip so fair an occasion of invading the kingdom of Selim Emperor of the Turks, at such time as Selim was so sore encumbered in Egypt? The reason is, that the king of Persia hath not sufficient power to make war out of his own country, upon so mighty a prince as the Turk is, considering that the noble men and gentlemen, in whom consists a great part of the Persian strength, are loath to go to the wars out of their country, because they serve at their own charges. But when the case concerneth the defence of the realm, and that they be to fight in that behalf, they employ themselves wholly thereunto, managing the war fiercely, and behaving themselves valiantly. Also we have seen how the Parthians afore them, never passed so much to conquer out of their own realm, as to keep their own at home, and that they have discomfited all the armies of the Romans that ever came against them. Neither hath the common saying been verified of them, That the assailants have ever more courage than the defendants. For that is not ever true. Besides that, there be means to assure the natural subjects, by showing them that the quarrel is just and holy, which men undertake in defence of their country, which ought to have more force than the covetous hope of enriching men's selves by other men's loss. And if it be said, That the assailant bereaveth the prince defendant of the commodities, which he had afore of his subjects to help himself withal; because his subjects are destroyed. A man may answer, The loss of goods turneth not away the hearts of subjects. That the loss of goods turneth not the hearts and affections of the subjects away from thei● prince: but contrariwise, the harm that they rec●yue, maketh them fiercer against their enemies. Whereas it is alleged, That a prince dareth not to levy money of his subjects, nor to tax them at his will, because of the nearness of the enemy, to whom they might yield themselves if they were molested by their prince. Monsieur de Langey answereth thereunto, That that prerogative cannot be taken from a priuce, so long as his lands and friends be not taken from him, as appeareth by the succours which the kings of France have had of their subjects against the Englishmen, and against the men of Navarre. Tyranny giveth great cause of rebellion. True it is, that he excludeth tyranny, saying, That if a prince should misuse his subjects, and outrage them for every trifle, he might doubt whether he should be well followed & well obeyed of his people or no. And as for that which is said, That the assailants being in a strange country, do make necessity a virtue, because they be driven to open the ways by force of arms: The same necessity lieth also upon the defendants, whom it standeth on hand to fight stoutly, because they be in danger to endure many more things than the assailants. For the ransom, or the prison, makes their budget good for the assailants; but the defendants lose their goods, and the honour of their wives and children, and moreover look for perpetual bondage, with an infinite number of other mischiefs. Furthermore, he that is assailed, may wait upon his enemies to his great advantage, and distress them with famine without peril of enduring any scarcity his own side, and therewithal he may the better withstand the enterprises of his enemies, by reason that he hath better knowledge of the country, and of the passages. Besides that, he may assemble great companies of men in few hours, because there is not any subject of his, that is not ready at need, to fight in his own defence. And if the defendant do chance to take a foil in his own country; he will relieve himself again within few days to be at the pursuit, and new succours shall not need to come to him from far. To be short, the defendant needeth to hazard but a piece of his force. The defendant may soon repairs his power. But if the assailant lose, he putteth her men and the goods and welfare of himself and his subjects in peril, though he be out of his own country, considering that if he be taken, he must either continue a prisoner all his life time, or else accomplish the will of his conqueror. Yet notwithhanding, for all the good reasons of Monsieur de Langey, a learned and valeant knight, and of great experience in feats of arms; Arguments against Langeyes' opinion. I will follow the opinion of them that say, That it is better to go fight with a man's enemy far from home, than to tarry his coming home to him. Croesus' counseled Cyrus, not to tarry for the Massagets in his own country, but to give them battle in their own, because (quoth he) if you should lose one battle in your own country, you should be in danger (being once chased) to lose your whole country; for the Massagets having gotten the victory, will pursue it and enter into your provinces. And if ye win the battle, you shall not gain thereby an inch of land. But if ye overcome them in their own land, you may follow your good fortune, and be master of the whole realm of Thomiris. This fashion did the Romans use, who were the most politic and best advised men in war-matters, that ever were in the world. For they never suffered the enemy to approach near their gates, but encountered him aloof. Which thing Hannibal knowing well by the proof that he himself had had of their policies and ●orce, counseled Antiochu●, not to tarry the coming of the Romans into his country, but to go and assail them in their own, T●● romans 〈…〉 country. because that out of their own country they were invincible. And in very deed they were ever assailants, and seldom times defendants. At the beginning when their territory was very small, they went & made war upon the Fidenats, Crustuminians, Sam●ates, Falisks, and other neighbor-people, from whom they always got the victory. And whensoever they were assailed, it was to their extreme danger. As for example: When Horatius Cocles sought upon the bridge of the city, and sustained the whole force of the enemy, while the bridge was ●ut asunder behind him, wherewith he fell into the Tiber, and by that means saved the city. Also they were in extreme danger against Porsenna and the Volses: and they were feign to employ all their priests, and all the women of the city, to raise the siege of Coriolanus, who our of all question had made himself master of the town, if the entreatance of his mother had not letted him. The Romans could not vanquish Hannibal in Italy. It was never in their power to overcome Hannibal in Italy: but out of Italy a young Roman overcame him utterly in one battle. When Pyrrhus came to Tarent, the Romans suffered him not to approach to their gates, but sent to encounter him before he came there. And when they had lost one battle, they renewed it again with a fresh supply, as though it had been with the water of some continual running spring. And although this was in Italy, yet was it not in the country of the Romans. For they sent so many men to meet him, that he could never come home to them: in so much that Pyrrhus said, That if he should win but one battle more of them, it were enough to work his own utter overthrow; because he could never get any victory of them, but with great loss of his people. So soon as the Romans understood that Hannibal was determined to pass the mountains, they dispatched an army out of their country, to be in a readiness at the foot of the hill, either to encounter him, or else to weary and cumber him by all means possible. And it was seen by experience, that the two or three battles which he won, stood him in little stead. For he could not for all that, get so much as any one city into his hands. But when he once came near to Rome, and had won the famous battle of Cannas against them in their own soil: then he wan many cities, and made many people to submit themselves to his obedience. And there was none other impediment that he took not Rome itself, but only the fatal destiny of the city. Such danger cannot befall a man in a foreign country. As for example, The Romans were utterly overthrown by the Parthians, and yet for all that, they needed not to fear the invading of their city. They lost many battles to the Carthagenenses, both on sea and land, and likewise the Carthagenenses unto them, and yet neither of them both took care for the defence of their city, but to make a new army to work revenge. But Hannibal saw, that the best way to have a hand at the Romans, was to seek them at their own doors. And the Romans themselves being schooled by Hannibal, perceived well that the way to drive the Carthagenenses out of Italy, and to bring their own matters to good effect, was to show their legions before the gates of Carthage, and to bid them battle there, and so they did. After the winning of the which battle, the Romans became lords of Carthage. Actius liked better to fight with Attila in France, than to attend his coming into Italy. And Charles Martel thought it better to encounter the Sarzins on the further side of Loir, An answer ●o Bellays first argument. than to wait for them in France. And nothing to the purpose maketh the saying of Bellay, That the defendants may be encouraged by the justness and holiness of their quarrel, in defending themselves, their country, their goods, their wives, and their children, which ought to have more force than the covetous desire of the assailants. For say what can be said, yet doth the assailant adventure upon his enterprise with the best courage: whereas there abideth a fear and misgiving in the mind of the defendant, which fear defeateth all cheerfulness, when every man considereth the danger that he is like to fall into by the loss of the battle; so as the mind being daunted with that fear, cannot do any thing of value. We see that towns which have been counted invincible, have been taken in short time, through the courageousness of the soldiers, desirous of the booty within, who fearing neither gun, fire, water, nor steepness of place, have with invincible courage, disappointed all defences that could be set against them. And if a man will say, An answer to B●l●ays second argument. That the loss of towns taketh not away the affection of the subjects, but contrariwise exasperateth them against the enemy: I answer, that such affection serveth to very small purpose, if it be not accompanied with means to maintain it. For he that sees the burning of his granges, his garners, and his house, hath more list to shed tears than to sight. And if the hatred which he beareth to his enemies, bereave him not of the fear of them, it will serve well to cut the throats of them that straggle far from the body of the army, as the people of province did to the dispersed Spaniards; but it can do neither good nor harm to the victory. And whereas it is said, that the king of France had succour of his subjects against the Englishmen within his country; An answer to the third argument. that was done for the good will that they bore to their king, that loved them & dealt well with them, and was not wont to levy subsedies, but in case of necessity, the which are levied nowadays as well in time of peace as of war. As touching the necessity of fight, An answer to the fourth argument. which is affirmed to be greater to the defendants, because they stand for their goods, wives, and children: surely their fear and grief bereaveth them of all cheerfulness, and maketh them to think more upon their misery, than upon their manhood. The same necessity lay upon the Persians: for they saw Alexander ranging overall Asia with forty or fifty thousand men: and yet as many millions of men as were of them, they durst not set themselves against his army: neither durst the Lydians encounter Cyrus; nor the Gauls fight for their liberty, encounter the victorious army of Caesar. An answer to the fifth argument. As touching the advantage of place, and the commodity of victuals; surely if the defendant can have them to serve his turn, the assailants also will not want either of them both. For he that is master of the field, will have victuals at his advantage, wanting neither carts, guides, nor spies. As long as Hannibal was in Italy, he could better skill how to plant his camp, and to give battle to his own advantage, than could the Romans being in their own country. And as concerning the easy assembling of people at home after an overthrow; I find it a hard matter to supply an army again, An answer to the sixth argument. after they be broken asunder, either in ones own country, because they be near their retreat, or in a strange country, unless they come together again immediately, because they have no place to retire unto; whereas they that are of the same country, go to refresh themselves in their own houses, and tarry longer there than they should, or else come no more again, as we have seen in these civil wars, where the armies have broken off themselves, by reason that the soldiers and men of arms have been too near their own houses; which thing was not done so in Spain, England, and Italy. And as for the assembling of much people, it would behove a man to seek another country than this, where the princes listing not to train their subjects to the war, are constrained to crave aid of strangers. An answer to the seventh argument. whereas it is said, That the defendant hazardeth but a part of his power: certainly he hazardeth as much as the assailant. For when the assailant departeth out of his country, he leaveth garrisons and men of war behind him to defend it against sudden troubles that might ensue of insurrections by absence of the prince, or by some sudden invasion of some neighbour that would take him unprovided, as James king of Scots did to his own undoing, against the king of England, at such time as he was passed to Calais with a great force, and was occupied about the siege of Tirwin and Turney. So that no well advised prince setteth up all his rest upon the hazard of one battle, but doth ever reserve a store for afterclaps. And if a prince chance to be taken prisoner in a foreign country, he shall be discharged upon his ransom, and upon such conditions as the conqueror listeth to give him: An answer to the eight argument. but if he be taken in his own country, it is hard but that diverse weak and il-furnished rownes will yield themselves to the conqueror upon report of his victory, which towns shall not be admitted in account, when they come to treat of peace. And oftentimes fortune is so favourable to the vanquisher, that after a victory he maketh himself lord of the whole realm, and needeth not to make any other agreement with his prisoner, than to grant or take away his life at his own pleasure. Fortune furthereth the adventurous. It is commonly said that fortune furthereth the adventurous, and we see it so by experience. Nin●●, Semiramis, and Alexander, were fortunate in their conquests. Pyrrhus was fortunate in getting, but unfortunate in keeping. And they that go forth with that intent, do seldom fail of their purpose. Charles the eight conquered Naples in short time, and brought back his army through the midst of Italy, passing upon the bellies of his enemies. Edward king of England coming into France, with resolute purpose to conquer the realm, gave battle to Philip of Valois, and overcame him both by sea and by land, notwithstanding that Philip of Valois did what could be done by a well-aduised prince. For he encountered him upon the sea, afore he took land, but it booted him not. For God made fortune to turn against him, in which case it is better to strike sail, than to hazard a battle, as Charles the fifth could well skill to do, being taught by the adversities of his grandfather and father. William duke of Normandy, after one battle, made himself sovereign lord of the realm of England, being fully resolved either to conquer, or else to die. I will not say therefore, that an invader shall always be sure of victory: for sometimes it falleth out clean contrary, as it did with Cyrus, who was defeated by the Massagets in their own country: with the Swissers, who were discomfited in province by julius Caesar: with the Sarzins which were discomfited by Charles Martell, who caused Eu●o duke of Gascoigne to turn against them. He that loseth a b●●●ell in a strange country loseth but his men. To be short, He that looseth a field in a strange country, loseth but his men: but he that loseth it in his own country, loseth both men and goods, and sees his land daily wasted, and his subjects peeled. CHAP. XI. Of the pitching of a Campe. NOw seeing it is so, that in both sorts of war, aswell of assailing, as of defending, men must be brought to march together, either to receive or to follow the enemy: we must needs speak of the seating of a camp, as upon the which alone dependeth the winning of the battle; ●●rr●us excelled in pit●●ung a camp. as Pyrr●us showed full well, who in that point was esteemed the excellentest of all captains. The camp that is well planted, aught to be near a river, that they may have the commodity of water, which cannot be forborn; and also for the fortifying of themselves, and for the doing of their enterprises. For a river doth wonderfully strengthen a camp, because the enemy cannot pass it without danger. But a captain must also be master of the river, and not coop up himself between two rivers, except he have means to get out again at his pleasure, lest it disappoint him of the commodity of victuals and of succours, as it befell to julius Caesar in Spain, against Affraenius and Petreius. But that happeneth commonly by some extraordinary overflowing, whereof notwithstanding a man shall discharge himself so well, Of woods. that he shall overcome them afterward. Secondly, woods serve for another fortification, and yield means of goodly enterprises. Thirdly mountains give great advantage, Of hills. to them that are encamped in them. For they that are feign to mount up to their assault, are wearied afore they come to handstroks. Contrariwise, they that come downward, go with the greater force upon their enemies. Hannibal vanquished the Romans at Trebia, by having his camp planted near to a wood. He had lodged himself near a river, and near thick copses, full of brush wood, and thorns, taking occasion to beguile the Romans by that seating of his camp, for when they should come to encounter him, he sent his brother Mago into that place overnight, accompanied with a thousand horsemen and a thousand footmen, to lie in ambush there. And the next morning he caused his light horsemen of Numidie to pass the river, and to skirmish with the Romans, and to draw them into the stolen. The which thing was done so cunningly, that when the Romans were in the heat of the fight, they were assailed behind by Mago, who lay in ambush there, so as they could not withstand the Carthaginenses, but were constrained to give back, with great loss of their men. The danger of passing a●uer. As for to pass a river to assail the enemy, the danger thereof is very great, as appeareth in Manlius, who would needs pass a river that had but only one ford to pass at, to encounter with Asdrubal, contrary to the advice of Scipio, who warned him of the peril wherinto he did put himself. Nevertheless, he passed the river and assailed Asdrubal, who suffered the Romans to do as they listed, without offering them battle, until he saw them encumbered in passing the ford. And then with all his force he set upon the tail of them, and made so great a slaughter, that all their army was at the point to have been discomfited, had not Scipio's forecast been, who made the enemies to recoil by the help of his men of arms. Timoleon seeing the army of the Carthaginenses sore troubled and put out of order in passing a river with great peril, and thereby deeming that he might take them at advantage ere they were half passed: showed his men of war with his finger, how the battle of his enemies was parted in two halves by the river, the one half of them being on the one side, and the other half on the other: and commanded Demaratus to take his horsemen, and to go and charge upon the foremost of them, to keep them from ranging themselves in battelray. And therewithal he caused his footmen to go down into the plain, by means whereof, together with a storm that fell suddenly against the Carthaginenses, he got the battle. As touching the advantage of a hill, it is very great, so there be nothing above it that may command it. The advantage of a hill. Perseus had planted his camp to great purpose on a high ground of advantage near the mountain Olympus, and had caused all the passages of the hill to be warily kept, saving one that seemed unapprochable. By reason whereof it behoved the Romans to be ill lodged, and unable to do any exploit of war. For Perseus stood upon his defence, intending to weary them by protracting of time, for he assured himself that he could not be assailed in so strong a place. Paulus Emilius understanding that there was but that only one passage whereat to distress Perseus, bethought himself how he might win it. Whereupon feigning to fetch about by the sea and to come upon his enemies at their backs, he dispatched Nasica secretly with eight thousand footmen and six hundred horsemen, to get the the passage: and he himself took his way towards the seas side. But when night came, he led them clean the contrary way from the sea, until he came to the top of the hill, where he lodged himself upon a plain in the sight of Perseus, who was so astonished thereat, that he removed his camp immediately. julius Caesar having to do with the Belgians, who were the hardiest and of greatest number of all the Gauls, took a certain little hill, the which he caused his men to entrench in two places beneath, lest the Gauls who were without comparison more in number than the Romans, should environ him. But neither the one nor the other durst go find out his enemy, because there was a maris betwixt them. But above all things a captain must beware that he lodge not in the midst of a hill, unless he be sure from above, for by that means he may easily indomage his host: as Solomon a captain of the Romans endamaged the Maurusians, The policy of Solomon. whom being encamped upon the midst of a high hill to their great advantage, he was come to assail from below. But yet he bethought himself to take first the top of the hill, and for the doing thereof appointed Theodericke with certain footmen, to climb the hill over night, by a way most difficult, and whereof his enemies had least doubt; commanding his men not to make any noise when they were come nigh them, but to keep themselves close till the sun-rising. In the dawning of the day he marched with his army directly up the hill, and at the same instant the other part of his army showed themselves to the enemies upon the top of the hill, so as the Maurisians perceiving themselves to be between the two armies, and having their enemies both above them on the top of the hill, and beneath them at the foot, were constrained to take them to flight through the thick forest, with the loss of siue thousand men, and not one Roman slain. Sylla to compass Mithridates, Of Sylla. got the back of a hill that was almost unapprochable, in the day of the battle, and there showing himself to his enemies above them, did put them all to flight & to the chase. Of Lucullus. Lucullus being within the view of the camp of Tigranes, who was imbattelled upon a high ground somewhat near the city Cabyra, durst not come down into the plain, because he had but a handful of men in comparison of Tigranes. But by good hap one Arthemidorus offering himself unto him, promised that if he would follow him, he would bring him into a place, where he should lodge his camp safely, and where he had a castle above the city Cabyra. As soon as night was come, Lucullus making great store of fires in his camp, departed thence; and after he had passed some dangerous places, came by the next morning to the top of the mountain, whereat his enemies were sore abashed to see him above them, in a place where he might come down upon them with advantage, if he listed to fight, and could not be forced to fight except he listed. Of Flaminius. Quintus Flaminius perceiving that he could not give his enemy's battle, by reason of a certain straight; found the means to discover a way, which within three days brought him to his enemy's camp. And for his guides he took the shepherds, who assured him that that way was not guarded. Upon trust of whose word, Flaminius sent three thousand footmen and thirteen hundred horsemen, who marching by moon light and resting a day times, came the third day to the top of the hill. All that while he stirred not until the said third day; and then he caused his army to march up the hill against the cragged cliffs. And as he marched, he espied his own men upon the top of the hill, which doubled the courage of the Romans that were with him. And on the other part, his companions that were above perceiving him so mounting up against the hill, began to raise a noise behind their enemies, wherewith they put them in such ●eare, that by and by they took them to flight. The constable of France considering the sortification of the passage of Suze, how that upon two little hills on either side of the straight, his enemies had made two sconces, and had cut a great and deep trench betwixt them: perceived that by winning two other hills higher than those were where his enemies had their fortifications, a man might force them with the shot of harquebuses to abandon their fortification. Whereupon he seized immediately upon those hills. The which thing when his enemies perceived, they forsook the passage, and betook themselves to flight. How a small band may defend themselves against a great army. When the commodity of woods, hills and rivers is not to be had, and a small company of men is to deal with a great number: they must entrench themselves with all speed, and if it be possible they must choose a place uneasy to be comen unto, ●ull of hedges and vineyards; as the prince of Wales did at Poitiers, when he took king John pri●soner. For he had put himself into a place of such advantage, as there was but one way to come at him, and that was full of hedges and bushes, and he had laid the hedges full of archers. And as for his horsman, they were all alighted on foot in the vineyards in so strong a place, as no men on horseback could enter into. For when an army is to be assailed in their hold, neither horsemen nor footmen can approach them without breaking their own array, as it happened to the Frenchmen at Bicock, through the wilfulness of the Suissers; and to the king of Castille against the king of Portugal, at the battle of Juberoth. The Entalits' seeing themselves to weak for the Persians, A policy of the Entalits'. encamped themselves ve●y sharply in a place of great advantage, and enclosed themselves about with great deep, and large trenches, leaving only one way to pass at with ten men a ●ront: and when they had so done, they covered the trenches with leaves and rushes. And when they saw the Persians approach, they sent out certain light horsemen, with express commandment that they should not be too earnest in fight but that as soon as the Persians charged them any thing hotly, they should turn their backs and run home to their hold upon the spur, and that when they were against the trenches, they should step to the passage, so as they might pass the straight at their leisure. The Persians perceiving them, failed not to charge upon them, and they on the other side failed not to ●lie, and to mount up the side of the hill, until they were come to their company again. They were pursued by the whole host of the Persians, who having gotten the side of the hill, fell to running against the Enthalits', and not perceiving the trenches, drove down one another and tumbled into them with great violence one upon another, by means whereof they were all discomfited, and the king with his 30 sons whom he had brought thither, were all found dead. Tomombey would have done the like to Selim, but his enterprise was discovered. Cabaon captain of Tripoli, The policy of Cabaon. finding himself not strong enough for the Vandals, if he should fight with them in the plain, (because they were all horsemen, and the most part of his men were footmen) and yet notwithstanding having no means to choose any other place, bethought himself to make fair great trenches, and thereto environed his camp with a great number of camels, amongst the which he placed his choicest soldiers, who were hidden among the camels. Besides this, he set twelve camels in the face of the battle, to scare his enemy's horses, for horses are wonderfully afraid of camels. When his enemies attempted to approach, they were driven back with shot of arrows. On the other side, in stead of coming on, their horses gave back for fear of the camels, insomuch that they were all discomfited. The Marrusians used the like stratagem against the Romans: but the Romans had taken order for it. For when the Marrusians had ordered the●● battles, as it is said afore and that the Romans were constrained to flee, specially the horsemen: Solomon the general of the Roman army seeing it, alighted from his horse and commanded all his horsemen to do the like, and with five hundred men entered into their camp. The enemies who had put all their strength in their camels, and in their fortifications, when they perceived them disappointed, and their camels terrified and putting all things out of order: were driven to flee, and to leave their wives and children to the mercy of the Romans. CHAP. XII. How to give courage to men of war, afore a battle, or in the battle. IT happeneth oftentimes that soldiers conceive a fear, when they see they have to do with too great a number, or with an enemy that is mighty, and a great warrior: or else that in the conflict they be suddenly dismayed▪ so as it behoveth them to be encouraged by some cunning, in which behalf the skill of the captains serveth marvelously well, who have used their own devise, and diverse policies according as the case required. Of Orations. Some use long orations and declarations, as julius Caesar did, to rid his men of the fear that they had of the Gauls and Almains: and it is an ordinary matter to make an exhortation to the soldiers in the day of battle. Others do put their people in heart by speeches and countenances, as the Lacedaemonian did, Of the countenance of a captain. to whom when one said that they should be overwhelmed with the arrows of the Persians: so much the better (qd. he) for then shall we fight with them in the shadow. And as another did, to whom when one said, That the enemies were very many, I ask not (qd. he) how many, or how few they be, but where they be, that I may fight with them. The day afore the battle of Cannae, The assured●e● of Hannibal. Hannibal took certain men with him, & went to view the Romans. And as he beheld them, one named Gisco said to him, It is a wonderful thing to see so great a number of men of war. To whom Hannibal laughing answered, There is another thing much more marvelous than that, which is, that there is not one of them all like thee. Whereat every man began to laugh so hearty, that the bru●t thereof went from hand to hand through the host, & greatly encouraged the soldiers, when they saw their captain so assuring himself of good speed. Of Lisander. Lisander seeing his soldiers dismayed at the siege of Corinth, and refusing the assault, sought by all means to recomfort them, and as it happened, a hare started out of the town ditch, whereupon he took occasion to say thus unto them. Are you not ashamed to be afraid to assail those enemies, which are so slothful and negligent, that hares sleep quietly within the precinct of their walls? Quintius. Quintius beholding his men astonished at the great power of Antiochus, made this account unto them. On a time at a certain supper in Chalcis where I was, there were brought in many sorts of meat, and I asked of mine host why he had prepared so much: whereunto he answered, That it was all but one sort of meat, namely pork dressed after diverse manners: even so, whereas you hear that Antiochus hath so many light horses, so many men at arms, so many archers, so many light armed footmen, and so many corselets; assure yourselves that all this people are but Syrians, armed and furnished after diverse fashions. Marius. Marius' perceiving his men to be afraid of the great number of the Dutchmen that would have passed into Italy, Of the often beholding of the enemy afore battle. thought it good not to permit his soldiers to join battle with them, until they had seen them oft afore. And therefore after he had made great and fair trenches, he made them to come upon the rampires of his camp one after another, to view their enemies, and to enure them with the sight of their countenances, looks, and marchings, that they might not be afraid of their voices and words, and that they might understand the fashion of their armour, and the manner of their government. The strangeness of things maketh them more terrible than they be in deed. By the means of which ordinary sight, he made the things familiar which had been terrible to them at the first blush, so as they were no more moved at them. For he was of opinion, that the strangeness of things maketh men through error of judgement, to think things unaccustomed more horrible & dreadful than they be in deed. And contrariwise, that customablenes abateth much of the dread and terror of things, which of their own nature are terrible. Which thing was seen at that time by experience. For their daily accustoming of themselves to the ordinary beholding of those barbarous people, not only diminished some part of the former fearfulness of the Roman soldiers, but also whetted them unto choler, by the proud brags and intolerable bravery of the barbarous people, which did set their courage on a burning desire to fight with them. Pelopidas and Epaminondas, Pelopidas and Epaminondas. captains of the Thebans, did the like, enuring the Thebans to behold their enemies oftentimes, who were valiant and redoubted. And afore they would come to fight in good earnest, he sent them diverse times to light skirmishes, like good young greyhounds let slip for the nonce, and then led them to it the more safely afterward, when he had well fleshed them, by giving them a little taste of the ease and pleasure that cometh of victory. And by that means he heartened them more and more, and made them the more sure and strong, insomuch that by such skirmishes, they became more hardy and warlike than they were afore. Sometime a good captain, turneth the fearfulness of his soldiers into a fury of fight, by reason of the travel that they endure; as Sylla did, who when he saw his soldiers astonished at the great and puissant host that Mithrid●●es led well armed: for he would not make them to fight in that fear, but kept them occupied in cutting great trenches, without giving any of them leave to rest, to the intent that being weary of the pains that they took about such works, they should the rather desire to try the hazard of battle, as it came to pass. For the third day after they had begun so to labour, as Sylla passed along by them, they fell to crying upon him, that he should lead them against their enemies. Whereunto he made answer, That those cries were not of men that were desirous of battle, but of men that were weary of their work. And if ye be desirous to fight (said he) I will have you all to go in your armour to yonder passage on the side of the hill. Which thing they did, and obtained it, afore their enemies that were sent thither to get it, could come there, and so they possessed themselves thereof to lodge therein. Morius did almost the same, when he went against the Dutchmen; for he made his soldiers to run, and to make great and long steps, compelling every man to bear his own farthels, and to carry with him whatsoever he should need to live with. But he did that to inharden them, and to make them the more tough to abide the travel of war. The policy of Jugurth. Jugurth to assure his own men, and to put the Romans in fear, slew a soldier at his arrival, and brandishing his bloody spear to the Romans, told them in their own language, that he had learned with them before Numance, that they ●ought upon credit, having lost their consul Marius. Which saying made the whole army of the Romans in mind to have fled, and they were like to have turned head, had not Sylla stayed them. Of necessity Marius a good captain (if there were any at those days in Rome) intending to fight with the Dutchmen, had planted his camp in a place of very great advantage, but he wanted water. The which he did of purpose, to whet the courage of his soldiers by that means. For when it was told him that they were in danger of great thirst, he pointing them to the river that was along the side of his enemy's camp, said that it behoved them to fetch drink from thence; and so they did. For the pages having no water for themselves, nor for their beasts, went thither in great companies to fetch water, and there fell into so hot a skirmish, that the Dutchmen were feign to pass the river to come to t●e bickering, where being taken out of order, and wanting time to range their battles in array, they were all discomfited, and the most part of them were drowned in the river. Next unto pains, despair is a great encourager to fight, Of despair. when men are forced either to fight or to die, and that there is no place of refuge to retire unto. This is a thing that oftentimes maketh men to fight most valiantly in a strange country. William duke of Normand●e, to dispatch his men of all hope of returning home, made all his ships to be set on fire. Many others have done the like. But if a general be accompanied with leaguers, and allies, it is hard for him to enforce them to fight, unless he do it by some policy, as Themistocles did at the famous battle at Salamis. For when it was universally agreed upon, to fight with the Persians upon the sea, in a strait that was greatly to the advantage of the Greeks, because it was easy to be kept. The Lacedæmonians and other their allies & confederates seeing the sea covered with the ships of the Persians, determined to departed the next morning, and every man to go home. Themistocles being grieved thereat, The policy of Themistocles. bethought himself of this policy. He had with him a Persian that was a schoolmaster to his children, named Sincinnus, whom he trusted; him he sent secretly to the king of Persia, to advertise him that Themistocles the chieftain, general of the Athenians, having a good will to do him some special service, gave him knowledge of the good hap, that the Greeks' were minded to retire and flee away; counseling him not to let them scape, but to set upon them lustily, while they were so cumbered and afraid, and dissevered from their army on land, and so to vanquish all their whole power by sea at once. Xerxes' believing the counsel, environed them in such sort, that they could by no means departed thence; the necessity whereof made them to resolve themselves to abide the battle, wherein Themistocles had the upper hand, and utterly defeated the whole power of Xerxes by sea. Zabdas, Constable unto Queen Zenobia, The policy of Zabdas. being retired to Antioch, after he had lost a battle to the Emperor Aurelian, and fearing least the people should fall upon him in a rage, if they understood the news of that discomfiture; took a man that resembled Aurelian, and made it to be bruited that he brought the Emperor prisoner with him. By which guile he kept the Antiochians from rebelling, while he caused his men to retire secretly by night unto him, without being perceived of any man. The county Petilian seeing the army of the Italians defeated by king Charles at foronovo, The county Petilians policy. and being escaped out of the hands of the Frenchmen, where he had been a prisoner; to the intent to assemble again the men that were fled, and to give them courage, ran as fast as he could to the Venetians, and told them that the Frenchmen were vanquished, and put all to flight, counseling them not to let the victory scape out of their hands: whereby he made them that were astonished, to take courage again in such sort, that by the authority of his name, he made as many as he met, to return into the battle, which partly was the cause that the army was not utterly defeated. When Charles duke of Bourbon was slain with a bullet before the city of Rome, by and by his body was covered with a cloak, to the end that the report of his death, should not stay the soldiers from entering into the breach. The Romans perceiving themselves unable to match the Persians, kept themselves in order within the river Phasis, of which army Justine led the one part, The sowing of a report of succours at hand. and Martin the other. Martin to encourage his people, and to sow a false report among his enemies, That Justinian the emperor had sent succours unto them; assembled the whole army as it had been to consult what was to be done. And as they were so all assembled, suddenly comes in a post, whom he had procured, as coming from Constantinople with letters, which he presented: wherein the Emperor sent them word that he had sent them another army, as great or greater than that they had already. The post was asked whether the army was far off or no: and he answered, that the army was not much above four and twenty furlongs off. Then captain Martin, as if he had been thoroughly angry, said, He had not to do with it, and that it was no reason that they should reap the honour and profit of his travel. Whereupon he demanded of his people, whether they thought his saying good or no? and they all answered, yea. In the mean while the report of fresh succours was blown abroad into the enemy's camp, who thereupon disposed some of their men to the straits, to stop the new army from passing to join with the other, and at the same instant brought their whole power before the city, to give assault unto it. Now it fortuned that the same day, captain Justine had a fancy to go make his prayers, in a certain church of the Christians, that was near the town; and for his convey, carried with him five thousand horses unperceived of the enemies, who by chance took another way to come to the camp before the town. When Justine understood by the noise, that his enemies were afore the town, setting up scaling ladders, digging, and making a great assault to enter in, immediately he turned head, and with his horsemen went and charged upon his enemies, that were at the point to have won the town. Whereas they being greatly amazed, and thinking that it had been the fresh succours which they had heard of, took themselves to sight, and being pursued by the men of the city, were almost all put to the sword. Eumenes using dissimulation wisely, To keep soldiers from knowing the enemy, to whom the general suspecteth to be betrayed by his own men. got the victory against Craterus. For when he understood that Neoptolemus and Craterus came against him, in hope to cause his soldiers to turn to their part by the only brute of their coming, and also to take them unawares as they were making good cheer, becave they came then freshly from the discomfiting of Neoptolemus: he held his army in good order, and ready to fight, and therewithal caused a report to run abroad, that it was Neoptolemus and Pigres that came back upon him a fresh, with certain horsemen gathered at adventure out of Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia. And to keep his countrymen from knowing Craterus, he set not one Macedonian against him in the forefront, but placed there two companies of strangers that were men of arms, commanding them expressly to run upon their enemies as soon as they saw them, and to charge upon them immediately, without giving them leisure to parley, or to retire, and without giving any ear to the heralds and trumpeters that should be sent unto them; because he feared least the Macedonians would turn against him, if they once knew that Craterus was there. Wherefore as soon as Eumenes' men espied their enemies, they failed not to run against them a full gallop, as they had been commanded. At the sight whereof, Craterus was greatly abashed: for he thought that the Macedonians should have turned on his side, as Neoptolemus had promised him. Nevertheless, dealing like a man of valour, he also spurred his horse against his enemies, and did so well that the battle was fought a long time with doubtful balance, but in the end Eumenes won the field, and Craterus and Neoptolemus the chieftanes of his enemies were both slain. Sometime a valiant captain that hath the report to be fortunate, and a great taker of towns, doth even by his menaces strike a fear into the hearts of soldiers, that are enclosed in a place, & make them to yield it up, as Glesclin did; who sent word to the men of Hannibout, that he would sup within their town that night, and that if there were any of them, that threw but a stone whereby any of the least of his pages were hurt, it should cost them their lives. With the which menace the townsmen were so scared, that they stirred not out of their houses, and the Englishmen being too few to abide the assault, were overlaid with force, and put all to the sword. The county of Fois intending to go from Bolonia to Bresse the nearest way, to recover it, took his journey through the duke of Mantua's territory. And because he was to pass by certain sluices, which were fast shut up and well guarded, he sent to the duke of Mantua to desire passage: who notwithstanding that he was against the Frenchmen; yet being abashed at his so sudden coming, was feign to open him the passage, the which he would have denied him if he had not seen his power. CHAP. XIII. Of Skirmishes. Skirmishes are so near both to good and evil, that it is easy to take the one for the other. WHen two armies come within sight one of another, they cannot be kept from skirmishing, the which is sometime necessary, and sometime very dangerous. And this point (as saith Machiavelli) is one of that number, wherein the evil is so near unto the good, that the one is easily taken for the other. I have often heard this fashion of making skirmishes blamed by Monsieur Tavannes', who would not put any thing in peril, but all to profit. For he would either fight in good earnest, or hold himself quiet without fight, and reserve his forces to some good occasion. Some will say that such skirmishes give the more courage to men of war, and make them, as it were to record their lessons, and the things that are to be done in battle. It is a making of them to look upon the wolf, that by beholding of him thoroughly, they should not be afraid of him. But on the contrary part also, if the wolf bite them, it is to be doubted lest they will become the colder in hunting him. Three days afore the battle of Moncounter, the army of the Monsieur, and the army of the princes, skirmished upon the bank of the river Dine, but that skirmish was so rough for them, that they began that day to despair of the victory, & to be shy of the encounter which they had anon after. But now to make some resolution upon the discourse of the history (which is the thing that I pretend) I say that skirmishes are of two or three sorts. The sorts of skirmishes. Sometimes when men lie in garrison, and wars are prolonged, they skirmish with a few men to give a stroke with the spear, or to make some gallant enterprise, as was done at Bolloyne against the Englishmen: For they that were in the great fort, and in the fort of the Chastilion, did often times issue out against the Englishmen that lay in garrison in Bolloyne, and there made certain light skirmishes, and so returned into their holds again. This fight was commended of men of war, who should but have lingered there, if they had not now and then led forth their bands, and come down into the plain. Sometimes it is needful to make skirmishes to assure and to train your men, as Pelopidas and Epaminondas did against the Lacedæmonians. These two captains were valiant in their own persons, and had men of good courage, for they fought for their liberty. But they were but meanly trained to the wars, and had to do with the Lacedæmonians, who had not their peers in all Greece. Therefore to encourage their men, the said captains did erewhiles let them loose to the Lacedæmonians at advantage, as men do young hounds to a hare. Skirmishes made to advantage, do make the enemy despised. And as they were somewhat fleshed, they drew them back of purpose, and would not hazard them too much afore battle, to the intent that tasting the sweetness of victory, they might learn to shake off the fear of their enemy, which was thought to be invincible; and contrariwise, that the beholding of him, and the often victories had of him to their advantage, might cause them to set light by him. Therefore it was needful to assure them by such skirmishes, afore they should come to battle. Valerius Goruinus did the like against the Samnites, for fear (as Titus Livius saith) lest the new kind of war, and the new enemy, should dismay them. But such skirmishes must be made with discretion, and not upon a head, neither must the general of an army permit them, except he perceive some very great advantage on his own part, to be had without loss or danger. Sometime skirmishes are made to begin battles, and those may and must be: for it is the entrance into the battle. But for as much as some do but only sustain such skirmishes, without breaking out upon their enemies, I will speak a word thereof, afore I speak of the battle. CHAP. XIIII. Whether it be better to bear the brunt of the enemies, or to drown it at the first dash. THis would not deserve a chapter, no nor to be once spoken of, but that Machiavelli in his discourses hath made a pretty small chapter of it, with a short resolution thereupon. And forasmuch as in mine opinion, his resolution seemeth not to agree with julius Caesar's; I will speak a word of it by the way. Now than he saith, that when Decius and Fabius consuls of Rome, made war against the Samnites and Tuscans, Decius went with his whole power to assail his enemies; and Fabius did but only ward him, deeming the linger assault to be the more for his behoof, by reserving his force to the upshot, when the enemy should have foregone his first heat; and therefore that the dealings of Fabius, had better success than the doings of Decius. For Deciussis legions were all discomfited, and himself slain; whereas Fabius went away with the victory, by reserving his forces unto such necessities. Of which example he gathereth his resolution, that the doing of Fabius is more sure than the others. But this resolution cannot satisfy me. For it is unpossible to keep one's self from fight, when the enemy cometh with full purpose to assail. Well may ye do so when you be well entrenched, for the enemy cannot assail you but to his own loss. But when a day of battle is set, either you must forsake the place, or else fight. And in this case the running together and the shouting of the hosts, giveth the greater cheerfulness and force to the men of war. We must then reserve our forces for battle, when the enemy letteth us alone. It is another thing that Fabius did in reserving his forces for battle, while the enemy did spit out his fire in another place. And this policy was practised by the late duke of Guise, at the battle of Dreux: for how much soever he was entreated to give battle, he would never come to it, until he saw that his enemies had spit out all their fire, and that persuading themselves to be sure of the victory afore hand, they fell to pillage. For than he set upon them with all his forces fresh and undiminished, and gave them the foil. By the way, it had not been in the power of the constable to refuse battle, nor in the duke of Guisis' power neither, if he had been set upon. For than had it behoved him of necessity to fight, and to that intent came they thither. But it was a great point of wisdom in the duke of Guise, that seeing his enemies had left him behind, he reserved his power for such a need. And therein he did as Fabius, and as Charles of Anjou did against Conradine. But to know whether in a battle, men ought to sustain the assault of the enemy without running upon him, or to daunt him at the first push; the case is to be ruled by the resolution that Caesar maketh thereof in his Commentaries, where he findeth fault with Pompey, Pompey's fault at the battle of Pharsalie. for causing his army to stay at the battle of Pharsalie, when they were going forward to the encounter, and ready to shock with their enemies. Wherein he saith he did a notable fault, because the shoutings and the running together, increaseth the force of the soldiers, who go therewith the more cheerfully and fiercely to the battle. If such a captain found that fashion of encountering to be best; surely we ought not to reject it, we Frenchmen (I say) which have a certain fiery fury at the first, greater than other nations, the which being restrained, would wax so cold afterward, that we should become too slow when we needed to use our hands. CHAP. XV. Of a battle, and of diverse policies to be practised therein▪ Sigh the end of war consisteth chief in giving battle; I must now speak thereof, and of the policies that are practised in that behalf. Now there are two sorts of giving battle, either in tarrying for the enemy, or in assailing him. He that tarrieth, hath the choice of the place, and the mean to cut off himself at leisure, if he list to fight to his own advantage. But he that assaileth hath many things to look unto. Sometimes he must be feign to pass a water to find his enemy, and for that purpose to make a bridge over the river, the which may be impeached by his enemy that is on the further side of the river. And for the providing thereof, To pass a wa●●r safely. Phil●p duke of Cleveland saith, that great diligence is to be used, and artillery is to be placed on the rivers side to shoot at such as adventure to come near the other bank, in the time that the bridge is a laying. And when the bridge is made well and diligently, he must pass over four faucons, and five or six hundred men on foot, and some carriages with speed to stop them, and also some pioneers to make trenches at need. For five hundred or a thousand men enclosed within their carriages will always hold four thousand tack, until the rest of the army may come forward, and then shall it be easy to pass the residue of the host in despite of the enemies. But the best and surest way is, not to use open force, but to make passage by some policy. The policy of Julian in passing his army over a river. When the emperor Julian warred against the Persians, afore he passed a certain river, he sent Lucilius with fifteen hundred men to the further side of the water, and yet for the passing of the water he used no open force, but caused captain Victor with a good number of men of war, to pass over secretly in the night season, and a good way off from the camp, for fear lest he should be perceived, and to join himself with Lucilius. This had so good success, that being joined together unperceived of the enemy, they charged upon him behind unlooked for, wherewith he being afraid betook him to flight. This bickering gave the Emperor leisure to pass his army in boats, and to obtain the further bank. Sometimes haste is made to take the enemy unprovided, and out of array, to astonish him and to break the order of his battle, as Henry the bastard of Castille did against his lawful brother done Peter, by the advice of Bertrand of Guesclin. For he saw he had but few men, and considered that if don Peter should have come against him in battle, ranged in good order, he had not been able to stand against him, by reason of the small number of men that he had to encounter so great a number of well trained soldiers, as don Peter brought with him. Therefore he set forward and led his men of war thick set and in good order before him, without any incling of his coming known to don Peter. And finding him out of array, with his bands scattered here and there far from him, he discomfited him and put him to the worst. Marius was like to have been discomfited, by being taken after that sort unprovided: and yet by another policy he took his enemies in a trip, in such sort as I will tell you. Bo●chus and Jugurtha came to assail Marius upon the sudden over night, The policy of Marius. as he was retiring his army into garrison. All that Marius could then do, was but to get two little hills for his defence, very fit for the seating of a camp. And when he had retired himself thither to his advantage, he let his enemies alone, who environed the two hills with great noise, and so passed forth the most part of that night. On the contrary part, the Romans made not any noise, but held themselves quiet. But when they perceived that their enemies beg into fall asleep, and to take their rest, than Marius caused his men to issue out with great noise upon the moors and Getulians', of whom he slew a great number as they lay asleep, and compelled the rest to forsake the place, and to go seek another more sure at the favour of the night: by means whereof he scaped that danger. Sometimes men are afraid to give battle, by reason of the advantage of the place. In that case policy is to be used, as to take a higher ground than where the enemy lieth as Paulus Emilius did against Perseus in Macedon, and Sylla against Tigranes, and diverse others of whom I have spoken heretofore. For than must they either dislodge, or fight to their apparent loss. The policy of Bertram of Guesclin. Or else he must draw them by some train, as Bertram of Guesclin did the men of Navarre; who seeing their army in a high place of advantage, and on the other side being advertised that succour was coming to them; the next day, when he and all the army of France ranged in battle, had spent a great part of the day in the plain, sore vexed with heat and travel; he thought therefore that it was not for him to fight with them in a place of so great disadvantage. But forasmuch as he was sure, that the Navarrians desired greatly to come to encounter them, and yet that they would not leave their strength: to draw them to battle, he made countenance to retire, so long until the day began to decline, causing his armour, baggage, and pages to pass over a bridge, holding himself always still in one quarter, to see what countenance the Na●arrians would make. And the better to conceal his pretence, he caused many of his men of arms to pass also. Anon one john Jovell a captain of the Navarrians, contrary to the advice of the captal of buzz, went down the hill and led his men to the encounter, whom the captal of buzz followed and all the army after him. When the Frenchmen saw him in the plain, they turned again upon the Navarrians amain, of whom in the end few or none escaped which were not either slain or taken ptisoners. A policy to pretend battle, and yet not to do it. Sometimes when a captain cometh near his enemies, he will not by and by give battle, because his men are weary of their way. But yet to hold his enemy in expectation, he keepeth his men a long while in battelray, as if he meant to come to handstrokes, and in the mean while maketh trenches: the which being done, he retireth his men fair and softly into them, lodging the hindermost first, and so successively those that are next them one after another, whereat the enemy is astonished, to see the army of his adversaries lodged safe within their trenches, as Paulus Emilius did against Perseus. For he made so fair a show of encountering, and lodged his men so cunningly, that he had by little and little undone his battle, and lodged his people in their camp well fortified, without any noise or hurly burlie, ere his enemies had perceived it. A policy to ta●e the enemy vnpr●uided. Yet doth it not follow, but that it may at some times be for a man's advantage (though he be weary and have traveled a long journey) to set upon his enemies out of hand. But that must be when he is sure to find them out of order, as the county of Egmount did to the Frenchmen near unto graveling, and Bertram of Guesclin did to don Peter of Castille. Timoleon intending to fight with Icetes, who kept the way to Adrane, twenty leagues distant from Tauremenion, departed thence with all his army, of purpose to bid him battle. The first day he made no great journey, but the next day he marched more speedily. And when it drew towards eventide, tidings was brought him that Icetes was but then newly arrived afore Adrane, and was there encamped. Whereof the captains hearing, caused the foremost to stay to take their repast, that they might be the better disposed to fight. But Timoleon advanced himself forward unto them, and prayed them not to do so, but to march on still, as speedily as they could, that they might take their enemies out of order. And he himself marched foremost as if he had held the victory in his hand, and so the residue followed him with like confidence. As soon as they came there, they charged upon their enemies, whom they found all disarmed, and therefore they took them to their heels as soon as they saw them come near. The Suissers used the like policy against the Frenchmen, when they had raised the siege of Pau●e, taking them suddenly unprovided and not entrenched. But as I have said) this manner of dealing is very dangerous, The danger 〈…〉 too much to give battle. if a man be not sure that he shall find his enemies out of order. It was one of the faults that the Frenchmen committed at the battle of Cressie, in that they having traveled six leagues, did give battle to the Englishmen that were fresh and lodged at advantage. For the Frenchmen were tired and weary, and had the sun upon their faces, and had marched in great disorder. In respect whereof, they should have entrenched themselves as Paulus Emilius did, to the end they might have had leisure to take breath and gather their strength again, and to understand of their enemy's behaviour, and to take advantage as well as they, and to tarry for the rest of their power that was coming after. For the next day after the battle, they also were discomfited, and a seven thousand of them were slain, which had the battle been delayed till the next morrow, would have been a marvelous succour to the rest of the army, and have helped at need to reunite the army when they were broken; as the soldiers of the Earl of Mountfort did, after that the Frenchmen had discomfited them before Roche Darien. For by and by they gathered themselves together again to the lord of Cadudall, who coming then newly with a hundred men of arms and certain footmen, went by the sun rising to the camp of Charles du Bloys, (who doubting nothing because he had gotten the victory, slept & took his rest:) and finding him in that disorder, did put his men to the utterance, and carried him away prisoner to Hannibout. The see●ing of advantage to fight 〈◊〉. Sometime in fight a battle, a man hath the sun full in his eyes. To avoid this danger, Paulus Emylius was so long a ranging his men in battle, that by the time that the battles should join, he had the sun upon his back. Marius' used the like policy against the Cimbrians, and Philip Augustus against the Flemings. At the battle of Cannae, Hannibal helped himself both with the sun and the wind, and thereby chief won he the battle. There blew a mighty strong and boisterous wind like a tempest of thunder and lightning, which raised the parched dust from the sandy plain as hot as fire, and driving it through the battle of the Carthaginenses, struck it full into the faces and eyes of the Romans with such violence, that they were enforced to cast their heads back, and to disorder their ranks. Themistocles being determined to fight with Xerxes' king of Persia upon the sea, chose a straight and narrow place, that he might the better revenge himself against the multitude of the King's ships: and moreover waited the time most fit and favourable for his purpose. For he ranged not his ships in order of battle, afore a certain hour, when a great wind was wont to rise upon the sea-coast, which raised great wa●es in the channel. Now this wind did no displeasure to the Greek galleys, because they were low, but it did great annoyance to the Persian ships, which had their hatches high, and their foredecks raised high, for it made their flanks to lie open continually to the Greeks', who went and dashed lightly against them. The Athenians did the like under the leading of Phormio against the Peloponnesians. The Athenians ●ad but twenty ships to keep Na●●●ct, and those were but ill furnished to fight upon the sea, and the Peloponnesians has seven and forty well furnished, by reason whereof they sticked not to make their vagaries all alongst the coast of Epyrus, to pass over into Acarnania. Nevertheless, they were pursued by the Athenians, who compelled them to range themselves in battle, and to fight in the midst of a strait, where for the better fortifying of themselves, and to stop the Athenians from issuing out, they ranged their ships in a ring, wi●h their noses outward, and their sternes inward: and in the mids of the ring they placed their small and light vessels, to set them out upon their enemies when time should require. As for the Athenians, they set their ships all in a row, environing the ships of their enemies, and pretending yet more. But Phormio had charged them not to fight, until he had given them a token, assuring himself that when the land-wind arose, which began to blow in the morning, the ships of the Peloponnesians would dash one against another. Now as soon as the wind began to blow, the ships fell to justling in deed: and specially those that were in the midst, being the light or sort, did great annoyance to the rest: insomuch that they were all occupied in setting planks before their ships for fear of d●shing. And there was so great a cry and disorder among the Peloponnesians, that they could not hear the commandment of their captains. Which thing when Phormio saw, he gave a token of battle to the Athenians, who charging lustily upon them, ba●●ered and sunk the first that they encountered, and put the residue to flight. To come upon the enemy behind, while he is fight. Sometimes a company of men are kept out of the battle, and are commanded to set upon the enemies behind in the heat of the battle, to put them in fear, and to make them break their array. When To●●us was to give battle to the Romans, he drew aside three hundred men of his army, and gave them commandment, that in the fiercest of the battle, they should charge upon the Romans behind. Which thing they did so fitly, that the Romans thinking them to be a fa●re greater number than they were, betook themselves to flight. Aignas a Roman captain, seeing Bellisarius ready to give battle to the Persians, bestowed himself with his men covertly in a valley, and when they were well forward at the battle, he mounted up a little hill, and taking the Persians unawares behind, did easily put them to flight. When Marius was about to fight with the Dutchmen, he sent Claudius Marcellus out of the way, with three thousand footmen, willing him to keep himself close, until he saw the Dutchmen tied to the fight with him, and then in the chiefest of the battle, to go charge upon them behind. The which he did so fitly, that the Dutchmen feeling themselves assailed behind, were forced to turn head, and by that means falling in disorder, were all vanquished. John duke of Burgoine, in the battle of Tongres, sent a thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen, to assail his enemies on their backs in the chief of the fight: Which thing when Pieranes would have provided for aforehand, by sending a company of chosen men to encounter them; the common people would not permit him, and so they felt the smart of their wilfulness. As touching the ordering of an army, divers manners of ordering an army. it is done by the eye, according to the advertisements that are had of the enemy, and a●ter as he is seen to be disposed. Now to give a certain rule thereof, it is unpossible; neither is it my intent, but only to put in practise the ancient histories, and to put in writing the policies that have been used by men of old time. Hannibal that captain of singular experience, ordered his battle in such wise at Cannae, that he set the best men of their hands on the two sides, and filled up the midst with the worse. The which two wings he caused to shoot themselves forth in a point, enjoining them that as soon as the Romans had broken the forefront, and pursued them as they retired back, so as the middle of the battle came shrinking in, and bowing in compass like a new moon, and that the Romans were come within it; then they should fall upon them on either side, and enclose them in behind. Insomuch that the battle which at the beginning was inform of a wedge, was at length in form of a crescent, which was a cause of the great slaughter. The constable of Clisson used almost the same fashion, at the battle of Rosebecke. He led his host divided in three parts; a vanguard, a maine-battell, and a rearward, and all three near one another. But when they began to approach, they stepped forth into wings, so as the middleward was somewhat shrunk in, and drawn backer: but the men of arms that were in the wings fell to it so furiously, that the Flemings were not able to follow them that were in the battle, insomuch that it set itself in strength again, and the Flemings being cooped in between the three battles, lost almost five and twenty thousand of their men. Amur●t did the like at Nicopolis. For he caused his two wings to advance forward, wherein he had almost threescore thousand men, and set himself well closed in the bulcke of the battle, sending eight thousand men afore to skirmish, and to keep his army from being discovered, whom he commanded, that when they were assailed by the Christians, they should tetire to the body of the battle. The which thing they did so fitly, that the Frenchmen which were in the vaward were enclosed on all sides, and the most part of them slain or taken, and the rest were driven to flee, to their great loss. But he that doth this, The ranks must not be enlarged where is but few men. must have a great number of men. For it is a dangerous matter to enlarge the ranks, when a man hath but few men, because that thereby he maketh them the thinner, and consequently the easier to be broken. For there is no force like to the force of them that fight close set, for they give the less scope to enter into their ranks. Paulus Emylius won the battle against Perseus by this policy: He saw it was not possible for him to work any thing against the main battle of the Macedonians. In this despair he fell to viewing wistly the seat of the enemy's camp. And perceiving that the field where they fought was not plain, ne lay whole together, he considered that the battle which was lodged foremost, could not always maintain that hedge of pi●es and of targets joining together, but that by fine force they should be compelled ●o open in many places, as it falleth out in all great battles, according to the enforcement of them that fight against them, so as in one place they thrust themselves forward, and in another they be driven back. A mean to open a battle. Wherefore Emylius taking suddenly this occasion, divided his men into small troops, appointing them to take up the places which they found empty at the front of the battle of their enemies, and so to join themselves unto them, not by maintaining a continual charge upon them, but by setting upon them here and there, in divers places at once by divers companies. According to this commandment delivered to the captains from hand to hand, the Romans slipped immediately into places which they found empty or ill guarded, and being entered in, assailed the Macedonians, some upon the sides where they were naked and bare, and othersome behind, in such sort that the strength of the whole body of their battle, which consisted in holding themselves close together, was by and by defeated by being opened after that manner. What is to be done when a general hath but few men. But to come back again to our purpose. When a general hath but few men, he must choose narrow places, that he may be able to resist many, and not be enclosed about by a great number. For, to do so with a great number of men is unavailable, yea and sometimes noisome. It was the first mischief that Darius received at the hand of Alexander. His wisest men counseled him to tarry for Alexander in a plain and open country, seeing he had a desire to fight with him, and not to go seek him in Cilicia, in straight and narrow places, where if he took him in the straits, his army would stand him in no stead to fight, A great army must not choose a hill-ground, but a plain champion. so penned up. But he not crediting that wholesome counsel, found too late, that a great army ought always to choose a large place, where a man may with his great number enclose his enemy, which he cannot do in a narrow room. And so shall the horsemen fight at their ease, whereas in a narrow country full of hedges, they can do no good at all. This was a lesson that Xantippus a captain of the Lacedæmonians taught to the Carthagenenses. Although the Carthagenenses had a goodly great army, good footmen, & great store of horsemen: yet were they ever vanquished by the Romans. At length they took this Xantippus to be their general, that had the report to be a good captain. Who having considered their warlike furniture, marveled that they encamped in the mountains, having so many elephants, and horsemen, and that they did not rather keep the plains, which without comparison was most for their advantage, seeing that the force of the Romans consisted in footmen, and not in horsemen. Therefore he made them to come down into the plains, where he fought with the Romans and overcame them, under their consul Attilius Regulus, who was there taken. A battle oft times is so well ordered on all sides, that there is no way to enter into it. The policy of captain Pelinian. In such case a man must seek the weakest places, as I have said already, or else use the policy of captain Pelinian, who to make his men the forwarder in assailing the Macedonians, took the Antsigne of his band, and threw it into the thickest of his enemies: whereupon his men pressed with great violence after it, because they esteemed it a great dishonour to abandon and forsake their Antsigne. But yet notwithstanding all was in vain, and to their loss; because the Macedonians were so fast linked together, and held their pi●es so steady, that it was unpossible to remove them. To reassemble an army that goeth by the worst. When an army goeth by the worse, or is ready to break their array, the presence of the general is marvelously behooveful, to make them return to the fight again, by his encouragement, or by fight afore them in his own person. For when they see their general in danger, they be ashamed to leave him without fight for him. So did Sylla against M●thridates. For when he saw his army almost defeated; he cast himself a cross them that fled, until he found his enemies, crying, Ye soldiers of Rome, mi●e honour willeth me to die here. And therefore whensoever ye shall be asked where ye have abandoned your captain, remember that ye answer, ye forsook him in Orchomene. Whereat they were so ashamed, that suddenly they turned their faces again, and won the field. julius Caesar being in the like peril in Spain against the Pompeyeses, said unto his men, Seeing ye forsake me thus, deliver me by and by into the hands of Pompey's sons. The which saying made them for very shame to return into the battle, the which they won in the end. At another time he caught the standard out of the standard bearers hand that fled, and made him to return, saying, It is here my soldier, it is here that we must fight. Julian the Emperor seeing certain men fl●e at the beginning of a battle, caused ten of them that first fled to be put to death, to the intent that the residue, for fear of the danger that was behind, should fight valiantly, seeing the peril was greater in fleeing than in fight. Charles Martell did the like against the Sarzins; for he appointed certain men, to do nothing else but to kill such as fled back. And besides that, he did them to understand, that the gates of Towers were shut, and that they should not be opened for any misfortune that befell. Sometimes, to tempt and allure soldiers, To tempt an army with desire of prey. men offer them a prey or booty, that by being eager of it, they may break their array, as Charles the eight did at foronovo by the counsel of Triwlce. For he made all the baggage of the camp to march on the left hand where were all the kings costly jewels. The which thing when the Albanois espied, by and by they flung out to that part, killing and overthrowing the muleteers and pages that made countenance of defence. The footmen perceiving how the Albanois made spoil, ran thither also, so as it put the army of the Italians quite out of order, and ministered the more occasion to king Charles, to compass his matters well. To remedy the matter that a man be not surprised behind, To let or impeach the assailing of an army behind. whether it be in assaulting a town, or in giving battle: he must leave some men of purpose to abide that brunt, which must intend to that and nothing else; or else he must do as Demetrius or Sertorius did. When Sertorius had laid siege to the town of Lauron, Pompey went thither in great haste to secure it. near unto the city was a little hill to lodge a camp in, and to annoy the townsmen. By means whereof, the one hasted thither to win it, and the other hasted to keep it. But Sertorius came thither first and took it. And anon after Pompey came thitoo, who was well paid that it had so come to pass; thinking to hold Sertorius penned up between the city and his army. But he was greatly astonished, when he saw the six thousand of men well armed, whom Sertorius had left in the camp whence he departed, to the intent that if P●mpey came to assail him, they should sit upon his skirts. Which thing Pompey perceiving, durst not offer battle, but was constrained to see the town destroyed before his eyes, and was not able to rescue it. Ptolemy was deceived after the like manner. For when he had his army on the sea ready to encounter Demetrius, he gave his brother Meneleus charge, that when he saw them grappled to come to handstrokes, and that they were busiest in fight, he should set out of the haven of Salamis, and come set upon Demetrius ships behind, to scatter them and to break their array, with threescore galleys, whereof he had the leading. But Demetrius having provided for it aforehand, had appointed ten galleys to stop him, thinking them enough to shut up the mouth of the haven that was small and narrow, so as none that were within it could get out. By reason whereof being sure behind, he charged so stoutly upon Ptolemy, that he discomfited him. To beguile the enemy in ordering of one's battle. When the enemy knoweth that a captain useth an ordinary manner of ordering his battles after one fashion, he ordereth his own after the same manner. But to beguile him, he must do as Cornelius Scipio did in Spain against Hasdruball: who knowing that his enemy was advertised, that he was wont to place his best soldiers in the midst of the frunt of his battles, and the worst behind; and doubting lest Hasdruball would do the like, altered his order in the day of the battle. For he set his best soldiers in the corners of his army, and the worse sort in the midst. And when it came to the onset, Scipio caused the soldiers of the middle part to march softly, and the two wings to advance forwarder, who encountering with men of less experience, did easily overmatch them. In the which time, those of the two middlewards, which on Hasdrubals side were the chiefest men, and on Scipi●s side the worst of his army were but beholders of the others. By means whereof Asdrubal was easily defeated by the Romans. At the battle of Tongres, when the lord of Pieranes saw the duke of Burgoyne send fifteen hundred men on his back, he altered the form of his battle, which was pointed trianglewise, and brought it into a square, setting his horsemen and shot hindermost, to withstand them that were coming behind, and fencing the sides with carriages, by reason whereof he had gone away that day with the victory, if he had had men that had been good warriors, and well trained. But the want of them both, made him to lose both the battle and his life. When a man hath few horsemen. When the general of an army hath too few horsemen, he must set some company of pikemen behind them, and now we may set harquebuzers that are accustomed to fight with horsemen, as julius Caesar did at the battle of Pharsalie aghast Pompey. For having set forth the best and most practised legionary soldiers that he had, he was suddenly assailed with a great company of young Roman gentlemen on horseback. To whom when his horsemen had given place, they came upon those old fellows, who fling their javelinings full in their faces. Whereat the young gentlemen being astonished, turned themselves by and by to flight. Sometime to beguile the enemy, To beguile the enemy by pretending weakness. a captain makes his army to seem less than it is, that the enemy may be the bolder to fight: or else he causeth a brute to be raised, that he hath sent a part of his army abroad, which he hath not done in deed; by either of which ways many have been deceived. One army was sent afore against Asdrubal, who was come down into Italy with a great puissance: and in an other part Nero the consul had another army near unto Hannibal, and to his seeming well rampired and fortified. Nero departed secretly with the most part of his power, and went to join in camp with his fellow consul, without increasing the number of Antsignes, so as the camp appeared not to be any greater than it was wont to be. This beguiled the Carthagenenses: who finding greater force than they looked for, were all vanquished. As much befell to Curio in Africa, against Juba king of Mauritania. For the king made a report to be blown abroad, that he was sore encumbered in his own country, and that he had sent but some small number of his men thither; and yet in deed he marched himself with his whole army. But he had sent the said former band a good while afore, and he himself came speedily after with his whole power. Whereby Curio being deceived, gave him battle: Then was he greatly abashed to see his enemies continually succoured with fresh men, and their army still increasing to the eye, so that in the end he was overcome. Ferdinand king of Naples, being advertised that the lord of A●b●ey was but feeble, gave him battle upon a jollity of courage, without further inquiring, and was as bravely received by the lord Awbney, who had joined unto his own the forces of the lord of Precie, and so with those forces together encountered king Ferdinand. Cato's policy. While Cato was in Spain, ambassadors were sent unto him from a city that was besieged, to demand succour of him. Cato granted them their demand, & causing the third part of his army to be embarked in their sight, dispatched them away, with charge that they shoved give notice what succours were sent to them. But as soon as the ambassadors were gone, he secretly caused his embarked men to come back again. The Spaniards thereupon thinking they should have had to do but with a few Romans, came boldly to bid them battle; but they were overcome for their labour. diverse times when a captain hath but few men in comparison of his enemy, A false pretence of fear. he will pretend a fear, to make his enemy the more careless. And when he perceiveth him to be so, then adventureth he to take him unpurueied, as Lisander did the Athenians. Who perceiving himself unable to match them in strength, road at anchor in a straight near to the city Lampsacum, after he had taken it by assault. The Athenians on the other side, came with great speed into the bay of Sestros, and when they had refreshed themselves with food, they presented themselves to the galleys of Lacedaemon, whereof Lisander had the government; who on his side ranged his men in order of battle, but he forbade them to fight or to row out against the Athenians. Who retiring themselves towards night, went a land, whereof Lisander was informed by such as he had sent after them to mark their demeanour. The next day they did as much, and so the third and fourth days: insomuch that the Athenians conceived a great confidence in themselves, and a great disdain of the Lacedæmonians, thinking that their keeping of themselves so penned up, was for very fear. The fift day when the Athenians having made the like offer of a battle to their enemies, were retired towards the evening in disorder: Lisander sent certain Galiots after them to note their behaviour, commanding the captains of them, that as soon as they saw the Athenians out of their galleys, they should return to him with all speed possible: and that when they were in the midst of the straight, they should heave up a copper shield a high into the air upon the point of a pike, as a token to make the whole fleet to come rowing in battelray. By reason whereof, as soon as the shield was lifted up, Lisander having all his men in a readiness, and being not past one league off from the Athenians, made sail so swistly in the smooth sea, that the Athenians had no leisure to take their weapons and to put themselves into their galleys, because their soldiers were scattered abroad, some gone to buy victuals, some to supper, some to walking in the fields, and some to sleep, no man doubting that which happened; insomuch that of nine and twenty galleys, only nine escaped, the which Conon saved by swiftness when he perceived the disorder: and of this unfortunate adventure ensued the utter ruin of the Athenians. julius Caesar being come but with seven thousand men in great haste to rescue Quintus Cicero, that was besieged by threescore thousand Gauls, was greatly abashed when he saw all the Gauls upon him, who had left their siege to come against him. By reason whereof he was feign to retire, and to put himself into a place fit for a captain, which with a few men was to fight against a great number of enemies, forbidding his soldiers to go out to skirmish in any case, and compelling them to heighten the rampires of their camp, and to fortify their ports as men that were afraid, to the intent that their enemies should have them in the more disdain, until such time as one day he spied a fit occasion by their disorderly coming to assail the trenches of his camp, and then he made a salie out upon them, and put them all to flight, with the slaughter of a very great number of their men. To make an army seem greater than it is. Sometime to deceive the enemy a captain makes his army to seem greater than it is; As when he rangeth his soldiers, his pioneers, and all other sorts of people in battle upon the side of a hill, and on the other side setteth his varlets and lackeys on horseback with the men of arms, so as it maketh a long and terrible hedge to look on. King Ferdinand used that policy, to keep the lord of Presy from winning the rock of Naples. For he chose a place by the which the French men must needs pass, and there did set his army and fortify his camp. For he meant not to put any thing in hazard, because he had twice already had proof of the valiantness of the Frenchmen, to his very great disadvantage, and the loss of his men. And as he was a making his trenches, the Frenchmen showed themselves to his Arragonians; which thing made them to leave their work, and to put themselves in array ready to give battle. And therewith he caused the peasants to be armed, so that all the hills glisteren of the troops of them. And below, the host of the Arragonians was imparked in a strong place uneasy to be approached, which thing caused the French army to stop short, and not to hazard the battle, lest they should be too few in respect of their enemies. Antony fearing lest Octavian that was coming against him with his army by sea, should seize upon his ships, (which were utterly unfurnished of men of war) if he came to the encounter: made the gallislaves to arrive there, and set them in order of battle upon the hatches of his ships, and afterward caused all the rows of oars to be pitched up an end and set upright into the air on either side of the galleys, with their prows bend against Octavians galleys, at the entrance of the gulf that beginneth at the point of Actium. And he held them so in order of battle, as if they had been furnished as well with men of war to have abidden battle, as with rowers. Wherefore Caesar being deceived by that sleight of war, retired. Hugh of Moncada viceroy of Naples, and Gobby an expert and famous captain of seamatters, intending to give battle on the sea to the Frenchmen, that were at Naples under the conduct of Phillippin Doree, caused many fisherboats to be added to their galleys, to amaze their enemies withal. But yet this trick was no impediment, but that Phillippin won the battle. Agesilaus, to hide the flight of such as had rob him in his camp to go with the Thebans, and to keep his men from being discouraged thereat; concealed them as much as he could; and for the doing thereo●, ordained that every morning when they went to visit the straw beds of the soldiers, they should hide the stuff of them that were gone thither. CHAP. XVI. Of the pursuing of victory. WHen the enemy is put to flight, the chief thing that the general hath to do, is to pursue his enemy with all speed, that he may astonish him the more, and not to give him respite to resolve himself what to do. julius Caesar excelled in that point; for he never won battle, but he take his enemy's camp the same day. Alexander never left to pursue Darius, until he saw him quiet in his own country. On the contrary part, this only fault is noted in Hannibal, that he pursued not his victory after the battle of Cannae, by going to besiege Rome then utterly dismayed with the present los●e. Insomuch that one said unto him, He could well skill to get the victory, but not to use it. Aetius was reproved for doing the like fault, when he would not proceed to make a clean dispatch of Attila, as he might easily have done. But he feared lest if Attila were dispatched, he should have to do with the Goths, when they once perceived themselves to be rid of such a common enemy. Lewis of Anjou won a battle in the realm of Naples, wherein he discomfited his competitor Ladislaus. And it is said that if he had pursued that victory without suffering Ladislaus to take breath, he had continued lord of the realm, the which he forewent for want of doing so. The which thing Ladislaus himself confessed saying, that the first day of the battle, his enemies had been masters both of his person and of his kingdom, if they had done their duty; that the second day they had been masters of his kingdom, but not of his person, if they had pursued the victory; and that the 3 day they had not any power, either over his person or over his kingdom. Men must not be too what in following a chase. Also in chase the enemy, a man must be well aware that he cast not himself into danger, as it befell to Monsieur de Foys at Ravenna. The Achaians having overthrown the Lacedæmonians in battle, would needs follow the victory. And among others, Lysiadas pursued the chase among the men of arms, contrary to the counsel of Aratus, general of the Achaians, who would not permit his men to pass further, because of a great and deep bog which they were to pass, and for that the way forth on was uneven and ill joined together, which thing Lysiadas found true to his own harm. For when he was come thither, he found himself in a place full of vines, walls, and ditches, where he was constrained to dissever his people, whence he could not get out again. The which gave occasion to Cleomenes king of the Lacedæmonians, to charge upon him, to kill him, & to discomfit all his men. And this victory made the Lacedæmonians to take such courage again unto them, that returning back they gave a fresh charge upon the Achaians, whom it was easy to defeat, because the one half of their power was gone from them. Demetrius having discomfited a wing of his enemies, chased them so far, that he could not join again with his footmen; by reason whereof they being destitut of their horsemen, were all discomfited. Philopemen perceiving that Machavidas the tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, had put his archers to slight at the beginning of the battle, determined to let him pass on without resisting him. And when he saw that the horsemen of Machavidas were far enough off from his footmen; he made his men to march against the Lacedæmonians, whose flanks were then bare of horsemen, and charging upon the side of them, did put them to flight with a very great slaughter. The which being done, he met suddenly with Machavidas coming back from the chase and thinking to win all: and slew him as he would have leapt a ditch. The same Philopemen did much better, when he had put the army of the tyrant Nabis to slight. For when he saw his enemies fled, not all on a heap towards the city, but scattered themselves here and there abroad in the fields; he sounded the retreat, forbidding his men to chase them any further, because the country thereabouts was full of covert ways, and uneasy for horsemen, by reason of brooks, valleys, and quagmires which it be hoved them to pass. But suspecting that towards the eventide when it began to wax dim, they would retire into the city one by one, he sent a number of archers to lie in ambush alongst the coasts and hills that are about the city, who made a great slaughter of Nabisis men, because they retired not in troup, but one by one, and went to put themselves into the hands of the archers, like silly birds that flee into the fowlers net. julius Caesar regarded not to chase the horsemen whom he had put to slight in the battle of Pharsalie, but went on to charge upon the battle of footmen, as more easy to compass about and to enclose, who being assailed on the flank by thos● that had foiled the horsemen, and on the frunt by the tenth legion, could not long stand and make head, but clean contrary to all their hopes, saw that by seeking to entangle their enemies, they brought themselves into the briars. How victory is to be used. Sometimes it is neither good nor expedient to pursue the enemy too much, but rather to make them a bridge of silver to pass away apace, lest despair drive them to adventure & to get the victory. The danger of fight with folk in despair. For as Jornand saith, Easily doth he resolve himself to fight, which hath no means to fly away; as befell to the Goths against Stillico, and to the prince of Wales against king John, who would not admit any reasonable composition. For there is not so dangerous a thing, as the driving of a man into despair. That was the cause that Themistocles, after he had gotten the victory against Xerxes, in the battle upon the sea at Salamis, would not try his power any further in fight with him any more, but rather sent one of the grooms of the King's chamber whom he had taken prisoner, to advertise the king that the Greeks were resolved, to break the bridge of ships which he had made over the straight of Hellespont. Whereof he was very willing to advertise him, to the intent that in good time, he might withdraw himself out of the seas of his territory, and pass over again into Asia with all speed possible, in the mean time that he withheld the residue from pursuing him, whereof Xerxes was so afraid, that he departed with all the hast he could. Paul, a Roman captain, perceiving that he could not hold out against the power of Totilas, determined to make a salie out, and to sell his life as dear as he could. But Totilas dreading this despair of his, granted him reasonable conditions, that is to wit, either to give him entertainment to serve him, or to go home into his own country with all his soldiers; for he would not lose his people against men that were desperate. The Venetians at foronovo would not stop the way of king Charles, but let him go and return home at his ease; fearing lest through necessity turned into despair, he should make himself way with great blood shed, of those which undiscreetly would have stopped him. Notwithstanding, the Italians and Spaniards being carried away with the contrary counsel, found to their exceeding great loss, how dangerous a matter it is to hold back an army that is desperate, and driven by necessity to fight. CHAP. XVII. Of the retiring of an army, and how to save it when it is in a place of disadvantage. IT happeneth sometimes that an army, either through the default of the guides, or otherwise, lighteth into such a place, as it standeth them on hand to retire speedily, if they will not be foiled. In this case the captain is to use policy and quickness, as Hannibal did, The policy of Hannibal. who being come into the bottom of a sack by the oversight of his guides; to scape the danger wherein he was, because he had Fabius at his side, who would have starved him for hunger, or made him to fight to his great disadvantage; chose out a thousand oxen, and tied to every of their horns a faggot of willow and of vine twigs; commanding them that had the charge, that in the night time when he should lift them up a token in the air, they should set the faggots on fire, and drive the oxen up the hill, towards the passage which the Romans had seized. He for his part had set his men in order of battle, and as soon as night was come, he made them to march a leisurely pace. Now so long as the fire that burned the faggots upon the oxens horns was but small, the oxen went fair and easily up the foot of the hill, like as it had been an army marching in array with torches lighted. But when the fire once burned the roots of their horns, than they began to push one another, and to run here and there over the hills for the pain that they felt. This did so astonish the Romans that kept the passage, for fear lest they should be beset, that they durst not tarry at the passage where they were appointed, but leaving the straits fell to fleeing towards their camp. By means whereof, anon the v●untcu●rors of Hannibal took the passage, whereat he passed all his host without fear or peril. Brasidas being charged by the Illirians, and intending to retire, did cast his army into a square, and made them to march on so in good order; and he himself tarried behind with three hundred of the best and forwardest soldiers of his army, to abide the shock of the fore-riders. When he was in the plain, he bethought himself that there was but one narrow passage, whereby he might save himself, which was between two rocks, whereof the Illirians had begun to take possession. Which thing when Brasidas saw, he commanded his three hundred men that were with him, to run with all the hast they could, to seize the strongest of those two rocks, afore the Illirians were assembled in greater number. The which thing they did so readily and cunningly, that they drove the Illirians thence, and by that means passed their army in safety. The policy of Q●intius. Quintius used another sl●ight to scape another danger wherein he was, when he saw himself hemmed in on all sides by his enemies. And this it was. He sent a cornet of Numidians to skirmish with them: who played their part so well, that one while approaching them, and another while recoiling, they deceived their wards, and having so done fell to pilling and wasting the country, which was the cause that the enemies drawing back their garrison to chase the Numidian sorragers, gave leisure to the Romans to scape the danger wherein they were. Epaminondas, to turn away Agesilaus, and to keep him from succouring the Man●ineans, to the rescue of whom he was come with all his power: deputed from Tegoea one night, without any inkling thereof to the Mantineans, and went strait to Spart● by another way than Agesilaus came, insomuch that he had surprised the city Sparta afore they had any advertisement of his coming. This feat caused Agesilaus to leave the Mantineans, and to return to Sparta in great haste. The policy of Artaxerxes. Artaxerxes being entered very unadvisedly into the country of the Cadusians, where he was like to starve for hunger, was beset by two kings, that had their armies encamped asunder the one from the other. Now Tiribasus having talked with king Artaxerxes, & having made him privy what he meant to do, went unto the one of those kings himself, and sent his son secretly to the other the same time, doing either of them to understand, that his fellow had sent unto Artaxerxes to desire peace in deceit of his companion. And therefore (quoth he) is you be wise, ye must get the forehand, and make speed afore the treaty be concluded, and for my part I will help you what I can. Both the kings believed his words, either of them thinking that his companion had maligned him; insomuch that the one of them, sent his ambassadors unto Artaxerxes immediately with Tiribasus, and the other likewise with his son, and so was peace concluded betwixt them. Eumenes also avoided a great danger, The policy of Eumenes. by a ready shi●t. His soldiers had set themselves at large to pass the winter, against his will, and held almost threescore leagues of the country in length. Antigonus being advertised thereof, determined to overrun them, when they nothing suspected it, thinking it had been hard to have assembled them together in small time. And to go unperceived, he took a rough and elendge way. But he was encountered with so hideous winds, and so great cold, that his men were constrained to ●est themselves, and to make provision against the rigour of the season. For the doing whereof they kindled great store of fires to warm them, the which being perceived by those that were nearest, gave warning thereof immediately to the garrisons who were ●urther off from them, whereat they were all afraid. But Eumenes appeased this great fear by and by, in promising them that he would stop and stay that sudden surprise, so as their enemies should be three days later in coming than they were looked for. Of the concealing of a man's fear. Thereupon he commanded his captains, to assemble their soldiers into a place certain, and in the mean while he himself went to choose a place meet to encamp in, that might be plainly seen, upon the top of a mountain where his enemy should pass, in coming on the side of the wilderness. Then fortified he his trenches, and departed them in four quarters, wherein he made good store of fires, in such distance one from another, as are wont to be made in a camp. This was no sooner done, but Antigonus came under the hill, who perceiving the fires all along, was greatly displeased thereat, thinking that his enemies had been advertised of his coming long afore, and that they were come to meet him. Wherefore fearing lest he should be compelled, to come to battle with them being fresh & well rested, whereas his men were weary and half tired: he returned home an easier way. In the mean while Eumenes gathered his men together at his leisure. Sometime a general of a camp dissembleth his flight, and dislodgeth so secretly in the night, that his enemies are not ware of it till it be too late, as king Francis the first did, after he had vittailed Laundersey. And in this case he must make fires after the accustomed manner, and in such sort as they may not go out of a long time: he must set up men of straw in the trenches with some motions, he must lay truncheons and bats of wood along the rampire, & leave matches burning, as the marshal of Fois did at Parma, to the end it may be thought a far off, that they be harquebuses, & such like conceits as a man may devise. But the thing that may most deceive the enemy, is the leaving of some horsemen to come last away, to occupy the vauntcurrors, in case that any be sent out to follow the tail of the host. The ●eti●ing 〈◊〉 day is d●●gerous. But if the retreat be made by day, the danger is far the greater, as saith Bellay in his Warlike discipline; because that when a general retireth without fight, he abateth the courage of his own men, and giveth heart to his enemies. For they that have determined with themselves not to fight, and see their enemies charging upon them, are in extreme fear, and do not any thing of value, as befell to the Frenchmen at Saint Quintin's, and to the Spaniards at Zerbes, in the year a thousand five hundred and seven and fifty. For in either of those discomfitures, were more men undone for not resolving themselves to fight, than had been if they had been resolutely bend unto it. The like happened to Cleon chieftain of the Athenians, against Brasidas chieftain of the Lacedæmonians. Cleon went to view Amphipolis how to besiege it, not supposing that Brasidas would have encountered him, neither had Cleon any desire that he should, because he had not his whole power with him, without the which he would not fight with him. But when he saw his enemies come upon him to bid him battle, contrary to his expectation, he gave his men a token to retire, and so they did with all the hast they could. But when Brasidas saw his enemies begin to shrink, he had the more courage to press upon him. The which he did with such speed, that he overcame him & got the victory. He that will read the 11. chapter of the fift book of Thucydides, shall find there a retreat, much resembling the retreat of the Frenchmen at Saint Quintin's, and well near a like discomfiture. Therefore a captain must conceal from his soldiers, what fear he hath to fight, and give them to understand, that his retiring is not to eschew battle, but to draw his enemies into a more commodious place, and of more advantage: and he must leave some horsemen in the face of his enemies, as well to hide the departure of his footmen, as also to stay such as come to skirmish with them: and in any wise he must take the places of advantage and straits whereat his army is to pass, as Hannibal did by the policy aforementioned, to the intent that the strait be not an impediment of the passing of his army, and that it may serve to stop the enemies that would thrust into it to pursue him. Philopemen seeing himself too weak, made his retreat after that manner in the sight of his ●●●●ies, and put himself among the hindermost, to make head against the enemies, that his army might march away th● more safely. And turning often his face upon his enemies, he made them play so oft, that at last being far dissevered from his troup, he was astonished to see himself alone, entangled on all sides among a great number of his enemies, and in the end after long fight was taken prisoner. The Romans having been well curried, by the Parthians, and considering that they were not strong enough for them, resolved to retire. But they retired in good order and leisurely, and fought valiantly when the Parthians came to trouble them, always making head upon the enemy. But when they came to the descending of any hills and mountains that were rough and steep, they were distressed by the Parthians, with the shot of their arrows, and with their darts, because the Romans could not come down but slowly step by step. Wherefore to save themselves from those hail-stormes, The policy of the Romans. they devised this shift. The legionary soldiers carried ordinarily great pavesses, to cover those that were lightly armed. These they made to be set by them, and then kneeling down on the ground with the one knee, they cast their pavisses before them, and they of the second rank covered the former sort with theirs, and the third rank likewise covered the second, and so forth through out the rest, so as this manner of pavissing and covering one another, was made like the rows of tiles on the side of a house roof, and (to see to) resembled the greeces of a Theatre, so as the shot of the arrows did but glance over them. The Parthians seeing this behaviour of the Roman legionaries, thought they had been tired with travel, and thereupon couching their lances, approached even to handstrokes. Then the Romans stepped quickly upon foot, and with their javelins slew the foremost of them, and put the rest to slight. How to save one's self when a battle is lost. When a battle is lost, the retreat is very difficult, unless there remain a great surplusage of horsemen. For than may they retire making head, as the Swartrutters did at the battle of Mouncounter, and the Spaniards at Ravenna. But commonly in a chase, every man shifts for himself. And in this case the general may use dissimulation, when he knoweth that there is yet another power ready, as Sertorius did, who to procure mean of safe retire to his men that were dispurpled, and to join them to a new power which he had caused to come, and to gather them all together at their ease, fled openly to a certain town that was strongly situated, and fell in hand with fortifying it, as if he had meant to abide the siege there, for doubt lest his enemies should come thither to find him out. The which they failed not to do. But as soon as he understood that his people were in safety, and the supply of new force ready, he went out of the town to join his new forces together, with the which he came back again to find his enemies. Nevertheless, the retiring into a town, except it be defensible, and well provided of victuals, is very dangerous. Yet notwithstanding, sometime a man is constrained to retire thither, The policy of Agesilaus to scape out of a town at the coming of his enemies. because he hath none other place of refuge, as it befell to Nectanebus king of Egypt, who was compelled to save himself in a fortress, wherein he was by and by besieged by the pursuers, who forthwith began to make trenches round about to keep him in, by reason whereof Nectanebus would have hazarded the small power that was left him, rather than yield himself by constraint of famine▪ if Agesilaus had not letted him. For he would have no speech of fight, until he saw the trenches almost finished, and that there was no great space between the two ends of them that they were not fully met together. And then he showed Nectanebus how he might escape without danger, because the trench should serve their turn, and be an impediment to the enemies, that the whole multitude of them should not run upon them at once, because it should guard them on either side, and by that means they should match them with equal number. And in deed as soon as the evening was shut in, they marched in order of battle out at the gap that was not entrenched, and having foiled the first that encountered them, they saved themselves at ease. Sometime a captain saveth himself by the commodious seat of his camp, A causey may serve for a retreat. as Agesilaus did; who in accompanying Nectanebus king of Egypt, was compelled to turn his back upon his enemy and to flee. near unto his camp was a maris with a narrow causey, cast up on both sides with broad and deep ditches full of running water. He turned so long to and fro in his flight, that at length he drew a great sort of the enemies that lay upon his hand, unto the said causey, the which he passed, and afterward upon the midst thereof he suddenly stopped their passage with the forefront of his battle, the which he made equal to the breadth of the causey, and thereby made the number of his people equal to the number of his enemies, because they could no more come about him, neither on the sides, nor behind: by means whereof, after he had fought a while, he put them all to flight. Eumenes being discomfited by Antigonus, and fleeing before him, took a path a little out of the way clean contrary to those that chased him, and traveled so long, till he came again to the field where the battle was fought. There he caused the bodies of his men that were slain in the battle, to be gathered up and to be buried with the accustomed funerals, and also took him that had betrayed him, whom he had pursued so freshly, that he gave him no respite to retire to the enemies. And he might also have taken all the stuff and baggage of Antigonus, but that he thought it would be a let to his escaping. CHAP. XVIII. Of Ambushes. NOw must I speak of Ambushes, which diverse times are the cause of the winning of a battle, and sometime of the taking of a city, and are practised diversly, after as the places and occasions are offered. Hannibal excelled all captains in that feat, Hannibal won his victories by his well laying of ambushes. and never fought battle without laying some Ambush. I speak of the journey of Trebia, wherein he overcame the Romans, by laying his brother Mago in ambush in a wood with ten thousand men, that the Romans might be assailed both before and behind, when they thought least of it. Demosthenes' being general of the Athenian army, fearing to be enclosed by the Peloponnesians, who were far stronger than he in number of men, ●ent four hundred men to lie in ambush, in a fair green way that was overgrown with bushes, commanding them to break out when the battle was begun, and to lay upon their enemies with main blows. As soon as the battle was once begun, and that the men which lay in stolen, saw the Peloponnesians fetch about to have enclosed the Athenians, they assailed them behind, so as they put them out of array, & finally to flight. When Brasidas discomfited the Athenians at Amphipolis, he kept a good sort of men in store, who were of the city, to fall upon the enemies when they were in the hottest of the battle, saying that they which come suddenly to a conflict, strike more fear and terror into them, than they that fight face to face. Selim won the field of Acoma● his elder brother, by means of an ambush. For afore the battle, he sent his brother in law Camolis with a thousand good horses, into a forest near hand, willing him to come out and assail his enemies behind, when every man was most busy on all sides: and that only thing won him the battle. ●or Acomat being a valiant prince, entered violently every where with a few men, and began to overthrow. Selim's people: when suddenly Camolis came upon him, and assailed his men behind, at such time as they fought best, and made them to turn towards him with great outcries. Then Selim's footmen began to march close linked against Acomat. And Selim's horsemen that were fled perceiving that, returned to the battle, so as Acomat's army was environed on all sides, and cut in pieces. Marius did as much to the Almans, by sending Marcellus to lie in a stolen behind a little hill, as I have said afore. julius Caesar used the like feat against the Swissers, by sending Labienus with two legions in the night, to win a certain hill, when he was to show himself the next morning in the field, to bid the Swissers battle. But the enterprise abode unperformed, by reason that he was falsely advertised, that the Gauls had taken the hill aforehand, which caused him to draw his army back. Hannibal having chosen a fair plain, wherein there was a deep valley, and a certain little hill, very advantageable for his army, which had been no hard matter for him to have gotten; to the intent to draw Minutius to battle, left it indifferent for a bait to train his enemies to the encounter. And one night he couched a certain number of his men of war in those, and afterward at the break of the day, sent a small troup to take the said hill: Minutius likewise sent out his vauntcurrors, and after them all his men of arms, and finally when he saw Hannibal come thither in person, he himself also went thither with the rest of his army, and gave a great assault to have driven away those that defended the hill. Then Hannibal perceiving that his enemy had cast himself into his nets, gave the watchword to his men that were in ambush, who broke out with a great noise upon the tail of the Romans, of whom they slew a great number at the first dash, and had put the rest out of array, but for the ready succour of Fabius, who aided him at need, and wrested the victory out of Hannibal's hand. Insomuch that Hannibal sounding the retreat, said smiling to his friends, concerning Fabius: Did not I tell you that yonder cloud which we see hovering upon the top of the hills, would one day break out into a stormy tempest, that should light upon us? Also Flaminius the Roman consul, was discomfited by a like policy. For Hannibal suffered him to win the passage that was in the hills above the lake of Trasimenus; but yet higher above them, he had laid his men in ambush. Now beyond the passage that was kept (by the Romans) there was a fair plain, where Hannibal's army was; so as the Romans being cooped up, in a place where they had their enemies both before and behind, lost the battle. The same Hannibal, perceiving that Marcellus, neither by vanquishing, nor by being vanquished, could hold himself from troubling him, used this policy, when he saw him nigh him. Between the two camps was a certain piece of ground of strong situation, & covered round about with bushes, & therein were high places where a man might discover them far of towards both the camps, and at the foot of it ran m●ny springs and brooks; insomuch that the Romans marveled that Hannibal who was come first, had not seized it. But his so doing, was for that it seemed to him a very fit place to lay ●t●les in, to which purpose he chose rather to reserve it. Therefore he 〈◊〉 the woods, the watersprings, and the valley throughout, with a good number of men of arms of all sorts, assuring himself that the place itself would draw the Romans thither; wh● 〈◊〉 was not deceived. For the two consuls Marcellus and Cri●p●●●, went both thither with two hundred and twenty horses, to view the place. Which thing when the Carthaginenses perceived, they suffered them to come on, until they were full against them, and then suddenly stepping up and winding Marcellus in, began to draw to him both with shot and with handblowes, so long till he lay dead upon the ground, and his fellow being wounded to death, recovered to his camp by the swiftness of his horse, where he died by and by after. The county of Anguien was discomfited almost after the same manner, as he would needs give battle almost hard at the bars of Gaunt. For the men of Gaunt being desirous to entrap him, because he was valeant in battle, laid a hundred men in ambush for him without the town, who hemmed him in so close when he was come a little too forward, that there was no mean to save him, and so fight valiantly, he died upon the field, and all his men with him. Sometime a stolen is made by occasion of a pretended fear. As for exam●●e▪ Hannibal taking occasion to flee, upon the discomfited 〈◊〉 ten or twelve hundred of his men, withdrew himself be 〈◊〉 the hills as a man dismayed, leaving in his camp● from whence he was d●lodged, great abundance of riches and vitte●●: and d●p●rting in the night, left the burning fires in his camp, as 〈◊〉 his meaning had been to conceal his departure f●om the Romans. But this trick was discovered by 〈…〉 it stood him, in no stead. Thomyri Queen of the M●ssagets a●ter the destruction of her army wherewith she lost her son, had great reason to flee and to 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 that flight she made a bait, to draw Cyrus forth into the mountains, from whence it was not easy for him to get back again; and so it came to pass. For Cyrus courageously pursuing the Queen, found himself hemmed in on all sides in the mountains, where he lost an army of two hundred thousand men, and his own life with them. The Emperor Aurelian seeing his enemies too strong for him in horsemen, and better weaponed and armed than his, prohibited the Roman knights to abide the battle, and willed them to flee as soon as they were charged upon, until they saw their enemy's horses weary and tired with the pursuit; and then to turn head. The which thing they did so handsomely, that the Emperor won the victory. Paulus Vitellius having been troubled two whole days together by the peasants on the coast of Genes, who flung stones and darts and shot arrows at him from the hills, (yea and some of them were so bold as to come down into the plain and to fight with him): bethought himself to pretend as though he would save himself by flight, and retired so far, that he was chased in full race by infinite peasants. But when he saw his game at the best, he made all his troops to mount on horseback, and to turn their faces; insomuch that all at once they charged upon the peasants of the mountains and discomfited them. Secco a Florentine being desirous to draw Monfronk captain of the Pisanes to battle, who of his own nature was forward enough to it, laid an ambush between Bientina and Pisa, commanding them not to stir, until he gave them their watchword. Then sent he forth certain light horsemen into the fields, even into the view of the city Pisa, who a long while pursued the foragers of Pisa. When Monfronk out of the higher part of the town saw these foragers, and then that did convoy them, to be pressed by the overgreat number of them: he also made certain of his light horsemen to go forth, and anon he himself followed them with his men of arms and footmen. Secco did the like on his part, so as the fight was full, and well fought. At length Secco of set purpose began to recoil and turn his back, as it had been for fear. Monfronk followed after him lively, not giving him any respite to assemble his men together again, until he came to the stolen, where issued out men both on horseback and on foot, which so enclosed the Venetians and Pisanes on all sides, that having hemmed them in every way, in the end they overthrew a great number of them. Mal●testa Balion, to make his enemies that were in garrison at Veron to fall into his snare, commanded his Alban to go into the marches of Veron, and to gather all the cattle that they found, and to drive them towards the stolen, which he had laid a good way off from thence. The which the Alban did with such noise, that the garrison of Veron understood it out of hand. Whereupon some of them mounted upon their horses to pursue those robbers. The Albans to conceal their craft the better, did fi●st shock themselves on a heap, and begin to turn their backs and to drive the cattle afore them a full trot. Which thing when Succar (who made the salie out) perceived, he made no niceness to pursue with all the hast he could. Then Malatesta who waited for them under the covert of certain trees, did suddenly give a watchword to assail them, and therewith all running overthwart in an open path, assailed his enemies behind as they pursued his men exceeding hotly; and environing them on all sides, The policy of Bert●am of Guesclin. did put them to the foil. Bertram of Guesclin perceiving the Englishmen were come to succour the men of Sireth, and doubting least the townsmen would make some salie out by reason of their coming, held himself still in his camp, forbidding any man to stir, without his commandment. In the mean while, he laid an ambush of two hundred men, and then went to pull down the pales that were about the town, that the townsmen might the easilier issue out, which disappointed not his hope at all. For there issued out about a threescore of them, hoping that they which were without, would have set upon the Frenchmen behind, as soon as they heard the bickering: but it was quite otherwise. For being environed by them that lay in the ambush, they were all either slain or taken, afore the Englishmen witted it. The mayor of Rochel intending to put the city into the King's hand, bethought him of this policy. He told the captain of the camp, that he had received letters from the king of England, whereby he was commanded to take musters both of the townsmen and of the garrison. This letter well sealed, was showed to the captain of the castle, who knew the King's seal, but could not read. The mayor made semblance to read the letter, which contained no such thing as he spoke, and yet nevertheless he read it as boldly as if it had been written, clean contrary to the tenor of the writing. According to this commandment, the next morrow every man was ready with his armour and weapon in the place appointed, and the captain of the castle sent thither threescore men well furnished, reserving not passed a dozen or fifteen men to keep the castle? Now the maire had aforehand laid two hundred men in ambush behind the old walls & houses of the town, which were not far from the castle. When they of the garrison were a little gone forth, they found themselves enclosed by the townsmen well armed, and in great number before, and by them that lay in the ambush behind, so as they could not return into the castle, and the captain who with so few men was not able to resist them, was feign to yield himself. Constantine being embarked at Pirey, The ambush of Constantine. to give battle to Licinius that was at Adrianople, pretended to make a bridge over the river Ebron, and to that end prepared a great quantity of timber, to busy his enemies about the keeping of that passage, while he bestowed five thousand men secretly in ambush in a wood. As soon as they were passed, he himself also passed the river with a few men at a shallow ford, causing all the rest of his army to march leisurely after him, and he with those few men that he had, assailed his enemies upon the sudden unprovided, by which taking of them unawares, he did marvelously astonish them. But when they that lay in ambush showed themselves, than was there nothing but running away; insomuch that all the host of Licinius was overthrown, and four and thirty thousand of his men were slain in the field. The Enthalits' seeing themselves overlaid by the Persians, made countenance to flee to the mountains, among the which there was a fair large way that had no way out, but was environed with hills. Now the Enthalites in small number fled continually before the Persians, towards the greater part of their army, the which they had laid in ambush in those hills, where showing themselves suddenly on all sides, they made the Persians to agree to what conditions they listed. Charles of Anjou being greatly encumbered in resisting Conradine, The good counsel of Alard to Charles duke of Anjou. who was entered with great power into the realm of Naples, found in very good season, an old French knight named Alard, that came from Jerusalem. By whose counsel Charles ordered his army in such sort, that he made three squadrons; whereof the first two were led in the plain by the Palentine, the one marching a mile before the other, and thereof was chieftain Philip of Mountfort marshal to Charles of Anjou, appareled and attired like a king, with the standards of Charles. And in the second squadron was the said Philip of Mounfort. In the third squadron, which was of the men of most valour, marched Charles himself, and this squadron lodged in a little valley underneath the enemies. Alard did set himself upon the hill of Alba, between the valley and the plain, to give order to all events as need should require. Conradine on his side had two squadrons, much stronger than the squadrons of Charles, whereby the foremost squadron of Charles was so well handled, that Philip of Mountfort was fain to advance his squadron forward to the rescue thereof, and by that means was driven to sustain the battle three hours, without stirring out of that place, and yet in the end was discomfited and slain. Upon the brute of whose death, it was believed that king Charles himself had been dead; insomuch that his men taking it to have been so, betook themselves to flight. By reason whereof Conradines' soldiers fell to rifling out of order, insomuch that even his guard ran to the spoil, and left him all alone, accompanied with a few pages and other people unfit for war. Alard seeing from the hill this fit occasion to do some good exploit, caused Charles to go out of his little valley well and close set in battelray, and with great violence to charge upon his enemies laden with preys and in great disorder, whom he had no great ado to break asunder: insomuch that they were all slain, taken, or wounded; and by that good counsel Charles abode master of the field. The duke of Guise did the like at the battle of Dreux, as I have said afore. For when he saw that the prince of Condie was rushed into the battle, where the constable was who was taken: he stood still and would never stir to rescue the others, but waited still to see them in some greater disorder, until they fell to the spoil, as if they had won all. A policy of Sertorius. And then he rushed upon them so boistously, that within a while he was master of the field. Metellus finding himself short of victuals at the siege of the Lagobrits, sent Aquini●● with six thousand men, to recover some victuals. Sertorius being advertised thereof, laid an ambush for his return, in a valley covered with wood, where he bestowed three thousand men in wait to set upon him on the back, while he himself assailed him on the face. By this means he put him to flight, and took the most part of his men prisoners, so as Metellus was driven to levy his siege with dishonour. The Spaniards being within Pavia, made a salie out upon john Medici's, and foiled his guard. To have revenge hereof, john Medici's laid a double ambush, the one in ditches near the town, and the other further of. The Spaniards spared not to make another sally out; and when they had chased those good fellows a good way, they perceived the ambush a far off, wherewith they began to retire. But their way was cut off by the other ambush that was laid nearer the town, insomuch that finding themselves assailed both ways at once, they had no mean to save themselves, but were all put to the sword. CHAP. XIX Of the taking of Towns. THere are diverse manners of taking of towns, either by force or by policy. We will treat here of policies, and only of some such policies as the men of old time have used. For new be daily devised, the which I overpass with silence, because it were unmeet for me, to give counsel to such as have been at them and seen them, and have invented and practised them. Sometime great speed, and sudden coming unlooked for, give occasion of the taking of a town, as it did to Demetrius at the city of Athens, The policy o● Demetrius. which had received the garrison of Ptolemy; whom Demetrius was desirous to expulse, to the intent that Ptolemy should not pruaile against him in so great a city. Wherefore he rowed thither so swiftly with his galleys, that he was seen there ere his coming was heard of. Insomuch that Ptolemy's garrison, supposing they had been Ptolemy's galleys, went out to receive them. But perceiving too late what they were, they had no way to defend themselves; for Demetrus was come within the haven, the entrance whereof he had found wide open. And to bring his enterprise the easilier to pass, he made proclamation by the sound of a trumpet, that his father Antigonus had sent him to deliver the Athenians from all garrisons, and to set them free: the which thing caused the Athenians to turn unto him, & to yield him the town, so as the garrison was put away, and they were set at liberty. Nicias intending to lay siege to Siracuse, sent a man of Catana thither as a spy, to tell them that if they would take the camp of the Athenians unawares, they should come with all their power towards Catana at a certain day that he appointed, because the Athenians would for the most part of the time be within the city, wherein there were a number of natural citizens, which favouring the affairs of Siracuse, were determined to seize the gates of the city as soon as they perceived the Siracusanes to approach, and at the same time to set fire upon the ships of the Athenians; and there were a great sort of the towns men of that confederacy, who did but wait for the day & hour of their coming. By this policy he made the Siracusanes to come out into the fields with all their power, so as they left their city utterly empty, & he in the mean season departing from Catana with all their fleet, took the haven of Siracuse at his ease, and chose a place to plant his camp in, where his enemies could not indomage him. The Athenians having secret conference with some of the city Megara, seized one of the gates afore daylight, by the which the citizens were wont to take in a Brigantine, which they sent a nights to scour the sea, & afore day brought it in again upon a chariot, within the enclosure of the walls, which went from the city to Nisey, where was their haven, which was the cause that the gate could not be shut so soon, but that the Athenians seized it, and mounted upon their walls, giving a push to take their city. But the garrison of the Peloponnesians arrived there in that instant, who had been a sufficient impediment to the Athenians, if the Athenians had not bethought them to make proclamation by the sound of a trumpet, That all the Megarians which would yield themselves to the Athenians and lay away their weapons, should be saved. Which thing when the Peloponnesians heard, fearing lest all the townsmen had been of that confederacy, they forthwith forsook the sea, and saved themselves at Nisey. Alcibiades took the city Celibrie in Hellespont, by intelligence with some of the citizens, but not without some peril of his own person, yea and to his confusion, if he had not remedied the matter quickly. He should have been near the city by a certain hour, and for his watchword a burning cresset should have been put up about midnight: But they that were within, were constrained to put up their token afore the hour, for fear of one of the confederacy, who repent him of his doing. Which token when Alcibiades perceived, although he had not his troops ready, yet would he not let slip the occasion, but taking with him thirty men, and appointing his troops to follow him with all speed possible, ran straight to the walls. There was he received, and the gate opened unto him, whereinto he entered with his 30. men, and 20. others that came by chance. But they were no sooner entered, but they heard the townsmen coming in arms against them, so as there was no likelihood that he should have escaped if he tarried there. On the otherside he was loath to flee, and leave the taking of the town. Wherefore he advised himself upon the sudden, The policy of Alcibiades. to cause silence to be made by the sound of a trumpet; and when the noise was appeased, he made it to be proclaimed, that the Celibramians should not take weapon against the Athenians. This did somewhat cool those that were desirous to fight, because they doubted least all the army of the Athenians had been already within the city. And so as they were parlying, the rest of his army came in, by means whereof he became master of the town. Also he used another policy to get Bizance, which is now called Constantinople. For lying in siege afore the city, he had secret intelligence with two of the town, which had promised to betray it unto him. To bring this enterprise to pass, he made a show to levy his siege, and to go his way into jonie with great diligence, for some that had made an insurrection there. And in very deed he departed in the open day with all his galleys: but the same night he returned back again, and coming on land with his men that were best armed, approached near the walls without making any noise. And he had appointed the rest of his men that were in the ships, that in the mean while they should with all speed row into the haven▪ and there make as great noise as they could, to the intent that the Bizantines should draw thitherward. In which mean time he himself by the help of his intelligencers, entered the city and won it, howbeit not without fight. As Robert of Artois besieged Vannes, The policy of Robert of Artois. he caused an assault to be given in three places at once, and the assault endured all the day long. At night every man retired; and the French men put off their armour to rest and refresh themselves. But Robert of Artois suffered not his men to unarm them, but only to rest them a little, and to eat and drink. Afterward having set his three battles in order, he began the assault again in two places, commanding the third battle to stand still, until it were time to departed: and because it was night, the assailants had kindled so great fires, that they which waked on the sudden, went right whether soever they saw the fires, without attending any commandment of the captain, and without putting themselves in order. During the time that every man's hands were full, the third battle chose another part of the town unfurnished of warders, and there setting up store of ladders, did so much that they entered the city, and put the whole garrison of Vannes to flight. The Earl of Derby perceiving that he could not win the city of aunts by assault, The Earl of Derbies' p●p●licie. used this policy by the advice of one Alexander of Chaumount, a Gascoin. In the morning he made countenance to dissodge, leaving only a hundred men behind under the leading of the lord Wentworth, telling them what they should do. And in a covert valley not far from the town, he laid a stolen. The men of aunts ran with 400 men upon the 100: who retiring to the passage, drew the Frenchmen into the ambush. And when they were passed, one company went right to the town, and took the gates which they found open, (for the Frenchmen thought them to have been their own men,) and they that issued out were enclosed both afore and behind, and utterly overthrown. The Seneschal of Beauquere understanding that great store of rother beasts should pass by the town of Athenie, sent threescore men to drive them, and in the mean while lay in ambush himself near the town. The Englishmen with the more part of the garrison of the town, ran to the rescue, so far that they fell into the ambush, who chased the Englishmen so lustily, that they defeated them every eachone, and therewithal went straight forth to the town, the which they took by assault, for want of men to resist them. Lucullus purposing to take the Mitelenians by policy, A policy of Lucullus. besieged them with main force. Then suddenle in the open day, and in the sight of the townsmen, he mounted upon the sea, and rowed towards the city Elea. But in the night he returned back sectetly, and without making any noise, couched himself in ambush near the town. The Mitilenians doubting nothing, went out unadvisedly, and without order the next morning; and without standing upon their guard, went to rifle the camp of the Romans. But Lucullus stepping out suddenly upon them, took a great number of them prisoners, and slew about five hundred that stood at defence, and won about six thousand slaves. Frederick used another policy to get Saminimat. A policy of Frederick Barbarossa. It happened that he had received a great loss before Parma, where his army was overthrown, and he was feign to take the way of Tuscan for to return into his realm of Naples. There was no likelihood that he minded them of Saminimat, that had played the traitors and rebels against him, neither was he determined to rest there. But to compass them without great pain or study, he dissembled their treason, and chose a number of his best, most courageous, and most loyal soldiers, whom he caused to be chained together as if they had been prisoners. The which being done, he caused his mules to be laden with a great sort of hampers, full of all kind of armour and artillery, and covered them with the same sumpterclothes, wherewith the sumpters of his chamber were wont to be covered. These prisoners so made at the instant, he sent unto Saminimato, with Peter of the Vineyard, his steward of household, secretary and chancellor, who had the whole government thereof, and was a prisoner in deed, accompanied with messengers of credence, which should declare unto the inhabitants of the town, that the Emperor having not a more loyal town, seut them those prisoners men of importance, and his preciousest stuff with them, praying them to keep them carefully till his return, because that being now on his way into his kingdom of Naples, he would not be troubled with such baggage. The men of Saminimato seeing the Emperor in arms round about them, made good countenance, notwithstanding that they mistrusted themselves to be bewrayed, and thereupon showing themselves very obedient, received all the train with good cheer, causing them all to come into the city. When the soldiers of Frederick saw their convenient time, they cast off their chains, (which were disposed in such sort as they might unlinke them when they list) and out of hand taking them to their weapons, won the gates, whereat they let in the Emperor frederick's army, so that the town was yielded to his obeisance. The Slavonians used another policy to take another town. There approached a certain of them to the walls, so few in show as were not sufficient to take the town, and yet did they incontinently give an assault. They that were within beholding the small number of them, ran out upon them, & followed beating them a good way off from the town. And when they were a sufficient farnesse, the residue showed themselves behind them, and slew a great sort of them, so as they could not recover into the city again. Then the Slavonians coming to the assault, entered at ease, because there were none but the citizens left to defend the town. The king of Portugal perceiving how the Britons that were within ferol in Castille, made often sallies out; laid fifty men in ambush, and a three days after, went with a few men and skirmished hard at the barriers of the town. The Britons failed not to come out against him, and pursued the Portugals so hard, that they took about five and twenty of them, and were fain to open the barriers wide, to let in the prisoners, and to let out those that pursued them. At length, they that lay in ambush, riding as fast as they could, right to the barriers, and making themselves masters of them, entered mingled with the Britons into the town. The men of Capua being desirous to receive the Imperials into the city, and to expulse the Frenchmen, willed the Imperials to lay themselves in ambush near the town, and when they knew them to be laid, they would persuade the Frenchmen to make a road out of the city, to fetch victuals afore they were more straightly besieged. The Frenchmen perceiving their reason to be apparent, went out to do so. But when they came back again, they found the gates shut, and understood that the Capuans had received the Imperials in at another gate. Sertorius used an other policy to win the Characitanians, A policy of Sertorius. which did nothing but rob him, and spoil him, and mock him without fear, because they retired themselves into rocks and caves that could not be come unto. He considered that right against their caves, there was a light clay that fell to dust like sand, the which the north-wind blowing full into their caves, did ordinarily carry up that in dust, and drive it into their dens. When Sertorius had detected this in himself, and understood by the inhabitants of the country thereabouts, that the like was done customably: he commanded his men to gather together a great quantity of that light earth, and thereof to make a huge mount right against their caves. When this great mount was finished, he made his horsemen troth up and down on it, and anon the wind taking the dust as soon as it was raised from the ground, carried it full into their caves, striking it right into the eyes and eyelids of them. Whereby their eyes were stopped, and their cave was filled with a hot and sultry air. Insomuch that being not able to take breath but with great pain, they submitted themselves the third day after to his discretion. When a man hath taken a city, it is not enough to enter into it, and to sack it, except he set a good guard at the gates, for fear of afterclaps; as befell to the Castilians in Spain, who with the help of the Grisenians, rebelled against the Romans for their ill using of them, and slew a good sort of them. As soon as Sertorius heard the uproar, by and by he got him out of the town with a few of his men, and assembling together such as were escaped, returned again to the town, and finding the gate still open, whereat the Grisenians were entered in, he slipped in also, and setting a good guard at the gates, (in which point the Grisenians had overshot themselves) and in other parts of the town, did put all to the sword that were of years to wear armour. Then appareled he his soldiers, in the apparel and armour of those whom he had slain, and went in that manner to the city of the Grisenians, from whence those came by whom they were surprised by night. The Grisenians thinking at the sight of their own furniture, that they had been their own men, opened them their gates, and went out to meet them as their friends, whom they thought to have dispatched their matters very well. So the Romans slew a great number hard at the gates of their city; and the rest yielding themselves to the mercy of Sertorius, were by him sold. At such time as the prince of Orange sacked the city of Rome, Guy Ran●on came to the gates with his light horses, and eight hundred harqu●buzers, thinking to have gone in to defend it: but when he understood those news, he retired back. Many were of opinion, that (considering the disorder of the Imperials,) if he had entered in by the castle (which was ungarded) he might have done some notable feat, or at leastwise he had delivered the Pope. But (as it is commonly said) little woteth a man what is done in his enemy's host; and it had been a great hazard, to have put himself in danger with so few men, against so great a number of enemies. Bellisarius perceiving that he could not win Panormus by land, A policy of Bellisarius. made his ships to come into the haven: Then having manned certain small vessels with crossbows, he made them to mount up into the tpps, (the which were higher than the wall) and from those small ships to shoot incessantly at the townsmen, whom they saw lie open; insomuch that the townsmen seeing themselves so greatly annoyed by them, were feign to yield the town to Bellisarius. A policy of the lord of Estourne● The Lord of Estourney surprised the town of Audenard in this manner. He laid four hundred chosen men in ambush, near the gate of Graundmount. Then sent he two chariots laden with provision, and four soldiers appareled like carters to drive the chariots, well armed under their apparel, who feigning themselves to come out of Henault, caused the great gate to be opened unto them. Now when they came upon the bridge, they stayed, and plucked out the taypinnes that held the traces. The warders being offended at their long tarrying, took the horses by the heads to make them go, but the chariots abode behind, because the horses were loosened. Then the warders perceiving themselves to be deceived, began to strike the carters, who defended themselves so well, that they slew two of the warders. In the mean while the lord of Estourney having good leisure to approach, came at the instant, and took the gate, whereby he became master of the town. If they that enterprised to take the city of Turin in the year 1542, had so unyoked their oxen, or turned a chariot within the gate, the town had been lost. For it was saved alonely by the letting down of the portcullis, which stopped a ten or twelve hundred men that came in good array, while those that were entered into the town in chariots covered with hay, were fight at the gate, and at the place. The city of Ortingas was taken after that manner. Peter of Auchun, who lay in garrison at Lourd, sent in the month of May, two good soldiers appareled like servingmen, to seek masters in the town. They had not been long there, but they were provided of marchantmen: whom they served so well, that their service was very well liked. About the midst of August, a fair was kept in that town, whereunto many merchant strangers resorted. Now while the townsmen bought and sold, and made good cheer, Peter of Auchun went out about midnight, and laid himself in ambush within a wood near the town, having sent six men afore with two scaling ladders, whereby they entered secretly into the town, by the help of the two soldiers, while their masters was drinking. As soon as they were entered, the two soldiers brought them to the gate where was the body of the guard ready to set forward as soon as they should whistle them. Herewithal the two serving men knocked at the gate, telling the warders that their master had sent them for good wine. The warders knowing them opened the gate, and suddenly at a watchword, the other six soldiers came running thither and slew the warders. This being done, they took the keys of the gate, and did let down the bridge so softly, that no man perceived it. As soon as the bridge was down, they began to sound a blast of deceit, whereat, Peter of Auchun and his company set forward, took the bridge, and made himself master of the town. To famish the city of Athens, Lisander used this devise. After he had overcome the Athenians by sea, The policy Lysander. he determined to lay siege to Athens. But afore the doing thereof, he went with his fleet to all the sea-townes, where he commanded upon pain of death, that as many Athenians as were there, should get them home to Athens, which thing he did upon a policy, to pester them up close together within the walls of Athens, that they might the sooner be famished; and so it came to pass. For whereas he was not able to overcome them by force, he suffered them to rest a while, and afterward when he knew that victuals began to wax scant, he besieged them so narrowly, that they were feign to yield the city to the Lacedæmonians. To attempt the taking of the rock of Vandois which was impregnable, the Viscount of Meaus laid a stolen of 1200 men in a cave near the fort, and sent others to skirmish with them at their bars, charging them that if any came out of the town against them, they should retire softly until they came to the stolen. The Frenchmen failed not to make countenance, but went slowly to the skirmish, as if they had been men unwilling and smally trained, which thing gave courage to Guion du sell (who had the government of the fort in the absence of Amerigoll Marcell) to sally out with certain of the garrison. And he chased the Frenchmen so far, that he was enclosed between their ambush and their camp, so as he could not save himself, nor any of his company. Whereupon the Frenchmen approached nearer the castle, and told him that he and all his companions should die, if the fortress were not yielded, and that if it were yielded, they should all be saved. They that were within perceiving that they were like to lose the best men of all their company, yielded themselves at his persuasion. The Earl of Arminak was discomfited almost after the same sort by Jaques of Berne, before Alexandria: which was the cause that the siege of Alexandria was broken up. CHAP. XX. Of the defending of towns. THere is not so great a mischief, but there is a remedy for it. And as the common saying is, Well assailed, well defended. For when he that is within a town, knoweth that another would have it: then by good watch and careful diligence, he keepeth himself from being taken on the sudden. And if he be advertised of his enemies coming, he doth what he can to keep them from coming near the ditches, until the greatness of their number enforce him to retire. The like is done when a city is to be assailed by sea and by land. For he that is within, doth either by force or by policy impeach their landing as much as he can, as did that gallant pirate named Franday, at Port venery. The Arragonians intending to have taken that place upon the gate toward the sea, approached with the prows of their galleys to the haven, to have set their soldiers a land. But Franday had caused the great stones, whereupon they were to leap, in coming down from their galleys, to be besmeared with grease, so as the most part of them fell down through the slipperness of their footing, and the cumbersomnesse of their armour, among the stones which were very high. Sometimes a city is in hard case, for that they cannot certify their state by reason of the straightness of the siege. A polycie of the Goths. In this case they must do as the Goths did, who being straightly besieged by Bellisariu, and not able to give intelligence of their distress to Vitigis, made a great noise one midnight: whereat Bel●●sarius wondering, and fearing some ambush or treason, commanded that every man should stand upon his guard, without removing out of his place. While Bellisarius was thus musing, more to guard himself than to look to the walls of his enemies: the Goths sent out two men, The policy o● Bellisarius. to give knowledge to Vitigis in what state they stood. But Bellisarius did yet much better when he himself was besieged in Rome. For when he understood that succours were coming to him, fearing lest the Goths should set upon them by the way; he caused a certain brickwall, wherewith one of the gates of the city was dammed up, to be beaten down in the night, and set a good number of men of war at it, causing a thousand horsemen to issue out at one of the other gates, whom he commanded to return to the same gate again when they were charged by their enemies. Now while they were in hand with their enemies, Bellisarius went out with a great power at the gate that was towards the sea, whereof his enemies had no mistrust, and easily putting those to flight that encountered him on that part, he went on till he came right against the other gate, where he assailed his enemies behind, as they were fight with his men that had issued out first, in which conflict many of his enemies were slain; who being sufficiently occupied in defending themselves, gave leisure to the Greeks' to join with the army of Bellisarius, without any let. Sometimes there is scarcity of victuals in a town, so as it needeth to be vittelled. And therefore he that hath the charge thereof, seeketh by all means to get some in, without the enemy's privity. Bellisarius intending to victual the city of Rome, which was straitly besieged by the Goths, under the leading of Totilas; devised this shift. Totilas had made two towers of timber to be builded upon a bridge over the river Tiber, to keep men from coming to Rome by water. And without the overthrowing of these towers, there was no way to pass. To do it by plain force it was not possible for him, for he had too few men. Wherefore he took two lighters, and joined them together with rafters: upon the which he builded a tower of timber, of equal height to the other two; upon the top whereof he had a little boat full of pitch and brimstone. After this tower boat followed two hundred other boats covered over with board, and made full of loop holes, that his men standing surely fenced in them, might shoot at their enemies. Within those boats he put great abundance of victuals guarded by the choicest of his soldiers, by whom upon either bank of the river (as near as might be) he sent of his soldiers both on horseback and on foot. When he came at the towers of the bridge, he cast upon them the said little boat that was full of brimstone, which immediately burned up the towers and the two hundred men that were within them. In the mean while the Romans broke down the bridge, and made way for the litters that conveyed the victuals, the which had out of all doubt gone forth to the city, had it not been for the fault of Isaces' one of Bellisarius captains, who by his rash going out of the haven town of Ostia, contrary to Bellisarius appointment, was discomfited and taken prisoner by the Goths. For Bellisarius being abashed thereat, and thinking that the town itself had been taken, wherein was his wife and all his movables, returned suddenly back thither, without accomplishing his enterprise. Sometimes either men or money be to be conveyed into a town; To get victuals or money into a city. in which behalf example may be taken at the doings of Bellisarius: who bearing that money was brought him from Constantinople, to the intent that the bringer thereof should not be taken by the Goths that besieged him in Rome, caused a report to be noised, that he would give battle to the Goths. In the mean while he sent out two hundred horsemen to safecundit the money, and the next morning caused his men to go out and range themselves in battel-ray; and the Goths did likewise. At noon he caused his men to dine, and in the afternoon fell to skirmishing, so that while they were bickering so together, Attalius that brought the money, entered into Rome without any danger. The duke of Guise understanding the distress wherein the marshal of the March was, within Peron, for want of men and powder; departed from Han with two hundred men of arms and four hundred chosen harquebusers, and coming by night near the camp of his enemies, led his harquebusers secretly and without noise to the side of the marris: and having with him all the trumpets that he could get together, did suddenly give an alarm to all parts of the Emperor's camp, so as they took them to their weapons. During this great alarm, which letted the enemies to intend to any thing else, or to hear the flashing of the water through the which the Duke's men went, the harquebusers were received into the town, every of them carrying upon his neck, a bag of powder weighing ten pound. The viceroy of Naples and Antony de leva, to convey money into Pavia, procured two men whom they trusted, to carry four hogsheads of wine to sell, to the French camp that besieged the town, within the which hogsheads were three thousand French crowns. And for the selling of their wine, they went, and lodged as near the town as they could. Antony de leva being advertised thereof, made a sally out on another side, and while they were busy at the skirmish, one of his men broke the hogsheads and took away the three thousand crowns, with the which he saved himself in the town. Sometime sallies are made of purpose to surprise the enemies in their camp, as the Siracusans did at the camp of the Athenians. But Nicias to remedy the danger speedily, commanded fire to be put to wood, and to the engines that he had made to beat the town, which doing caused the Siracusans to stay, because that when they saw so great a flame in the air between them and the Fort, they returned out of hand to the town. Many times they that are besieged have scarcity of water, and by that means are in danger to yield themselves, if it be not provided for, as Se●torius was in peril to have done to the Lagobrits. Who caused two thousand. Goat's skins to be filled with water, promising a good sum of money for the bringing of every skin. The which thing many men undertook. And therewithal he gave commandment at the delivering of the bags, that all unnecessary mouths should forthwith departed out of the town, that the water might serve them the longer, which abode to defend the town. Sometimes skirmishes are made to vex the besiegers, that they may be made to break up their siege; A sally of the Englishmen. and such sallies do erewhiles turn to the winning of a battle, as befell to the Englishmen under the conduct of the Earl of Derbie before Amberoch. Who having laid a thousand men in ambush in a wood, and being advertised that succours were coming to the besieged, went together upon the Frenchmen and defeated them. This discomfiture came of the Frenchmens disdaining of the Englishmen, for the small number of them, whom they thought not to have been so bold, as to have assailed them, by reason whereof, they stood not upon their guard. As much befell the Athenians, who were overthrown by Brasidas, because they despised him for the small number of his men, not looking that he durst to have encountered them. But Brasidas taking this their skornfulnes for an occasion to do some good exploit, did set upon them unawares, and discomfited them. Mariu● did as much to the Carthaginenses, after the discomfiture of the Scipios. For he conjecturing that they would be negligent and disdain him, took them unprovided. The Suissers did as much to the Frenchmen, by the advice of Martin their colonel, who told them that the Frenchmen coming but to have a lodging, looked for nothing less than the coming of the Suissers, and that the accidents that happen unlooked for and unforeseen, do soon overtake men. According to which counsel, they assailed the Frenchmen and overcame them. Wherefore the surest way is, not to despise the enemy, but to stand warily upon ones guard. Nothing is so dangerous as an enemy undistrusted. For nothing is so dangerous, as an enemy unmistrusted. Necessity drove Leopold to make a sally out against Walter burn, the which fell out well and happily on his side: For he discomfited those that had besieged him, and took the county of burn prisoner, as I have said in another place. But to return to our matter again. Oliver of Clisson and sir Walter many, having intelligence that Lewis of Spain meant to cut off the heads of john Butler and Hugh Fresnoy; used this policy to save them from that inconvenience. They had been long besieged within Hannibout by Charles de Blois. Now one day about dinnertime, they issued out of the town with a thousand men, and went with great force to assail the camp of Charles de Blois, so that all of them were at the alarm, and drew towards the trenches where the fight was sharp and hard on both sides. In the chiefest of the fight, Walter many and Oliver Clisson issued secretly out at a little postern, and came on the backside of the host unperceived, to the tent of Charles de Blois, where the said Butler and Fresnoy were, whom when they had recovered, and had mounted them on two coursers which they had brought thither of purpose, they returned again to Hannibout the same way they came out. Reuze being besieged in Crescentine by Silvius, and finding occasion to invade his enemies on their right side, which was not fortified with any trench or rampire, because of a marris which had no coming to it but by a broken causey, conjectured that his enemies would misdoubt nothing that way, wherefore covering the marris in the nighttime with hurdls and planks, he caused his footmen to pass over, and he himself stayed in a convenient place with his horsemen, to succour them if need were. In which time the footmen quitted themselves so well, that they slew the skoutwatch, and then passing on to the camp, threw wild fire upon the warders half asleep, and upon the soldiers lodgings that were nearest, which they had brought with them closed in trunks of wood. Insomuch that their tents were burned in the turning of a hand, and the fire glistering through all the camp in the night, struck such a terror into the soldiers so assailed both with sword, and with the fire that was cast incessantly out of the trunks and firepots; that without any regard of Siluios' commandment, they fled thick and threefold, to shun the fire. By reason whereof the Venetians falling upon those dismayed people, defeated a great part of them; and bending their artillery upon them tha● fled, killed a great number of them, and so returned with a very great booty of horse and men. The Plateians being straightly besieged by the Peloponnesians, and hopeless of all succour, found this shift to get out of the town. The Peloponnesians had made a double wall about the city Plateia, one towards the town to keep them from coming out, and the other along the side of the camp, to keep the succours of the Athenians from going in, which walls were distant sixteen foot asunder. Between the two walls were the lodgings of them that guarded them, and at every tenth battlement were towers that coupled the two walls together, so as a man could not pass along the wall, but he must go through those towers, into the which those that kept the watch a nights, withdrew themselves when it reigned. To compass their determination, the Athenians made scaling ladders full as high as the walls, the height whereof they took, by considering the thickness of the bricks whereof it was made, numbering them from the top to the foot. The townsmen therefore having gotten intelligence of the manner of the watch, spied a night when it reigned and the wind blew loud, and the moon shined not: and came to the foot of the wall unperceived, because of the darkness of the night, and went severally by themselves one from another, lest the justling of their harness together, should make any noise. When they had set up their ladders against the void spaces where they understood that no man warded, they that brought the ladders mounted up first, and after them the rest. Now when a good sort of them were up, they that watched within the towers perceived them, by a cranny of one of the battlements that was cast down in their coming up. Insomuch that at the first alarm, all the camp came to the wall, not knowing wherefore, by reason of the night and the foul wether. On the other side the Plateians that abode in the city, went out and assailed the walls in other places, to busy their enemy's heads, who were all sore amazed what the matter should be, so as neither they, nor those that guarded the towers, stirred not out of their places. Nevertheless, they that had the charge to relieve the watch, lighted up beacons on the side towards Thebes, to betoken the coming of enemies. Which thing the townsmen perceiving, lighted up a great sort of them upon their walls also, to the intent that their enemies should not know wherefore those fires were made, and that their companions might save themselves, afore any rescues came to the watch. In the mean time, those that mounted up first, won two towers, and having slain them that were within, got up them fellows that remained yet beneath, putting those back with shot and throwing of stones, which came to rescue the wall. Insomuch that all they which were to salie out of the town, mounted up the wall, and then going down from the towers, came to the ditches on the outside, upon the brim whereof they found those that should have succoured the watch, who had lighted up the beacons; by means whereof, being well and perfectly seen, they were overthrown by the Athenians, and by the townsmen with shot of arrows, And so the Plateyans passing the ditch with ease, did knit themselves well and close together, and so passed all in good order by the way that leadeth to Thebes, because they doubted that the way to Athens was guarded. But when they had gone that way a while, they turned aside the way of the hill, and by a privy path came all to Athens without disturbance. Sometime to command a town, they make a mount: and in old time it was wont to be made against the brickwall, because there was none other fight but with handblowes, for artillery was not yet invented. Cabades king of Persia made such a mount of earth to be cast up against the brickwall of Amyda, which he saw to be impregnable. But the Amydans to defend themselves from it, made a mine within their wall, whereby they drew away a good piece of the ground that upheld the mount, and underpropped it with timberwork, that it might not be perceived. And when they saw the mount covered all over with Persians, they let it sink, so as all that were upon it were slain, which caused them to raise their siege. Spartacus having but a few men with him when he rebelled against the Romans, The policy o● Spartacus. took a mountain that was very strong and unapprochable, where he was besieged by three thousand Romans, who guarded well the passage that he should not scape. For there was but only one place to go up or down at, the residue was a rock cut steep. Spartacus finding that there grew wild. Vines aloft upon the rock, did cut off all the biggest twigs, and with them made ladders of chords, so stiff and long, that being fastened above, they reached down to the bottom of the plain. Upon the which they went all down secretly, saving one who tarried casting down their armour after them, and when he had so done, he also saved himself by the same means. The Romans mistrusted it not. By reason whereof, they that were besieged, coasting round about the hill, came and assailed them behind, putting them in such fear with their sudden coming upon them, that they all took them to flight, so as he took their camp. CAHP. XXI. Of diverse policies and sleights. I Can not pass with silence certain other policies and sleights, that diverse brave captains have used, the which I will set here unorderly. Eumenes being put to flight by Antigonus, as he retired, found Antigonus stuff, the which he might easily have taken, and diverse prisoners therewithal. But he would not, because it would have hindered his flight. And besides that, he saw it was unpossible to have kept the Macedonians by direct means, from rifling so great goods offered into their hands for so goodly a prize. Therefore he commanded them to ease themselves a while, and to bait their horses, and then upon the sudden to go and distrusse the baggage. But in the mean while, he sent advertisement by a secret messenger to Menander, who had the charge of conveying the said stuff, that he should with all speed get him out of the plains, to the hanging of a hill near hand, which was not to be approached by horsemen, and there to fortify himself; telling him that his giving of this advertisement unto him, was in respect of the friendship that he had erst had at his hand. Menander understanding the peril wherein he was, made the stuff to be trussed up out of hand, and then Eumenes sent out his fore-riders openly to discover him, and therewithal commanded every man to put on his armour, and to bridle his horse, as if he had been minded to have led them against their enemies. But anon returned the fore-riders, who made report that there was no means to force Menander to fight. Whereat Eumenes pretended to be sore displeased, and so passed on. Themistocles used the like policy towards Xerxes, when he caused him to be secretly advertised, to get him out of Greece with all the hast he could, that he might avoid the hazard of battle, as I have said elsewhere. Hermocrates being advertised of the intent of Nicias, in breaking up his siege before Siracuse, & in going his way; & perceiving that as that day (because it was a festival day, and they were occupied in doing sacrifice to their gods) he could not cause his men to march to take the passages, that he might vanquish the Athenians at his more ease; sent a familiar friend of his to Nicias, with instruction 〈◊〉 tell him, that he came from such as gave him secret advertisements within the city, who sent him warning to beware that he went not on his way that night, unless he would fall in●o the ambushes that the Siracusanes had laid for him. Nicias being bleared with those words, tarried all that night, so as the next morning the Siracusans took all the passages: by means whereof the Athenians were unfortunately overcome. Eumenes perceiving that the rest of the princes envied him, and sought means to kill him: to the intent to prevent them, bore them on hand that he wanted money, and borrowed a good round sum of every of them, chief of those whom he knew to hate him, to the intent that thenceforth they should trust unto him, and desist to lie in wait for him, for fear of losing the money that they had lent him: By mean whereof it came to pass, that other men's money was his safeguard, and the assurance of his life. And whereas other men are wont to give money to save and assure themselves, this man did set his life in safety by taking. There was not a greater cause of the bringing in again of king Edward the fourth into the realm of England when he was driven out, than the merchants and other men to whom he was indebted, and the women that were in love with him, because he was voluptuous, who to the uttermost of their power, persuaded their husbands to be a mean of his return. Sometimes it is needful to set neighbours at odds; but that must be done covertly and cunningly, lest it be perceived. The Athenians fearing the power of the Lacedæmonians, had forsaken the league which they had made with the Thebans, and in stead of holding with them, had showed themselves to be against them, which was a mean to overthrow the Thebans upside down. But Pelopidas and Gorgidas captains general of Beotia, espying a way how to set the Athenians again in a jealousy and heartburning against the Lacedæmonians, found out such a practice as this. There was a captain named Sphodrias, a very valiant man of his person, but therewithal lightheaded, and fond conceited, such a one as easily conceived vain hopes in his head, upon a foolish vain glory to have done some goodly feat in his life. Pelopidas linked to him a merchant of his familiar acquaintance, who tolled him on to attempt great things, and to go and surprise the haven of Pyrey, while the Athenians mistrusted no such thing, and therefore kept it not with any sure guard; assuring him that the lords of Lacedaemon would l●ke of nothing so well, as to hold the city of Athens under their obeisance, and that the Thebans, who wished them evil to the death for their forsaking and betraying them at their need, would not in any wise succour them. Sphodrias being moved with his persuasions, took those men of war with him that he had, and departing by night, went into the country of Attica, even to the city Eleusine. But when he came there, his men were afraid, and would go no further. And so being discovered, he was feign to return from whence he came. Whereby he procured to the Lacedæmonians a war of no small importance, nor easy to be undone again. For thenceforth the Athenians sought the alliance of the Thebans again, and succoured them very earnestly. Coriolanus used the like practice. For when he saw he could not cause the peace to be broken, that was between the Romans and the Volses, he procured a man to go tell the Magistrates of Rome, that the Volses had conspired to run upon the Romans as they were looking upon their plays and gamings, and to set fire upon the city. Whereupon, the Volses were commanded to departed out of the city of Rome, afore the sun going down. Wherewith the Volses being displeased, proclaimed war against the Romans. Alcibiades used the like trick. For the Lacedæmonians were come to treat of peace with the Athenians, and had for their patron one Nicias, a man of peace, and well renowned among the Athenians. Alcibiades went unto them aforehand, and warned them in any wise to beware, that they told not that they had commission to conclude a full agreement, lest the people compelled them of authority to grant them whatsoever they would have; counseling them but only to set down certain conditions, as in way of conference. The next morning Alcibiades asked them very smoothly, what they came to do. They answered, that they came to make some proffers of peace, but had no commission to determine any thing. Then fell Alcibiades to crying out upon them, calling them untrusty and variable, telling them that they were not come to do any thing that was of value. And so the ambassadors were sent home without doing any thing, and Alcibiades was chosen captain to make war against them. Coriolanus to increase the dissension which he knew to be betwixt the nobility and commons of Rome, caused the lands of the noble men to be with all care preserved harmless, causing the peoples in the mean time to be wasted and spoiled: which thing caused them to enter into further quarrel and disagreement one against another, than ever they had done afore. The noblemen upbraided the common people, with their injurious banishing of so mighty a man; and the people charged the nobility, that they had procured him to make war against them in their revenge. Hannibal to bring Fabius in suspicion, whom he feared above all the Romans, caused his lands of purpose to be kept harmless, when he wasted all other men's, to the end it might be thought, that he had some secret conference with him, and that that was the cause why he would not fight with him, howbeit that in very deed, his refusing to encounter, was of great wisdom, to make his enemy consume away without putting any thing in hazard. Timoleon practised another notable policy, to shift himself from the hands of the Carthaginenses. Whereas he was sent by the Corinthians, to deliver the city of Siracuse from the tyranny of Dennis, as soon as he was arrived at Rhegium, Icetes whom the Siracusanes employed to the same effect, and who dissembling his purpose, intended to take the place of Dennis, and to do as much as he; sent messengers to Timoleon, desiring him not to pass his men into Sicily, because the war began to draw to an end, and the Carthagenenses, with whom he had secret intelligence, would not that his men should pass into Sicily, but that he himself should come alone, to aid them with his counsel in such affairs as should be offered to deal in. And because he doubted least Temoleon would not consent to his request; he had desired the Carthaginenses (who lay near unto the haven of Rhegium with twenty galleys) to stop his passage over, and to fight with him, if he attempted to enter by force. Tim●leon seemed to like well of the saying of the messengers, nevertheless he said it behoved him for his discharge, to have the same decreed in the assembly of the Rhegians, and in their presence, as of them that were friends to them both. The which thing he did of set purpose, to hide his own intent the better, by making the Rhegians privy to the matter. The next day all the parties met in the Mootehall, where the whole day was purposely spent in talk, that Timoleon's galleys might have leisure to prepare themselves unsuspected of the Carthaginenses, forasmuch as they saw Timoleon present with them. Who as soon as he understood that his galleys were departed all, saving one that stayed behind for him, went his way secretly through the press by the Rhegians, who being secretly made privy to the matter by him, had stayed him from speaking any more. And so embarking himself without any disturbance, he arrived within less than an hour at Tauromenion, where Andromachus waited for him. Sylla in the civil wars, seeing his enemies to be many in number, thought it stood him on hand to use policy, as well as force. Whereupon he solicited Scipio, one of the consuls, to come to agreement with him: the which thing Scipio refused not. Hereupon many doings and come were about the matter, because Sylla protracted the conclusion very long, finding still some occasion of delay, that in the mean while his soldiers (who were made and accustomed to such policies, as well as their captain) might practise with Scipio's soldiers to forsake him. For they going into Scipio's camp, inveigled some of his men with money, some with promises, and other some with necessity, so that in the end when this practising had continued a certain time, Sylla approached to their camp with twenty Antsignes, where his soldiers fell to saluting Scipios, and they saluting them again, turned and yielded themselves unto them, so as Scipio abode alone in his tent, where he was taken and not suffered to go away any more. Thus like the fowler with his fine birds made to the stolen, Sylla with his twenty Antsignes, drew forty Antsignes of his enemies into his net, whom he led all into his own camp. Which thing when Carbo saw, he said, That in Sylla he had to deal with a fox and lion both together, and that the fox did him more harm than the lion. The Emperor Julian, to keep himself from being disappointed of the number of prisoners that he demanded, used such a policy as this, to the Almans whom he had vanquished, and to whom he had granted peace, upon condition that they should deliver him all such prisoners as they had of his. For doubting lest they would not deliver him all, but keep some good number of them, he demanded of every of them that were escaped and saved out of prison, what were the names of them that were prisoners, because it could not lightly be, but that they were either of kin or of alliance, or neighbours, or friends unto them; and he wrote their names in a paper. In the mean season, the ambassadors came with their prisoners; of whom Julian caused the names to be set down in writing, and the secretaries conferring the one paper with the other, marked those whom the ambassadors mentioned not, and named them secretly to the emperor behind him. The emperor began to be angry with the ambassadors, for that they had not brought him all his prisoners; telling them that they had kept back such and such of such a city or town, naming them all by their names; whereat the Almans were sore abashed, supposing that it came by revelation from God. Whereupon they failed not to deliver all. Triwlce perceiving the garrison of Milan, and specially the milliners themselves, to be astonished at the coming of Maximilian and the Swissers into Lombardy, bethought himself of this policy, to put a suspicion into the emperors head, of some cause of distrust in the Swissers. He wrote letters with his own hand, and sealed them with his seal, to the chief leaders and captains of the Swissers, that he might bring them in suspicion with the Emperor, and sent them by a servant of his own that spoke the Swissers tongue well. By these letters he willed them, to perform within two days the thing that he and they were agreed upon, for he should then have all things ready according to their plaltform. The messenger offered himself of purpose be taken by the emperors scouts, and being examined wherefore he came thither without the watchword, he prayed pardon, promising to tell the truth, and thereupon confessed, that he brought letters to the captains of the Swissers. At that word his pardon was granted him: and he plucking off his neatherstocke, took out the letters which were sowed in the sole of it, the which were carried to the Emperor immediately. When he had read them, although he was in great perplexity, yet was he not of opinion that they should be showed to the Cardinal of Zion, because he would not accuse a captain of so great authority among the Swissers, and much less cause them to be attached, for fear of putting his affairs in danger. But in his heart he distrusting the disloyalty of the Swissers, he repassed the mountains again, without making any further speech of it, and returned home into Germany. Cyrus' by the counsel of Croesus, used this policy to save Sardis from sacking. He caused it to be cried by the sound of a trumpet, That no man should convey away the booty, because a tenth part thereof was to be given of necessity to Jupiter. And for that cause he set warders at every gate, to see that nothing should be conveyed away. He did this to hold them at a obey, for fear of some mutiny, if he should have taken it from them by force. But when they saw the king did it of religion and devotion, they obeyed him without gainsaying, by means whereof, the greatest part of the goods of the city was saved. Thus have you a part of the feats of war of times past, the which I thought good to add unto the ancient quick sayings, and to the principal points of the goodliest histories, to the intent that a prince may find in one place, and take out of this cellar or warehouse, whatsoever he listeth to choose. For it is far easier to take in one place, the wares that come from diverse parts of the world, than to go seek them a far off, and in places dispersed. And yet is it to no purpose to seek them all in one place, unless they be sorted out aforehand, so as a man may put his hand to whatsoever he requireth. For that cause it behoved me to use a method, in referring every history to his proper place. There are many other points of war to be found in histories, the which my haste to make an end of this my discourse, causeth me to let alone, and to content myself for this present, to have declared unto you the things that I have drawn out of Plutarch, Thucydides, and some other authors that came to my remembrance. Also I have left many, which you may see in the Mounsieur de Langies Discipline of war. Of others I will say as an evil painter, That they lie hid behind the Cipres cloth. As touching the feats of war of our days, I will not presume to speak of them, because they which are yet alive, have seen the practising of a great part of them, and can better and more particularly report them, than they be written. And to say the truth, when I considered the feats of war of these times, I find them so honourable, that they be nothing inferior to those of old time. But it is better to leave the reporting of them, to those that were at the doing of them, than to speak of them like a clerk of arms, for fear lest it be said unto me, That the things were not so done as they be written: The which I doubt not but men will think, even of those also which I have here alleged. But they be drawn out of such authors, as for their antiquity and authority, have purchased prescription against all reproaches. FINIS.