DE MORBO GALLICO.  
LONDINI IN AEDIBUS THOMAE BERTHELETI. M.D.XXXIII. CUM PRIVILEGIO.   

¶ The preface of Thomas Poyne● canon of Marten abbey, translator of this book.  
NOt long ago, after I had translated into our english tongue the book called Regimen sanítatís Salerni, I happened being at London to talk with the printer, and to inquire of him, what he thought, and how he liked the same book: and he answered, that in his mind: it was a book much necessary, and very profitable for them that took good heed to the wholesome teachings, and warily followed the same. And this moche farther he added thereto, that so farforth as ever he could here, it is of every man very well accepted and allowed. And I said, I pray god it may do good, and that is all that I desire. And thus in talking of one book and of an other, he came forth and said: that if I would take so much pain as to translate into Inglysshe the book that is entitled De medicina guaiací, et morbo gallico written by that great clerk of Almaigne Vlrich Hutten knight, I should, said he, do a very good deed. For seeing it is sooth, as this great clerk writeth of this medicine Guaiacum, (For he himself hath had the very experience thereof) how needful and how beneficial to the common wel●h were it? For almost into every part of this realm, this most foul and painful disease is crept, and many sore infected therewith. When he had said thus his fantasy, a●d that I had bethought me and well advised his words, I answered: If I thought it would do good, I would take the pain with all my very heart, and it were moche greater: and yet (said I) I fear me, it be as much or more than I am able to accomplish. For I doubt whether I may come to the clear understanding thereof or not: It is in earnest a matter strange enough to translate, not only for the names of herbs and other divers things therein contained, but also for the phrase and eloquent style. But what so ever answer I made him, I finally determined to translate the said book, as I have done in deed, not so well I am sure, so plainly, and so exquisitely as many other could, if they would vouchsafe to take the pain: but yet I trust I have not much erred from the true meaning of the author. And I say not the contrary, but some words have I left barely englysshed, and some not at all, but they be such, as are by those names in latin usually known to physicians, without whose counsel (specially those that be approved and known to be syngularly learned in physic) I would counsel no man to be to bold either to practise or receive any medicine.  
¶ At Marten Abbey. an. dni. 1533.   

¶ The table of this book.  
THe beginning of the french pocks, and why it hath divers names. cap. j 
fo. 1.  The causes of this disease. Cap. ij. 
fo. 3.  Into what diseases the french pocks are turned. cap. iij. 
fo. 4.  How men at the beginning resisted the french pocks. cap. iiij. 
fo. 6.  What help the author of this book used in this sickness. cap. v. 
fo. 8.  The description of the wood Guaiacum, and of the finding & name thereof. ca vi. 10. 
 Of the ordering of Guaiacum in medicine. 
   

¶ The beginning of the french pocks, and why it hath divers names. Ca i  
IT hath pleased god, that in our time sicknesses should arise, which were to our forefathers (as it may be well conjectured) unknown. In the year of Christ. 1493. or there about, this pestiferus evil creped amongst the people, not only in France, but first appeared at Naples, in the frenchemennes' host, (whereof it took his name) which kept war under the french king Charles, before it appeared in any other place. By which occasion the french men putting from them this abhorred name, call it not the french pocks/ but the evil of Naples/ reckoning it to their rebuke, if this pestilent disease should be named the french pocks. Not withstanding the consent of all nations hath obtained/ and we also in this book will call it the french pocks, not for any envy that we bear to so noble and gentle a nation, but because we fear, that all men should not understand/ if we gave it any other name.  
¶ At the first rising thereof some men superstitiously named it mevyn sickness of the name (I know not) of what saint. some accounted it to come of job scab, whom this sickness (I think) hath brought in to the numbered of saints. Some i●ged it to be the infirmity/ wherewith the monk Euager was grieved, through immoderate cold and eating of raw meats, when he was in desert. And therefore he also was sought from far countries, with great resort of men, offering gifts habundantly at his chappelle, which is in Vestrike. And because the name of sayncte Euager was not known among● the common people of Almaigne, they called it Fyacres sickness for Euagers. Not enquering what the ●rues of these were, but only believed that these could help them. Such opinions had the people, and thus they did rise: There was images offered and hanged before saint Roche, and his old sores were new remembered, which thing if it were done of a godly mind/ I do not reprove/ but if it were done, that those might get advantage that were the inventors thereof, I marvel that disobeyed should have place in so great discomfort and sorrow, and in so miserable destruction of mankind.  
¶ But the divines did interpretate this to be the wrath of god, and to be his punishment for our evil living. And so did openly preach, as though they, admitted into that high counsel of god/ had there learned/ that men never lived worse, or as who saith in that golden world of Augustus and Tiberius, when Christ was here on earth, most mischievous diseases did not begin: or as who saith, that nature hath no power to bring in new diseases, which in all other things maketh great changes, or as who saith, that within short time in our days (because men beth now of good fiving) the remedy of Guaiacum is found for this sickness. So well these things do agreed, which these men's minds that declare god (as they think) do preach unto us. Than began the physicians business, which search not what should take away this disease, but what was the cause thereof, for they might not abide the sight of it, moche more they abstained from touching. For when it first began, it was of such filthiness/ that a man would scarcely think this sickness, that now reigneth, to be of that kind. They were biles, sharp, and standing out, having the similitude and quantity of acorned, from which came so foul humours, and so great stench, that who so ever once smelled it, thought himself to be infect. The colour of these pusshes was dark green/ and the sight thereof was more grievous unto the patient than the pain itself: a●d yet their pains were as though they had lyen in the fire.  
¶ This disease (not long after his beginning) entered into Germania, where it hath wandered more largely than in any other place: which thing I do ascribe unto our intemperance.  
¶ They which than took counsel of the stars, prophisied/ that evil not to endure above vij years, wherein they were deceived, if they meant of this disease and all the jewel that cometh thereof: but if they meant it of the foresaid most filthy kind, which cometh of himself/ & not only of enfection, but through the corruption of the air, or the ordinance of god: than were they not deceived. For it tarried not long above the vii year. But the infirmity, that came after, which remaineth yet/ is nothing so filthy. For the sores at some times beth little, not so high nor so hard. And sometime there is a certain broad creeping scab/ for his benym entereth deeper, and bringeth forth more diseases.  
¶ It is thought this kind now adays to grow in any person, but through infection by defiling of himself, which thing especially happeneth by copulation. For it appeareth manifestly, that young children/ old men, and other, which are not given to the bodily lust, beth very seldom infected therewith. And the more that man is given to wantonness, the sooner he is infected. And as they live, that beth taken therewith/ so other it shortly leaveth them, or long holdeth them, or utterly consumeth them. For it is very easy unto the Italians and Spanyardes, and to such as live soberly, but through our surfeiting and intemperate living, it doth long continue with us, and grievously doth vex and chafe us.   

¶ The causes of this disease. Capitu. ij.  
THe physicians have not yet certainly diffined the secret causes of this disease, although they have long & peynfully with great variety searched therefore, but in this thing all do agree, which is very evident, that through some unwholesome blasts of the air, which were at the time/ the lakes, fountains/ floods, & also the seas were corrupted, And thereof the earth to receive poison, The pastures to be infected, venemus vapours to come down from the air, which living creatures (in drawing the breath) received. For this disease was found in other beasts like as in men. The astrologers fetch the cause of this infirmity from the stars/ saying, that it proceedeth of the conjunctions of Saturn & Mars, which was not long before, & of ii eclipsis of the son, & they do affirm, that by th●se signs they might perceive many colerik, & phlegmatic infirmities to follow/ which should long continued, & slowly departed, as Elyphancia/ lepre, tetters, & all ill kind of scabs & boils, and what so ever evils deformeth & unfashioneth the body, as the gout, palsy/ sciatica/ joint ache, & other like dangers. And that these things should chance rather in the north part by reason of this sign Aquarius, wherein fell the first eclipse: And in the west part by reason of this sign Piscis/ in the which fell the last eclyps. But the physicians affirm this sickness to come of ill and abundant humours, as of collar black adust yellow and phlegm salt or adust, and that of one of these alone, or of certain, or else of all these mingled, whose sharpness streking out to the outward parts of the body/ burneth and drieth the skin, and filleth it full of scabs, but that which cometh of raw heavy and gross humours/ they say is driven into the joints, and causeth great pain in them, and to arise knobs & swellings, & knots together, and the skin to rivel. And moreover the heed to ache, whereby the beauty of the body is clean altered & go. Some briefly concluding say, that this infirmity cometh of corrupt, burned, & infect blood. And all these things were in doubtful disputation, the nature thereof not yet known, but now it is known, they be also approved. for in mine opinion this sickness is no other thing/ but apostumation, & rotting of unpure blood: the which after it beginneth to dry, it turneth into swelling & hard knobs, the which thing proceedeth of the liver corrupt. ¶ To know more of the nature or qualities of this infirmity should be very tedious & hard to judge. For we see in our time, what divers concertations/ & opinions have been to boldly disputed: and what pain the physicians have taken therein, since the beginning thereof. The physicians of Germaynie, for the space of ij. years, meddled with such disputation, and yet when I was but a child, they undertook to heal me: but what profit came thereof, the end hath showed, not withstanding they were bold to meddle with strange dregs and spices, and to mingle and minister many things/ which they should not have ministered. And I remember/ they forbade me to eat peasen. For in some places there grow certain worms in them with wings, of the which hoggeflesshe was thought to be in●ected, because that best specially was deceased either with this, or else with an other not much unlike unto this.   

¶ Into what disease the french pocks are turned. Ca iii  
THe pains of this disease all ready rehearsed are esteemed in manner as no peines: for this disease turneth itself into great inconvenience and pain that naturally it hath of himself: In so much that all manner of sickness, having or causing any pain in man's joints, seemeth to be contained therein. For first there is sharp ache in the joints/ and yet nothing appeareth: afterwards the gathering together of humours causeth the membres to swell, but after that such vile matter is waxed hard, that a man shall feel the vehement pains thereof. This is the first coming thereof. For it seemeth to edify and fortify a castle, there to rest a long season, and thence to disperse and cast into every part of the body all manner of ache and pains. And the longer the said swellynges tarry fro rottynge● and riping/ the more pain shall the patient suffer. And above all other pains of this infirmity, this is the violentest, and that troubleth man most. I myself had such a little knob, and swelling above my left heel in the inner side, the which after it was indurate and hard, by the space of vij year, could by no power of oyntementes or any manner lappings and cherishings be made soft/ or caused to putrefy and rot, but continued still like a boon, until that by the help of Guaiacum it vanished away by little and little. This thing as touching women rests in their secret places, having in those places little pretty sores full of venomus poison, being very dangerous, for those that unknowingly meddle with them. The which sickness gotten by such infected women, is so much the more vehement & grievous, how much they be inwardly polluted and corrupted. By this the senowes (at some times) do slack & wax hard again, at sometime they shrink, & some time the sickness turneth itself into the gout, or into the palley or into apoplexi & infecteth many one with leper. For it is thought, that these infirmities be very neighbours one to an other. And that for many reasons, which are comen to both evils. They that be taken with pocks, of●en times become lepers, and often times through the sharpness of their pains they shake and quever as men in a fevre.  
¶ After all this there buddeth out & appear small holes & sores, which turn themself into cankers & phistuls, or continual sores: & the more they putrefy, the more they diminish the bone. And when the bones be putrefied & corrupt, the patient through long continuance of sickness, waxeth lean, for the flesh consumeth away/ & there remaineth but only the skin to cover the bones withal & through this many a one chanseth to be thisiques, the which inwardly be full of corruption. Beside all this, out of this infirmity floweth an other, which some men do call cacesia/ the which filleth a man's flesh & also his skin full of water: some have sores in their bladder, & often times many men's liver & stomach is utterly consumed by this infirmity. And in this thing their opinion is false that say that the gathering together of humours & swellings, wrinkles, and knots come not of the nature of this infirmity, but that it chanced only to those that have been rubbed and anointed with ointments made with quick silver. I am sure, the most part of the physicians of Almaigne be of this opinion, but yet they have been deceived in this sickness, as they be in many other. For I know it for a surety, there be some, that have had these infirmities & sicknesses, which were never nointed with quick silver, as I have had experience in my father Vl rich de hoten.   

¶ How men at the beginning resisted this infirmity the french pocks. Capit. iiij.  
When the physicians were thus amazed, the surgeons came forward in the same error, and put to their hands: and first they began to burn the sores with hot irons. But for as much as it was an infinite labour/ to touch them all, they went about to avoid them by oyntementes, but diverse men used divers oyntementes, and all in vain, except he added quick silver thereto, they beat for this use the powders of myrrh, of mastic/ of ceruse, of beyberies, of alum, bolli armenie, cinaber/ of veermelon, of coral, of burned salt/ of rusty brass, of leddrosses, of rust of iron, of Rosen, of turpentine, and of all manner of best oils, oil of obey/ oil of pure roses & terebinthium, oil of gyneper, of great effect, oil of spike/ swines grease, fat of ox feet and butter, made specially in may, tallow of goats and hearts, virgin's honey, powder of red worms dried into dust, or consumed with oil and beaten, camphor, enforbium & castory: & with two or three of these foresaid things mingled together/ they anointed the sick man's jointiss, his arms, his thighs/ his back bone, his neckebone, with other places of his body. Some anointed them once a day, some twice, some thrice, some four times. The patient was shut in a stuff, kept with continual and fervent heat, some twenty and some xxx hole days: And some were laid in a bed within the stew/ and anointed, and covered with many clotheses, and were compelled to sweat. part of them at the second anointing began to faint marvelously. But yet the ointment was of such strength & effect, that what so ever disease was in the higher part of the body/ it drawn into the stomach, & from thence up into the brain, & thence the disease avoided both by the nose and the mouth, and did put the patient to such pain, that except they took good heed, their teeth fallen out, all their throats, their longs/ their roffes of the mouths, were full of sores, their jaws did sweet, their teeth were lensed, and continually there avoided the most stinking skome and matter, that could be, and what so ever it ran upon, by and by it was polluted and infected/ whereby their lips so touched gathered sores, and within forth their cheeks were grievously peyned. All the place, where ●hey were, did stink. Which manner of curing was so painful, that many had liefer die than so to be esed. How be it scantly the hundredth person was esed/ but shortly after fell down again: so that his ease dured very few days. whereby men may esteem, what I suffered in this disease, that proved this manner of curing a xi times, with great jeopardy & peril, wrestling with this evil ix years. And yet in the mean time taking what so ever thing was thought to withstand & resist it. For we used baths & herbis lapped about them, & drinks & coresies, And for this we had arsenic, ink, calcantum, verdigris, or aqua fortis, which wrouzt in us so bitter pain/ that they might be judged very desirous of life, that had not liefer die than so to prolong their life, but though curingis were most bitter & painful, which were made with ointments, And was also so moche the more dangerus because the ministers of it, knew not the operation thereof. For the surgeons only did not use it, but every bold fellow went about playing the physician, giving to all manner of men one ointment, either as he had seen it ministered to other, or as he had suffered it himself. And so they healed all men with one medicine, as the proverb saith, One s●oo for both feet. If aught happened amiss to the sick, for lack of good counsel, they wist not what to do or say. And these men torments were suffered to practise on all people what they would while the physicians were done as in an universal error & ignorance. And so without order or rule, with torment of heat and sweated plenty, all were cured after one fashion, without regard of time, habit, or complexion. Nother these ignorant anointers had not so much knowledge, as with laxes to take away the matter, which caused the evil, or to diet them, or appoint any diversity of meat: but at length the matter must come to this point, that they should loose their teeth, for they were loosed, their mouth was all in a sore, & through coldness of the stomach & filthy stench, they lost appetite. And although their thirst was intolerable, yet found they no kind of drink to help the stomach, many were so light in their brain, that they could not stand, & some were brought into a madness & not only their hands trembled & shaken therewith, but also their feet & all the body: some mumbled in their speaking as long as they lived, & could have no remedy. And many I have seen die in the midel of their curing. And one I know did so his cure, that in one day he killed iii husbandmen, through immoderate heat which they suffered patiently, shut within an hot stew, trusting that they should the sooner obtain their health/ till through vehement heat their hearts failed them, and and perceived not themself to die, and so were wretchedly strangled. Other I saw die, when their throats were swollen in the intrie, that first the filthy matter, where they should have avoided in spitting/ could find no way out, and at length their breath was like wise stopped, and an other sort, when they could not piss, Very few they were/ that got their health/ and they passed through these ●ieopardies, these bitter pains, and evils.   

¶ What help I used in this sickness. cap. v.  
AS often as I was anointed/ to keep these evils from my mouth, that customably came, I used only alum, which I kept in my mouth rolling it from one side to an other, until it melted. And when I went about to wrap up my sores, and comfort my membres, I used these herbs, absinthio, camomilla, hyssoppe, pulegio, arthemisia, sage, & other such boiled in wine and water.  
¶ And one's for my sores I made an ointment by the counsel of Eytelvolfe, of alum vardegrese, purist honey/ and vinegar by equal portions.  
¶ And afterward I learned of a soldier in Italy an other ointment, made of lime and water/ after this manner. I put well water or river water into a new pot, never seasonned before with any liquor/ and sod it therin● and when it boiled fervently, I powered it upon unsleyt lime (that is it/ that no water hath touched) in a basin or a clean vessel of wood, before not occupied with any liquor. And when the lime was dissolved, and after a little rest lay in the bottom: I took away the skome that swom above, and moving not the lime/ powered out the clearest water/ and kept that for my purpose/ when I would occupy it: I took a sponge or a linen cloth/ and depped it in the water, some time rolled, as I mought, and often times warmed and moist my sores therewith, washing and wiping away all the filthiness. then I took a piece of cloth, so moist, and lapte it about my sores. And with this water my pains were eased. and the swelling suaged, the sores were clensid, and the heat and enflamations driven away. which thing is to be marveled at, seeing the nature of lime otherwise is to kindle. I found nothing like this: And me thought I was well helped therewith, and had avoided the destruction/ that was at hand. In so cruel assaults of this disease I used also cassia, if I would be laxative, and did often times sweated/ & let go blood drawn out with gourds. And when I was in Italy monysshed, that to eat in the morning the quantity of a walnut of raisins terebinthia, should be of great efficacity to amend the faults of the blood, what manner of thing it is I know not/ and to make the belly lank, and help the stomach, which both things I found true, I used the same. They said also, that it did help no little thing the sinews, and strengthened the joints and membres. And by this means and abstinence of meat and drink, and good diet, I avoided many things/ which mought have utterly destroyed me in so long & injurious season, for the most part wandering abroad in the world, and through poverty driven to much adversity, never at rest and quietness, but always vexed and troubled. And have so preserved myself, that all though my legs were eaten with so many deep and grievous soores, yet was there not one sinew hurt/ nor one bone perished. And if at any time the disease took my face, no evil happened in my mouth and tongue, so that the inward parts were preserved: For I voided away those things, that might hurt my stomach, and with a rare help defended my lights and lounges: and by these helps I mought suffer and drive forth this disease, but clearly put it away I could not: which thing was the easing of pain, and not the cutting away of the cause of pain, the differing of evil, and not the taking away thereof. A better remedy came of Guaiacus, you of that only came health, which I do intent now to describe.   

¶ The description of Guaiacum and the finding thereof, and name. Cap. vi.  
IF we aught to give thanks upward unto god, both for good and evil: how moche are we bound for the gift of Guaiacum? you how moche doth the gladness and joy of his benignity toward us, pass the sorrow and pain of that infirmity? The use of this wood was brought to us out of an island namyd Spagnola, this island is in the west nigh to the country of Amerik set in that place where the length of Amerike, stretching into the north/ doth end: and was found of late days among the new lands, which were unknown by the old tyme. All the inhabitants of that island sometime be diseased with the french pocks, likewise as we be with the mesels, & small pocks. Nor they have no other remedy for it but this.  
¶ A certain noble man of Spain, being tresaurour in that province, was grievously troubled with that infirmity: And after the people of that land had taught him that medicine, he brought the manner and use thereof into spain, showing of what power & virtue it was in those parts. The physicians would not allow it, perceiving that their profit would decay thereby/ not withstanding at length they took in hand to cure with the same wood, but with such arrogancy, attributing so much to their precepts and order, that except they were observed, they affirmed/ this wood should be spend in vain. Which thing I marvel they could persuade to any man, and make him believe it. seeing it is plainly known/ that in that island were never physicians. And yet hath this wood Guaiacum always been there used. But in this cure what business is meet for the physician, I will here after declare. Now I will speak of the thing intended. They have given it this name Guaiacum. For so the Spaniards write it with latin letters/ following their own manner of sound: which word the people of that island pronounce with open mouth Huiacum.  
¶ And Paulus Ritius showed me at the city of August/ that he hard say of a spaniard/ which had been in that island, that the first syllable Gua, of this name/ was not pronounced of the Spagnolenses with G, but that his own tongue did require it so to be written. And they of that Ilonde sound it with, V, puffed out, as though it were Huiacum, a word of iii syllables with them/ and not Guaiacum. We may give unto it some excellent name, calling it lignum vite/ as Philo the physician called his dregs the hands of god: and thi● day the physicians with great boast call their confections manus Christi, apostolicum/ gratia dei, Antidotum, Paulium, and many other such superstitious names. They say it groweth like an ash with us in height/ & is round/ bringing forth a nut moche like a chess nut: his timber is oil and fat, in colour like box, but somewhat blackish. And they judge that the best, that hath most black: but that which is like to box, differeth from that/ which is black. For this is with in/ and tother without: or to speak more plainly, the black is as it were the heart and marrow. The wood is marvelous heavy/ for the least piece of it, cast into the water, synkethe straight to the bottom. There is no wood so hard/ as it. For it is so hard, that it will not cleave: nother hitherto have we seen any, that was chyned. And they that sell it say, it will in no wise yane or chap. When it bourneth and flameth/ it maketh a sweet odour: and there followeth fro it/ when it burneth/ a gum, which we yet know not, for what purpose it serveth: This gum is somewhat black/ & shortly after it is fallen away, it is very hard. The bark is not so thick, but is marvelous hard. which tokens well marked, I think he that shall counterfete this wood/ can not deceive the byer. For be it a man may be deceived in the colour, how is it possible all these things to be in one/ a fatness, smelling, somewhat like rosin/ such weight as no wood hath beside? Than the gum that cometh from it/ when it flameth? such hardness that may scantly be cut? And the jest piece cast into the water will not swim above? And the taste once known will never suffer a man to err, which as it is to all men unpleasant, so is it to me you very pleasant. They say it continueth not after it be sodden/ but paulleth/ in the summer after three days, & in the winter somewhat later. And therefore we must choose the fattest and weightiest thereof. For that which is old/ is light and lean. Upon this description let the physicians, if it please them, draw out the causes of such efficacity by their long disputations, as for me I more rejoice, that it is, than I search what manner of thing it is. How be it I grant them worthy of moche thank/ that shall first show unto us the nature thereof through out known: But now there be some, that weigh and esteem the strength and virtue of this tree by these known marks as though they had suffered it in all poyntes● which thing is done, as me seemeth, very hastily and timely, thinking that the cause and reason of such efficacy and power ought to be searched for in this tree, after his nature and use is known, likewise as it is done generally in all other medicines. But now of his use, and how it aught to be prepared unto medicine.   

¶ Of the ordering of G●aiacum in medicine. cap. seven.  
IT is orderered after this manner. The wood must first be made as small as may be/ which thing some do, at a torn, and than without any more ado/ they lay the shavings a water/ And some do first broil or stamp them in a mortar so moche that they bring them into powder and dust, ●o th'intentintent they may the sooner be through soaked, and their strength sodden out. But I wot not, whether that make any matter/ I have seen some, that have cut it first with a saw, and than raped the pieces with a rape/ and have taken and put them into water. How so ever it be/ whether it be turned/ raped, or beaten to dust/ they soak a day and a night one pound weight in eight/ of water, taken either of a well or of a river, or as I did/ of a pit: than they seethe it in a new glazed pot, and clean was●hed, with a soft fire of coals/ by the space of six hours, and more/ until it come to the one half, with great heed taking and diligence, leefte it run over through moche heat. For that which over runneth loseth (they say) moche of his virtue, and is of less power. And therefore it may not be sodden in the flame, but it requireth few coals/ and a pot not filled all most by the three part. The skome that floweth above, they taken away to anoint the sores with: for we know it to have moche power to dry. After it is thus sodden, they strain it/ & power it in to a glass. And than they put to the grondes eight pound water and seethe it again (as before) as it were a second meshing. This thinner they give them to drink with their meat: the first is drunk in the stead of a medicine. And this is all together, that delivereth us from so great and grievous disease, this decoction is it. This is the chief point and anchor of our health. And it hath so little need of any other thing, that it will not abide any manner mixture, or mingling, as I will shortly after declare. some would, that light water and clear should be got for this purpose. Some admit all manner sweet water indifferently, because in sething what so ever it be, it is purified. All would that good diligence and heed should be taken in time of seething, that it run not over/ or boil to fast, & they bid that the pot be close stopped, that nothing breathe out: but when the skom is perceived to rise, it must be softly opened, and the skomme taken out, and so covered again. They put this decoction (when it is strained) into a glass/ only because it should be seen, and because a glass of all vessels is purest and clennest. The colour of this decoction is somewhat like muddy water, when it is somewhat troubled. Weet linen in it, and it waxeth green of a marvelous show. The release thereof at the first tasting, is some what sour, but to him that useth it, by little and little it waxeth pleasant. The physicians were so bold, as to put, to a pound of this four ounces of honey. Which thing, as I do not improve, so do I deny it to be necessary. And I would nothing should be added unto such a thing, being of such power, where as it needeth not. For what needeth a man there to bestow his labour, where as no need is: And to say the troth the release of Guaiacum is not so grievous that it requireth to be tempered with honey: Yea were it not for my masters the phisytions all men would be contented therewith. How be it what needeth me to name phisytions, when I speak only but of triflers? For they that be connning and expiert, as is O most noble prince, Stromer thy physician (and through friendship mine also) and thy other physician Coppus, such I say, understood and knew, how it is not convenient, either to meddle it with unknown things, and mingle them/ or else to add ought unto these things, which as yet are not perceived to lack ought. The which thing as it chanced us to have communication of this wood Guaiacum, at the city of August, when many had advised me to commit myself to this manner to cure: and I, for newness of the thing would hear none of them: Stromer speaking after this manner of this wood with great gravity of words said, that he feared least the health some and excellent power of Guaiacum should be defamed through the superfluous additions of unlearned physicians: which thing if it were not done, nothing could be found better against this sickness. And with his word is caused me straight without any tarrying to cast myself headlong into this experience of Guaiacum. And therefore I would this, now once spoken, should be generally understand, that as often as I shall complain in this small treatise of physicians, all men should think me to mean them, that have no erudition nor experience: and that boast themself amongst the common people/ of the title & name of their doctorship, which they bought, that known nother greek nor latin/ and yet no science requireth more erudition or knowledge of the tongues than physic: the which being moste ignorant, do lightly abuse the simple people of Germaynie, seeing there is no doubt made of his learning, that is one's garnished with the name of Master doctor. But why have I used in this thing so many words? Verily to make my cause good with thee, excellent prince, and to defend myself against them, that by this occasion might accuse me, as one that spoke words more snappish than beseemed me. Which thing when some of the lawyers and divines did of late, against whose learning they said I inveighed without good manner, when I did snybbe but only the unlearned, and them which were sore grieved and were bitter enemies unto such good learning, they caused many a good man to think, that I was against them, and yet was that thing far from my manners, and also the purpose, wherein I than was occupied. which thing seeing, I perceive your excellentnes to know well enough, I will leave these run agate anoynters, and thievish physicians, and also these untaughte doctors, and come unto Guaiacum: the which in medicine must thus be used.   

¶ The manner of curing. Capitulo eight  
THe patient must be kept in a close chamber, without air or wind/ where fire must be nourished continually: or else he must be in a stew, after the manner of almain, which sha●l not need always to be kept hot, but must be close, and defended from air, that no air blow upon him for the time of this curation: he must also beware of cold. Therefore if he be cured in winter, or in Autumn, he must soak, that he have fire in his chamber, early in the morning specially before day: for than is the cold fervent: he must 'cause the clefts of the windows, if any be, to be stopped with plaster, or other like matter: and upon the chamber door must he hang carpets, or other like things, within and without, that no cold or air enter into the chamber/ or come out. when he is thus ordered, his meat must be dymynisshed. first the fourth part of that he was wont to take, and than the third part, and shortly after the one half, that he may learn to bear hungry and his wine must be well watered. then must he take a purgation, other with regard that it be such a one as shall be thought sufficient to cut away the cause, or take away the matter, that norissheth the disease, other such a one without any regard at all, as may empty the hole belly. For that thing, as I perceive, only is required, which thing done, then may you thereupon begin this work after this manner. The docoction which was first sodden and is strongest, must be ministered unto him twice a day milk warm, a goblet or cyat one's in the morning at u of. the clock, or there about/ and again at night, at viii. of the clock, we call a ciates, a cup that will receive half a pound, whereof we may gather, seeing viii pound of water is required to the seething of one pound of wood, & the one half thereof must be consumed in the seething, that so there must four pound remain, and must drink thereof twice a day, that the decoction of one pound of Guaiacum is sufficient for four days. For it is now a comen manner with physicians, to measure their syquores by weight, and they have clean cast up the names of measures. It must be drunk at one draught without any breathe taking, After he hath drunk, let him rest more than four hours, and let him the first ii be covered/ that by the help of heat this medicine may be digested abroad into the membres, and the patient may sweet out that that noyeth. which thing to do how profitable it is, I will declare when place cometh. And it shall not hurt, if he be close covered one hole hour before he drink, that he may be hot.  
¶ Some will not in any wise he should rise from his bed in five hours after he hath taken his ciates of drink.  
¶ He must take his meat in the midday, and not before, and than as little as may be, for this medicine above all things requireth an empty belly. And therefore he must eat, not to fill his emptiness, but to bear up the life, not to gather strength but to keep himself from feinting. Nother is there any jeopardy to be feared. For Guaiacum hath great strength in itself both to refresh, and also to comfort, not such as be full/ but only those that are empty. You they say, that none faylleth, eat he never so little, so that he drink faithfully this decoction. In the mean time, he shall not be anointed in the out side, except he have soores or swellynges. And for this there is a white ointment made of Cerussa, rose oil of rosis, with camphor, which is laid on with a linen cloth. Some anoint them only with the skom of Guaiacum, or else dry it into powder, and cast it upon them. And besides this scum/ there is nothing of this decoction occupied in the out part. Some be healed in short time/ and some in long. The most part in xxx days. They command him to be purged again the xu day. For this reason I think, because as Alexander Aphrodicius thinketh/ they that hunger and receive not their meat as they were won● to do, fall away/ and gather a certain sharp matter and eager/ so that such matter must be avoided, that the body of the sick may be empty. This decoction shall not be drunken that morning/ when he receiveth his purgation: but at night let him take it again: and after that day, he may eat more largely. And again the xxx day more liberally: how be it this more liberally, and that more largely must be very lyttell● as I shall show you in the next chapter. But some, lest any impediment should be to let the operation of this medicine/ have kept one order of eating equally through out the xxx days: and truly the stronglier a man abideth to hunger, the better and more quickly he shall be healed. And although the desire of eating grow daily more and more, yet must he remember to abstain, comforting himself with the surety of health, if he so do. For the body being so wasted and emptied, not only with hunger/ but also with sweat, you being long time as a deed body, through the grievousness of this evil, shall high fast to the appetite of meat and drink.  
¶ When this cure is come to an end, ●o that the sick is almost ready to go abroad, he must then take again some medicine to purge him with, but so that after that purgation/ he may drink again as he did before four or six days space, wherewith they make up the hole cure. Some will not that he should go out of the chamber, where he lieth, before he be through hole. Some think xxx days sufficient to keep his chamber: and that he may then go forth, but yet warily by little and little, and not straight in to the open air: but first he must walk in the same house, from chamber to chamber, and than to some neighbours house, not far of: until he be used to suffer the air. For there may be no sudden change/ but must use himself to all things by little and little. And that which remaineth of the sickness they say will lightly be hole/ after he one's steer abroad. And that to be true I have proved in myself. For when the xxx days were passed/ the soores of my legs were not yet closed, and therefore I kept ten days more. And when these ten days were go/ yet was not I whole. Wherefore, fearing the cold, because winter than begun, I intended to keep in other ten days: but I was compelled by the physicians counsel to go abroad, and put it in adventure/ which thing happened not amiss. How be it the soores that I had than, were not deep in the flesh, or swollen outward: but only in the higher part of the skin, and lacked nothing else but skin to cover them with: which they had scantly the xl day after I went out. And I that time, in very sharp winter, made my journey from Vindele into France. The causes of this slow healing I did conject this to be. The physician suffered me to eat more meet (as I after perceived) than I should have done, and also he sod my drink thinner than he aught. For I occupied not fully u pound of this wood, where as other occupy viii and some ten wherein my physician was deceived. For he, seeing my body week of nature/ and moreover extenuated & consumed with the long continuance of this grief, thought that a little thing was sufficient to drive away the disease/ and for that cause fed me the largelier, fearing sore leeste my strength should fail me: which was double error. For so moche as he ought not to have looked what my body was then, but what manner body it was wont to be, and again the nature of this medicine is such, that it will suffer none to faint for lack of strength. Wherefore be they never so week, they aught not therefore to minister the less, but rather somewhat the more. For it doth nothing suddenly, but werketh health by little & little. And therefore I allow best that decoction, that was longest at the fire/ and is come to a little of moche wood: so that I would counsel them, to the intent it might be the stronger, to seethe it often times to the third part.  
¶ And if any would be loose belied, that is wont to be bound/ they will him to take the powder of Guaiacum sodden in the water, and to drink half and ounce thereof in the morning. And if that help not at the first, to go thereunto again. But this framed not with me/ no not when I took it again.   

¶ How a man must live and diet himself in this cure. Capitulo ix  
THere is yet much a do for the ordering of a man, as touching his diet. Some think best to eat nothing but bread, which Galenus calleth the cleannest feeding with a few raisins: which breadde they give to the weight of four ounces, without salt or other sauce. And they think best to abstain generally from all manner meat, except it be a little broth made with a chicken: which they are contented he sup or eat with his bread moist therein once a day. For at night they give nothing but a few raisins/ and an ounce of bread. Other will that he have half a chicken, if it be yet young and tender: but if it be any thing grown, they think a quarter enough, which must be sodden in clean water. Whereunto they put nother salt, nother other sauce, but some put a little sugar thereto. Of bread they give four ounces at night, as before, a few raisins, with an ounce of bread. But as long as he is under cure/ he must take heed, that he never so much as taste salt. They allow white bread/ made of wheat/ well bulted, which made for the nonce, they season with sugar. Which thing is not evil. There be some that add to this feeding (not so much in the place of meat as of medicine) a little borage, other of the leaves only, or (if there be any) of the flowers, which he shall eat sodden in water alone, or with his chicken. And this is the order of feeding that some do keep continually/ some think xu days sufficient for this diet/ and than they will his hunger to be eased: and the twenty day they give him meat twice. But let them take h●d●/ that follow that. For truly this medicine requireth, that the patient be made as thin with hunger as may be possible. How be it some chance to be through healed within xu days, and yet that not withstanding they put to a few days more thereto. They drink unto their meat of that second decoction/ not warmed but cold. And this is all the fare, for hitherto none durst pass this measure. Not withstanding I despise not the physicians, that dispute of the dangers, that may chance to dry and hot bodies, if they be driven to this straight diet/ bringing for them Galen and also Hippocras, which seem in many places to be against this exquisite diet in feeding. But of these that used Guaiacum/ I saw as yet none in jeopardy, and I gather at this time precepts and monitions out of experience, & not doctrine out of books. And also I myself am of dry and hot complexion, and yet this hunger brought me nother into a ptisike nor etike: which thing they seem to fear.  
¶ For as moche as it is thought wisdom to provide for all things, I will that if any man fear himself/ that he get physicians to keep him, and that this is sufficiently spoken of this thing. I will now go forward with other things.  
¶ In the time of this cure, the patient must forbear all business, and cut away all sad thoughts, and rest from all care. And therefore they command rest and quietness from consultations/ and also studies: so that the mind may utterly be ●ree from all motions & workings, & give himself wholly to idleness and rest, loosed from all trouble & care: which thing must be understand of all manner of men, but most specially of them, that be naturally melancholy: They must also beware of anger: for that, as Galene saith, kendleth chiefly the choleric matter, And more over we must take heed, that nothing happen in that time/ that may move us to heaviness. Let the sick person here singers and minstrels, and give himself to sports, pastimes, and music, and some time delight himself with merry talking. But to company with woman, how moche he must eschew that, I will show hereafter. I took great pleasure in reading & making merry things. And the physicians spoke against it, and not without a cause, seeing they believed it to be labour and business vn●o me: but I took it not as my study, but as a pastime, and for my recreation. But yet would I not this to be to other for an example.  
¶ Now ●ome begin to wax very hungry after the sixth day: but I felt no grief before the ten day. And in this case this is the only comfort/ not to see other eat, nor to see meat, nor to smell the savour thereof. Never the less when any perceiveth himself to faint, and wax feeble for lack of meat, I would not that he should by and by receive meat or strange confection, to comfort and bring again his strength, but to refresh his spirits with odours & and pleasant smells: for even with the savour and smell of such odours Galenus thinketh the spirit and life to be nourished and comforted. Yet in thi● thing as regard must be had, what every man's complexion requireth, le●te like things be ministered to them, that be dry and hot, and unto them that be moist and cold, or things of one quality be ministered unto them all, that be of both extremes.  
¶ As I do more allow through out the things, that grow among us/ as familiar & nigh to our nature: so by the example of Democritus, who with the vapour of hot bread made his spirit even than departing to tarry hole iii days, think I that we should help them that faint other with that breed/ or else with a roasted onion hold to the mouth? For I plainly know/ that in an onion was sometime such virtue and power. Which thing is also proved to be done with the odour of wine. For therewith Philip the physician did recover Alexander/ as we may see in Quintus Curtius. And by the traditions of the old physicians we ●e his power and virtue in this purpose preferred above all. But by all means we must nourish the spirit with the sweet savours and smells: for so much as that is the life, and above all thunge the odour of old sweet wine is praised in this thing: Next is the smell of honey, specially rose honey: also of appuls, of the which thing Stromer never ceaseth to monish me, affirming that he knoweth, how strong/ and how helping they be in this thing. Of these some prefer oranges: other prefer cotonia mala. Vinegar is also praised/ but specially vinegar made with roses: and mustered is well allowed. For these things, say they, do refresh the wits, and sustain the strengths. As for cinnamon/ nutmegs, styracke/ citrous/ saffron, a gisoflower, musk, camphor/ and such costly ware, I leave to deinte fellows, But cummin, anesse, coryander, lavender, amarake, roses, mint, rue, rosemary, violets, sage, castorye, with other growing amongs us, none of the physicians that have any iudgemeut, improveth: but they affirm these to be good for this purpose. And I oftentimes do use such helps to the great comfort of my health. The sick man may also use rubbings, so that they be softly done, by all the time of his said lying: which as they are for other things profitable, so I believe they would not hurt in this thing. Let his heed be rubbed with a warm cloth, and combed with an ivory comb.   

¶ That Guaicus will not be mingled. Capit. x.  
FVrdermore this medicine will abide nothing to be put to it. Where at the physicians be commonly astonished: which would we should have none other medicines in price, but such as receive their power from the iii parts of the world, which think that they should loose all their authority, except they joined together for us in their poticarye compositions Indie, Aethiope, Arabia, and the Garamantes/ that dwell in the extreme part of the world. For what will they allow, that is not dear and costly? And I beseech god, that their counsel be never hard nor obeyed in the using of this wood Guaiacum. And that Stromer may be in this thing as a prophet, and in my judgement a true. For he fears, and that very wisely, least they at length will put their hands thereunto. Therefore let all men believe me/ that have proved this medicine, that it is sufficient to heal this disease: and that of itself without any other thing. But as I said, a purgation in the beginning, and again a little the xu day: and than in the last end, which thing I would have done with somone thing, not with any medicine made of many things. For I verily believe, that the physicians look than to their own profit and lucre, and not for the health of men, when they say, they must search, what taketh away the cause of t●is infirmity: as though this wood did it not. And verily this is evident, there is no other cause to use such purgations, but to cleanse the belly, and again with abstinence and hunger to draw out and empty the whole body: But what say you thereto? In that rude country where this Guaiacum groweth/ are no physicians: not strange nor ferfetched ways nor rules of physic: But perchance men use there some herb or rote to purge with, and all do use one thing/ not to take away the grief, but that when the belly is emptied Guaiacum may the better work. wherefore in this my counsel is, that you torment not your belie with things costly prepared/ and specially to avoid the compositions made of many things.  
¶ In this mind I stick surely, that I would suffer nothing to be poured into me/ but only cassia by itself, and yet they offered me gladly many things, and I was also wont before to pour in not only Re●barbarum but other things also more barbarous than Re●barbarum, but my counsel came to a very good end. which counsel if any will follow, he hath an example, commandment he hath none. For we teach not these things being ourself taught of other, but we monysshe you/ that which we have proved/ which thing I would all should remember/ that I teach nothing here rashly, but that which I have learned by mine own experience and prove, I deliver unto other. And if I had learned aught else, it should not be kept close, but now seeing by diligent search and studious labour I have found out the power and virtue of Guaiacum, which if I do not well perceive, it is a fault. But if I have learned it, as it is in deed: I do not greatly covet reward ne la●de/ I will show you all the hole faithfully. For that hath this medicine deserved of me, except I would be unthankful for so great benefits. And therefore saying many well liking men of nature are corrupted through the diversity of medicines, yea and some of them utterly destroyed: my sentence is, that nothing shall be added to help this medicine, for this wood of hit self is sufficient to pluck up this disease by the roots. If any thing be put unto it, specially of these things, that are inwardly received, this medicine taketh no help thereof, but rather is corrupted and let from his working. This thing must be added hereunto, that they, which drink of this Guaiacum, of what so ever state they be, in this sickness have so little need of baths, that they be utterly forbid by them that be expert, to wash so moche as their heed, as long as they shall be in this cure, and are permitted very seldom to wash their hands/ but ne●er with cold water.   

¶ What place physicians have in this cure. Capitulo xj  
But now I know, that some suspecteth me to be of this mind, that I would no physician to be used in this cure, which thing is far otherwise. For my mind is/ that some, that is well learned and wise, should be got, which is not bold ne liberal in pouring in of poticarye ware. his custody and also his order, if he have learned the use of the administration of Guaiacum, I would the sick person should use. And these mischievous busy fellows, which are so glad to offer to us this strange waare, and medicines/ if any be brought from the heeds of Nilus, of which/ the more they cost, the more they make of them, advancing them above the moan, these I say I would have driven away/ and in no wiser to see the sick no not through a latis. I have proved this thing even so to be as Asclepiades judged, which thought all manner drenches unfrendely to the stomach. And Celsus also saith, that medicines for the most part hurt the stomach/ you and moreover that happened to me, that the same author showed before should happen, that medicines received into the body, when they had been kept in the lower partis, were driven back again into the heed, and caused great pain, which thing let all remember that will enter into this cure, that they commit not themself rasshly to such tourmenters, not only because the nature of this wood is not yet well known/ but also because it is their manner never to knowledge ignorance, but always to command somewhat, to minister and give some what, unto whom a man shall at no time show his water, how well and healthful so ever he be, but they will make their bill to the pothecaries, recipe, recipe take, take/ saying that other they suspect some sickness to be begun, other else that the which is now at hand/ must be prevented or it come, except thou swallow this (say they) or drink that, thou haste the axes. O mischievous men● if they may be called men, and worthy to be hated of all the world. But what so ever they be, they have been bold to take upon them many things of late about the administration of Guaiacum/ thrusting in themself, unto that work, the sellers thereof helping them forward through some convention & bargain made between them I believe. For when they saw, that by means of this rude, vile, and contemptible medicine there should be hereafter no need of their disceptations, and yet durst not/ for I know some that would withstand so favourable & good a thing. And of the other side, when the merchants feared, least they should sell but little, if the physicians allowed it not, for no man would lightly go unto a medicine, that came from so strange a place, and was ministered so far from the comen manner of medicines, than they agreed betwixt them, I believe, that this should be spread amongs the comen people, that the physicians labour was necessary in this cure: So that they selling a remedy approved of the physicians, mought get as they were wont, and the physicians in the mean time shu●de loose nothing of their stipends, saying that they were called unto this cure.  
¶ I know certain physicians of a better sort, that went into Spain in the emperors name/ and in the name of a bishop here, only to inquire and search for this thing. And these, when they were taught of them that learned & known the thing in Spagnola, told nothing in manner otherwise than our experience hath: but that they added of their own brains, what medicines, upon what days, with what observations aught to be received, & by a mathematical diet, how they should behave themself in eating and drinking: which thing I believe, they did of no evil mind, but ●ft●r their manner, and superstitiousness used of some good physicians, which are so desirous t● help the sick, and are so tender toward them, that sometime they do more than they should. Their good minds I do allow, but yet I think it dangerous, to agreed unto all men in all things. But to return again to these if minded physicians. I think they be agreed with the merchants, that they may he admitted into part of the lucre and gains. For I myself did see a certain physician, if we vouchsafe to call a rude and an unlearned ass by this name, who with many words dispreysed this wood Guaiacum, as a vain thing/ & nothing worth: but that the merchants feigned it to do these things. But shortly after this lewd dispreyser was called unto the cure of a certain rich man, and shortly after to an other● And when the man began to smell the gold, and saw great gains to come through the multitude of such sick men/ he began first to be more gentile, and to diminish his cruelness & malice more & more, & within a while praised this wood, and greatly advanced it, and said: Now at the last, I myself have proved the meruay●lous power and virtue of this wood. Nay nay ass/ but now thou haste found thine advantage therein.  
¶ And after this manner this medicine seemeth to come into their canons/ likewise as all other medicines have done: which thing if it be done by the authority of the wise/ expert/ and learned physicians, I improve it not: how be it my mind giveth me, and I verily believe, that they can not do it as yet: And again I think it not very necessary. For either in Spagnola, where are no physicians/ somewhat is lacking unto this medicine, or else it ought here likewise to be ministered without such superstitiousness and formalities. May there any man be ●o light of believe, as to think that the physicians can handle this business more counnyngly, than they which knew it by experience in themself, considering how that Guaiacum hath not continued so long with us, that they might in that space have searched and learned his nature. And to speak in few words, men do yet marvel at the thing/ & is not as yet come unto perfit knowledge. Therefore can it not be under their canons in this short time, or any cause of his operation showed.  
¶ Let this therefore stick fast in all men's minds, that they think this simple diet sufficient to cure and heal them, which we teach by experience, in ourself. Let them be seen and looked upon, of the sober and learned physicians: but let them leave the dregs and spices of this other sort. Let them bid farewell for ever and adaye to these, that go about to restore us from diseases with their disputations. These are they/ which, as I said, allow nothing that is vile and of small price/ and which think that I tell fables, when I say that I have driven away the axes more than eight times by drinking of mine own water/ by and by at the beginning: and with no other medicine. And that I have seen men in Saxony/ which have quenched all manner diseases with drinking hot buttered beer. And again they will not believe me, that there is a servant of my fathers, which with iii certain herbs sodden in wine, hath healed a man's brain pan broken to pieces: and many sore and evil wounds hath he healed with a few herbis of our own growing, sodden in wine or water, and that within ten or xii days, without any fear of fever. But this they think a vile medicine/ saying it is not done after their canons. And the same thing do they judge of Guaiacum, whose nature and power/ how clearly they understand, and what manner words they use to have of it: we may perceive by the answer of a certain noble physician, not now young, that he should begin to practise/ but of extreme age, that it is very likely he feeleth Avicen, Mesuen, and other authors of physic, as well as his own nails. This physician when I was writing these things, and taking my journey from Frankfurt, where he was writing his recipe, was asked of a certain friend of mine, what he thought of Guaiacum: I have not seen it/ said he, but what so ever it be, the weight/ the colour, the savour, must be considered in quantity and quality. Than said I, his weight is very heavy, and sinketh in the water, how little so ever the cutting be: and hath the same colour almost that is in box, and it smelleth fayntely/ somewhat of rosin: dost thou know now by this, what the nature and power of Guaiacum is? Than he thinking to face me down with words, chattered I wothe not what/ out of Aristotle predicamentes. Than said I, It may be, good father, seeing the disease is new, and this a new medicine, that the whole matter is yet unknown unto you. Thou art deceived said he, it is no new disease, seeing Plini writeth thereof. Than I, being desirous to know, what he knew in Plini, that I known not, asked him, what name Pliny gave unto this disease? Mentagram said he, quía vexat mentem, that is to say, because it vexeth a man's mind. Than said I/ why and do not other infirmities and sickness than torment and vex a man's mind? or doth not frenzy's, madness, the falling evil, and other ravishings of the wits this thing more than the french pocks? As he was interpreting I can not tell what: good old man, quoth I, learn against an other time to answer more wisely/ and specially in such things as apertaigne to man's health. For if you had red Pliny/ you would not say Mentagram to come a meant, but a mento. For in the chin that disease first began/ which thing declareth it to be an other sickness than the french pocks. And who could forbear to rebuke this mischievous mad ass heed? But let us pass over these rascal physicians, of the which we see a great part rich in words/ but in the knowledge of things very poor: and let us return to our purpose, whereof this is the pith, that physicians shall be taken in this cure, not as ministers of medicines or healers, but as keepers. And these to be, as I have oft said/ chosen, wise, and well learned, and most expert, and such as had liefer be wise by themself, than err with the common sort: And such as if they could heal a ●ycke man with eating beans, would not seek for any costly, and especially strange medicines.   

¶ Whether concerning this cure there ought any regard to be take of th'ageage of the sex/ or the quality of bodies. Capitulo twelve  
When they, which I told you went into Spain/ to know the use of Guaiacum, enquered, whether children, & great aged people mought be helped with this remedy. For seeing they were weak, it was in doubt, where they could abide this diet: answer was made by them that had been in that island, that they never saw children by this remedy delivered from sickness: But the men of that island showed them, that children were wont so to be cured, and women likewise without any difference, and old men also very often. Whereupon I remembered the notable saying of Hippocras/ that old men may well away with fasting, but men in strong and steadfast age scantly, young men much worse, and children worst of all, specially they that are of a forward and quick mind. How be it Galenus will not old men there to be understand men of the last cast.  
¶ Furthermore it is well known, that they that are of a sanguine quality of body, may abide hunger better and longer than the choleric. For in the sanguine the humours that nourish the body/ are more abundant and plenteous, the heat is temperate and less burning: for it is myngsed with moisture to make it slacker, but in these other, all things are thin and dry, and needy of humours. Now who doubteth, but they that be phlegmatic may best abide hunger, seeing they have more moisture than them needeth: Which things marked and perceived, none that will take this matter in hand can lack counsel/ in what age or complexion so ever it be, but he shall know how to diminish the meat, and how to enlarge it: and again how to bring in straight fasting/ and how to loose it. Nother that only, but also how moche or how little of Guaiacum ought to be spend. How be it in this thing I think little regard to be taken, because this decoction to appertain to the Germayns, I will open unto all men.  
¶ They of Spain think, this medicine aught to be like wise ministered in all places for this disease, seeing it hath nothing, but that that all men may use every where indifferently, and also hath been proved among the people of u diverse nations. first it came from Spagnola in to Spain, and than other nations about them sought what profit would come there of. And when they understood, that many had used it prosperously, the Sicilians received it. Fron thence it came into Italy: and shortly after we of Germany have learned the power thereof by experience. And of late we heard say, that by the help of this wood, many be cured in France. Which thing seeing it is so, and seeing we live under that air, which is not so much subject unto sickenessis, as the country of Spain and Italy are, through the subtleness of the air, and therefore needless to fear those evils, which may other wise chance, as the fevers, stitches, and such other: And again seeing we have strong bodies, that may well away with labours, hunger, and thirst. And also the minds of the Germayns, for the most part, are merrily set: what should 'cause v● to think, but that our region and men be very apt unto this medicine? Which thing Paulus Ricius, a physician of pure judgement and high erudition, approveth, and more over affirmeth/ that he knoweth by plain experience, that no nation is more apt unto this diet. But if we had not seen some restored unto health through the help of Guaiacum, and now should begin to prove it: we ought not believe, that god were so much set against us, that he would either keep this healthful medicine from us, or defraud us of the virtue thereof, saying it was brought from Spagnola into spain, and had the same virtue there, which it had at home: except a man will say, that Guaiacum disdaineth to be carried unto us/ his nature first not changed, or when it cometh to the Germaynes/ that than it suffereth that great and mighty power and strength of his, to be taken from him, and no where else. And it is plainly known, that with us his help is very present, and peradventure more present than else where. And our men, as they be much given to surfeiting, so can they, if need require, abide very long and strongly both hunger and thirst. And more over as our bodies abunde with heat, so are they very strong. For after the judgement of Aristotle, they that inhabit cold countries, have much natural heat in them, and they that have moche heat, for the most part are of great strength. And because the Almayns use moche eating and drinking, Ricius the physician was demanded of late, what he thought, whether it were best to remit some what unto them in this cure of this slender & thin diet, & he said: Not by saint marry, not thus moche, but rather handle them the straighter, let these great belies used in eating and drinking be driven to a moche thinner diet than these thin and lean Italians. And he showed me himself, that he had punished with hunger one of these fat fellows ten days longer than he aught to have done, because he would have nothing remain that might let the operation of Guaiacum.  
¶ This thing and such other I do gladly rehearse by Ricius, and do make often mention of Stromer, that such as shall read this book may understand, whom I call good and right physicians, and how unworthy I think these comen torments of men of the dignity of this title & name. And that strange countries may know, that Germaynie hath some good and excellent physicians. And that I delight as much in the learning and amity of them, that be good and well learned, as I hate these unlearned and fool hardy fellows, which after they be for their money once made doctors, straight profess/ that they can revive the deed, and restore life to them that are buried. But I will return unto these two which be of an other sort, of the which two Stromer, when I asked him the last year a medicine to purge me with, said/ Do not vex thy stomach with medicines in this age of thine/ in which nature is able of herself to do all things much better. For as he is very scarce in pouring in of medicines/ so bringeth he all sick people unto a very straight rule of diet. Wherefore when he had taken in hand to cure one in the city of August after these ways, and he said, that he feared, lest he could not abstain himself from women: Seeing than (said he) thou haste decreed to die, thou hast no need of my help, & so forsook him, and left him to his intemperancy.  
¶ Of this sort there are two physicians more, of excellent name: whereof the one is thy physician, most noble prince, named Gregory Coppus/ which hath helped me no little thing in the writing hereof: the other continueth in the archbishop of Colyns court, called james Ebelly, a man of so great authority/ that four year afore/ that he was made the comen physician, all physicians were they never so cunning, gave place unto him. The other was had in great honour of all the chief learned men of Papia. where this study floryssheth, as well for his knowledge in physic as for other good learning: which he had joined unto physic. But this is no place to reckon up the excellent learned men/ but my purpose is to write mine experience of Guaiacum. And therefore in this place I repeat this to conclude with, that I verily think, that this wood will help all manner of men, where so ever they be become, brought up, or continue.   

¶ what time is best to take hereunto. Capilo xiiii  
IT seemeth for some causes that follow, that it is better to prove this cure in summer than in winter. first because (as Galene saith) the moisture in summer increaseth and runneth in all the body, and doth go and come: and therefore the pestilent humours may lightly be separated from the good, and they may be expelled and banished: and these that be wholesome & good kept. secondly because all diseases in winter do fasten their rotes deeper and take surer hold/ and in summer contrary wise, the humours be still moving, and the body is apt unto all changes. But these considerations appertain generally unto all diseses: But as concerning this our cure of Guaiacum, for as much as a great part of it standeth in diet and sufferance of great hunger, therefore it is most expedient to begin in summer. In that season a man may better away with this diet than in winter, when men are very hungry. For if the body, being hot and boiling of itself/ as it is in summer, should moreover be loaded with meat/ it would lightly be dissolved into diseases. But in the winter it will not so●/ for so moche, as Hipocrates saith/ that in winter a man's body inwardly aboundeth with natural heat, and outwardly lacketh it, for so moche as than in avoideth and fleeth from the sharpness of the cold, wherewith the body outwardly is compassed/ into the inward parts, as unto a strong hold and castle: and there closeth itself up: but contrary wise in summer the same natural heat in man's body followeth, as Aristotle thinketh, the nature of the air, and therefore putteth forth itself, and fleeth out to the extreme parts of the body. But so i● is, that the very nature and property of this medicine is/ to reduce into the body, and bring home again such natural heat as is lost. And therefore this it seemeth unconvenient to go in hand with, or put in experience this cure in the winter. For than is it thought dangerous, when the heat of the outward parts is drawn unto the inward parts, le●te the outward limbs be forsaken and left empty of their strength and power/ specially in them that be cold of nature, which otherwise in the winter loose their heat, and have their bodies slain through the violence of cold, and be like unto deed folk.  
¶ But here may we not pass over that, which Coppus admonisheth, saying, Guaiacum moveth a man to sweat, casting out the evil humours, that be noyful to the body: Therefore saith he, the summer is most apt for this cure/ when the humours are more subtle/ and the skin thinner. And in the winter the ways and poors, by the which the sweat should have his course, and be expelled: are stopped, and the humours gathered together, and clodded. But on the other side for so much as in this cure done by Guaiacum, the sick are grieved with nothing more, than with thirst it is thought, that the sick may worse abstain from drink in summer than in winter. wherefore in Spain, and where the heat is vehement, they dared not hitherto prove this experiment in the summer. Furthermore in winter (after the mind of Alexander Aphrodisius) there engendereth on man through moche eating. (For than have men much better appetite than in other seasons) an humour called pituita, that is fle●me, which thing might be avoided, if this cure were than in hand: in which, great abstinence must be observed and kept. These things we have spoken as touching the times of fervent heat and fervent cold, and now we will speak of the other two seasons that be betwixt both, of the which two, Autumn seemeth the worst of both. For than is there great abundance of all manner sickness, and the humours wax worse and worse, because this time of the year is unegal and without order, always changing and inconstant/ bringing in many kinds of diseses. For as Celsus affirmeth, Autumn killeth many a one.  
¶ Furthermore the french pocks are very noyful to the sinews, and the said author teacheth, that winter and Autumpne be not meet nor apt times unto medicines/ for the resolution of the sinews. But these are the reasons of them that dispute generally and speak not only of the use of Guaiacum. Wherefore this I think, that summer (at the left ways in Asmayne) may be best taken: but that is that part of summer/ that beginneth when ver endeth, as in may, for than there is not here so moche heat, but the sick may well abide and suffer thirst: And in winter the cold is very fervent, and likewise in ver and Autumn the cold is sharper, than the sick may abide in this cure. For it is one of the chief points for him that is restored by Guaiacum, with all diligence to eschew cold. And as for such incommodities/ as may happen in the summer, to the intent they may the less be feared, I have spoken of before, and shall repeat them again, when place shall be. And never the less at this time I do affirm, that this drink of Guaiacum doth marvelously steer up the natural power and strength, and hath power and might to quicken and to make lusty the body/ which for lack of natural heat is weak and consumed: Which things if they were not as I have said, and had not Hipocrates in a certain place/ if I well remember me, said: that Vere and Autunne are the most aptest times to let blood and minister medicines: verily the counsel of Celsus should than have seemed best, which saith: that Vere is the holsomest time to go to physic/ & next unto that winter, and that is very dangerous, & Autumn most dangerous of all.   

¶ That we must utterly forbear wine and wommen in this cure. Capit. xv.  
ANd may I not boldly affirm, this medicine to be given us of god, seeing it never helpeth, except a man be given to holiness of life? Verify where as we be brought into the favour of god by two virtues specially, that is by the chastity of body, and abstinence of meat and drink, as the laws of christian people bear record, let him be sure except he bind himself straightly in these bonds, he shall not only come unto this medicine in vain, but shall go forwards also in the same wi●h no little danger. In so much that it is plainly know●n, that he shall die without remedy, that useth any woman before the xl day after the cu●e is begun, either because the body so emptied, is not able to suffer the injury of that act, or else because god will not that any man should use such his great be fy●e unpurely. And therefore amongs all th●m that proved this wood in Almaigne, it happened one fellow to die, & that through this fault, as they that were present affirmed by their oaths.  
¶ And next unto this the use of wine is known most pestilent, an must be avoided in this cure. For it loseth the joints of the body, and hurteth the sinews. And for as much as it hath vehement power to enter into the limbs, and shake all the body/ it is thought, that this decoction of Guaiacum shall not profit in his body, that useth wine, but shall rather put him in jeopardy and fear of death, when these things Guaiacum and wine, which are most contrary, meet and come together. Therefore some there be, that monyssheth to abstain from wine an hole month after the time of this cure be paste, for so much as this medicine keepeth his course of working many days after it is drunken. And therefore left any thing should stop or set it, they take away the use of wine, and he that fleeth the voluptuous pleasure of the body must take heed, that he give no place to gluttony. For the old proverb witnesseth, that hunger never begetteth adultery. And again it is said/ that Venus waxeth cold without breed and wine. Aelianus writeth, that Zaleucus the lawyer of Locrense, forbid sick men wine under pain of death with out the phistions counsel. But be it the nature of Guaiacum might suffer this voluptuous act, & did not abhor wine? yet doth the physicians books with full mouth make mention that they are veri hurtful & grievous unto that body, which is take, with this sickness, and principally for the joints. Wherefore Celsus reporteth, that there were some that were vexed with ache in their limbs, which through one years abstinence from wine and women have been safe all their life. And the same Celsus concludeth/ that such as are born chaste/ or be gelded, or children, or ever they fall to woman's company/ and likewise women, except them that have their flowers stopped, are seldom tempted with this disease. And Alexander in his problems saith, that such as drink water only, are quicker in all senses than other. For wine stoppeth the ways of the mind/ and dulleth the senses. And Cicero saith/ that for so moche as wine profiteth the sick but seld, and hurteth very often, it is moche better not to give it, than under the hope of doubtful health to run into open jeopardy. And Venus, in what so ever state a man be, coldeth the belly, & drieth it, if Aristotle be true. For in such coupling/ the natural heat departeth, and through the evaporation that than is made/ dryness is caused and engendered.  
¶ Lo soberness and chastity two holy ordinances of life, be the principal observation in this thing, the highest precept/ the chief point of health, which diligently kept, no jeopardy can rise. For be it they tarry the medicine or utterly stop and let it, yet they put not a man in jeopardy of his life/ when they be neglected.   

¶ That salt must be eschewed in this cure. Capitu. xuj.  
amongs all the things that must be avoided/ some men do marvel, why salt is forbidden to be used for the space of this diet, considering there is other times nothing more wholesome for man's body: and they say, that they can not perceive, how any hurt should come thereof in this disease. The which cometh all together of the corruption and putrefaction of the blood, seeing only salt most of all things preserveth and defendeth from both these. And more over the nature of salt is to make fast and dry up, to bind and cleanse: which property were thought most meetest and necessary to be ministered, to pluck up this disease by the rotes. first because the body infected with the pocks, is loosed and shaken: secondly because the humours proceed and flow out from one matter: Thirdly, which is the chief point of all, because the corrupt and infect blood is yet within the body unpourged. For this sickness is no other thing/ than a certain order & state of the body changed through the trouble of the blood: Even as it happeneth in a city, when a sedition & partaking entereth into a comen wealth, and the comen people be moved in their minds: than are all things scattered abroad without order, and moved out of their places, nothing hangs together, nothing standeth, nothing abideth, no quietness, no peace, but all full of trouble, unto the which change of the body, motion of membres, and shaking of joints, with all such troubles, there must come some sad and wise father, a man of high authority in the comen wealth: for his godliness and good deservings toward all men (who as Virgyll saith) may govern and rule with words their hearts/ and quiet their stomachs. So in like manner is it in salt/ which as I said, through fastening, drying, binding, and purging/ doth put to quietness things, that are moved, doth unite and knit things that are broken, doth bind together things that are plucked apart, doth make calm and quiet things, that are troubled: and bringeth quietness and safeguard unto all things: yea how great a thing and how necessary thought Pliny salt to be, saying without salt a man's life can not endure? And therefore say they, how can that hurt in this sickness/ which in other diseases conserveth all things? And for as much as in this cure we must take heed, that no corrupt humours be abundant, and salt resolveth and cleanseth all filthy moistness/ and also keepeth down and restraineth the flowing of the body: it is thought we should be more plenteous of salt herein than else where. Not withstanding these reasons/ we must have an other consideration herein. And first of all as much as appertaineth unto this disease, how the sick must forbear salt meats, not all manner, but only such as are very sharp: Let it be asked of the physicians, which have long before time prosecuted that matter to the uttermost: for this time, saying the medicine of Guaiacum is specially entreated of, we may say, that though all physicians know the use of salt, except it be very little, to be noyous and hurtful in all other passions of the sinews, and in such diseases as spring of corrupt blood, and of yellow and black colour, or salt phlegm, for so much as with his tartness, it sharpeneth collar, and burneth the blood, and with his native dryness causeth the humours and nutriment of the body to dry up, and by that means destroyeth all things, that should help unto health. Yet never the less about the administration of Guaiacum they forbid utterly all manner use of salt, for the same consideration they forbid all sharp things, and moreover all things penetrative: and amongs these, spices, and wine. For so moche as all such through their sharpness and piercing power, do open all poors and entreyes/ and go deep: which violence running through the body, come can have no place to work. If these reasons do not satisfy those men's minds/ I will say unto them, as the philosophers say of the stone Magnes, if it be anointed with garlic, it draweth not iron to it, so likewise Guaiacum hath a certain secret virtue/ and can n●t tell whither it be as yet known, to abhor specially the use of salt, and which power is lost if salt one's come unto it. And this have we spoken of the forbearing of salt in this cure. Now will we speak of the sklender feeding and hunger, wherewith the body must be weakened and made lean, whereupon all the matter of this diet hangs.   

¶ Of sklender feeding, and hunger, necessary in this cure. Ca xvij.  
ALthough we spoke before of the small and thine feeding, that the sick must use, and how his meat must be diminished, & he brought to hunger/ yet we think it very necessary to warn you once again of the same thing, in this place: not only because this medicine requireth a void and an empty body/ from all manner fullness/ but also because I would declare/ that in old time the●e was a like manner to cure the like. And we may also read in Diodoro, that the Egyptians did heal their sick other with fasting or else with vomit. For they affirm, as he reciteth/ that sicknesses are engendered specially of the superfluite of meat: And therefore they thought that way of curing to make most unto health/ that taketh away the first causes of the disease. Let not therefore these dronkerdes, these intemperate fellows, given to surfeiting/ be grieved with this diet, which as Persius saith, delighteth only in delicious feeding, and may live scantly half a day without meat: whose belly as the prophet saith, is their god, and all their mind and life is nothing but feeding. Let such fellows, as I said, cease their grudging against this diet/ saying that thereby so excellent and so good a thing is obtained, and so great an evil is avoided with so little labour. And let them not than in this thing speak of the great jeopardy, which may come of weakness, through long abstinence: as who says, that he may faint, that eateth after this manner. For Pliny saith, that none dieth for lack of meat before the vii day: and may continued until the xi day. And all be it he writeth, that in his time there was a woman in Germani, which lived sometime full twenty days without meat: and sometime xxx And that he saw a man, which continued vij weeks without meat, drinking every second day only water. Pliny also saith, that he knoweth for a surety/ that the Scythians having certain herbs in their mouths, abide hunger & thirst sometime twelve days. And some also say, that the christian philosopher Amonius/ never eat but only toasted bread/ which thing if any man greatly marvel at, let him remember/ that this is also written in the stories, that certain of the mages lived once by meal and herbs only. And that Diodore writeth, that the old Egyptians meat was herbs and rotes. And Hesiodus monyssheth/ saying, we should live & eat Malus & asphodelo. And Plato writing of the laws maketh mention, that Epimenides was contented sometime so to live. If any man will set these things before his eyes, & consider them, than shall he perceive, that we live very deinteously in this diet and do take in a manner more than needeth. But if it were a very hard thing to abstain so from meat, what is he that loveth himself so little, but he would to get his health, suffer this grief? or that had not liefer suffer xxx days hunger, than to be seek as long as he liveth? or had not liefer pass over so many days with stronger hunger/ that he may live the residue of his life whole and sound of body/ than to avoid this little grief, and to be tormented all the days of his life with intolerable sorrows, and to have running from him stinking and filthy matter? I have told you: that this is no new manner of curing: for always the best physicians have commanded abstinence to the sick. Of the which number is Asclepiades, who, as Celsus saith, writeth, that the most sovereign remedy against the fever is, as he hath proved it, to diminish the strength of the patient with moche watch and abstinence, in so much that at the first beginning of the sickness, they should not so much as wash their mouth.  
¶ Abstinence, saith Eusebius, both keepeth the bodily health/ and the shamefastness of mind. Whereby it appeareth, that little and perate feeding is profitable to the flesh and the soul, as witnesseth Timotheus, which being on a season with Plato at supper, having before him such meat as he was wont to have/ turned toward his friends & said: They that Plato receiveth to souper, shall be well at ease long after, meaning that after moche eating of divers and abundant costly dishes, deynteously dressed, there followed evil and raw digestion, and great grief of the stomach. Wherefore afterward when it chanced him to meet with Plato, he said unto him: You Plato do eat this day rather for to morrow than for the time present.  
¶ And in Lucian Gallus the cock Pithagory judgeth it a great benefit of god given to Micyllus, because he could always with hunger avoid all fevers. And for that cause was without such disease. Now what shall we say to that, which as saint Jerome writeth, that certain diseased with the joint ache and the gout, after their goods were go, and were fro them, and were brought to poor fare and simple meat, they did recover their health? For they (saith saint Jerome) took no thought nor care for their household, and the abundance of meat and drink/ which do break both the body and the soul. And anon a●ter he saith: There is nothing that dulleth a man's mind so moche as a full belly: rising and turning hither and thither, blowing out wind with basking fysting and farting.  
¶ This story may be a learning unto many men, which is red of a certain great belied & fat abbot. As he was carried unto certain baths, it fortuned him to meet with a gentleman, who asked him, whither he was going? the abbotte made him answer and said, that he must go unto the baths. Why (quoth the gentleman) are you sick? Nay (quod the abbot) I am not sick, but I have no manner appetite unto my meat. I go therefore now unto the baths to get again mine appetite/ which I did of late loose: for they are holsomme therefore. Verily (que the gentleman) In this thing I can be a better physician unto you. And took the abbot with him, & put him in to a deep & dark dungeon, where he fed him certain days hungerly: and than at last he asked him/ whither he had an appetite to his meet? You ma●y (quoth the abbot.) I faith (quoth the gentleman) than is it reason that thou give me a reward for my medicine, and made him pay ii hundred crowns/ and sent him away in good health, with such an appetite, that he could have eaten both beans and leeks: where as before he refused all manner meat/ were it never so dainty: And so was he well ordered/ seeing he sought not meet with hunger, but hunger with meat. But peradventure we have spoken more than enough of this thing: therefore let us go unto other matters: But first I must tell you (to make an end of this chapter) that Guaiacum requireth not a belly that is replenished with variety of meats, or troubled with wind in the inward parts/ but purified and cleansed from all rawness and grossness of humours.   

¶ How hunger may easily be suffered. Capit. xviij.  
ANd this scarceness of meet can not only be born, but also may easily be born, and that through the virtue of Guaiacum: which after the body is once brought down, doth both preserve the life and also causeth that the sick shall not need to eat any thing at all. Therefore did I not without a cause give warning, that the sick should abstain from meat as much as may be. And if he wax feeble or faint, he may not be helped with meat, but with the sweet sa●ours, which I speak of, as much as is possible/ put to his mouth, and specially with hot bread. But if any feel himself to be wasted and ready to slide away through weakness. Which thing how it should chance in any man, I can not tell: for in me there happened no such thing at all, that I needed any manner help: Than I would counsel him to use these things, which Pliny thinketh easeth hunger, and quencheth thirst, when they be very fy●tell tasted of, that is butter and lykeresse, reclisse lykoresse. Orels in this thing we must follow Celsus, which saith thus: This one thing must always be ob●er●ed, that the physician be often times caused to sit by the patiented, to consider what ●●rengthe he is of, and to 'cause him as long as he hath any strength to wrestle and fight with hunger. And if he begin to doubt of his weakness, to help him with meat. Except any had liefer follow that, which Gellius saith, that Erastrate did writ/ that the Scythians/ when they for some cause must needs suffer hunger, do thrust together their belly and bind it round about very straightly with broad swaddling bonds, thinking that by such pressing together of their belly, hunger may be put away/ or the easilyer born. For seeing, as he says, hunger cometh of emptiness, and is caused of the voydnes and hollowness of the entrails/ and of the belly, than when the belly is gird in hard, so that the emptiness is filled/ & the hollowness joined, there can be no hunger where as these things be not, and utterly forbearing of meat/ may lightly be born. But why say I, utterly forbearing of meat/ which can not be in this cure? I may well call it hunger/ what so ever it be, that any abideth. For it may be suffered well and easily/ though a man take nothing in the world to help it. But unto these dainteous sick persons what thing can be light? which can not only suffer no hunger, but also not to have a stomach unto meat, they think it intolerable. For the which if at any time they be sick, we might pray god, that they never recover/ considering they esteem it a great grief to buy health with a little suffering.  
¶ Of these manner persons if I speak some what largely, I do it after mine accustomed manner, specially when I perceive many of my country men the Almains, to err in this behalf.   

¶ The praise of temperance in spite of riot. Capit. nineteeen.  
But I beseech almighty god/ that this nation may once know itself. Which thing I do not desire so moche, because it is uncomely, that the people that ruleth all the world, should so live, as for that, that such intemperancy and riot is an occasion to us of great evils, and also to be greatly despised. If other people should eat and drink as much as they could, they think they should pass the law of nature: but when we cromme in so much/ that we can not bear it, we look after laud and praise. What meaneth these strives and contentions of our valiant drinkers? when he that drinketh is received with triumph, when it is glory to overcome in drinking, and no shame to be drunk and cast it up again. O country, oh empire. As for the Polonians, or if there be any other that passeth us in drunkenness, I regard them not, but this nation I say aught to remember themself, and have regard to their dignity: except it seem, that other nations are comen under this empire, not for the reverence and opinion, which they had of our noble forefaders, but to despise and mock us. Verily it must needs be, that they were far other men/ that had such honour given unto them than we be, that are thus despised. Is there so moche as a child in Italy, that knoweth us by any other name, than by the name of dronkerdes? seeing that than other strange nations do speak sooner of our vice than of our humanity or virtue: shall ●e not change our living? Shall we not fere to loose this honour to our great rebuke and shame? Or shall we not think/ that it is more shame to us to loose the title and profit of the empire, that hath been a glory to receive, when it was offered unto us? Or that sober men and reasonable will be content to be under the rule and dominion of a drunken and barbarous nation, being without all good humanity. But if it can not happen into the brains of our men to understand their own shame, yet at the le●t let them know their own destruction. And if we set so little by the loss of our glory, and the rebuke and shame of our voluptuous mind, that we will not leave for that our unthrifty living: l●tte us at the lest wise have so moche wit as to care for our bodily health, which must needs be troubled and brought to nought in such feastings, surfeitings, and drinkings: about the which, as the satirike poet saith, leapeth and skippeth in great companies of all kinds of diseses. But Germany hath lost his wit and understanding, and hath forgotten itself, not all Germany, but many in Germany. These be they that draw their dinners unto supper, and their suppers in to far night. These be they, which through their misorder, have caused a strange poet, but yet not an ill poet/ for he seemeth to hate ill men, to writ to the great slander of this country/ saying: Bacchus sitteth at the dais, And Apollo is cast out of all company. For all the life there is nothing else but drinking, that is, they set more by drinking than by wisdom. How be it these dronkerdes/ that err through madness and lightness, might lightly be despised: but these that with their dainteous fare, and nice and wanton apparel cast themself headlong into the mydmayne see of voluptuousness and pleasures. These I say, be worthy to be hated of all the world. These be they, that lie upon their pyllowes of down heped together, that consume what so ever may be got by land or see, not to sustain their life, but to delight their sweet ●outhes, that must wear the finest linen, that must be robed in purple, that rejoice, to be wrapped in soft myes skins, not so much to keep them from cold, as for delicacy and wantonness. These be they, that may not touch comen cloth, whose skin can not suffer but the finest and softest thing that may be got: that take their counsel in quaffing and in their counsels quaff, that meddle with no sad matters, but lead all their life in feastings.  
¶ These things are not used (I say again) through all Germany/ but specially, which thing is to our great shame and rebuke, among the chief and the nobles of Germany: which pamperde up daily with all manner dainty fare, exercising dinners and suppers meat for pope's, in them they bankette, in them they bring one to an other, and therein have such pleasure/ that they had liefer die, than to be plucked from it. They have none other care, but to fill the belly: by whom Sallust if he had suspected such beasts ever to come in Germany, might well have spoken this his saying: Many men given to feeding and sleeping, have passed even as strangers their whole life, without knowledge and learning. But let a man cast with himself what opinion the Romans had in these days of the people of Germany: and than set before his eyes, what a monster, and how hateful this cherishing of our throats, that we now use, had been then? In the which when we have spent a great par● of our life, and have received thence those things that must needs follow that kind of life, that is innumerable kinds of diseases: than do not we confess● nor knowledge our fant, but do accuse god of cruelty. And though it be we ourself, that get and buy with great cost and expenses the sedes of all our sickness/ and nourish with all our heart our own mischief and destruction/ cherishing our evils with the lost of our whole patrimony: yet when we be once down/ and set up with quosshens and pyllowes heped round about us, not able to move hand nor foot: than we blame nature, and say, we may thank god of all our evils and pains. For no gluttons do otherwise, than they did, which Juvenal speaketh of, which believe, that god in his fume and wrath doth cast these diseases upon their bodies: and therefore call them the gone stones and weapons of god. But would to god we would return to our oaten porridge, and be covered as we were in time paste, with woollen garments, so made that every limb and part of us might be seen, & to wax weary of this silk, & hate these garments so full of pleats. For what other things are all these, but first the wasting of our patrimony, and than the purchasing and increase of all evils and diseases? Verily our ancestors/ being very nyggardes in this things, did great acts and excellent things with high glory. But when did we, that to fulfil our pleasant affection receive venom in the stead of meat/ any thing worthy the honour and glory of Germany? It was far better for us to be called and counted barbarous, when our living was homely and rude, than now to have in this riotous life, and this shame/ the laud and praise of wits and good learning.  
¶ What would great Charles say now, if he came again to us, and see our princes in their utter garments of silk: seeing that he himself wore a shirt of habergyn? Or what would one of the Othons say, which stretched out and enlarged their virtue and valiantness in dust and dirted when our men anoint themself with strange and costly bawmes?  
¶ There is a notable execration of Chrysyppus against them, that use ointments voluptuously to the pleasure of other. The devil take these delicate fellows, saith he, that have slandered so good a thing: the people that were wanton and given to pleasure used it in times passed. But it was never thought/ that the Germayns should ever come to this point, to smell of ointments and bawmes. And now we call for pomanders, muskeballes, damask powders, and all manner saviours/ as things necessary to our life: and think it great honour to us to smell of such strange savours. Nother is it women only that are in this fault, but men, specially princes and priests.  
¶ Solon forbade ointments to be sold in a cite of Grece: And the Lacedemones expelled them from their city, saying: that they corrupted and marred their oil.  
¶ And Lycurgus took away from the same Lacedemones banqueting, feasting, and costly dinners. And Socrates (as Xenophon saith) did grievously rebuke such riotous abundance.  
¶ Truly the old Germayns minded no such voluptuous pleasures, and they thought it a very strange thing/ to live any thing wanton or nicely. I have hard some old men say/ that when they were young men, it was a suspect thing to wear a gown: when we now a days do honour and worship purple. And therefore we may well cry, O corrupted and wretched world. They were covered with the skins of wild beasts, and lay in their fields under the sky/ and were made stronger with contynnall labour, where we that be wanton and nicely clothed, and take our pleasure under our gay gilted houses, be through all kinds of riot and voluptuous pastimes utterly weaked, and of all manly strengths deprived. And may any man think, that this manner of living can lightly have an end, seeing the chief & principal example thereof cometh fro them specially, that be called priests? What they be in deed god knoweth, and they only/ to whom it hath pleased god to give truer eyes to see with. These do not use all manner pomps and excesses in things appertaining unto the service of god, but every one of them must swim at home in his house in all manner of costly and dainteous dishes and cups, and they call eating and drinking living: or if they do not so call it, yet verily they so esteem it. And therefore seeing they do so, other men think they may do the same.  
¶ And this the laudable and natural custom and fashion of Germany is banished. For we be so far go, that we exceed all other nations, be they never so evil, in such abundance and voluptuous pleasures. It had more becomed us to have driven these things out from the mids of us, and as Diogenes did to the Tartis and fine manchettis/ so to have said to this strange riotous manner: O guest go and get the hens quickly. You the examples of strange nations aught once to have taught us. And seeing to bankette and surfeit most largely is now adaye counted most kingly, why do we not here the answer of Menedemus the philosopher, which he made to Antigonus, asking him whither he should go to a dainteous and costly f●ste or not? Have in mind (said he) that thou art a kings son. And Antisthenes, to a certain person praising delicious fare, said: I would our enemies fared delicately. The words also of saint Paul aught to be written in our hearts, saying: Meats are given to the belly, and the belly to meats: but god shall make an end of both. The same Paul when he condemned the works of the flesh, amongs which he numbered excess of drinking and eating, he addeth to these words: Of the which things I now warn you, like as I have before times warned you, that they, which commit such things/ shall not be the inheritors of the kingdom of god. But they now do the same things, which aught to be our gides into the kingdom of god/ priests, canons, bishops, and prelate's, in so moche, that it is now come into a proverb through out all Germany: Let him be made a man of the church/ that loveth to live pleasantly, as though such a life were meteste for them.  
¶ The frugality of my grandfather Laure●ce Hutten/ which is worthy to be written, aught to move us unto moche glory, who all though he were rich/ and much occupied in great matters of our princes, both in war and peace: yet would he never admit into his house pepper, saffron, ginger, nor such other strange spices, nor used garments but only of our own will, all though there were sometime precious vestures given unto him for the well doing of ●is business. And he did not only this himself, but also amongs his equals he rebuked greatly the fastions & manners of men, saying: We seek ever strange things/ as though we had not growing with us, wherewith our meat may be made delicate. If we will please and delight our taste, or as though the great price of our garments did increase the qualities of the mind. But I will cease to speak more of this man, least I should seem to covet mine own glory. If I had first told you this one thing me thinketh it is not so goodly a thing to be born of this my stock and family, in the which be some causes besides this, whereof I may glory, as to be born his nephew, that thus hath lived. Our predecessors, and such as I myself have seen old men, when I was but a child/ when they did keep, in their meet, drink/ and clothing such temperance, they were of good liking of body, and through great labour were hardened against hunger and thirst, heat and cold, where as we at the first frost, shiver and shrink together both hand & foot: & as soon as winter beginneth we be triple furred, and be shut up in our hot houses, out of the which we go not until midsummer/ when the son & heat bourneth and parcheth all things. And as I say, where as now scantly the ten person of the noble men can be found in Germania, but he hath either the gout in his feet, or in his hands, or is grieved with the dropsy, sciatica, or lepry, or is tormented with this french evil, which bringeth these greatest evils with him.  
¶ But at the last let us return & enter into that life, which is meetest for this nation & empire of Germany, and which even they, whom I told you lived wanton, can be well contented to here praised. For I think there is not one of these, that give them self to such delicate & riotous life, but he hateth the same in other, except he be so blinded through intemperancy, that he loveth these unthrifty mannered Sardanapales, and Heliogabalos, or doth hate the persimonia of many, which be of the contrary fashion. Truly virtue seemeth very amiable even to them that doth little follow or regard hit.  
¶ It was an old meat of Catoes, poradge made with cheese and eggs. And Pliny rehearseth, that gravel made with otemelle grootes was once the meat of the very and true Germaynes, as it is yet of many unto this day. But we feed upon strange and beyond see victuals, thinking that we have so moche need of them, that every house holder hath decreed to sell these things, that grow with us, to buy the other with: which one thing hath enriched the Fuchers: which in the mean season, that we thus nourish our bodies, have all the money, and like wise all the excellent goodly places in Almaigne. For they being the ministers of our voluptuous living, are so increased, that there is no prince in Almaigne able to compare with them in riches. So far be we go, and so little perceive we, what things Germany devoureth and consumeth. Wherefore I think that he was of excellent wisdom (if any such was) that feared in times passed, lest such voluptuous and delicate life should enter into Germany: whereof (as every man may plainly see) springeth so moche pestilence, and so many diseases: and again perceived, that they should live quietly/ that could be contented to lack such pleasures and delyciousnes. For they that dress our herbs, & live with them (as there be some true Germaynes yet remaining) they are of good health and bodily liking: but they that be spice fyngered, and belch cinnamon, and smell all of cloves, and have all their pleasure in goodly array, these be they, that are subjects to all kinds of diseases and evils. How properly therefore did the Satirike Poet call the gout Rich? For it meddleth not with them that are poor, and drink no wine, but it is a companion for rich men, dronkerdes, surfetours and delicate livers: which (as the same poet saith) to get sweet morsels, leave no place unserched.  
¶ And so, though this country bring forth that that is necessary for the life, yet as though nature had utterly forsaken them, they run unto strange things, fetching their garments, their meatis & medicines from Hercules pyllers, from the ilonde of Taprobana, from the river of Ganges, and from places farther of than these, even almost from the heed of Nilus.  
¶ The wrath of god light on these deed men's heeds, the first received these evils in to Germany. For they have done a thing unworthy for the gravity of the Germans Truly they, our forefathers, were none such: the which preferred the labours and peins of Hercules above the fleshly lusts, above the delicate meatis and soft beds of Sardanapalus. But O lord christ, how delicate, how holsomme feeding is bread made of rye or wheat, and gruel made of millio, oriza, ptisana, and oatmeal porridge? Add thereunto so many kinds of herbs, and so many divers garden spices, as anise, coriander, cynomum, fennel, mustered, neep, onions, leeks, garlic, and specially if we will believe Pliny, parsley hath a singular good grace, to season meats with. And for drink we have ale and bier. And for the rich men there is wine, which is the pure and clean drink of the earth, as Appollonius judgeth: so that it be used scarcely, whether it grew in France, or upon the banks of Rhenus. We have also of our own beestes flesh both tame and wild, which are not of unpleasant taste. We have fruits of trees, not to be despised, how rich is Germany, how plenteous of all meats, how abundantly doth it minister all things necessary for the life of man? Wherefore my chief desire & vow is, that they never lack the gout, nor the french pocks: that can not live without pepper: And I pray god/ they may once be brought to extreme hunger, which now search in all places, not for meat to live with: but for delicates and deintees, wherewith they may steer up their sweet mouths and provoke their appetites. How justly did Galenus envy health to such fellows, when he forbade all physicians from the curing of dronkerdes, & of them that are given to the belly? If such at any time were sick, for they by and by (saith he) through intemperate living heap up again gros●e and undigested humours, so that they be cleansed and purged in vain.  
¶ The necessity of nature is lightly contented, saith Hierom. Cold may be expelled with course clothing, and hunger with little meat.  
¶ When Anaxerses the king of pierce was brought to that necessity, that he eat dry figs and barley bread, than he beholding his fortune, and such a great change, said: O what pleasure is this/ that my regal abundance kept me from? By the which example we may know, that they only live in knowledge of their own life that live scarcely and soberly: And on the other side, they that be given to the nourishing of their bodies, and the pouring in of all things, be as men erring in darkness, and perceive not their own life, so far are they from the life of pleasure. How be it within short space, when they be once fallen into diseases, than they begin to feel and perceive, what life they have choose, and what is the reward of the same. For as Persius saith, when the hard and stony gout, the branches of their old surfeiting, hath broken their joints: than they mourn, that they have passed their days so grossly, and consumed their life so fylthely, and be so sorry to late of their life to come.  
¶ Do we than doubt, what is the cause of all the sickness, that the German have? seeing we may yet remember, that this pestilence and mischief of the body did enter with that rank and riotous life. For here we do now so give ourselves to whores & pleasures, that we seem to strive with other strange people for the mastery of filthy living, as men do in games for the best wager. And for this purpose we have certain ministers very expert. These get and convey unto us from the farthest parts of the world provocations of gluttony. These bring in from far, with marvelous delight/ both to eat, to drink/ & also to cloth ourselves with. Wherein seeing they have long and many days continued, to their own (as I said) great advantage: they have made some so delicious, that when they be here in Almaigne, they must drink wine of Corpse, they must have meats out from Italy: and contrary wise, when they be at Rome, they use wine of Rhine, or that which Neccarius bringeth forth. O perversed custom of living. O myschieffe/ worthy to be hated of all men: even so much the more that they be bishops/ which do these things, and are the ring leaders thereunto. Such manner of people I believe do desire of god/ as Aristotle writeth of Philoxenus, to have the necks of crane's.  
¶ Aristophanes reproveth the tables of the Syracusanes, and the voluptuous abundance of the Sibarites. If at that time he blamed such things, what would he say, if he now lived/ and saw our banqueting and feasting, our quaffing and drinking? Therefore as many as covet virtue and knowledge, let them take heed and hearken to Pythagoras, which saith: that a man, that riseth above man, can not taste or attain any high thing, that is to say, as long as a man liveth unchastely and dissolutely, he shall never do any great thing with wit or mind. The most holsomest feeding for man (saith Pliny) is one manner meat, the heaping of divers tastes is pestiferous, and sauces are worse than that.  
¶ Persius well perceived these things when he thus spoke in great mode: Thou wouldest have lyttie joints, and a hole body in age. You but the full dishes, and the fat denteous, will not suffer the gods nor jupiter to grant thereunto.  
¶ And Cicero bringeth in Cato saying: that a libidinous and intemperate youth, maketh age very feeble. And he adviseth and counseleth us to eat & drink so much as may sustain the bodily strength, & not oppress it, thinking that nothing can be so unfrendely unto the mind of man, which he calleth an heavenly reward and gift, as voluptuousness is. Nor as long as lust and pleasure beareth rule, Temperance can have no place: Neither virtue may bear any stroke, where lust and pleasure reigneth. And therefore he judgeth, that we aught to give great thanks unto age, which causeth that we list not to do that thing, which we aught not. For voluptuousness, saith he, being an enemy unto reason, stoppeth and letteth all good counsel, and blindeth the eyes of the mind, and meddleth nothing at all with virtue. And therefore he thinketh, that old men are happy, which when they lack feasts, full dishes, and the cups oft walking, they lack also drunkenness, rawness of stomach, and be not cumbered nor vexed with dreams, which manner of things, accompany them that are given to such wantonness. For Hierom saith, that diseses come of to much eating.  
¶ There is a pretty jest, of a certain physician of this country, which had a sick man in cure, that had rounning legs, and that not withstanding was given to bank etting and drinking myghtily, and yet complained that his medicines prevailed not, And that his soores ran faster, than they did at the beginning: Truly said the physician, they would cease rounning out, if thou wouldest cease pouring in.  
¶ Galenus affirmeth, that the great chuffs, whose life and occupation is feeding, may neither live long nor be healthful, and their minds be so wrapped with over moche blood and fatness, even as it were with mire, that they have no manner heavenly meditation, but do always think upon eating, drinking, farting, and shyting.  
¶ The old Romans called that fedyng● necessary, that was slender and sparing.  
¶ And among the greeks little meat was much commended by the writing of many.  
¶ The Effees, which were a certain sort of philosophers among the old jews, are landed of josephus, because they had turned their daily abstinence into a custom, & an nother nature. The same joseph praiseth the continency of the Pharisees. He that would once have had us destroyed, I think hath desired/ that this custom of living might enter among us. And therefore seeing Marcus Cato (as it is written in Pliny) did take great care and fear, least the Greeks should invade Italy, with their wanton and voluptuous living: which of our forefathers hath provided/ that none of these spices and silks should be sold in Germania? farewell pepper, farewell saffron, farewell silk. Or if there be any use thereof among other nations, I pray god that this nation never know it, or see it. And Christ send our country men this mind, that they may call home again the frugalite of their elders, & fashion themselves to their honest sparing.  
¶ With what stout stomach doth Anacharsis boast the order of his living? Unto me (saith he) hunger is a sweet morsel/ the ground is my bed/ a cloak of Scythia (that is a beasts skin) is my garment. Sober Demosthenes drove drunken Aeschines out of the city. Socrates hating the tavern haunters, and such as have all their delight and pleasure in their throats, said: Many men live to the intent to eat and drink, but I eat and drink to live. O, very wise man/ and worthy so to be taken by Apollo's commendation.  
¶ And this saying of a greek poet is to good to be forgotten: Thou thyself must rule the bridle of thy belly.  
¶ What say you? what manner fellow think you Epicurus was? Whom all the world persecuteth, as a fellow of pleasure/ which put the highest felicity in pleasure? Truly what so ever it be, that he made so moche of, he meant in the only use of breed and water, & did moche commend slender living, and such as may quickly be got. And writing unto a certain friend of his, he saith: Send me a little cheese of Cithridi, that I may, when I will, far somewhat more deynteously.  
¶ Anaxagoras said: He that eateth savourly, needeth but little meat. Porphirius willeth the mind to be cleansed and purged with abstinence. And Philostrate writeth/ that Porus, the king of Ynde, was exceeding strong and mighty, notwithstabding he never fed but upon bread and water. Masinissa lived. lxxxx. year without any manner deilcate feeding. And Mithridates, king of Ponte, which kept wars with the Romans xl years, used to eat his meat standing: so far he was from our fashion, that he would not sit down on a soft quoysshon.  
¶ Titus Li●ius writing of Hannibal says: He measured his meet and drink after the need of nature, and not after pleasure. He had not the times of watching and sleeping destincted by the day and the night, but when his business might spare him, than took he his rest, and yet not such as is caused with a soft bed and silence.  
¶ And amongs the lands of Augustus Cesar, this is the chief/ that he was content with little meat and drink. But we had liefer order our life after the fashion and manners of gluttons and pleasant fellows, living contrary unto nature, to the destruction both of body and soul/ than to the preservation of them both to set before us these examples of life, so noble and so healthful. And I pray you/ the Turks and other/ that are not of this our religion/ will they ever desire to become christian men, when they see us thus to live? But I trust that our nation will once at last beware and wax wise again, being taught with our own harm.  
¶ Now again unto our purpose. And for so moche as I have spoken of abstinence and sklender fare, I will show what I think of him, that ordereth himself after this diet, whether he may be restored, which some men do think, even without the drinking of Guaiacum.   

¶ Whether a man may be restored by this diet only, Capi. xx.  
OF them that be good ought to be none evil opinion, neither suspicion: but truly these comen physicians be sore grieved, that this medicine can do so much/ and that it alone can do it, even without their meddling. They fume very sore/ that so many in every place be suddenly helped, of whom they trusted to have had a perpetual stipend and continual lucre. Wherefore they strive very stiffly, fearing lest in time to come it shall take away the trust that men have in them. They have spoken of late certain trifling & vain words, which if they spoke as they thought, must be ascribed to their ignorance: but if they spoke it of envy, unto their mischievous mind. They say, that a sick man may be recovered only by this diet and order of life, which is prescribed in this cure of Guaiacum, though he never drink of this decoction of Guaiacum, nother receive any other medicine. And I myself have seen them, that have promised, that they would seethe the havings of juniper, and of oak, or ash, or pine tree, or all these together, and they doubted not, but that they would with these help men of such diseases, as well as with this decoction of Guaiacum. Where unto (all though I suspect their malicious intent) yet I pray god send them as good fortune as they would wish. For what could be a greater commodity unto this nation, than to have such a remedy growing in our own woods/ which must else be fet from so far? But I greatly fear, lest they go in vain about this their rash promise, both because I think this to be a grievouser disease than may be put away with hunger, without any other medicine ministered, specially after it hath fastened his roots deeply, as for the most part it is wont to do. And also if these trees, which I spoke of, could do any such thing, their virtue and power I think should not so long have go unknown, seeing they grow here among us. Never the less I am content, they make a proof. For what other thing hath a physician to do, but daily to find out somewhat/ and to know by experience, and to search what will help every grief and sickness? But this thing I would all should be admonished to believe/ whereof I spoke before/ that the help of frugalite and scarceness, as it is great in other diseases, so is it, and that specially, in the french pocks: but yet not so great that it may amend the blood that is infected and corrupted through the venom of this disease, without such medicines, as have their power & strength to do it. As by example. If two kept war together, and the one of them obtained of me/ that I should not help his adversary: verily I may impute unto him, that I hurt him not/ but that I have holp him, I may in no wise. And likewise the abstaining from meat and drink, as it doth not take away the disease, so doth it not nourish. As one might say, that he nother bound a person when he might, nother loosed him when he might not.  
¶ I have showed you/ that many have been restored to their health from the gout and joint ache/ when they brought themself to a more slender and a soberer diet, & abstained from wine & women: but I never thought so of the french pocks/ and the maladies that follow thereof. For that entereth so deep that it can not lightly be plucked up, & spreadeth so broad/ that it can not with a little thing be brought together, but it so infecteth the hole body, on which it once catcheth hold, that it can not be taken from any part alone/ but when it is driven out from the hole, as at one brayed or pluck. Believe me, that have proved many things herein to my great hurt, if any man mought have avoided this evil with sober and scarce living/ I had avoided it long sins. For by the space of iii hole years I kept my body as low and as lean as could be/ in so much that in that space I felt no grief of my disease, but yet I was not clean rid from it. Never the less go to you noble promisers/ seethe you ash/ make you ready juniper and pine tree, and take box to, if it please you, and horn beam, and plane tree, and you shall get right great thank of all men, if through your diligence we may have here at home, that we must else seek so far of. You and you shall do moche more for us, than the Fuchers should, though they made pepper or cynamum to grow in this country. And so gladly as I would receive this thing at your hand, if you would ever give it forth: so before you give it, I will not believe, that there is any such thing in you, not I will not so much as hope for it, seeing I have gaped so often times in vain looking for those golden hills.   

¶ How a man must order his belly in this cure. Ca xxi.  
ALL the time of this cure the belly avoideth very little and hard, and that with moche ado, and that is not only by cause he eateth little but also by cause the nature of this medicine is to dry & bind. How be it I have hard say, that this thing happeneth not to every man a like. For some say that anon after the beginning they were loose belied, and some were so continually: Whereof I did marvel. For in these xl days it never went from me so much as one's, but as it was compelled. For in this diet it may be kept to the u or vi day. without any jeopardy: And than in the morning the shaving of this Guaiacum sudden in water must be drunken to the maintenance of half an ounce. And if it move not at the first, it must be given again the next day, & so the third day, and if it help not, so you must then pour in clysters underneath or suppositories prepared for the nonce. For the belly must needs be loosed. And if a man will loose himself by drinking or eating Cassia, I think he doth not much amiss so that this be done but one's, and that morning let him not drink Guaiacum: I would not that he should be eased with vomitis: for they make the body cold: and (as Pliny saith) they be evil for the eyes, and speciallly for the teeth. There be many things in this cure, that stop the belly. first because the body is emptied in the beginning with a purgation, and than because there is little meat received. But as this place is closed and shut from eiections, so is there somewhat in the mean season, other by sweeting, through the strength of Guaiacum that expelleth things hurtful and superfluous, or else in the urine, the which is more moist than that cometh of the meat. And one thing is greatly comfortable, that in the time of this cure there chanceth no swelling/ nor there are no painful throws or aches felt/ nor the taste cometh not bitter, nor there riseth no loathing of meat, nor vapours breath not lightly ascending from the stomach to the heed, as in other diseses. And that the patient is purged, it is easily perceived by making of water: nor to the intent that should be done/ none other provocation should be sought. Now will I speak a little of sweeting.   

¶ how in this cure one may be mo●ed to sweat. Capi. xxii.  
IF the patient can not sweated, some think, that means should be sought to provoke him thereto. And therefore they cast on him many elothes, and let him lie three or four hours covered hot. And though this among all things that we suffer, be one the hardest: yet I felt even to the very fainting, that so chanceth no faylling, all they that were cured with me, endured it most grievously, and they said, that this was the hardest thing in all this cure. But if I might lawfully say my mind here in (all most I dare not show that that I have learned) I would no man should be provoked to sweat, save that the patient shall as the thing requireth, keep his bed three or four hours, and pass not, and let him be covered, but not with over many clotheses, nor to lie over still and steer not: but in any wise let him not be put to much vexation.  
¶ And I think verily, that as well in this cure as in other, the physicians of my country do many things fond, which aught not to be done. For as this medicine of hit self causeth one to sweat, even so it will not abide compulsion. Whereof this may be a dew proof, that I perceived myself no sooner to sweat, when I was covered with three or four furs, than when I had to wry me but one coverlede. But this I would you should understand, that the patient must needs sweat, and if it will not come naturally, than it must be provoked meanly. For I allow nothing that is forced. And I warn you, that you eschew those, that are wont to toast the bodies at the fire, or that would have the stews over hot. For such hea●●●●●●roye the bodies, and dry up the humours that nourish the strengths. And where I said sweat must be provoked meanly, or easily, must be thus taken: that if one be wried with the clotheses of one bed, so that the loode of the clotheses grieve him not or irk him: I suppose through the operation of Guaiacum, he shall sweat enough.   

¶ How this medicine shall help, and whether it heals men suddenly, or at leisure. Ca xxiii.  
But now, I suppose, it is high time to declare, how the effect of this medicine may be perceived and understand, and when the pacientis begin to mend, and whether this curing be sudden and swift, or late and slow. Wherein, as I use in all other, I will open to you those things, that I myself have both seen and known: but this I warn you of before, that if it have chanced otherwise to any man, than I write, that he lay not the blame in me.  
¶ I have learned, that Guaiacum helpeth by little and little, and not suddenly, and goeth forward fair and easily, and not violently. For it is so far from the truth, to think that it helpeth one suddenly, that sometimes, from the first day to the xu the disease cometh so sharp, and the pain and ache so augmenteth, and the foores so enlarge, that a man would think himself in worse case during those days, than ever he was before: either because than the disease is rooted up & drawn from the inner partis, and the rooting up is painful, or else that the alteration/ which than is caused in the disposition of the body, breaking out with a great violence and shaking, putteth a man to grievous pain. For undoubtedly this medicine draweth out this mischievous disease by the rootis: and that doth it unto some forth with after they begin to take it, and to some other it tarrieth a longer time: but it doth so to no man before the vii day: and to many (as it did to me) after the twenty day: if it tarry longer oer it work this effect, than the default is other while in the pacientis, when they will use excess in feeding. In me (as I said afore) the fa●te was in sithing of Guaiacum/ for by reason that the physicians in preparing thereof, made it smaller than they should have done, I was the longer oer it wrought on me. And I have hard physicians say, that according to the complexion of the bodies it worketh sooner and slowlier. And this is sure and certain, which thing Stromer oft affirmed unto me, that if they, the whose wit is more subtile, and are right attentively given unto study/ hap to fall sick/ their diseases shall be more vehement and longer continued. And many think, that it skilleth greatly, as well in this disease/ as other, in what placis of the body the sickness should chance, for the right part is more healeable than the left: Because, says Alexander, by larger exercise the matter is stopped, and made more apt to heal. Also they say, it is more harder to heal the uttermost partis, because they be far of from the body, it is long ere they can be nourished and fed. And there it is to be taken heed, whether the grief doth ascend or descend. Celsus saith, that what so ever grief goeth downward, is the more curable. And again. All grief, which proceedeth upward, is worse for the medicine to come unto. And that such diseases, that chance in our secret partis/ as they are most painful and sharp, by reason of inflammation (whereunto those partis are specially subjects) so are they forthwith and soon healed. Which as in all other medicines they may be moved, so for the new use brought up of Guaiacum, I wot not whether it be always so or no. But this let every man take heed of, that where so ever the grief be, and with what so ever kind of the pocks they be peyned, that they prepare well Guaiacum/ and after they have drunk so long thereof that it be spread and run into the veins: than you may be sure their ache little and little goth away: And otherwhile the ache cometh again/ and is more sharp and painful: and goth away again. For after it once beginneth to suage, and than waxeth sore and painful, it endureth not long. And they that have soores, shall have the flesh eaten away about the soores of a great breadth: And that is a token, they begin to heal. For unto me it chanced, as it never did afore, that about the xxv day my legs wear eaten so bore, that you might have seen the bone the breadth of a man's nail, which thing put me in great fear: but without any difficulty, within a few days after the flesh grew and was restored again. And by this I perceive well, that the nature of this medicine is to purify & cleanse the soores underneath, and under the flesh to prove and show first the virtue thereof. Hitherto have I seen few or none, whose soores were clean healed, that were kept close till they held. And therefore I have hard many expert therein say, that than Guaiacum maketh an end of his operation, when the patient returns to his meat and in every thing taketh again his old custom of living. I told you before/ that it was necessary for me to keep in, till the xl day. All things well pondered/ I perceive, that this medicine requireth a long season to work perfectly. For the nature of this medicine is not to break, or pluck away the blondde, but by little and little to amend and purify it (in which blondde being corrupt, rests all the force and strength of this disease) and to expel and divide from the body the hurtful humours, thht are norisshementes of this disease, from some in their urine and sweatings, and from other some in their sieges. And when of this disease a man beginneth to wax whole, than the first operation of ●uaicu● is to make a man to 〈◊〉, and secondly by the passages of the urine it purgeth: by which means it fetcheth out and voideth marvelous foul fylthynesses. And than the hands and feet wax marvelous cold, in so much that they seem to have no heat in them at all. Whereof physicians say this is the cause, that than this medicine draweth the heat from the utter parts to the inner: the which inward partis after they be warmed and made hot, than the heat spreadeth itself into the outward partis. For this, without any doubt is proved, that their limbs, that be healed with Guaiacum be most hot. And vi or seven. winters next following my legs and feet would be so cold, that I could never get them warm enough, though I wrapped them in never so many clotheses: now they wax so warm, that with a very thin hose or such like garment/ I put away the cold. These things thus understand and known, we must come to this point, that is, to know the operation of Guaiacum/ and against what sicknesses it helpeth.   

¶ What power Guaiacum is of, and what sicknesses it helpeth. Cap. xxiiii.  
THe most principal and the chieffest effect of Guaiacum is to hele the french pocks clean/ plucking them up by the roots, but specially when a man hath been diseased with them of a long tyme. For I have seen them, that many a day lay sore peyned with the pocks, sooner and better restored unto their health, than they, on whom the scabs began newly to appear. Not that on those, newly diseased any thing should be left unhealed, but that the curing goth forward more hardly, and the disease sticketh faster and is more grievously plucked out. For Guaiacum doth resolve and destroy marvelously swellynges/ gatherings together of ill matters, hardnesses/ bumpis, and knobs. Fluxions or runnings it utterly taketh away/ either consuming or turning the same an other way. It causeth the soores to impostume, without any manner of grief. And if any thing lie hid within, it rooteth it out. And so of some (as it did to me) it maketh the bones bore, of some it showeth the sinews, and breaketh the veins, or eateth most deeply in, and it heals these partis that be infected with this disease, and with such stench and filthiness/ that the savour can not be abiden. And therefore the physicians say, that the virtue of this medicine is to heat, to dry, and to amend the fautis of the blood and of the liver: but it worketh all these things with such a temperance, that indifferently, whether the cause be hot or cold it easeth the patientis. Wherefore with the dryness thereof it restreyneth the flix, destroying the hurtful humours that flow out, or else plu●keth up by the roots the cause of their beginning, and restoreth again the good disposition of the body. It doth extenuate phlegm/ and the poors or passages of the urine, that chance many times by perunctions to be shut, and also other in this disease it openeth, you and provoketh & compelleth the urine to make and have way. For the which skill some think it helpeth them that have the stone, and that it compelleth the stones to issue out of the bladder. I have experience, that it greatly minish black colere. And therefore it maketh a man more gladsome, and quencheth anger. Undoubtedly it hath a great virtue against Melancolye. And it taketh away runnings and dropings, and it lyghtneth his heaviness, by heating (as it may be thought) the brain. It is said, that it amendeth soores, which were before ill healed, how so ever they came, and cutteth again the scars. It amendeth the leanness, which hath long continued in the body. And therefore when this cure is done, men wax very fat all their life after. They say it hath a marvelous virtue against the stinking of the mouth, & doth amend the grief of the breath, which also cometh through the fa●te of anointing. It helpeth the inward parte●, and specially the stomach, the which it whole reneweth, and maketh the brooking as good as ever it was before. His effect is excellent for the membres that be fallen away and diminished, it increaseth them and filleth them up, it stretcheth forth the sinews, that are shrunk, and those that be loose it fasteneth and maketh strong. It is also proved, that such partis as through this disease be made deed & without feeling, are again quickened and brought to their old feeling and lustynesse● I said before/ that as touching the belly it varied. For some it did bind, and some it made lax till they were weary. And again some it did bind in the beginning, and afterward it loosed them, and made them lank belied. And that the very havings broken as small as could be, to the mountenance of half an ounce, was given in drink to provoke a siege. I have also said, that the measure thereof is not given after the proportion of his strength, that receiveth it. For it maketh not one weaker when it is ministered. And now this one thing I affirm, that if it be four times sodden, yet is not all the virtue go out. Wherein I do not believe other men, but I myself have proved it. How be it I deny not, but the first broth is much stronger. Some there are, that steadfastly believe, that it is very good for fistuls and cankers, and for the parts that be eaten with cankers. Certain it is, it helpeth them that fetch their wind with pain, and can not breath, if that fault come through this sickness, or through an ointing.  
¶ And for as much as I have showed before, what evils come with this sickness, it ●ere but labour in vain to repeat them/ which all it taketh away, destroyeth, and vanquyssheth, as I before told: and that (if they be old) very lightly. And in like manner it helpeth the gout. For I myself have seen two restored to health, which were sore vexed in their feet: but yet the physicians say, that it helpeth only those, that have got the gout through cold, which thing I leave to them to complain of. It is also an healthful remedy for the palsy, and especially when it is new and lately be gone. For than it quencheth and driveth it away: which thing I do write upon the report of faithful and sad men, that have knowledge thereof. For as for me, I did never hitherto see any that was so delivered.  
¶ Ricius told of a leper, the which though he were not clean delivered by this medicine, yet was he made much better and cleaner, and such a man as men might suffer his company: so that Ricius judgeth, that this medicine is able to hide and stop leprosy, though it can not take it clean away. But if this cure were used once again or often, than he believed, that the great hurt of that disease should be put of for a long tyme. And more over he had great hope, that if this sickness were thus prevented in the beginning, it might utterly be purged and cleansed, and the sick restored. And for as much as this medicine hath virtue to dry up, some go about to minister it for the water betwixt the flesh and the skin, which is called the dropsy, the end whereof we look for. It is well known to be profitable against the falling evil, as the physicians say, if the disease be of a cold kind. I have seen them that were inwardly diseased and grieved with many other syckenesses, that were of an evil and corrupted stomach, and could but badly digest, and when they would recover themselves from their long feebleness and sycklynes, and repair again their strength and health, have prepared themselves unto this cure, the physicians not advising them the contrary. And Ricius approveth the same in many. For so moche as he knew (as he said) that a hole man, or but little acrased, might come unto this cure without any hurt: and he did perfectly believe, that the good liking of the body was kept, preserved, defended, and confirmed therewith. Let it now content you, to have hard spoken these things of the helps of Guaiacum, of the which if any man will ask me the causes, I will send him to the physicians that be expert. For as for me, I profess no such thing. Neither yet did I begin this book/ to th'intent that I would by and by give a reason of these things that I would write, but this thing I promised what so ever I found of Guaiacum, and perceived by experience, other in myself, or in other, and what so ever I had either seen or hard of other, that would I faithfully and truly put in writing, leaving an occasion to many after me, to declare the thing as it is worthy. And now that all men may know, what Guaiacum hath done in me/ I will show in what parts of my body, and after what fashion I was diseased.   

¶ What diseases this remedy hath taken from me. Cap. twenty-five.  
BY this one chance it is known, that we aught not to despair in any bodily disease; though we be brought never so near to deaths door. For how many were we, after the physicians had given us up, that were restored to health through the sudden and (as a man would say) the heavenly help of Guaiacum?  
¶ I knew one/ my very sure friend/ which when he see me so bitterly vexed with this sickness, that for pein I could nother rest by night, nother eat by day, advised me to kill myself, seeing there could no remedy be found, and my body seemed to drop away in filthy matter, to my great pain and sorrow/ and no hope at all of recovery: saying to me, It becometh the to be delivered from this evil, whether it will or not. But he had forgotten, that we were christians, and remembered to well, that we were friends and lovers. For it is our part to behold all things in them that witnessed in times past, whom we now call martyrs, unto the world, our saviour Christ manfully suffering for his sake great torments and pains: How be it if any thing may 'cause a man to long for death, truly it is the torment of this sickness. For I utterly deny, that ever the father of Licinius Cecine, suffered any such sorrow or pain, when he flew himself with the juice of Papavers, Or that ever any other, which did likewise, felt so intolerable evils, as this sickness causeth. For this pestilence besides all his vexations and torments, (which pass far all other) only with his foulness and lothelynes is able to make one weary of his life.  
¶ When Speusippus the philosopher was once plucked and drawn with the palsy, that he dispeyred to escape, and then met with Diogenes, and bade him well to far and good health: Diogenes (they say) answered, saying: And thou likewise farewell in no means, seeing thou art such one and canst be content to live.  
¶ The same Diogenes, that was wont to be so stiff a philosopher, what trow you would he have said, if he had behold & seen me, when I was likewise vexed, as they that had the palsy: and besides that was so loath some both in 〈◊〉 & savour, that all were grieved with me, & some did hate me? And yet I did live and had some hope/ although I had been oftentimes deluded and mocked through the great promysis of the physicians. And left any man should think that my disease was either light, or in one part only: I will show in what taking I was. first I could do nothing with my left foot, for there had this evil dwelled viii years and more, and in the mydlegge, where the shin is covered with flesh very thin, there were soores inflamed through the inflammation of the flesh, rotting with great ache and burning, and as soon as one waxed hole, an other broke up. For there were many, here some and there some/ which could by no help of the physicians be brought together in one. Over them was a knob so hard, that a man would have thought it a bone, and in that was exceeding pain and ache, beating and pricking without ceasing. There was also very nigh to the right ankle above, a certain swelling and gathering/ which was also hard like a bone, and was the oldest of all/ where in remained the remenantes of this pestilence fresh and new risen.  
¶ When the physician went about this with iron, with fire, with hot irons, or with any other instrument, they profited nothing: sometime it was swollen very vehemently, with great pain and aching, sometime it assuaged and was gentyller. And it grieved me less when my foot was hold toward the fire/ and yet would it not suffer to be covered with moche gear: it ran so that a man would have thought it would never have been stopped. And as often as I would rest or stand upon my foot, my pain was intolerable: than upward the calf and the knee were marvelous cold, and as things deed. The thigh was clean worn away & consumed to extreme lennesse, and the skin was so thin, that there seemed nothing else left to cover the boon with. Moreover the joints were so louse, that long time I had much ado to stand hilone: and to be short: the one of my buttocks was but a thing wethered away. In my left shoulder there was such pain that I could not lift up mine arm: the extreme parts of my shoulders were week and woxen very stiff: in the mids of the brawn of mine arm there was a swelling as much as an egg, and as for the rest of mine arm even to the very hand, was clean worn away. And on the right side a little under the lowest rib, there had I a sore, which was not in deed painful/ but it boiled out certain fowl and stinking matter/ and issued very fylthyly after the manner of a fistule with a narrow mouth outward, and inward it was of a large hollowness. And above him there was also an other as though a bone had been bred there upon a rib. And to conclude I did plainly feel a stream and issue come down behind from the top of my heed unto all these. And where it began the leeste touch in the world made my heed to work as though the brain pan had been broken● nother might my face be turned backward, but as it was turned with the hole body. This one thing yet wool I not pass, where from if Guaiacum had delivered me, and done nothing else, yet ought I to have lauded and praised his virtue greatly, and that is noon sleep, which I coveted so deadly, and was so much given thereunto, that almost in vi years space there scaped not one day/ when the physicians cried out upon me, saying: that was the cause of all my diseases, and yet I could not refrain myself from it. But now is that go so far from me, that I trow if I should enforce myself to sleep in the day time, I could not. With all these, and so great evils all though I was so maystred, that all men dispeyred my health yet my good angel (I believe) willed me to tarry and look for somewhat. And lo through the help of Guaiacum I am bold now to ●yne/ and to draw breath again. Which mind god give to all good men, that they never cease to hope and trust. As for me I repent myself in nothing: and if by any means long life might be granted unto me, I have great hope that I should live hole, sound, and lusty. And of this disease, and of the remedy of Guaiacum/ I have written these things that came to my mind very faithfully, truly, and as my learning would suffer me: and here would I make an end, if I thought it not necessary to admonish them, that shall read these things, how after this cure, the sick must be ordered, as touching the order and manner of their living, which thing I will perform and that briefly.   

¶ As touching the order of living after this cure is passed what is to be observed. Ca xxuj.  
I Gave warning before, that after this cure is paste, and the patient is departed out of the cloister of this medicine, wherein he was close kept he must use consequently in his living a certain diet and order by the space of iii or at the left two hole months. And now that we be come to the very proper place to entreat of the same thing/ I say that it is so necessary to be done, that who so ever hath recovered his health, except he afterwards take good heed, diligently observing many things, and live for a space under a certain rule, as though he were yet shut up: I say plainly that his health shall not long endure. And therefore three months are appointed unto such as were either greattely consumed and low brought in their sickness, and had many issues, and avoided much, or else were sore hurt in there sinews and limbs, or be so weakened, in their body, that a little time can not be sufficient together up perfitly: their crumbs again. And on the other side, they that be strong and not so far go, nor broken, unto such, two. months after their setting out are enough as it is thought. But by cause I would provide surely for them that will follow me, I will advise them to observe and keep this prescript very long, and to begin with, they shall abstain themselves long time from the fleshly act: Because they that be recovered through Guaiacum, have their bodies very tender and utterly weak as yet, as though they had been lately new born? And therefore if they should have the company of woman, whereby the new got strength is week and green, and not yet riped: it would by and by dissolve and destroy the strength and myghtis of all the membres for ever. And for as much as the use of carnal copulation bringeth into peril not one member by himself but all the hole body at one chop: What other thing may we say, he pretendeth, that meddleth carnally with women (being so feebled) than willingly to ●lee himself, or at the left speedily to destroy his natural strength, and plainly cast his health away?  
¶ And if some be forbidden the company of women, which be never the less of good liking in body, and have no disease at all: How moche aught they to avoid and flee it, that thus have lost their health & might, and must labour all that they can to repair the same again? And if before, xiiii. year of age none is strong enough unto that act, because his strength is not full furnished to put so jeopardous a thing in experience: How than aught he to beware & take heed/ that is thus new born again, and hath so young & tender a body, that he offer not himself to be rashly plucked and toore● before he have received his strength, and is well hardened therein.  
& The next point here unto is this, that though they shall have a greedy and sharp appetite to meat, being emptied with continual hunger, yet they must resist the same, and as much as may be to behave themself very soberly and scarcely in their feeding. And therefore they must first use very little meat, and afterward some what more, going forth by little and little, so that there may be a good space ere that they come to their old custom of eating, exercising themself softly, beginning no new thing hastily or suddenly, utterly abstaining fro all wines except it be first delayed with moche water, and be also of hit self small and of good savour and clear, and yet so, very moderately: Let him also, that is cured, be well fenced against the violence of the air, and specially in those times that be grievous with cold wind and rain, or else let him go forth abroad very seldom. He may take meat twice aday, but at eventide very little: and all that time he may never follow his appetite, but must avoid fullness, as the greatest evil, that can be. He must also above all things forbear fish, and feed upon young and tender flesh, such as is of light digestion, and nourisheth purely: which they be you may know by the physicians teachings. And these things must have place, in the said two or iii months, for other things which shall be further observed, may be learned more plainly in the things following. For now I will advise and monish with few words, not only them that are recovered by Guaiacum, but other as well from what so ever disease they be delivered, if they tender their good health and welfare, and desire to be long in prosperity, what things they shall follow. And here it is chief to be noted (how be it all doth now know it) that this one thing is it that maketh this sickness to be very grievous, because there is great difficulty in dieting. For when this disease is overcome, it is not one only that must be observed in the order of our living, but many things: and diverse must be reckoned upon. In so much as what so ever things there be, whether they be with or against all the diseases, which I said before followed this sickness, he that is recovered, must set them before him: endeavouring himself with all diligence to obtain them/ that make with him, and to avoid them that be against him. Wherefore he must be always very careful in his living, that all thing may be done ordinately. Not withstanding if this medicine have saved any, there is for them great comfort, because they that are expert thereof, plainly think, that after the pacientes have once received their health, & the time of observation, which followeth this cure be past, nothing that is not contrary to their old manner of living can put them in any danger, so that they used not before to live without order utterly. For that same order shall serve him, that is thus restored, as shall serve them, that never had the sickness. Wherefore they think it not so much to be regarded, what a man eateth, as how much he eateth: And there fore no kind of meat to be forborn, no choice of meat to be had, concerning the quality of feeding, nothing to be cared fore, but that which is known to apperteygne to the comen conservation of health, and to the universal avoiding of all maladies and diseases. Wherein that that Celsus teacheth, perchance shall not be the leeft, which is, that every man take heed, left while his body is in prosperity, the aids and succour against adversity be consumed and wasted.  
¶ health is preserved (as the same Celsus saith) by diet, by medicines, by ointings, by frictions & rubbings, by baynes, by exercise, by carriage about, by clear and pleasant reading: which things how they aught to be considered fully and whole, I leave you to ask of him. Here will I briefly touch a few things, and such as appertain to diet. This I think they must feed pleasauntely and moderately/ and take such meats and drinks as be of lightest digestion. For as Paul saith, The chiefes● point of education is, that the meat be such as will lightly digest and nourish well, not slow in digesting, nor clammy/ nor plenteous in superfluities: and the drink to be small wine/ white, pure, and a little delayed with water. And Celsus says: See your meat be not fatty, clammy, nor windy. And by his counsel you must abstain in all such diseases from all manner salt meats, sharp, sour, and bitter. For the same reason I think, whereof I made mention before. And Paul saith, In eating, the greatest fault is satiety and fullness, For all though the belly digest well/ yet the veins to much replenished, labour sore/ they swell, they break/ they be stopped and filled with wind, and plain it is, that the worst diseases of all come of satiety. He thinketh this only to be avoided, that no man fill himself. And I judge the same but not only, for I would more over nothing to be dressed deinteously, nothing to be sauced curiously, and that many dishes of diverse kinds be not set before us/ nother will (as these rich men use) six. or vii or sometime ten meases at one supper to be brought in: For a man would not believe, how moche these things hurt, not only the stomach, but also the whole digestion. And therefore I will repeat again this thing which is spoken of the same author: Variety of meats is greatly to be avoided, specially when contrary operations and virtues be in them. For when they be so thrust in, they resist digestion. And the same thinketh Galene, and A●icene/ and as many as be of pure judgement in physic.  
¶ Cato (as Tully writeth) commands so moche meat and drink to be received, as may refresh the strength and power of the body, and not oppress it. Wherefore by the counsel of Xenophon, we must make for the most part a small dinner, that there may be a place for the supper.  
¶ Plainly this disease is of that sort, that Galenus thinketh to come of fullness: which thing is thus to be understand, not that I think all that liveth in surfeiting, straight way to be cast into the french pocks (all though such shall not escape diseases, not not most grievous) but if any have been vexed before with them, and than healed, eat & drink intemperately, he must needs fall again into them. And therefore the meat that is received, let it nother be diverse nor much, that the stomach be not loaded, and digestion letted. And again let it be (as I monysshed) easy in digesting. Pliny saith, All manner sharp meats, all that is to moche, and all that is hastily received be hard in working/ and harder in summer than in winter, and harder in age than in youth.  
¶ It is written in Tully, he that meddleth not with exquisite meats, looded tables, and often cups, shall not be cumbered with drunkenness, rawness of stomach, or dreams. But for as much as wha● this cure is done, we must provide, how the body, that hath hitherto been emptied and made lean, may be brought again unto his old state, therefore peradventure those meats must be used/ that increase and fill the body, not with noyful humours, but such as Celsus rehearseth in the three chapter of the first book.  
¶ Pliny also saith, The bodies grow and increase with sweet and fat meats and with drink: they diminish and go down with dry, lean, and cold meats and thirst. But this must be wisely understand, for those things which I have often before monysshed. But seeing Galenus warneth us in all things to take heed to the belly, For what so ever, saith he, is corrupted, in that it is a cause of rot unto all the body, and so of diseases: I think it best to take those drinks and meats, as Celsus teacheth, which do both nourish and make the belly soft.  
¶ But if any, through the dyvess provocation fill himself, and load his stomach with mea●e, more than it is able to bear: if he list to seek help by sleep, let him here Pliny, saying. To digest in sleep, it maketh more for the corpulentnes than the strength of the body. And therefore the physicians would have the great fat wrestlers to make their digestion by walking. But if he had lea●er ease himself by vomit, as many do counsel, and Paul specially teacheth, for through vomits many evils oftentimes have been stopped and withstand: let him read his doctrine, showing how one may lightly vomit. And if nother of these be regarded, or to late proved, than peradventure he must go to physic, whereunto if the sick be compelled, I can give him none other commandment, but even the same which I have oftentimes spoken, that he commit himself to a sober and learned physician, or to a well expert, rather than to one that is of high exquisite learning & to him that poureth in no medicines, but of very constranite you & those medicines that be simple and not componed and mingled with many things, and as much as may be ministereth the things of our own country growing, and not things far fet. And if such a physician counsel you to take a lask, than see you remember that which Paul teacheth: which is that you do it not oft, le●te through often provoking, nature forget the office of cleansing of the body of her own motion.  
¶ As concerning meats, which be wholesome, and which unholsomme, and how every kind of meats helpeth or hurteth, except a man declare it to the uttermost, it were better speak nothing thereof: And therfore● I would have the authors red, as Celsus, which entreateth shortly of the kinds of meats. And Paulus which handleth at large in xxiiij chaptres the natures and virtues of meats: or else Galenus which by himself is sufficient for all, pretermitting nothing in the books of nourysshementes. And so would I now have made an end of feeding, if there had not chanced to come to my mind certain things worthy to be noted. And first I will admonish you of eggs. There is no meat (saith Pliny) like eggs that noryssheth in sickness, and lieth not heavy, and that is in stead of wine and meat both. And Aui●ene affirmeth, that the yolks of eggs of a hen, of a partridge, or of a phesaunte do pass all meats for them that have their blood diminished or their heart fainted. Alexander Aphrodisens' thinketh that it containeth in itself the qualities of all the elements, and to conclude there is in an egg a certain show of the world, both because it is made of the four elements, and again because it is gathered round in sphere fashion, And hath a lifely power. Eggs fried many do forbid: among the which are Paulus and Galenus. And doth not allow the food of herbe●. And many other do forbid the same, although Marcus Cato praiseth brassicam above the moan. He that eateth daily his fill of ptisana, his nutriment Galenus thinketh can by none other meats be hindered. And the same thing would I say (saith he) by beans: if they filled not with wind. Of the use of milk both in meats and also in medicines, Paul doth entreat very goodly. Alexander saith, milk is light in digesting, and nourisheth well. For that may lightly go into blood, that is made of blood, and in a manner it is blood made white.  
¶ Of many things I have showed you a few, but yet he that desireth to have health, aught, saith Paul, to know how great power wine hath. And the same saith, if wine frete any man, he must drink cold water. And the next day drink the juice of wormwood, and walk upon it: he must rub his body and wash it, and than refresh himself with little meat. wines that were lately must, and also wines that be to old must be avoided, saith Galenus. For these heat to moche, and the other nothing at all. That feeding faith Paul, that keepeth a man bore and sklender is much surer for the health, than that which maketh one fat. But for as much as little meat giveth nother strength nor stedynes unto the body, therefore he after addeth saying, Such meats as are of a mean nature, are the chief nourysshementes of all. For they engender blood of a mean substance. And as such are most meetest & convenient for our bodies, so be they that bring forth ill humours most noyful, and therefore must they always be avoided. This saith Paul. And he teacheth more over/ that rye bread nourisheth more than all other, and that wheaten bread is of hard digestion and windy, and that barley bread is of little strength. He that will know the uttermost of feeding, let him read this Paul and Galenus as I sayde● we in this country never used anointings, in Italy they have used them, but now they be almost left. And Galene commendeth rubbings of the body above all things, inculcating oftentimes and many things thereof, and specially in his books of preserving health. And the same doth Asclepiades highly a●ance, and Hypocrates also very greatly, whose saying this is which was after him repeated of many. Through rubbing, if it be vehement, the body is made hard, if it be soft and easy, the body is made soft, if it be much, it diminissheth, if it be mean, it filleth.  
¶ In our days that high learned man Erasmus Roterodamus, using thus daily and specially in the morning at his uprising, thinkith therbi that he preserveth his health, the weakness of his body (which is very great) not withstanding. And hath warned me diligently, that above all other things I and all other students should use the same. I follow the counsel of my friend, and find ease therein. some forbid washings and all manner baths, and they say, that they be unholsomme for all such as be recovered from this disease. I think by cause they mollify the sinews, and loose them, and therefore they will not that water should touch them: and yet they do not, saving for that, improve sweatings, water hurteth the sinews though it be warm saith Alexander: not because it is warm, but because it is moist. Paul commending warm washing says thus: It taketh away weariness, it shaketh down fullness, it heateth, it mitigateth, it mollifieth, it disperseth, it provoketh slepe● and maketh all the body fat. And is very commodious and agreeable both to man and woman young and old, so saith Paul. Not withstanding the italians now a days wash not but very seldom, whereof I do not marvel, seeing in times paste they used it daily as writing testifieth, & also the tokens of the baths remaining at Rome, which were builded like unto cities.  
¶ In exercises Galene teacheth, that measure must be kept and observed, saying, Immoderatenes I reprove every where. He likewise saith: As exercise before meat is the chiefest thing to preserve health, so is all manner motion after meat most noyful. For the meat is scattered out of the belly before it be digested, and thereof gadreth many gross and raw humours in the veins, whereof all manner diseses are wont to be engendered. Paul adviseth us, so long to exercise ourself, until the body begin to sweet and wax reed, our motions strong, equal, and easy, and the sweat seem to be mixed with vapour: than first to rest, when any of these begynnne to change. They monysshe also to give rest and quietness unto that member, which was lately restored to health. And Hipocrates saith: The remedy of the foot is rest. Whereof Alexander gathereth that that, which is healed again must needs have rest. For motion (saith he) causeth flowings of the superfluous matter, which may raise and stir up inflammation. The worst thing that can be to him that hath aching knees, is to ride, saith Celsus. He also thinketh it not good for them that be gouty. The old men exercised themself also in voice that they mought sing and also read more clearly.  
¶ I said I would entreat of these things, as occasion gave, not moche regarding any order, but as every thing, worthy to be noted, should come to mind. And therefore let no man look for any great thing here, if there be any that would know, I have showed in what authors what things he shall find. But loo here cometh an other to mind, he that will preserve his health, must take heed (saith Galene) to two things specially: one is, that the meat be agreeing and meet for him: an other is, that there follow good brooking, and cleansing of those superfluities, that are left of the meat. It is recited by Paul, that the old men thought it was sufficient to defend and preserve health: if the burden of the belly & bladder were daily unloaded well & without fault, according to the portion of the meat and drink received. Galene as concerning the use of Venus, hath left nothing untouched, affirming that act to be an enemy unto the health of all them that are dry of complexion, and specially of them that are also cold. For Venus (saith he) is unhurtful only unto them that be hot and moist, and be abundant of seed. And again he saith: They that have their bodies well tempered and without fault, aught not utterly to abstain from Venus, as they that be cold and dry aught. Also Paul saith: dry copulations hurteth all men, and most of all if cold be joined to drieth: so that they only/ which be hot and moist, may use it without jeopardy. As labours are profitable unto health, so are also copulations if they be used with measure. This one thing aught all to know, that all they that have had the french pocks aught with grea● care, for love of their sinews to avoid carnal copulation. Paul judgeth it well done to exercise children, that through the labour of body and mind, they may be bridled and restrained from the violence of bodily pleasure. Hipocrates compareth that act unto the falling sickness. Alexander Magnus was wont to say, that copulation and sleep were two the greatest tokens of mortality.  
¶ The holsomes also of the air must be looked upon, which is a good post of health. That air, saith Paul, which is infected with evil vapours, puffing out pestilent blasts, or is nigh unto a sink or draft, or is musty/ or is kept in a valley, compassed round about with hills hurteth all ages. And the best air is most wholesome. For unto a temperate body a temperate air is profitable, saith he, and a distempered is for him that hath a contrary temperature. Sickness is nothing else, saith Galene, saving a motion without nature. Than he saith: The physicians understand him to be hole, all whose members be according to the course of nature: & contrariwise than to be sick, if any part go out from his nature. It is forbidden by the doctrine a● the physicians, that no man drink straight upon chafing. They say also, that all sudden changes are dangerous. This is also admitted for troth, that continual idleness is most contrary to good health. And contrary wise, Mean exercise is great aid & succour. Galen says, deep rest of the body is the greatest evil that can be for the preserving of the health, as moderate labour is the greatest good. As pertaining to sleep, when it aught to be taken and how moche Paul teacheth abundantly, and also what commodities follow, when it is well taken in tyme. With noon sleep there is none that holdeth. For such as be of a sad nature, or be troubled with thought and care/ the physicians judgeth very good to call for some manner pastimes & mirth, to find out by some means, whereby the heart may be cheered, & the sadness of mind eased. Pensiveness says Paul, must be driven away with the sweetness of sounds.  
¶ He that is in good health (saith Celsus) & at his own liberty needeth to care nother for medicines nor ointments. Which thing as I do allow, and would not them that be of good liking and health to be bound greatly to any manner rule of living: so think I it needful for them, that have been sick, or have syckely bodies, or do follow such kind of living, that they can not well defend the bodily health, to have a rule of living, to order themself by. For Galene monyssheth, that a law and rule of living is in no wise superfluous. For diet, sayeth he, is a very medicine.  
¶ These things that I have here written, most noble prince, I repute most profitable to this purpose, both by mine own and others experience, and also by the teaching of them that were highly learned. The which things I have written unto your excellence, not because you should yourself make a proof of them (from the need whereof I beseech our saviour Christ to save and keep your magnificence) but that they may be ready, if any of your court chance to have need ●f them. And of such things as I have written, you shall use the judgement of Stromer, as I said before. For your other physician Gregory Coppus hath seen those things already, & did help me in some of them, but that was incidently, when from him I sped me to Moguncia, for business that I had there. But if it had so fortuned that I might have been in your court with him (For than you were away in Germany) I should have entreated more warily of all these things, and set forth my book more perfectly. But how so ever it be now, I pray your excellence to take it well in worth. And I present it unto you for a gift and token of this new year, which I pray god may be lucky and prosperous unto you, And as fortunate as your own heart will desire, without disdain or envy of any person. Thus I commend me unto you, most noble, most worthy, most benign, and excellent prelate, whom almighty god long keep in good health and prosperity. Amen. written at Moguntia with mine own hand.  
¶ Thus endeth this book De morbo gallico, compiled by Vlrich Hutten knight.