THE WORKS OF THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE, JAMES  
BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE AND IRELAND, DEFENDER of the FAITH, etc.  
PUBLISHED BY JAMES, BISHOP of Winton, and Deane of his majesties CHAPEL ROYAL.  1. REG. 3. VERS. 12. Lo, I have given thee a wise and an understanding heart.  printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON PRINTED BY ROBERT BARKER AND JOHN BILL, PRINTERS TO THE KING'S most Excellent MAJESTY. ANNO 1616.  
¶ Cum Privilegio.   

 royal blazon or coat of arms HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT   


ILLUSTRISS ET POTEN PR. CAROLUS MAGNAE BRITAN ET HYB PR EBB ET ALL DUx.   portrait of Prince Charles  
TO THE THRICE ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE, CHARLES, THE ONLY SON OF OUR SOVEREIGN LORD THE KING.  
SIR:  
I Have humbly sought leave of his most Excellent MAJESTY, to present your Highness with this Volume of his majesties WORKS. I durst not but make the Suit; and his MAJESTY could not well deny it. I will not say, that it had been a piece of Injustice in the KING to have denied you this right: But I dare say, it had been a point of Sacrilege in a Churchman to have stolen from you such a portion of your Inheritance, which consists as much in the WORKS of his Royal Virtues, as in the wealth of his mighty Kingdoms. Basilius wrote the Jnstitutione Principis to his Son Leo; Constantinus to his Son Romanus; Manuel to his Son johannes; and Charles the fift, to his Son Philip: The works of the three former are extant both in Greek and Latin. His Majesty, after the Example of those Emperors, and sundry other Kings, wrote his ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟΝ-ΔΩΡΟΝ to Prince Henry, your highness most worthy Brother: His part, by GOD his Providence, is fallen to your Lot; and who may justly detain from you the rest? The rule in Scripture is; that if the first fruits be holy, so is the whole lump; and to whom the first was given, to him all the rest was due: To your Highness therefore are these offered, as to the true Heir and Inheritor of them. And that I may make you the better account of them; May it please your Highness to understand, that of these Works, some were out before; some other of them never saw light before; and others were almost lost and gone, or at least abused by false copies, to their own disgrace and his majesties great dishonour. Now it being the duty of all Deans in their Churches, Dispersa colligere; I thought it might sort well with the nature of my place in the Chapel, wherein I have had the Honour so many years to serve his Majesty, to gather these things that were scattered, and to bring to light those that too long had lain in darkness, and to preserve in one body, what might easily have been lost in parts. In this Presentment, I must humbly crave of your Highness, not to be mistaken in the true meaning and manner of it: For these Works come not to you, as usually Books do to men of great Dignity, for Patronage and Protection; for Protection is properly from injury; and that the Royal Author of them is best able to right: But to you they come partly for preservation, and for that the Disposition of Nature hath made you more apt, and more principally for a Pattern, and that not unfitly; since the Sampler is ever more ancient than the Exemplification: And as in the preservation, the Son hath his advantage by succeeding; so in the Pattern, the Father by preceding hath his Prerogative. Let these Works therefore, most Gracious Prince, lie before you as a Pattern; you cannot have a better: Neither doth the Honour of a good Son consist in any thing more, then in imitating the good Precedents of a good Father; as we may very well perceive by the Scripture phrase, where the usual Encomium of good Kings is, that they walked in the ways of their Fathers. All men see, how like the Pattern GOD and Nature have framed the outward Lineaments: and who knows your Highness well, knows also, that the inward Abiliments hold in the like proportion. The Philosophers say, that Imitation proceeds from Inclination; And truly, if your future Imitation be answerable to your forward Inclination, in Religion, Learning and Virtue; your Highness cannot come far short of your Pattern, nor yet of any of your Predecessors that ever went before you: Which GOD grant together with the length of many good and happy Days.  
Your HIGHNESS Most humbly JA. WINTON.   

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.  
AMongst the infinite number of great Volumes wherewith the world seems, as it were, to be weighed down, there be few of them that were written at once, or were at first published together. Writings as they consist of sundry natures; so they will bear a divers manner of Edition. To set forth an Art by pieces, is to show you a body dismembered; the one is no more uncomely, than the other is unproper. To publish a History before it be at an end, is to turn the Hourglass before it be run out; neither of both will give you a true taste of the time. But writings of other Natures, Common places and Controversies, Meditations and Commentaries, as they are for the most part, accidentally taken up, so they are as occasionally set out: They crave no other birth into the world, than they had conceptions in our brains, singly by us conceived, and singly by themselves set out.  
The different manner of GOD his setting forth of his own Works, may instruct us in this point. His divine Wisdom held one course in his Natural Works, an other in his ceremonials, Politicalls and Morals. In his Naturals he made a mass at once, which speedily he diversified into divers forms. He gave a kind of potential delineation of all things in that universal matter, which presently he distinguished into divers Species in perfection: But in his ceremonials, he takes another course, he brings not them out of a Mass, but into a Mass: He doth not out of a Totum produce the parts, but out of the parts make up the whole. For example; In the ceremonials, first he begins with Sacrifice, long after he follows with Circumcision, than he filleth a Tabernacle with them; at last makes them full up in a Temple. In his Politicalls, he begins with a paternal Government in a family, proceeds to an Election of a Captain in an Army, as in josuah and the Judges, perfects it by way of Succession in a settled Kingdom, as in Solomon and his Successors. In his Morals, he begins with the word out of his own mouth, proceeds with the Tables written by his own fingers, follows on with the five Books penned by Moses, till he make up the Canon perfect by a number of succeeding Prophets.  
What we have from GOD in a precedent, it may well beseem us to practise; and since his Books came out so far asunder, it is no reproach to any man, though his Works come not forth together: for there is a reason for it in us answerable in some proportion to that of the Works of GOD, for works of Nature have their root from within us, and bring with them a radical kind of virtue, that never suffers them to rest, till they have produced their fruit to perfect form and perfection: Works of deliberation and Art, have their foundation from without us, and give us occasion to work upon them, as our fantasies think fittest for the present time: Hence proceeds it, that the works of Nature have so few errors in them, those of Art so many; They of Nature so constant, they of Art so variable; they of Nature so permanent, they of Art so soon perish; they of Nature so well accepted and approved of all, they of Art accepted or rejected, as it pleaseth the several apprehensions of men to conceive of them.  
Now, albeit the works of men be of Errors so full, of nature so different, subject to so many Jnterpretations, published at so divers times; Yet hath it been ever esteemed a matter commendable to collect them together, and incorporate them into one Body, that we may behold at once, what divers Offsprings have proceeded from one brain, and how various Conceptions the wit of man is able to afford the world. To instance in a few of them beginning a little higher than the writings of ordinary Men. The servants of Hezekiah are commended in Scripture for collecting together the Sentences of Solomon. jesus the son of Sirach is praised for searching out the Copies of his Grandfather's works: But principally Ezra is had in great honour for setting in order the whole Books of the Old Testament, and dividing them into Chapters and Verses, which before were carried along in a scroll, by a continual Series, without any distinction at all. S. john is reported to have searched out the Copies of the three former Evangelists, and to have added his own for the fourth in that order, as now they are extant. And the Primitive Church was curious to gather together the Epistles of the Holy Apostles; which, they being not able by reason of persecution perfectly to perform in every place, gave occasion to aftertimes, to call the authority of so many of them into question.  
But to descend; How are we bound to those, who have laboured in setting out the Counsels, and Works of the Fathers together? Jnsomuch, that we think ourselves as much bound to Eusebius and Hierom, and of later times to Peter Crab and Erasmus and divers others, who have laboured in that kind, as we do almost to the Authors themselves. trajan commended Plutark for gathering the Apothegms of wise men together. Constantinus the son of Leo, collected out of all Histories, both in the East and West, one Corpus Historicum, which they counted an inestimable Treasure. justinian by the help of Tribonianus did the like in the Laws. Gratian compiled the Decrees out of the Epistles of Popes, councils and Fathers. Damascen collected into one body of Divinity, the Sentences of the Greek Fathers; And Peter Lombard 400. years after him by his example did the like in the Latin Fathers. And how do we labour to recover Books that are lost? The Books of Origen that amounted to six thousand, as Epiphanius witnesseth, were much laboured for by Eusebius and others. The Books of Cicero de Repub. were much sought for by Cardinal Poole; and great sums of money have been spent to recover the lost Decades of Livy. Wherefore since it hath been heretofore the practice of all aages, to collect the works of Men of worth, and preserve them from perishing; to labour much in recovering those that have been lost; to give to every child the own Father; to every Book the true Author: (for there never had been half so many birds to have flown about the world with false feathers, if every Author had set out his own works together in his own time,) I hope than it shall not be now a matter of reproof in a Servant, to travail in the setting forth of the Works of his Master; and for giving you that together, which before ye could hardly get asunder; and for preserving that in a Mass from perishing, that might easily be lost in a Mite.  
But while I am collecting works one way, I hear others scattering words as fast an other way, affirming, it had been better his Majesty had never written any Books at all; and being written, better they had perished with the present, like Proclamations, then have remained to Posterity: For say these Men, Little it befitts the Majesty of a King to turn Clerk, and to make a war with the pen, that were fit to be fought with the Pike; to spend the powers of his so exquisite an understanding upon paper, which had they been spent on powder, could not but have prevailed ere this, for the Conquest of a Kingdom. For a King, say they, to enter a Controversy with a Scholar, is, as if he should fight a Combat with a Kern; he doth no more descend from his Honour in the one, than he brings upon himself Disgrace by the other. And since that Booke-writing is grown into a Trade; It is as dishonourable for a King to write books; as it is for him to be a Practitioner in a Profession. If a King will needs write; Let him write like a King, every Line a Law, every Word a Precept, every Letter a Mandate. In good truth, I have had my ears so oft dung through with these Objections and the like, as I know not whether I conceived amiss of myself or no, thinking I had more ability to answer these Calumnies, than I had patience to hear them: And therefore having so fit opportunity, I shall not let to deliver my opinion; Whether it may sort with the Majesty of a King, to be a writer of Books, or no. First I could never read, that there was any Law against it; and where we have no Law, the best is to follow good Examples: And many Divines are of opinion, that examples that are not contrary to any Precept, do bind us in practice, at least so far; that though they do not enforce us to the doing, yet they warrant the deed when it is done; And if Examples will serve the turn, we have Examples enough.  
First to begin with the King of Kings God himself, who as he doth all things for our good; So doth he many things for our Jmitation. It pleased his Divine wisdom to be the first in this Rank, that we read of, that did ever write. He wrote, and the writing was the writing, saith Moses, of God; the manner was after the manner of engraving; the matter was in Stone cut into two Tables, and the Tables were the work of God written on both sides. Divines hold, that the Heart is the principal Seat of the Soul; which Soul of ours is the immediate work of God, as these Tables were the immediate work of his own fingers. The Stone, the express represent of the hardness of our heart; the engraving the work of God so deeply impressed, that it can never be blotted out; the writing, the writing of the Law in our hearts; In two Tables, for our double duty to God and Man; on both sides to take up our heart so wholly, that nothing contrary to those Precepts should ever have any place in our Souls. And certainly from this little Library, that God hath erected within us, is the foundation of all our Learning laid; So that people Civilized do account themselves deprived of one of the best abilities of nature, if they be not somewhat enabled by writing, to express their minds: And there is no Nation so brutish or Barbarous, that have not invented one kind of Character or other, whereby to convey to others their inward Conceptions. From these Tables of God, we may come to the writing of our Blessed Saviour, which we may put in the next place, though not for order yet for Honour. His Divine Majesty left behind him no Monument of writing, written by his own hand in any external Book; for he was to induce and bring in an other manner of the writing of the Law of Love; not in Tables of stone; written not with ink and paper, but in the Tables of our fleshly hearts written by the Spirit of the Living God: Yet did he once with his own finger, writ on the Pavement of the Temple of jerusalem. What he writ, I will not now discuss. S. Ambrose saith he wrote this Sentence: Festucam in oculo fratris cernis, trabem in tuo non vides. Beda thinks, he wrote that Sentence that he spoke: He that is without sin, let him cast the first stone at her. Haymo hath a pretty Conceit: He thinketh, he wrote certain Characters in the Pavement, which the Accusers beholding might see, as in a glass, their own wickedness; and so blushing at it went their ways. What ever it was, sure we are, our Saviour would have false accusations written in dust, to be trodden under foot of them that pass by. But howsoever, I say, our Blessed Saviour did leave behind him no writing of his own hand; Yet we may not deny, but that God in the old Testament and our Saviour in the New, have left us many books of their own inditements: For all the Books of holy Scripture were written by inspiration; and the Prophets and Apostles were but their amanuensis, and writ only as they were led and actuated by the Spirit of God: So that we may not make the Author of any of those Books any other then God Himself.  
The old world before the flood will afford us no writings, neither did that age require them; for the lives of Men of that age were living Libraries, and lasted longer than the labours of Men do in this age: Yet S. Jude doth insinuate somewhat of the writings of Enoch, who though he were not in Style a King, Yet there is no reason to contend with him for that Title; for his Dominion would bear it, standing Heire-Apparent to the greater part of the world. Origen, Tertullian and Augustine report many things out of the supposititous writings that went under his name: And josephus and that Berosus, that we have, tell us, that he erected two pillars, the one of Stone, the other of Brick, wherein he wrote of the twofold destructions of the world, the one by Water, the other by Fire: But howsoever that be true, it is very probable, he wrote something of that matter, which though it perished with that world; yet doubtless the memory thereof was preserved by Tradition unto the days of the Apostles.  
I will not here insist upon the writings of Moses, who was not only a Priest, and a Prophet, but was, as himself records, amongst the people a King, and was the first that ever received authority from GOD to write in Divinity: Neither will I insist upon the Example of King David, in whose Psalms and Hymns, are resounded out the praises of GOD in all the Churches; for that I find nothing that these men writ, but what they writ as the Scribes of GOD, acted, as I said even now, by GOD his Spirit, and not guided by their own. Yet I suppose we may safely collect thus much from them, that if GOD had thought it a matter derogatory to the Majesty of a King to be a Writer, he would not have made choice of those, as his chief Instruments in this kind, who were principals in that other Order. I would easily believe, that such men as have had the honour to be GOD his Penmen, should never vouchsafe to write any thing of their own: for as we hold in a pious opinion, that the blessed Virgin, having once conceived by the holy Ghost, would never after conceive by man; So surely men, that had delivered nothing but the conceptions of that Spirit, should hardly be drawn ever to set out any of their own labours. But we see the flat contrary both in Samuel and Solomon, the one the greatest judge, the other the most glorious King, that ever that Kingdom had. Samuel, who writ by GOD'S appointment, the greatest part of those two Books, that bear his name, writ also by his own accord, a Book containing the Law of a King, or Institution of a Prince, whereby he laboured to keep the King as well from declining to Tyranny, as the people from running into Liberty. Solomon, besides the Books of Scripture, which remain, writ many likewise of his own accord, which are lost: For to say nothing of his 3000. Parables, his 5000. Songs, that ingens opus, as the Hebrues call it, of the nature of all things, Birds and Beasts, Fowls and fishes, Trees and plants, from the Hyssop to the Cedar: All these were rather works to manifest human wisdom, then Divine knowledge; written rather for the recreation of his own spirit, then for the edification of the Church: For I cannot conceive, but those Books would rather have taught us the learning of Nature; (for which GOD hath left us to the writings of men) then edified us in the gifts of Grace; for which he hath given us his own Book. Neither let any man suggest, that these writings, that are lost, and, as they say, were destroyed in the destruction of the Temple by the Babylonians, were of the same authority, as those that do remain: for I can hardly be induced to believe, that the writings, that were indicted by the Spirit of GOD, laid up in the Ark, received into the Canon, read publicly in the Church, are utterly perished. It is a desperate thing to call, either the providence of GOD, or the fidelity of the Church in question in this point: For if those, that have been, are perished; then, why may not these that remain as well be lost? which is contrary to our saviours assertion, that one jota shall not perish till all be fulfilled: Therefore I rather incline to think; that what ever was Scripture, still is, then that any is lost: Neither is this opinion so curious to hold, as the other is dangerous to believe; Better it is ever, to argue ourselves of ignorance, then to accuse GOD of improvidence: But if so much Scripture be lost, as is alleged, farewell GOD his providence, farewell the fidelity of the Church, to whose care was concredited the Oracles of GOD. Let us come to the writings of Kings, where we shall not incur any danger of this controversy; that were so far from being acted by GOD his Spirit; that they were more like those Disciples of john, that had not heard whether there were an Holy-Ghost, or no; that knew nothing of GOD, though they felt never so much of his Goodness; that never believed his Omnipotency, though they had never so much experience of his Power.  
To begin with the Assyrians, whose first Monarch was Nimrod, and his chief City Babel: from his time to Sardanapalus the last of that Monarchy, there was no King amongst them, that gave himself to Letters: for as their Kingdom was founded in Tyranny, so they laboured to keep it in Barbarity; neither must we ever look to see Learning flourish, where Tyranny beareth the Standard; for Learning hath no more a faculty to bring the mind to understanding, than it hath with it a power, that works the will to liberty; neither of which, can ever consist with Tyranny: And therefore it is no wonder, that this age afforded no learned Kings: for in that State, which continued thirteen or fourteen hundred years, ye can scarce read of a learned man: Therefore let either Histories or Poets paint that out for a Golden age, as they please, there was never any age, that hath left so little memory of the Golden tincture of their Wits.  
After the time of Sardanapalus, in the days of Phull, Tiglath-Philasar and Salmanasar, of whom mention is made in Scripture, and to whom, as it is thought, jonas preached, and with whom some of the Prophets were conversant, when as these Kings came into the land of Israel, as they did in the days of Menahem, who gave to Phul-Belochus a thousand Talents of Silver for a Tribute; And in the days of Hezechiah came Salmanasar and besieged Samaria three years, and carried away a great part of the people of the Kingdom of Israel: From that time forward, their Kings gave themselves to Letters; insomuch as in the days of Nabucodonolor, who set up the Monarchy of the Babylonians, within one hundred years of Salmanasar King of the Assyrians, learning was in great estimation, and the King's Court was a School for the best wits of the Kingdom to be bred in, that they might be able to stand before the King furnished with all learning and understanding. And if Stories do not intolerably deceive us; Daniel and his companions instructed five great monarchs, as in the true knowledge of GOD, so in the understanding of all excellent Arts and Sciences; Namely Nabuchodonosor, Euilmerodack, balthasar, Darius of the Medes, and Cyrus of the Persians: And it were no hard matter to prove the truth of this out of Daniel himself.  
Come to the Persians, who conversed more with the Prophets, as with Ezra, Nehemiah, Zachary, Malachy and the people that were in captivity; we shall find them given much to Letters. Cyrus' the first Monarch is recorded to have written large Commentaries of all his diurnal Actions: amongst those Books are found, saith Esdras, the Edicts of reducing of the jews to their Country: He wrote divers Letters for the same purpose to all the chief Cities of Asia; some whereof, we have in the 11. of josephus, Chap. the first. Many things likewise are reported to have been written of Artaxerxes, Darius, and some others of those monarchs, as we may partly conceive by the Canonical Books of Ezra and Nehemiah, and more by the Apocryphal- Esdras, who reports it to have been a custom of those Kings, so much to delight in learning, and in the sayings of wise men, that they used for an exercise in their greatest Solemnities, to have solemn Orations made in the presence of the King and State, of sundry purposes, which, whoso performed to the liking of the King, was rewarded with the highest Preferments, that so mighty a Monarch could advance them unto.  
Come we to the Grecians; and there we shall find Learning in the Tropic of Cancer at such a height, as it never was before, nor ever, that we read of, since. And surely it is worth the observing, that when that extarordinary Divine Light went out, human Learning came in; and the end of the Prophets was the beginning of the Poets: The last of the divinity of the one, the first of the Philosophy of the other: for from the end of the Captivity till the Coming of our Saviour Christ, the space of four hundredth years and more, in which there was no Prophet, that ever I read of, there were so many Orators, Poets and Philosophers of such singular gifts in all kinds; as we are only their Scholars since, and can never attain to the Excellency of our Master. In this time Alexander the Great was as famous for his Learning and writings, as he was for his Victories: He wrote to Antipater of all his own Actions in Asia and in India, as Plutark reports in his Life. S. Cyprian in his Tractate of the vanity of idols, saith, that Alexander the Great wrote ensign Volumen to his Mother; wherein he signifies unto her, how it was told him by a certain Egyptian-Priest, that all the Gods of the Gentiles had been but men. And S. Augustine also in his twelft Book De civitate Dei makes mention of other of the writings of Alexander to Olimpias his Mother about the Succession of the Monarchies.  
Amongst the Kings of Syria, Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes, writ many Books, and sent them into judea, about changing the Rites and Ceremonies of the jews into the Religion of the Grecians; The principal heads of his Books may be found in the Books of Macchabees and in josephus. Amongst the Romans, which of their Emperors did not advance his fame by Letters? julius Caesar, besides many other things, writ his Commentaries after the example of Cyrus. Octavius, as Suetonius reports, writ many Volumes, The history of his own life, Exhortations to Philosophy, Heroic Verses, Epigrams, Tragedies and divers other things; of whom I will only relate two Stories not impertinent to my purpose. He is reported to have been a very diligent searcher out of all such Books, as appertained to the Roman-Ethnick-Religion. All the Books Fatidicorum, of Fortune-tellers, that proceeded not from approved Authors both of Greek and Latin, he cast in the fire, to the number of two thousand: Only he reserved the writings of the Sibyls, but with that choice, as he burned all such of them as he thought to be counterfeit. I relate this Story the rather, for that I think it were a good Precedent for our Augustus to follow, to make a diligent search of all good and profitable Authors; As for all Heretical Pamphlets, slanderous Libels and impertinent writings, to commit them to Vulcan: for one of the main means of corrupting this people in point of Religion, proceeds from the free use of reading of all kind of writings without any restraint.  
The other Story of Augustus is that famous Inscription of his, which he made to be set up in the Altar of the Capitol to our Saviour Christ; of which Nicephorus makes mention; as also Suidas in the word Augustus. Caesar Augustus being proclaimed the first Emperor of Rome, having done many great things and achived great Glory and felicity; came to the Oracle of Apollo, & offering up a Heccatomb, which is of all other the greatest Sacrifice; demanded of the Oracle, who should rule the Empire after his decease; receiving no answer at all, offered up an other Sacrifice, and asked with all, how it came to pass, that the Oracle that was wont to use so many words, was now become so silent? The Oracle after a long pause, made this answer: 
Me puer Hebraeus, Divos, Deus ipse gubernans  
Cedere sede jubet, tristemque redire sub Orcum:  
Aris ergo dehinc tacitus abscedito nostris.   
The Emperor receiving this answer, returned to Rome, erected in the Capitol the greatest Altar that was there, with this Inscription: Ara primogeniti Dei. Surely, our Augustus, in whose days our Blessed Saviour Christ jesus is come to a full and perfect age: As he was borne in the days of the other, studying nothing at all to know, who shall rule the Sceptre after him (for God be praised, he is much more happy than was Augustus in a Blessed Posterity of his own) but indeauoring, that CHRIST his Kingdom, may ever Reign in his Kingdom, hath consulted all the Oracles of GOD, and hath found in them, that there is but one only Altar to be erected to the only Son of GOD, who is Blessed for ever; and therefore hath set himself and bestowed much pains to bid that Man of Sin, cedere sede, and redire sub Orcum, that hath erected so many Altars Athenian-like, to unknown Gods, making more prayers and Supplications to supposed Saints, than ever the other did to Gods they knew not. But to return, Claudius Caesar, that had so much wickedness in him, had this good in him, that he writ many good Books. Suetonius reports, he writ so many Books in Greek, as that he erected a School of purpose in Alexandria, called after his own name, and caused his Books to be read yearly in it: He writ in Latin likewise 43. Books, containing a History from the murder of Caesar to his own time. There would be no end of the reporting of the writings of the Heathen Emperors. That one example of Constantine amongst the Christian Emperors shall suffice: Eusebius hath written curiously his Life, and is not sparing to report of his Learning; How many Orations and discourses he made, exhorting his Subjects and servants to a good and godly life; How many nights he passed without sleep in Meditations of Divinity; His Speeches in the beginning and end of the Council of Nice; That fomous Oration, Ad Sanctorum coetum, pronounced in Latin by himself, after translated into Greek by diverse, do show, how much Glory he gained by Letters.  
From these great monarchs abroad, give me leave a little, to descend to our own Kings at home. Alphredus King of the Westsaxons, translated Paulus Orosius, S. Gregory De pastorali cura, and his Dialogues into the English tongue: He translated likewise Beda of the Acts of the English, and Boetius de consolation Philosophiae, David's Psalms, and many other things: He writ beside a Book of Laws and Institutions against wicked Judges: He writ the sayings of Wisemen, and a singular Book of the fortune of Kings, a collection of Chronicles, and a Manuel of Meditations.  
Ethelstanus (or Adelstan, as our Stories call him) Rex Anglorum, as Baleus calls him, caused to be translated the Bible out of Hebrew into Saxon, and writ himself a Book of Astrology, the Constitutions of the Clergy, corrected many old Laws, and made many new.  
King Edgar writ to the Clergy of England certain Constitutions and Laws, and other things.  
Henry the first, the youngest Son of the Conqueror, was brought up in the University of Cambridge; and excelled so in the knowledge of all Liberal Arts and Sciences, that to this day he doth retain the name of Beauclerke.  
Achaius King of the Scots, writ of the Acts of all his Predecessors. And Kenethus King of the Scots, writ a huge Volume of all the Scottish Laws, and like an other justinian, reduced them into a Compendium.  
james the first writ divers Books both in English and LatineVerse: He writ also, as Baleus saith, De uxore futura.  
Henry the eight writ of the Institution of a Christian man, and of the Institution of youth: He writ also a defence of the 7. Sacraments against Martin Luther; for which he was much magnified of the Pope, and all that party; Jnsomuch as he was styled with the Title of Defensor fidei for that work: And truly it fell out well for the King, that he writ a Book on the Pope's side; for otherwise, he should have them rail on him for his writings as freely, as they revile him for his Actions. For he writ two Books after that; the one De auctoritate Regia contra Papam; the other Sententia de Concilio Mantuano, as well written for the Style and Argument, as the other is: But because they seem to breathe an other breath, there is no Trumpet sounded in their praise.  
Edward the sixth, though his days were so short, as he could not give full proof of those singular parts that were in him; yet he wrote divers Epistles and Orations both in Greek and Latin: He wrote a Treatise De fide to the Duke of Somerset: He wrote a History of his own time, which are all yet extant under his own hand, in the King's Library; as Mr. Patrick Young, his majesties learned and Industrious Bibliothecarius, hath showed me; And which is not to be forgotten, so diligent a hearer of Sermons was that sweet Prince, that the notes of the most of the Sermons he heard, are yet to be seen under his own hand with the Preachers name, the time, and the place, and all other circumstances.  
Queen Elizabeth our late Sovereign of blessed memory, translated the prayers of Queen Katherine into Latin, French, and Italian: She wrote also a Century of Sentences, and dedicated them to her Father. I have heard of her Translation of Salustius; but I never saw it: And there are yet fresh in our memories the Orations she made in both the Universities in Latin; her entertaining of Ambassadors in divers Languages; her excellent Speeches in the Parliament, whereof divers are extant at this day in Print. And to come a little nearer his Majesty; The King's Father translated Valerius Maximus into English; And the Queen his majesties Mother, wrote a Book of Verses in French of the Institution of a Prince, all with her own hand, wrought the Cover of it with her needle, and is now of his Majesty esteemed as a most precious jewel.  
Therefore since we are compassed about with such a Cloud of Witnesses (albeit these are but a little handful in comparison of the infinite multitude, that might be produced,) Since we have the examples of all the Mightiemen of the World, even from the beginning thereof unto this day; who have striven as much to get a Name for their writings, as fame for their doings; have affected as much to be counted Learned as Victorious; and to be reputed of, as much for their wise Say, as for their worthy Deeds; Why should it be thought a thing strange in this time, that his Majesty, whom GOD hath adorned with as many rare perfections of Nature and Art, as ever he did any that we read of, (I except such as were Divinely inspired) should lend the world a few leaves out of the large Volumes of his Learning? I commend the wisdom of our Adversaries, who having assayed all means, the wit of man is able to invent, to incline his Majesty to like of their party; and finding by all their Tricks, they have got no ground, would at last put his Majesty to silence, and gain thus much of him, at least; that since he will do nothing for them; yet that he would say nothing against them. Therefore they cry out against his majesties writing, and upbraid him more for that he doth write, than they do for any thing that he hath written: It is enough to wonder at, that Rex scribit. These people are wise in their generation, and have learned by long experience; that as the Kingdom of CHRIST is the Gospel of peace, so it hath been from the beginning spread more by the Pens of the Apostles, then by the power of Princes; more propagated by the sweet writings of the ancient Fathers, than it could be suppressed by the severe Edicts of Emperors; and of late, their Kingdom hath been more shaken by a poor Monk, than it hath been able to recover by the help of Mighty monarchs. Therefore since the writings of poor Scholars have so raised the Kingdom of CHRIST, and so discovered the Mystery of Jniquitie; they do well to fear what may follow upon the Writings of so great a King.  
They live securely from bleeding by his majesties Sword; but they are not safe from being blasted by the breath of his majesties Books. If they could bring it about therefore, to calm and quiet his majesties Spirit from working upon them that way; as they see his majesties sweetness to be far from drawing of their bloods the other way, they would deem it a greater Conquest, than all the conversions of the Kings of the East and West-Indies they tell us so many tales of: For they look upon his majesties Books, as men look upon Blasing-Starres, with amazement, fearing they portend some strange thing, and bring with them a certain Influence to work great change and alteration in the world: Neither is their expectation herein deceived; for we have seen with our eyes, the Operation of his majesties Works in the Consciences of their men so far, as from their highest Conclave to their lowest Cells, there have been, that have been converted by them; and that in such number, as we want rather means to maintain them, than they minds to come to us. But to conclude this point, that Kings may write; Give me leave to offer you this Meditation.  
How many are the ways that men do invent to perpetuate their Memory! Insomuch, that mortallmen have made themselves Gods, when they were dead, that they might be adored, as if they were alive. Wherein, is the Impetus of Nature so strong, as in the affection that propogates to Posterity? Wherefore serve Pictures, but to continue our features? Why do men bestow so much cost in sumptuous Buildings, but to leave a Monument of their Magnificence? To what end do we erect Holy-houses and Hospitals, but to possess men's minds with the Devotion of our Souls? And shall we bless a King, when we behold him in his Posterity! Shall we admire his features, when we contemplate them in his Pictures! Shall we wonder at his Magnificence, when we gaze upon it in his stately Edifices! and may we not as well be ravished, when we see his sharp Wit, his profound Judgement, his infinite Memory, his Excellent affections in his admirable Writings? Certainly it is a perverseness to esteem a man least, for that whereby he lives the longest; to value him more for the outward work of his hand, then for the inward operation of his mind; to esteem him more for that which instructs but little, then for that which shall edify for ever. What now remains of Caesar so famous as his Commentaries? What of Cicero, as his Orations? How comes Aristotle to be of more authority than Alexander? Seneca, than Nero? The Triumphs and Victories of the one are vanished; the Virtues of the other remain in their perfect vigour: And though all other Monuments by time consume and come to nothing; yet these by time, gain strength and get authority; and ever the more ancient, the more Excellent.  
Having now delivered my opinion, that I think it neither unlawful nor inconvenient for a King to write, but that he hath the Liberty that other men have, if he can get the leisure; to show his abilities for the present, to perpetuate his Memory to Posterity; to advance his praise before his own People, and gain Glory from others; but especially to give Glory unto GOD.  
I will crave leave to descend to an other Consideration: for it may be, there will not be so much fault found with a King for writing, as for the matter or Subject whereof he treats: For Personages of their eminent Degree and State, must not spend their pains on poor purposes; nor writ so much to try their wits on trivial things, as to win themselves Honour by the Excellency of their subject. Indeed, if I were worthy to advise a King, he should meddle very sparingly, and but upon important Causes, with Polemicalls: He should not often fight but in the field; for put the case a King writ never so modestly, that there be not in a whole Book one word ad hominem, nor any touch of his Adversary in any personal infirmity; yet I know not how it comes to pass, that in all Controversies, a  answer to an argument, is a very sufficient occasion to make an Adversary wonderful angry. And so long as there are diversity of Opinions, there will never want matter for Confutations. And in these Replications the person of a King is more exposed and lies more open, than the person of a poor Scholar can do; for as he is a far greater mark, so he may far more easily be hit: And though they miss him and can hit upon nothing justly to be reprehended in him; yet they do think it Operaepretium, to make a scar in the face of a King; Whereas on the contrary, if a King do write of Piety or Devotion, compile a History, give Precepts of Policy, handle Morals, or treat of some rare Experiences of Nature; we do in these things commend his judgement, admire his parts without any evil cogitation against his Person. There can hardly be given a more vive Example in this case, then is to be found in the Writings of his Majesty. When the King had published his Basilicon-Doron, a Book so singularly penned; that a Pomegranate is not so full of kernels, as that is of Excellent Counsels: What applause had it in the world? How did it inflame men's minds to a love and admiration of his Majesty beyond measure; Insomuch that coming out just at the time his Majesty came in, it made the hearts of all his people as one Man, as much to Honour him for Religion and Learning, as to obey him for Title and Authority; and gave us then a taste, or rather the first fruits, of that we have since reaped a plentiful Harvest of, by his majesties most prudent and Gracious Government over us. The like I may say of his majesties Demonology; a rare piece for many Precepts and Experiments, both in Divinity and Natural Philosophy. In these, there was nothing heard of, but Sunshine and faire-weather; every countenance sweet and smiling upon them: But as soon as his Majesty dealt against the Pope, took the Cardinal in hand, made the world see the usurped power of the one, and Sophistry of the other; Good Lord, what a stir we had; what roaring of the wild Bulls of Basan, what a commotion in every Country; Jnsomuch, that I think, there is scarce a People, Language or Nation in Christendom, out of which his Majesty hath not received some answer or other; either by way of refuting, or at least by railing: So that, had not the King contemned and made himself sport and recreation by such kind of reveling, rather than been moved to passion; It could not have been but a marvelous perturbation to a Prince of so exquisite sense and understanding. But what of all this? Shall we wish his Majesty had not fought with beasts at Ephesus, stopped the roaring of the Bull, nor encountered the Cardinal? Truly when I think upon the wonderful abuses, and Hyperbolical indignities his Majesty hath received from these men; I am somewhat of that mind: But when on the other side, I consider his majesties zeal for to maintain the cause of GOD and Right of Kings; his singular dexterity to do it; the blessing of GOD that hath followed upon his so doing of it; I cannot but change my opinion, and be of another mind. And the better to induce you to be of my mind; I will make unto you a true Relation of his majesties entering into this business, and then leave it to your consideration; whether there were not a Divine hand, that led his into it, or no. It is the Speech of our Blessed Saviour, that there is nothing hid, that shall not be known; and what is spoken in darkness, shall be heard in the Light: This his Majesty as himself confesseth, found true in the coming forth of one of his Books; and I think it may be found as true in the coming forth of some other of them. For after the Pope had put forth his Breves, and the Cardinal had sent his Letters to the Archpriest; the one to enjoin the People not to take the Oath of Allegiance, affirming they could not take it with safety of their Salvation; the other to reprove the Archpriest for that he had taken it, and to draw him to a penitency for so foul a Lapse: His Majesty like as became a Prudent and a Religious Prince, thought it not meet, that these things should pass for current, but that it was expedient his People should know, that the taking of this Oath was so far from endangering their Souls, as that it intended nothing but civil Obedience, and without touching any point of their conscience, made the State secure of their Allegiance. To perform this work, his Majesty thought the Bishop of Winchester that then was, a very fit man, both for his singular Learning, as for that he had long laboured in an Argument not much of a divers nature from this: Whereupon his Majesty calling for pen and ink, to give my L. of Winchester directions, how and in what manner to proceed in this Argument, I know not how it came to pass; but it fell out true, that the Poet saith, 
— Amphora coepit  
Institui, current rota, post urceus exit.  For the King's Pen ran so fast, that in the compass of six days, his Majesty had accomplished that, which he now calleth his Apology; which when my Lord of Canterbury that then was, and my Lord of Elie had perused, being indeed delivered by his Majesty but as brief Notes, and in the nature of a Minute to be explicated by the Bishop in a larger Volume; yet they thought it so sufficient an Answer both to the Pope and Cardinal, as there needed no other: Whereupon his Majesty was persuaded, to give way to the coming of it forth, but was pleased to conceal his Name: And so have we the Apology beyond his majesties own purpose or determination.  
After that the Apology was out, his Majesty diverse times would be pleased to utter a Resolution of his; that if the Pope and Cardinal would not rest in his answer, and sit down by it; take the Oath as it was intended for a point of Allegiance and Civil Obedience; He would publish the Apology in his own name with a Preface to all the Princes in Christendom; wherein he would publish such a Confession of his Faith, persuade the Princes so to vindicate their own Power, discover so much of the Mystery of Jniquitie unto them; as the Pope's Bulls should pull in their horns, and himself wish he had never meddled with this matter. The Cardinal contending against the Apology, his Majesty confirmed his Resolution, and with the like Celerity, in the compass of one week, wrote his Monitory-Preface: for as Hirtius said of Caesar's Commentaries, Qua felicitate they were done, let others judge; but Qua celeritate, I can tell: And being so written, published it and the Apology in his own Name; and made good his word, sent it to the Emperor and all the Kings and free Princes in Christendom.  
Now having made this Relation, wherein I have delivered nothing but truth; Let me offer unto you some few things worthy Consideration.  
First, that upon the coming forth of that Book, there were no States, that disavowed the Doctrine of it in that point of the King's power; And the Venetians maintained it in their writings, and put it in Execution; The Sorbons' maintained it likewise in France.  
Secondly, their own writers, that opposed it, so overlashed, as they were corrected and castigated of men of their own Religion; Becanus his Book corrected by the Cardinals of Rome; Bellarmine's Book burnt in Paris; Suarez his Answer burnt also in France. As for the Railers, I leave them to God his judgement, whose hand hath been upon the most of them.  
Thirdly, his majesties Confession of faith, hath been so generally approved, as it hath converted many of their party: And had it not been (as I have been informed by diverse) for the Treatise of Antichrist, many more would easily have been induced, to subscribe to all in that Preface.  
Fourthly, Kings and Princes have by his majesties Premonition, had a more clear insight, and a more perfect discovery into the Injury offered them by the Pope in the point of their temporal Power, than ever they had; Jnsomuch, as that point was never so thoroughly disputed in Christendom, as it hath been by the occasion of his majesties Book.  
Fiftly and lastly, for the point of Antichrist; I have heard many confess, that they never saw so much light given to that Mystery, never discerned so much truth by the uniform consent of the Text, and strength of Interpretation of places, as they have done by his majesties Book. So that, though Controversies be fit subjects for Scholars ordinarily, then for Kings; Yet when there was such a necessity in undertaking, and such a success being performed; I leave it to the world to judge, whether there were not a special hand of GOD in it, or no. Now since I have begun with this point of Antichrist, I will make bold to proceed a little with his majesties Paraphrase upon the Revelation, wherein that Treatise of Antichrist is principally grounded.  
His majesties singular understanding in all points of good Learning is not unknown: But yet above all other things, GOD hath given him an understanding Heart in the Interpretation of that Book, beyond the measure of other men: For this Paraphrase, that leads the way to all the rest of his majesties Works, was written by his Majesty before he was twenty years of age; and therefore justly in this Volume hath the first place, the rest following in order according to the time of their first penning. Anciently Kings dreamed dreams, and saw visions; and Prophets expounded them: So with King Pharaoh and joseph in Egypt; So with Nabuchodonosor and Daniel in Babylon. In this age, Prophets have written Visions, and Kings have expounded them. GOD raised up Prophets to deliver his People from a temporal captivity in Egypt and Babylon, by the Jnterpretation of the one; And GOD hath in this age stirred up Kings to deliver his People from a Spiritual Egypt and Babylon, by the Interpretation of the other. It is an observable thing, that GOD never made his People any great promise, but he added unto his promise a famous Prophecy. Three great promises we read of, that run through all the Scriptures. The first of the Messiah; the second of the land of Canaan; the third of the Kingdom of Heaven: To these three promises, are reduced all the Prophecies. Of the promise of the Messiah, prophesied all the Prophets from the fall of the first Adam, to the coming of the second: Of the promise of the Land of Canaan, prophesied jacob and joseph, and the rest, from the promise made to Abraham, to the possessing of it by josuah and the children of Israel: Of the promise of the Kingdom of Heaven, made by our Saviour CHRIST ', prophesied the Apostles; principally S. Paul, and S. john in the Revelation. Now though all were to lay hold on the promises; yet few were able to understand the Prophecies. And surely, though all the people of GOD are to lay hold on the promises of that Glorious Kingdom described in that Book; yet few are able to understand the Prophecies therein contained, comprehending in them a perfect History and State of the Church, even from the destruction of jerusalem, till the consummation of the whole world. Yet this I think, I may safely say; That Kings have a kind of interest in that Book beyond any other: for as the execution of the most part of the Prophecies of that Book is committed unto them; So it may be, that the Interpretation of it, may more happily be made by them: And since they are the principal Instruments, that GOD hath described in that Book to destroy the Kingdom of Antichrist, to consume his State and City; I see not, but it may stand with the Wisdom of GOD, to inspire their heart to expound it; into whose hands he hath put it to execute, until the LORD shall consume both him and it with the Spirit of his mouth, and shall abolish it with the brightness of his coming: For from the day that S. john writ the Book to this present hour; I do not think that ever any King took such pains, or was so perfect in the Revelation, as his Majesty is; which will easily appear by this Paraphrase, by his majesties Meditation on the 20. Chap. and his monitory Preface. It was my purpose to have passed through all his majesties Books; to have expressed the Argument and the occasion of their writing; But I find by that I have already said, I should be over tedious unto you. This therefore in general; They are all worthy of a King, and to be kept to Posterity: For if Ovid could imagine, that no time should eat out the memory of his Metamorphoseis, which were but fictions; I hope no time shall see an end of these Books, that carry in them so much divine truth and light. And as in this first work of the Paraphrase, his Majesty hath showed his Piety; So in this last Pearl (I mean his majesties Speech in the starchamber) his Majesty hath showed his Policy: The first showeth, he understands the Kingdom of GOD; this last, that he as well apprehends the State of his Kingdoms in this World: The first showeth him to have a large Portion in that of Heaven; and this last showeth him to have a great Power and experience in these Kingdoms he hath on earth. Therefore, let these men, that delight so much in Detraction and to vilify him, whom GOD hath exalted; and to shed his blood, whose Soul GOD hath bound up in the Bundle of life; Let them, I say, writ what ever the Subtlety of the old Serpent can put into their heads, or the Malice of Satan infuse into their hearts; Let them speak, what the poison of Asps is able to put into their lips; they are not all able to make his Majesty to appear less than he is, nor to show, that ever they had of theirs a King so accomplished. It is true, that we have not had many Kings in this Kingdom of our Profession: But for those we have had, this Island of ours never saw the like, either for parts of Nature, gifts of Learning or Graces of Piety.  
The little time of life, that God lent to King Edward, must needs lessen his praises; But never did there appear beginnings of more rare perfection, then in him.  
The length of Queen Elizabeth's days, together with the felicity of her time, was not only a Glory to her own People, but a wonderment to the World, even our Adversaries, as Moses said, being judges. And praised be GOD, the present time passeth a long with the like felicity and much more Security: for let me recount a little, for the Glory of GOD and encouragement of his Majesty, to go on in his happy Course begun, the Blessings of GOD we receive by him; And then let our Adversaries tell us, whether we be a miserable People or no, as some of late have gone about to persuade us. Neither do I stand in fear of any man's reprehension; for I will speak nothing but truth, and I have my Precedent from GOD his own Book; wherein the good Acts of every good King are to their eternal praises truly recounted.  
First to begin with Religion, as the General to the Army: Of all God's Blessings we have it without any alteration or change continued unto us. His majesties first Care was for the Confirmation of the Gospel: for at his majesties first coming in; who knows not the endeavours of men, to have made a change, either to the Papists, or to the Puritans? His Majesty therefore, to quiet the State and Peace of the Church, called a Conference at Hampton-Court; where passing over the one, as being never in his heart to give the least way unto; He so tempered the other, as the Harmony hath been the better ever since.  
The Religion thus ratified; His majesties next Care was for the Translation of the Bible, it being the ground of our Religion: His Majesty was desirous his People should have it in as much perfection, as the Jndustrie and Labours of the best Learned were able to afford it them.  
Having done what was necessary for the Spiritual part of the Church, his Majesty took into consideration the Temporal State thereof: No sooner came the Parliament, but finding what spoil had been made of the Lands thereof in the time of his Predecessors, by a liberty they had to take the Lands of the Church for a longer Term than others could do; Cut himself off from that liberty, and equalled himself to a common person in the taking of any State in the Church's Lands.  
When his Majesty had done this in England, he looked back into Scotland, and reforming the State of the Church there, as far as in his Princely-Wisedome he thought convenient for the time; restored the Bishops there, as to their Spiritual Keys; so to their temporal Estates, though it were to the great loss and damage of his own Revenue and Crown.  
From Scotland his Majesty came to Ireland, that forlorn Kingdom both for Temporal and Spiritual estate, till be looked into it: There his Majesty hath reduced the Bishoprics, not only to their old Rents; but added unto them many new Revenues; so that many places there are answerable to the best livings hear: Neither hath his Care been only on these high places of the Church, but hath descended to the lowest in the same, having both protected the Benefices from being raised to any higher Tax, and hindered all courses, that might give his Clergy molestation or trouble.  
His majesties Bounty hath not been wanting to Colleges and Hospitals, having parted with his own Tenors, to give them power of larger Endowments; whereby there hath been works of more sumptuousness and cost done in his majesties time, then there hath been in any one age before.  
I may not forget one thing, that since his majesties coming to this Crown, he hath never put into his Coffers the mean proffitts of any Ecclesiastical living, but hath been a Fidus-Depositarius, and ever given them to the next Jncumbent.  
Let me descend a little from these works of Piety to Peace. Never hath there been so universal a Peace in Christendom since the time of our Saviour Christ, as in these his Days: And I dare say, as much, if not more, by the procurement of his Majesty, then by any other earthly means in this world. A Peace (to let foreign parts pass) so entertained at home; that in his majesties three Kingdoms, apt enough by constitution, and not unaccustomed by practice to be at variance, there hath been no Civil dissension at all. With Peace GOD hath given us Plenty: So that, if Peace and Plenty have not made us too too wanton, I know not what we want. Neither is there any crying out for lack of justice in our Courts; for never was there justice administered with more liberty from the King, nor more uprightness from the Judges; And yet in the free dispensation of justice, Mercy did never more triumph. If this be to be miserable, I know not what on earth they call Happiness: GOD continue these still unto us; and then, let them call Happiness, what they please.  
But I know wherefore all is miserable; because there is no more Mercy showed to their catholics.  
I will put it as a Crown upon all his majesties Mercies: There was never King, that had so great a cause given him, that ever took so little blood, extending his Mercy to all, that were not personal workers in that Powder-Plot: And before that you had hatched that Monster, neither was the person or purse of any your reputed Catholics touched. And since that time, you may do well to complain of your Miseries; but the Church and Commonwealth both, do travail and groan under the burden of your disobedience: But the worst I wish you, is, that at length by his majesties long Patience, you may be drawn to Repentance; for as we are come out from you, lest we should be partakers of your plagues; so we pray for you, that you may come in to us, that you may be participants of our felicities.  
To Conclude this Preface: GOD hath given us a Solomon, and GOD above all things gave Solomon Wisdom; Wisdom brought him peace; Peace brought him Riches; Riches gave him Glory. His wisdom appeared in his words and Works: his Peace, he preserved by the power of his Army: His riches he raised, as by his Revenue, so by the Trade of his Navy: His Glory did accrue from them all. Now, as in these, GOD exalted him beyond all the Kings that ever were, or should be after him; So had he in other things Humiliations not far behind the proportion of his Exaltations; the fearfullest fall, that the Scripture affords an Example of; the most unchaste life and immoderate excess of Women, that we read of; the weakest Posterity for Wisdom and Government, that we find in all the Line of his Succession. GOD would have it so, that he should no more be set out, as a Type of the Glory of his own Son in the felicity of his State one way, than he would have him proposed as a pattern of human frailty an other way. Therefore, though we may not approach him in his Typical State; yet GOD'S Name be blessed, that hath given us to go far beyond him in his personal Condition: For we have already, blessed be GOD, seen the Constancy and perseverance of his Majesty in his Holy Profession, without any Eclipse or Shadow of change, longer than we are well able to deduce the whole life and reign of Solomon. We have not the Daughter of Pharaoh an Idolatrous King; nor fear we strange women to steal away his heart from the Service of GOD: But a Queen, as of a Royal, so of a Religious Stock, professing the Gospel of Christ with him; A Mirror of true Modesty, a Queen of Bounty, both beloved and admired of all his People: A Posterity that we need not fear for folly in the one Sex, nor for levity in the other; Both which made Solomon speak so much, (as the jews say) in his proverbs, of a foolish son, because his own was not wise, and of wanton Women, because he feared the vanity of his own Daughters. But GOD hath left his Majesty a Son; a Prince, as in outward lineaments, so in inward habiliments, (I need say no more) an Alter-Idem, a second-Selfe; A Daughter, a Princess of that Piety, singular virtue and Modesty; as makes her both beloved at home and admired abroad. I have done: Only I desire the Readers of these Works, to pray to GOD, that as he hath so far advanced us, as to bestow upon us, with the Heavenly Treasures of his truth, the riches of his earthly jewels in so Sacred a King, so admired a Queen, so hopeful a Prince, so virtuous a Princes; He would for his Mercies sake, for his sons sake, continue this the Light of his Countenance upon us in them and their Posterity, till the coming of that Kingdom, which never shall have end. AMEN.  
Thine in the Lord, JA. WINTON.   

THE SEVERAL TREATISES ACCORDING TO THE TIME WHEREIN THEY WERE WRITTEN, AND THEIR PLACE IN THIS Collection, etc.  

A PARAPHRASE upon the Revelation. Pag. 7.  
Two Meditations; The 

First upon the 7. 8. 9 and 10. Verses of the 20. Chap. of the Revelation. Pag. 73  
Second upon the 25. 26. 27. 28. and 29. Verses of the 15. Chapter of the first Book of the Chronicles. Pag. 81    
daemonology, 

First Book. Pag. 94  
Second Book. Pag. 108  
Third Book. Pag. 123.    
Basilicon-Doron, 

First Book. Pag. 148  
Second Book. Pag. 155  
Third Book. Pag. 180.    
The true Law of Free Monarchies AnonymΩs. Pag. 193  
A Counter-blast to Tobacco AnonymΩs. Pag. 214  
A Discourse of the Powder Treason AnonymΩs. Pag. 223.  
An Apology for the Oath of Allegiance, first set out AnonymΩs, and afterwards published with the Praemonition under His majesties own name. Pag. 247  
A Praemonition to all Christian monarchs, Free Princes and States, written both in English and Latin by his Majesty. Pag. 289  
A Declaration against Vorstius, written by His Majesty first in French, after translated into English by His majesties leave. Pag. 349  
A Defence of the Right of KINGS, against Cardinal Perron, written by His Majesty in French, and thereafter translated into English by His majesties leave. Pag. 392  
Five Speeches; THE 

First in Parliament, ANNO 1603. Pag. 485.  
Second in Parliament, ANNO 1605. Pag. 499.  
Third at Whitehall, ANNO 1607. Pag. 509.  
Fourth at Whitehall, ANNO 1609. Pag. 527.  
Fift in the starchamber. ANNO 1616. Pag. 549.      


THE EPISTLE TO THE WHOLE CHURCH MILITANT, in whatsoever part of the Earth.  
TO whom could I have so fitly directed (Christian Readers) this Paraphrase of mine upon the Revelation, as unto you, who are the very and true posterity of those Churches, to whom the Book itself was dedicated, and for whose instruction and comfort the said Epistle was indited by the Holy Spirit, and written by that great Theologue JOHN the Apostle, whom our Master beloved dearly? I doubt not but it will seem strange to many, that any of my age, calling, and literature, should have meddled with so obscure, Theological, and high a subject: But let my earnest desire (by manifesting the Truth,) as well to teach myself as others, serve for excuse; considering also that where divers others in our age, have meddled with the interpretation of this Book, pressing with preoccupied opinions, only to wrest and conform the meaning thereof to their particular and private passions; I by the contrary protest, that all my travails tend to square and conform my opinions to the true and sincere meaning thereof: Which causes moved me to undertake this work; not thereby to despise infinite others, who to the glory of God, and great comfort of his Church, hath given it a great light already, but rather that by oft perusing and dew considering thereof, whereto this work hath led me, I might be the better acquainted with the meaning of this Book, which I esteem a special cannon against the Heretical wall of our common adversaries the Papists: whom I would wish to know, that in this my Paraphrase upon it, I have used nothing of my own conjecture, or of the authority of others, but only have interpreted it, in that sense which may best agree with the method of the Epistle, and not be contradictory to itself: The meaning whereof I expound, partly by itself, and partly by other parts of the Scriptures, as the work itself will bear witness: And therefore this one thing I must crave of our Adversaries, that they will not refute any part of my Interpretation, till they find out a more probable themselves, agreeing with the whole context, & cum serie temporum; and where their consciences bear them witness that I speak the Truth, that they will yield unto it, and glorify God therein, and this is all the reward I crave for my pains. But of one thing I must forewarn you (Christian Readers) to wit, that ye may understand, that it is for the making of the Discourse more short and facile, that I have made JOHN to be the Speaker in all this Paraphrase; and not that I am so presumptuously foolish, as to have meant thereby, that my Paraphrase is the only true and certain exposition of this Epistle, rejecting all others: For although through speaking in his person, I am only bounded and limited to use one, and not divers interpretations, of every several place; yet I condemn not others, but rather allow them to interpret it diversly, so being, it agree with the analogy of faith, with the method of the Text, & cum serie temporum, as I said before: for those three being observed, it may fall out that divers, diversly expound one place, and yet all be according to the truth, and very meaning of the Spirit of God, as may easily be proved by the Text itself: For in the 17. Chapter the Angel expounding to john, the seven heads of the beasts that came out of the Sea, he saith the seven heads which thou sawest upon the beast are the seven Hills, and they are also seven Kings: Here ye see one thing is expounded in two very far different fashions, and yet both true; And therefore let wise men take their choice in these things, observing always these rules I have spoken of; as specially for example; This Hebrew word Arma geddon in the 16. Chapter and sixth Phiale, although I expound it to signify destruction by deceit, as composed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gnarma & Geddon which may very well agree with the History, because it is the name of the place, saith john, where the wicked being assembled together by the alluring and deceit of Satan, and his three spirits of Devils to make war with the faithful, were all destroyed by God, and so their destruction came, and was procured by deceit; Yet others interpret it to signify destruction by waters, as composed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Harma & Geddon, which also may very well agree with the History. For waters indeed in this Book signify oft many people and Nations, as appeareth by the very Text in the 17. Chapter; And others take it to be an allusion to the destruction that joshua made of God's enemies upon the hill of Mageddon, and therefore to be composed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Harr, which is called a Hill and Mageddon, which may also very well agree with the History.  
And as I speak of this, so I speak the like of Gog and Magog in the 20. Chapter, and of all other ambiguous places in this Book.  
It rests then that what ye find amiss in this Paraphrase, ye impute it to my lack of years and learning; and what ye find worthy to be allowed in it, that ye attribute the full praise thereof to GOD, to whom only all praise appertaineth.  
Farewell.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THIS WHOLE EPISTLE.  
THIS Book or Epistle of Revelation, was called in doubt, aswell for the incertainty of the Author, as also for the canonicalnesse of the Book itself, by sundry of the ancients, and specially by Eusebe; For soluing whereof I need not to insist, since it is both received now of all Christians, and also divers of the Neoteriques, in special Beza in his Preface upon it, hath handled that matter sufficiently already; So that this doubt only rests now in men, that this Book is so obscure and allegorique, that it is in a manner unprofitable to be taught or interpreted; Whereunto I will shortly make answer, and then go forward to set down the method of the same: And therefore to make a deduction from the beginning, let us understand in what several or principal parts the whole Scriptures may be divided in; and than which of them this Book is. How soon Adam being made perfect in his Creation, and having the choice of Life and Death, Good and Evil, did by his horrible defection make choice of Death, and cast off Life, and by that means infected his whole posterity with double sin, to wit, Original and Actual, God notwithstanding had such a Love to mankind, as being his most Noble workmanship, and Creature, made to his own Likeness and Image, that he selected a Church amongst them, whom first because of their weakness and incredulity, he with his own mouth taught, and next instructed and raised up notable men amongst them to be their Rulers, whom he endued with such excellent gifts, as not only their example in life preached, but also by Miracles they strengthened and confirmed their Faith: But lest this ministry of men should make them to depend only upon their mouths, forgetting Him, and making Gods of them, he at length out of his own mouth gave them his Law, which he caused them to put in Writ, and retain still amongst them; And than lest they should forget and neglect the same, he raised up godly Rulers, as well Temporal, as Spiritual, who by their holy lives and working of Miracles, revived and strengthened the Law in their hearts. But seeing, that notwithstanding all this, they cast themselves headlong in the gulf of vices (such is the unthankful and repining Nature of Man,) he raised up Prophets, as especially jeremy and Daniel, to accuse them of their sins, and by Visions to forewarn them of the times to come, whereby the godly might turn and arm themselves, and the wicked might be made inexcusable. And thus much for the Old Testament. But then God seeing that notwithstanding this, there crept in such a general corruption amongst them, that scarce one might be found that bowed not his knee to Baal; He then by his unsearchable Wisdom incarnated his Eternal Son and Word THE LORD JESUS, who by his death and Passion accomplished the faith of the Fathers; whose Salvation was by the believing in him to come, as also made an open and patent way of Grace to all the world thereafter: And then as upon a new world, and a new Church, God's Fatherly care to Mankind was renewed, but in a more favourable form, because he looked upon the Merits of his dear Son: Then, first Christ with his own mouth did instruct men, and confirmed his Doctrine by Miracles, and secondly raised up the Apostles to give the Law of Faith, confirming it by their lives and Miracles: And last, that notwithstanding this Defection was beginning to creep in again, he inspired one of them, to wit, JOHN to write this Book, that he might thereby, even as jeremy and Daniel did in the old Law, aswell rebuke them of their sins, as by forewarning them, to arm them against the great temptations that were to come after. Then of itself it proves, how profitable this Book is for this age, seeing it is the last Revelation of Gods will and Prophesy, that ever was, or shall be in the World: For we shall have no more Prophecies nor Miracles hereafter, but must content ourselves with the Law and Prophecies already given, as Christ in his Parable of Lazarus and the rich man teacheth. Now as to the Method, this holy Epistle is directed to the seven Churches of Asia Minor, whom he names and writes to particularly in the first three Chapters of the same, and under their Names to all their true Successors, the whole Church Militant in the World. The whole matter may be divided in six parts, to wit, The praise or dispraise of every one of these Churches, according to their merits wherein they merit good or evil, what way they ought to reform themselves, and this is contained in the three first Chapters: And to make them inexcusable, in case they slide again, he shows the estate of the whole Church Militant in their time; he tells them what it shall be until the end of the World, and what it shallbe when it is Triumphant and immortal after the dissolution: These three last parts are declared by Visions in the rest of the Epistle, first the present estate of the Church then, and what it should be thereafter unto the later day, is summarily declared by the first six of the seven Seals: in the sixth and seventh Chapters, and afterwards more at large by the seven Trumpets that came out of the seventh Seal in the 8. 9 10. 11. Chapters: And because through Tyranny and abuse of the Popedom, Popery is the greatest temptation since Christ's first coming, or that shallbe unto his last; therefore he specially insists more at large and clearly, in the declaration and painting forth of the same, by Vision of the woman in the wilderness, and of the Beasts that rose out of the sea and the earth in the 12. 13. and 14. Chapters: And then to comfort men that might otherwise despair, 
Chap. 15.16.  because of the greatness of that temptation, he declares by the next following Vision of the Phials, what plagues shall light upon the Pope and his followers: Next, he describes him again, 
Chap. 17.18.19. Chap. 20.  far clearer than any time before, and likewise his ruin, together with the sorrow of the Earth, and joy of Heaven therefore: And then to inculcate and engrave the better the foresaid Visions in the hearts and memories of Men, he in a Vision makes a short sum and recapitulation of them, to wit, of the present estate of the Church then, and what it should be thereafter, unto the Day of judgement, together with a short description of the said Day: And last he describes by a Vision, the glorious reward of them, who constantly persist in the Truth, resisting all the temptations which he hath forespoken, To wit, he describes the blessed estate of the holy and Eternal jerusalem, and Church Triumphant, and so with a short and pithy Conclusion makes an end.   

A PARAPHRASE UPON THE REVELATION OF THE APOSTLE S. JOHN.  

CHAP. I.  
ARGUMENT.  
The Book, the Writer, and the Inditer; the end and use thereof: The dedication of this Epistle to the Churches and Pastors, under the vision of the seven Candlesticks and seven Stars.  
GOD THE FATHER hath directed his Son and Word, JESUS CHRIST, to send down an Angel or Minister, to me john his servant, and by him to reveal unto me certain things which are shortly to come to pass, to the effect in time the chosen may be forewarned by me; ² Who have borne witness that the word of God is true, and that JESUS CHRIST is, and was a faithful witness, and have made true report of all I saw. ³ Happy are they that read and understand this prophesy, and conform themselves thereunto in time, for in very short space it will be fulfilled: ⁴ I am directed to declare the same, specially to you the seven Churches of Asia, with whom be grace and peace from the Eternal, the Father, and from the Holy Spirit: ⁵ And JESUS CHRIST, that faithful witness, the first borne of the dead, the Mighty King of the world, and head of his Church; Who for the love he bore us, hath made us innocent by his blood in the work of Redemption: ⁶ To him than we, whom he hath made Spiritual Kings and Priests, in Honour and Holiness, and ordained to serve and praise his Father, give all glory and power for ever: so be it. ⁷ Assure yourselves of his coming again from Heaven in all glory, and all eyes shall see him; Yea the wicked shallbe compelled to acknowledge that it is even very he, whom so they did persecute: 
Christ crucified.  And the whole world shall have a feeling before him of their unthankfulness. So be it. ⁸ I am Eternal, saith the Lord, before whom, all things (which is or was) are present, and I am only the worker of all, I who ever Was, and still am, shall surely come again according to my promise: 
1. Cor. 2.  And as I am Eternal and true, so I am Almighty, preordinating all things before all beginnings. ⁹ I john, your brother in the flesh, 
john banished to Pathmos for the truth, writeth the Revelation.  and companion with you, aswell in the service of Christ, as in the patiented suffering of the Cross, being for that word of God and witnessing of Christ, whereof I spoke, so persecuted, that for safety of my life I was constrained to fly all alone to the solitary I'll of Pathmos. 10 Then was I bereft in spirit upon the Sunday, which is hallowed to the Lord: Then heard I behind me, turn about and take heed, the mighty voice of the Lord as a Trumpet, because he was to declare the estate of the battle of the Church Militant unto me; 11 Saying these words, I am A and Ω, to wit, the first and the last, writ thou in a Book what thou seest, and send it to the Seven Churches in Asia, the names of which are these, Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamos, Thyatyra, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea: 12 And when I turned me to see the voice, 
Vers. 10.  I did see seven Candlesticks representing these seven Churches: 13 And in the midst of them the figure of the Son of man representing him, clothed with a side garment for gravity, and girded about the paps with a girdle of Gold for glory: 14 His head and hair were white as white Wool, 
Psal. 51. Esay. 4. Matth. 3. jerem. 1.15. Esay 17.  or Snow for innocency; and his eyes were bright like flames of fire, to signify his allseeing knowledge: 15 His feet were of brass, brightly flaming as in a furnace, to declare his standing in Eternity: And his voice like the sounding of many waters, representing his Majesty in commanding: 16 And he had in his Right hand, the side that the Elect are on, 
Hebr. 1.10. Vers. 10.  seven Stars for you the seven Angels, that is, Pastors of the seven Churches: 
Ephes. 6. Esay. 60. Matth. 7.  And from his mouth came a two-edged sword, to wit, the Sword of the word, which comes only from him; and his face was as the Sun shining bright, for from his Face comes all light to illuminate blind man.. 17 And when I thus did see him, I fell dead at his feet for astonishment, 
Psal. 63. Psal. 139.  but he lifted me up again with his right and favourable hand, and comfortably said unto me, Fear not, be not astonished, for I am the first and the last. 
Christ is risen from death to life. Timoth. 1. Hebr. 2.  18 Who, as verily as now I live, was once dead, as thou thyself bears witness, and yet now do live for ever and ever, and by my death only I have overcome Hell and Death; and I only and no other, keep the Keys that have the power of them both. 19 And now I came to charge thee to write these things which thou hast now seen, because they are afterwards to come to pass.   

CHAP. II.  
ARGUMENT.  
Admonition and exhortation to the Churches of Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamos and Thyatira.  
Writ then this to the Angel, or Pastor of the Church of Ephesus: He that hath the seven Stars, 
Chap. 1. v. 10.  or seven Pastors in his Right hand, or favourable power, or protection, and who walks among the seven Golden Candlesticks, or watches over the seven Churches, even he, I say, 
Chap. 1.  says thus unto thee: ² I know thy works, thy travail and patience, & that thou sufferest not the wicked to walk with thee, but hast learned them out, 
False apostles in the Church of Ephesus.  that call themselves Apostles in the Church of Ephesus, and are not, and hast tried them to be liars: ³ Thou art also loaded with a great burden, and yet willingly sustainest it, and for the love of my Name hast thou travailed much, and yet weariest not: ⁴ But in this I must find fault with thee, that thy former charity is waxed cold: 
Destruction to the Church of Ephesus, except they repent. Chap. 1. joh. 12. v. 35. Nicolates. Poverbs 15.  ⁵ Remember then from whence thou hast fallen, and repent, turning thyself to thy first works, otherwise I will turn against thee soon, and will remove thy Candlestick out of the place it is in, to wit, the light of the Gospel, from thy Church, if thou repent not in time: ⁶ But this again, thou dost well to hate the deeds of the Nicolaitans which also I hate. 
Matth. 23.  ⁷ Let all who have ears, or are willing to be followers of me, hear and take example by this which the Spirit of God says to the seven Churches, or their seven Pastors in the name of them: 
1. john 2. 1. john 5. Prou. 3.5.18.22.  And to him who is Victor in the battle against Satan and the flesh, I shall give to eat of the Tree of Life, which is in the midst of the Paradise of God, to wit, I shall make him live eternally in Heaven. ⁸ To the Angel or Pastor of the Church of Smyrna writ thou, This says the first and the last, 
Ephes. 1.3.  who was dead but now lives: ⁹ I know thy works, thy trouble and poverty, but thou art rich, to wit, in graces; I know also what blasphemies are used against thee, by them who call themselves jews, but are not, but by the contrary are of the Synagogue of Satan. 
The Church of Smyrna afflicted and troubled, yet doth continue. Psal. 91.  10 Fear not when ye shall be troubled by the devil, for he will persecute and trouble some of you in the flesh, that your constancy may be tried, and ye shall have great affliction for the space of ten days, to wit, for a certain space, but be ye faithful unto the death, and for your continuance I shall give you the Crown of life immortal. 11 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches; and he that overcometh shall not be hurt by the second death, which is Hell. 
Pergame the principal City in Attalia.  12 And to the Angel or Pastor of the Church of Pergame, writ thou, Thus saith he that hath the two edged sword: 13 I know thy works and where thou dwellest, even where the throne of Satan is, to wit, among a great number of wicked; Yet hast thou not denied thy Faith in me, no not in straightest times, 
Antipas Martyr.  when Antipas my faithful Martyr and witness, was slain among you, where Satan, to wit, many wicked remain: 14 Yet have I some few things to lay to your charge, to wit, That ye permit them to remain amongst you, who retain the doctrine of Balaam, 
1. Cor. 10.14.  who persuade men to eat of things immolate to Idols, and to commit fornication, and filthiness in the flesh: For the very same did Basilius laam to Balac, to cause the Israelites stumble. 15 Thou offendest also in suffering some to be amongst you, who retain the doctrine of the Nicolaitans which I hate. 16 Repent therefore in time, otherwise I will come against thee soon, and I will fight and overcome them who are amongst you, with the sword of my mouth, to wit, by the force of my word. 17 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches: And to the Victor shall I give to eat of that secret and hidden Manna, to wit, of Me the spiritual food of the faithful, of whom that Manna which was hid in the Ark was a figure: And I will also give him a White stone, or a Mark of his election and righteousness through imputation, and in it a New name written, to wit, his name shall be written up in the Book of life, which no man knoweth but he who receives it; for no other may know the certainty of ones Election, but only he who is elected. 18 And to the Angel or Pastor of the Church of Thyatire, writ, This saith the Son of God, whose eyes are like flames of fire, and whose feet are like to glistering brass: 19 I know thy works, thy charity, thy alms, and careful helping of the weak, thy faith, thy patience, and shortly all thy works; but in special I praise thy great constancy and firm continuance, even so, as thy last works are better than the first: 20 Yet some few things have I to lay to thy charge, to wit, that thou sufferest a woman, like to jezebel in wickedness and Idolatry, who calls herself a Prophetess, to teach and seduce my servants, to commit fornication and filthiness of the flesh, and to eat of things immolate unto Idols: 21 Yet gave I her a time to repent from her filthiness, but she would not. 22 Therefore lo I shall cast her into a bed, to wit, I shall destroy her in the puddle of her sins, and I shall trouble with great affliction all them who commit adultery, to wit, spiritual adultery with her, if they repent not of their evil works in time. 23 And I will kill and destroy her sons, to wit, all the followers of her doctrine, that all the Churches and faithful may know me to be the searcher out of the secrets of all hearts, and the just renderer and recompencer of every man according to his works. 24 But I say unto the rest of you who are at Thyatire, who have not received that false doctrine, nor know not the depth nor secrets of Satan or wickedness, whereof the other falsely did purge themselves, I will not lay any other burden upon you, then that which already constantly ye bear: 25 But that which ye have, hold it out valiantly until my coming again. 26 For unto him who is victor, and bears out to the end that burden which I lay upon him, I will give power over Nations, to wit, he shall triumph over the world: 27 And he shall rule them with an iron rod, and they shall be broken like vessels of earth, according as I have received the power from my Father: 28 And I shall give unto him the Morning star; for as the morning star shines brighter than the rest, so shall he shine brighter in glory then his fellows. 29 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches.   

CHAP. III.  
ARGUMENT.  
Admonition and exhortation to the Churches of Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea.  
ANd to the Angel or Pastor of the Church of Sardis writ thou, Thus saith he who hath the seven Spirits of God, 
Sardis.  to wit, he with whom the holy Spirit is unseparably joined, and who hath the bestowing of all the graces of God's Spirit on the Elect, and hath the seven Stars, to wit, who is the head of you the seven Pastors, I know thy works, for ye say ye live, and yet are dead, for your faith is fruitless. ² Be watchful then, and sleep no longer in negligence and careless security, but strengthen again that which is dying in you, to wit, revive your zeal and fervency which is waxed cold, and almost quenched; for surely I have not found your works so holy, and pure, as they are able to abide a trial before the face of God. ³ Remember then what thou hast once received & heard, that thou mayst observe the same and repent; but if thou watch not as I have said, I will come as a thief, for the day of trial shall come when ye look least for it, if ye be not always, and at all times prepared: ⁴ Yet have ye some few heads and notable persons in Sardis, who have not defiled their garments, to wit, corrupted their works as the rest have done, and therefore they shall go with me being made white, to wit, being made innocent by my merit, for they are worthy thereof: ⁵ And the Victor shall be clothed with a white garment of innocency by imputation, neither shall I wipe his name out of the Book of life, but shall avow him to be one of mine before my Father and his Angels. ⁶ He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches: ⁷ But to the Angelor Pastor of the Church of Philadelphia writ thou, This saith he who is only holy and true, 
Philadelphia.  and who hath the key of David, who openeth and no man shutteth, who shuts and no man openeth, as says Esay; 
Chap. 22.  for as David was both King and Prophet, and was the figure of me, so I, as the verity and end of that figure, am only he, who hath the keys of absolute condemning, or absoluting spiritually and eternally. ⁸ I know thy works, and lo, I have set an open door before thee, to wit, I have made the way of grace patent unto thee, which door no man can shut, because I have reserved the secret power of election and reprobation only to myself; and this favour will I show you, because ye retain some good and virtuous things amongst you, and hast kept my Word, and hast not been ashamed of my Name, nor denied the same; ⁹ Lo therefore I will make subject unto thee, these who are the Synagogue of Satan, to wit, those who call themselves jews, and are not, but lie: I shall make them (I say) come and adore before your feet, and they shall be compelled to know that I have loved thee: 10 And this shall I do unto thee, because thou hast faithfully retained the tidings of my troubles and sufferings, and therefore shall I deliver thee also to try the indwellers of the Earth. 11 Lo, I come shortly, therefore retain surely to the end, that good which is in thee, lest another do receive thy Crown and reward: 12 For I will make the Victor a pillar in the Temple of my God, to wit, a special and steadfast instrument in the Church, out of the which he shall never again be cast forth: for he who once is elected, is never cast off; and I shall write on him, the Name of God, to wit, he shall bear the Mark and Seal of an Elect, and the name of the City of my God, which is new jerusalem, to wit, the holy and blessed number of Saints and Angels which cometh down from heaven from my God, to wit, is shortly and certainly to come down, by the general compeiring at the latter day: And I shall also write on him mine own Name, for I shall apply my general redemption of mankind to him, in special, and so I shall write my new Name upon him, to wit, of Redeemer and Saviour, which name I have lately acquired through my passion, death, and rising again. 13 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the Churches. 14 And to the Angel or Pastor of the Church of Laodicea, 
Laodicea.  writ thou, Thus saith the Amen, to wit, he that is wholly and perfect holy, and true in all his promises, that saithful Witness, who is the beginning of the workmanship of God, as well because he is that Word which did create all, and so is their beginning, for that they all received their beginning and being from him, as because the uniting of the Manhood with the Godhead in his person is the most excellent, and so the beginning, that is, the chief, or first in pre-eminence of all the works of God. ¹⁵ I know thy works, saith he, to wit, that thou art neither hot nor cold, would to God thou wert either hot or cold, to wit, either fervent and pure in the truth, or altogether cold and ignorant, that is, seeing and confessing thine ignorance and slackness, that thou mightest be instructed in the same: 
judgement against Laodicea.  16 But thou art lukewarm, and neither hot nor cold, and so inexcusable; and therefore as lukewarm liquor provokes vomit, so will I spew thee out of my mouth: 17 For thou sayest and thinkest thyself to be wealthy, and greatly enriched, and lack nothing; but thou knowest not thyself to be spiritually in misery and wretchedness, poor, blind, and naked of the grace and favour of God: 18 I would wish thee to buy of me gold purged by the fire, that thou mayst thereby be made truly rich; I mean, I would wish thee to conquer by true repentance and earnest prayer, the Word and truth of God; (which because it can receive no filth or spot, and is able to abide the trial, David properly in his Psalms compares to gold purged by the fire) which will make thee rich in all spiritual graces: I would also wish thee to cloth thyself with a white garment, to wit, with innocency and righteousness, that the shame of thy nakedness and uncleanness appear not, and to anoint thine eyes with an eye-salve, that thou mayst clearly see from whence thou hast fallen: 19 But despair thou not for these my sharp words, for those whom I love, I reprove and fatherly chasten: Take up therefore again zealously the right way to salvation, and repent thee earnestly of thy former iniquities. 20 Lo I stand at the door, and knock; for I offer myself unto you by my Ambassadors, and my word in their mouth, whosoever heareth my voice and openeth the door, to wit, whosoever heareth my voice, and yieldeth thereunto due obedience, to him will I come in, to wit, my holy Spirit shall enter into him, and I will sup and be familiar with him, as he shall do with me, and reverence me with love: 21 And I will make the Victor to sit with me in my Throne, to wit, he shallbe partaker of my Glory, even as I sit with my Father in his Throne, and am in my manhood, in which I overcame, exalted to sit in glory at his right hand, equal in power, eternity and glory with him. 22 He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Churches.   

CHAP. FOUR  
ARGUMENT.  
The ravishing of the Writer: The description of the Majesty of God in Heaven, compassed about with Angels and Saints, under the figure of Saints and Elders.  
ANd when this speech of JESUS was ended, I looked up, 
Ezech. 1.  and lo, I did see a door opened in Heaven, to the effect that I might see and hear therein, the figurative representing of those things that were to come after: And that first voice which spoke unto me before, loud as a trumpet, and was the voice of JESUS CHRIST, spoke unto me, and said, Mount up thither, for I am to show thee those things that are to be done hereafter. ² Then was I immediately bereft in spirit; for the eyes of my earthly and gross body, could not have seen and comprehended those heavenly and spiritual mysteries: And lo, I did see a Throne set in heaven, and did see one sit thereon, to wit, GOD the Father in all Glory and Majesty: ³ And he that sat thereon, was like in colour to the jasper and Sardine stones; green as the jasper, to represent his everlasting flourishing without decay; and fiery red as the Sardine, to signify his great brightness and consuming power, who is the trier and separater of the Elect from the reprobate: and the Rainbow, coloured like the Emerald, did compass him round about, to testify thereby, that as after the deluge he made the Rainbow a Sacrament of the promises made to Noah, so this Rainbow which now I did see compassing his Throne, should serve for a sure Sacrament, that he will never suffer his Elect to perish, but will always, and at all times be compassed, with a great care and watchfulness over them: green it was as the Emerald, to signify the continuance without ceasing of his care; as the Emerald comforteth the sight, so is this Sacrament an unspeakable comfort unto the Elect in their troublesome days. ⁴ And about his Throne were four and twenty other seats, and I saw four and twenty Elders or Ecclesiastical Rulers sitting thereupon, clothed with white garments, and having Crowns of Gold upon their heads: These are the twelve patriarchs, and then the twelve Apostles, [who for that they have been the special teachers both of the old and new Law, to the salvation, aswell of jews as of Gentiles, are set in seats about his Throne for glory, and clothed with white garments for their innocency and brightness] and crowned with crowns of gold in token of their victory over Satan and the flesh, and of their glorious reward therefore. ⁵ And from his Throne went forth thunder, lightning, and terrible voices, to represent the great severity and terribleness of his judgements, denounced by the old Law, and executed on the wicked: And there were seven lamps of burning fire before his Throne, which is the infinite, mighty, and flaming bright holy Spirit, resembling the love and light of the new Law of the Gospel of Christ. ⁶ And there was a sea of glass like unto Crystal before his Throne, for that as in a glass he clearly sees even all the secretest actions and cogitations of all in the world, described here by the Sea, which is ever before his face; for nothing can be hid from his presence and prescience: And though in lustre and glance the world be like the lively fountains of waters, which are the faithful, daily springing and flowing with good works by fruitful faith, yet is it indeed without motion or liquor, dead and like glass, whensoever the Lord JEHOVAH doth thunder his judgements upon it: And in the midst of the Throne, and about the same, were four beasts; their four hinder parts were in the midst of it, their shoulders bearing it up, and their head and wings without and about the same; and these beasts were full of eyes behind and before: These are the holy Cherubims, the highest degree of Angels, 
Ezech. 10.12.  four in number, as well because of their four qualities to execute his will, (as ye shall hear hereafter) as for that the Lord directs them when it pleaseth him, to all the four corners of the world, and are as it were his four winds to blow, that is, to execute either favour or justice, in whatsoever place he appointeth them; they are about his Throne, and as it were sustain the same; testifying thereby, that they are most excellent of all others, & per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the pillars or footstools of his glory: Their number of eyes before and behind, signify their certain knowledge of things past, as to come, committed to their charge, together with their continual vigilancy to execute GOD'S commandments: ⁷ And the first beast was like a Lion, the second like a Calf, the third was faced like a man, and the fourth was like a flying Eagle; hereby representing their excellent qualities in the execution of the Lords decrees, to wit, great power, courage, patience, and strength to travel, how oft and how much they should be commanded; great wisdom and a wonderful swiftness in the execution thereof. ⁸ And every one of these beasts had six wings in circuit, (These are the six wings Esay speaketh of:) 
Esay 6.8.  two at their arms, to signify their great celerity in accomplishing Gods commandments; two to cover their faces with, to testify that the glory of God is so bright, and his Majesty so great, as the very Angels, his most excellent creatures, are not able to behold the same; and two at their feet, as well to wipe the filth of the earth off them, after they have been here below, (teaching us thereby, that although they be oft in the world, by the direction of their Creator, yet cannot the world infect them with her sinfulness and corruptions) as also to let us know, that they are so far in glory above all men living in the earth, as it is impossible to us with corporal eyes, to behold the least part of their glorious brightness without a vail, even as it is to them to behold the glory of the Almighty: And within they were all full of eyes, to represent their incessant looking on God, which cometh from that inward and inestimable love they bear unto him; which also they expressed in their continual singing of these words, Holy, Holy, Holy, is that threefold Lord God Almighty, who ever was, now is, and shall come again, replenished with all fullness of glory and power: ⁹ And when these Beasts were giving all glory, honour, and thanks to him that sat on the Throne, to him (I say) who lives eternally; 10 The four and twenty Elders, as next in rank, fell down upon their faces before him that sat on the Throne, and adored Him who lives for ever, and cast down their Crowns of gold at his feet, in token that they received them only of him, saying, 11 Thou art only worthy, O Lord, to be accounted glorious, honourable, and powerful, for that thou hast created all things, and for thy will and pleasure have they had their being, and were created. This glance did I see of the glory that is in heaven, at the receiving of my Commission, contained in the following Visions which I did see of the things present and to come, in the general Church militant.   

CHAP. V.  
ARGUMENT.  
The description of the Book, wherein was contained all the Mysteries which were revealed to this Writer: Christ's opening of them under the figure of a Lion, and of a Lamb: The praises given him by the Saints and Angels therefore, who offer without any Intercessor, every one his own thanksgiving, and praises to the Mediator.  
THen first I did see in the Right hand of him that sat on the Throne, 
Dan. 12.4.  a Book, the Book wherein these mysteries are contained; 
Esay 24 11.  and all the Book was written upon, aswell on the back as within; on the back was written these Visions that I did see, 
Ezek. 2.10.  and am presently to declare unto you; within was written the plain exposition, and the very proper names of all things which these Visions did represent, which are enclosed there, to signify that the Lord hath not permitted me to manifest the same to the world, for the time thereof is not come yet; which Book was sealed with seven Seals, aswell to keep every part thereof unrevealed to any, as also to give the greater certainty, that these things shall come to pass, which are prophesied therein. ² And I saw a strong Angel proclaiming with a loud voice, Who is worthy to open this Book, and to lose the Seals thereof? ³ But there could none be found worthy to do it, neither in heaven nor in earth, nor beneath the earth, no not to look on it, much less to open it: for neither Angel nor devil either knows or dare meddle with the high mysteries of God, and things future, except so far as pleaseth him to commit and reveal unto them: ⁴ Then wept I very sore that none could be found worthy to open and read that Book, no not to look upon the same: for I was very sorrowful that I could not have it revealed unto me: ⁵ At last one of the Elders said unto me, Weep not, Lo the Lion of the Tribe of juda hath prevailed, to wit, he who is come of juda, and hath admirable force in his flesh, derived from the Tribe of juda, by which he overcame Sin, Death, and Hell, and is the root of David, (for David was his figure and fore-beer in the flesh) is worthy and only worthy to open the Book, and lose the Seals thereof. ⁶ And then I took heed, and behold, I did see in the midst of the Throne, and the four beasts, a second person of the Trinity sitting with God, and in the midst of the Elders, as a man and our brother, a Lamb standing like as he had been slain, to signify that once indeed he was slain, but had risen again, and had seven Horns and seven Eyes, representing the innumerable times, mighty and holy Spirit of God, which after his Resurrection he sent out through the whole earth to direct, instruct, and rule the same by his providence and power: ⁷ This Lamb than came and took the Book out of the Right hand of him that did sit on the Throne: ⁸ And so soon as he had taken the Book in his hand, these four beasts, and these four and twenty Elders fell upon their faces before the Lamb, and adored him, and every one of them had in his hand haps, and golden Phials, full of sweet odours; these are the prayers of the Saints, which the four beasts, comprehending all the degrees of Angels, and the four and twenty Elders comprehending the whole Church, as well Militant as Triumphant, perceiving that CHRIST is to reveal all the temptations which are to fall upon the earth and Church, before the latter days; do power forth, aswell on the Church triumphants part, thanksgiving, that by the revealing or opening of the Book, he armeth the Militant Church to resist all the temptations contained therein, as also on the Church Militants part, to pray him to hasten the end and dissolution; for the hastening whereof all creatures sigh and groan to their Creator. Every one of these beasts and Elders, presents their own prayers unto him who sits on the Throne, to teach us, as he is Mediator, and therefore our prayers must be offered unto him only, that so there is no Intercessor between him and us, but every one of us must present our own prayers before him, after the example of the beasts and Elders: These prayers were enclosed in haps, to signify the sweet and pleasing sound, that faithful prayers make in the ears of God; they were enclosed in golden Phials, to teach us that acceptable prayers must come from an undefiled heart, and pure as gold; and they themselves are called incense, because their smell is pleasant and sweet like incense in the nostrils of God. 
Exod. 30.7.  This did the incense at the sacrifice in the old Law signify and figurate; and of this incense speaks David in his Psalms. 
Psal. 141.2.  ⁹ And they, to wit the four and twenty Elders did sing a new Canticle, for the matter of their Canticle, to wit, the accomplishment of the Mystery of redemption is new, 
Psal. 144.  and ever aught to be new and fresh in the hearts of all them that would be accounted thankful: Their song then was this; Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive the Book, and open the Seals thereof, for thou hast been slain, though innocent; and by thy precious Blood hast redeemed us to God thy Father, and hast chosen us out of all Tribes, tongues, people and nations, aswell jews as Gentiles: 10 And thou hast made us Kings and Priests spiritually to our God: And we shall reign over the earth at the last and general judgement, and as Kings, shall be participant of the glory of the holy and new City jerusalem. 11 Then I beheld and heard round about the Throne, the beasts, and the Elders, the voices of many Angels, to the number of many thousand thousands, 
Dan. 7.10.  to wit, innumerable Legions of them, 12 Who said all with a loud voice, The Lamb who was slain, is worthy to have all power, riches, wisdom strength, honour, glory and blessing for ever. 13 I also heard all creatures in Heaven, in earth, and beneath the earth, and in the seas, even all that are in them, I heard saying in one voice unto him that sits upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb be Blessing, Glory, Honour and Power for ever, and ever. And the four beasts said, Amen, and the four and twenty Elders fell on their faces, and adored him that lives for ever, and ever.   

CHAP. VI  
ARGUMENT.  
The opening of the first six Seals: The spreading of the evangel, signified by the white horse, in the first seal: The great Persecution by the red horse, in the second: The number of divers heresies by the black, in the third: The Popedom and Tyranny thereof by the pale, in the fourth: The complaint of the Saints, and their deliverance promised: Their blessed estate in the mean time, in the fift: The day of judgement, and the terribleness thereof, in the sixth.  
AFter this I looked to see when the Lamb opened the first Seal, and lo, I heard one of the four beasts, for they were appointed to assist me in the time of these Visions, as the most excellent creatures of God; and his voice was like a thunder, making me awake, with terror to take heed to these great and terrible Prophecies, which God was to declare unto me, and he said, Come and see. ² Then I looked and did see a white horse, and he that sat on him had a bow in his hand, 
Zach. 1.8. Zach. 6.2, 3.  and a Crown given unto him, and he came forth a Victor to win and overcome: This man coming on the white horse, was the coming and incarnation of our Bright and Innocent Saviour, armed with a bow; for ever since his coming till now, and a space hereafter, the dart and arrow of God, to wit, the holy Spirit by the preaching of the Gospel doth subdue, and bring the world under his subjection, and taketh vengeance of his enemies: His crown is given to him by his Father, in token of his victory over the second death, and as King of the Catholic Church to crown the faithful, 
Conversion of the Gentiles.  and so he cometh forth a Victor over Satan, and to overcome by once, converting a great part of the world to the true knowledge of God: This mystery is already begun, but is not yet accomplished. ³ And when he opened the second Seal, ⁴ Lo, there came forth a red horse, and there was power given to him that sat on him, to take away peace from the earth, that every one might slay one another; and there was given him for that purpose a great sword; for with the spreading of the evangel and rooting of the truth in the hearts of the nations, 
Persecution of the body by the Civil sword, in the second Seal. Continuation of true pastors after the Martyrs.  shall a bloody persecution of Tyrants by the civil sword, be joined; which is meant by the rider on the red horse: but notwithstanding the evangel shall spread and flourish, for such is the power of God, resisting the pride of man, that under the Cross, the purity of the truth most flourisheth in the Church. ⁵ And when he opened the third Seal, the third Beast said unto me, Come and see: and lo, I did see a black horse, and he that sat upon him had balances in his hand: ⁶ And I heard a voice from among the four Beasts, saying, A measure of Wheat for one penny, and three measures of Barley for one penny, but wine and oil harm thou not: for after that this first mystery shall be accomplished, not only dearth and famine shall ensue the contempt of the truth, but God shall permit Satan to tempt and vex his Church with a cloud of divers and dangerous heresies, which may be meant by the rider on the black horse, for the blackness and darkness of them, 
Heresies meant in the third Seal.  shall obscure the light of the Gospel; but yet God, to assure us that he will never forget his own, speaks from his Throne, comforting us thereby, that although (as the balances and measure signifies) good men shall bescant, who are the fine wheat and barley of his harvest, 
Luke 3.  yet some shall there be that shall not bow their knee to Baal, no not in straighter times that shall come after; and always gives us assurance, that the word and truth of God, which is an eternal Oil and comfortable Vine, shall never be destroyed, nor any ways corrupted, in spite of all the malice of Satan in his instruments. ⁷ And when he opened the fourth Seal, the fourth Beast said unto me, Come and see. ⁸ Then I beheld, and lo, I did see a pale horse, and the name of him that sat upon him was Death: This is the greatest and heaviest plague; for after that the persecutions and heresies shall take an end, and that infirmity and coldness have cropen into the Church, 
The Popedom is meant by the pale horse in the fourth Seal, of heresy and civil tyranny.  then shall God redouble his former plagues, by permitting Satan to erect a tyranny composed of both these former plagues; for it shall be full of heresy like the one, and full of civil and temporal tyranny like the other: and therefore because it brings with it all manner of death, both of body and soul, the rider is justly called Death, as the fountain of all the sorts of the same: and the paleness of the horse is correspondent in all points to the quality of the rider; for as the rider is called Death, so the colour of paleness represents the same: and as the rider's qualities are composed of heresies and tyranny, so the colour of pale is composed chief of black and red: And hell followed after him to the utter damnation of him and his followers: And power was given him over the fourth part of the earth, to wit, the rest who are not overcome by the other three riders; for all they who were not marked by the white horse, nor killed in body by the red, nor killed in soul by the black, are killed both in body and soul by this last: And as he hath power of destroying thus, given him over the fourth part of the earth, so by four plagues specially doth he execute the same, to wit, by Sword, Hunger, Death, and the Beasts of the earth: These plagues allude to the plagues, mentioned in the Canticle of Moses; for this tyranny shall begin with persecution, 
Scarcity of true Pastors and worshipping. The cruelty of the Pope's tyranny.  this persecution shall cause a hunger, and great scarcity of the true worship of God, this hunger shall breed a second and eternal death, and this tyranny shall then end with a crueler and bloodier persecution of the bodies then ever was before; which shall be so barbarous, that it is compared in this Vision to the execution, used by wild beasts upon offenders, and shall spare no degree, sex nor age, no more than beasts do. ⁹ But when he opened the fift Seal, I did see under the Altar, the souls of them that were slain for the word of God, and for his Testimony which they maintained: 10 And they cried with a loud voice, saying, How long wilt thou delay (O Lord) since thou art holy and true, to revenge & judge our blood upon them that dwell on the earth; for this last persecution did enter so fiercely into the world, and did make so great a number of Martyrs, that their souls lying under the Altar, to wit, in the safeguard of JESUS CHRIST (who is the only Altar, 
Hose. 14.3.  whereupon, and by whom it is only lawful to us, 
Hebr. 13.15.  to offer the sacrifice of our hearts and lips, to wit, our humble prayers to God the Father) did pray, and their blood did cry to heaven, and crave at the hands of their Father a just revenge of their torments upon the wicked, and therewith a hastening of the general dissolution, for the delivery of their brethren who did remain yet alive. 11 Then white robes were given to every one of them, and it was said unto them, and they were willed to rest and have patience for a short space, unto the time the number of their fellow servants to God, and brethren companions in the Cross, were fulfilled, who were also to be slain as they were already: This surely aught to be a wonderful and inestimable comfort to all the Church militant, since by this Seal we are assured, that both the souls of the Martyrs, so soon as their bodies are killed, shall immediately be rewarded with perpetual and bright glory in heaven, not going into any other place by the way, which is signified by the White robes; as also that so soon as their number shall be complete, which shall be within a short space, God shall then crave a full account at their persecutors hands; and then as the one number shall receive a full and eternal glory in body and soul, the other shall receive a full torment in soul and body, to the clear shining of his justice in the one, and his mercy in the other. 12 Then I took heed when he opened the sixth, and lo, there was a great earthquake, 
Matth. 24.29.  and the Sunbeam black like sackcloth made of hair, and the Moon became all bloody: 13 And the Stars fell from the heavens upon the earth, even as the figgetree lets her unripe figs fall, being beaten by a mighty wind: 14 And the heaven went away like a scroll that is rolled together, and all the hills and Isles were removed from their places: 15 And the Kings of the Earth, the Nobles, the rich men, the Tribunes or commanders of the people, the mighty men, and all the slaves, aswell as freemen, did hide themselves in caverns and under rocks of hills: 
Luke 23.30.  16 And they said to the hills and the rocks, Fall upon us, and hide us from the sight of him that sits upon the Throne, and from the wrath of the Lamb: 17 For that great day of his wrath is come, and who then may stand? This is the accomplishment of that dissolution, craved and promised in the fift Seal. These terrible things, mentioned in the sixth Seal, are the alterations and signs in the last time: the very same did our Master Christ prophesy, when he was walking on this Earth.   

CHAP. VII.  
ARGUMENT.  
A proper and comfortable digression, interiected of God's care over the Elect, in the times of greatest temptations, signified by the Visions of the four Angels, the Election and happy estate of the elected.  
But lest I, or any other, should doubt of the safeguard and salvation of the Elect, thinking that these terrible plagues should have lighted upon both good and bad indifferently, he represented unto my sight four Angels, standing on the four corners of the earth, and retaining the four winds in their hands, and stopping them, either to blow upon the earth, the sea, or any tree: ² And I did see one Angel going up from the rising of the Sun, having the Seal of the living God, and he cried with a loud voice to the four Angels that had power given them to harm the earth, and the sea, ³ Saying; Harm not the earth nor the sea, nor the trees, until we have marked the servants of God on the forehead; These Angels, four in number, because they sit upon the four corners of the earth, ready to execute God's judgements upon every part of the World, although they already had stayed the winds to blow, to wit, the progress of the evangel upon the earth, which is the world, upon the Sea, which is the numbers of people, upon the Trees, which are the Magistrates, Civil or Ecclesiastical; Yet one Angel came from the rising of the Sun, to wit, 
2. Peter 1. Luke 1.7. Malach. 4.  directed by CHRIST, who is comfortable like the sun-rising to his Elect, and is that Orient dayspring, and Sun of Righteousness, rising over all the faithful, which is mentioned in the Scriptures; Who cries and forbids these four Angels to do any further temporal harm, while first the chosen be sealed on the forehead, by that Seal which he bears with him for that effect, that these Angels might know them, being marked in so eminent a place, in the general destruction, and so spare them, assuring us thereby, that he hath such a care over his Elect, as he hath provided for them before hand, even as he did for Noah and Loth, and their families, in the time of the deluge and destruction of Sodom. ⁴ And I heard the number of them that were sealed in Israel, reckoned to be one hundred forty and four Thousand; for twelve thousand were sealed of every one of the Tribes, which makes justly that number. Out of every one of the Tribes was a certain number chosen, to assure us, that a number of every one of them shallbe saved: ⁹ And that I might be assured that a number, aswell of the Gentiles, as of the jews, shallbe saved, Lo, he showed me a number so great, as I could not reckon the same, and it was composed of certain out of every Nation, Tribe, people and tongue: And they stood before the Throne, and in presence of the Lamb, clothed with white robes, having palms in their hands, in token of the victory they obtained of their longsome battle. 10 And they cried all with one voice, saying, Our health and our salvation cometh from our God that sits on the Throne, and from his Lamb, to wit, their health came from God the Father, by the Mediation of his Son. 11 Then all the Angels stood round about the Throne, the Elders, and the four beasts, and bowed themselves down upon their faces, and adored God with thanksgiving, for his mercy to the chosen, both of jew and Gentile, and his justice upon all the rest, 12 Saying, Amen, in allowance of the things done, with full confession, that Blessing, Glory, Wisdom, Thanksgiving, Honour, Virtue, and Power, belongs only and most justly to GOD, for ever and ever. 13 Then one of the Elders spoke unto me, and said, What are these, and from whence are they come, who are clothed with white robes? 14 And I answered and said, Thou knowest, my Lord. Then he said unto me, These are they who are preserved, and come from that great affliction, which was represented to thee in some of the Seals, and they have washed their garments, and made them white in the blood of the Lamb: for they, by virtue of his death, are made righteous by imputation, whose blood is the only and full purgation of us, from our sins: 15 And therefore they are before the Throne of GOD, and serve him day and night in his Temple, to wit, they, without any intermission, contemplate his Glory, and ever serve him by continual thanksgiving, and praising his Name in Heaven, which is his eternal and celestial Temple: and he that sits on the Throne shall dwell with them; for they shall never be separated from his presence. 16 And they shall be no more an hungry, or thirsty, nor the Sun, or any heat shall trouble them: 17 For the Lamb who is in the midst of the Throne, to wit, coequal in power with his Father, he shall feed them and guide them to the lively fountains of waters, to wit, they shall feed of that Spiritual and lively bread, and drink of that Spiritual and lively water, even himself; 
john 4.14.  which Water he promised to the Samaritane woman, at the well: And GOD shall wipe all tears from their eyes; for he shall both by the greatness of their present joys, put quite out of their memories, all the sorrow of their former troubles; and shall also give them eternal joy, which shall never be mixed with any kind of trouble or fear: so shall they not be molested with the vehemency of the Sun, or any other heat, which signifies great troubles, and sorrow.   

CHAP. VIII.  
ARGUMENT.  
The opening of the seventh Seal: The seven Trumpets coming out of it: The effect of the prayers of the faithful, signified by the vision of the fire of the Altar: Some persecution, and some heresies, signified by hail mixed with blood and fire, in the first trumpet: The great persecution by the hill of fire, in the second: The number of heresies, by the stars, falling into the fountains of water, in the third: The universal infirmity in the Church, in some things by the Sun, Moon, and stars darkened, in the fourth.  
ANd when he opened the seventh Seal, there was silence in heaven almost half an hour, aswell to let me know that he had once already summarily declared the whole things which was to come after, as by silence a while to give me occasion to meditate upon that vision which I had seen, to the effect that afterward I might the better understand the more particular rehearsal thereof, which now under another vision and form, was to be declared unto me by the opening of the seventh Seal. ² And I saw seven Angels standing before God, to execute whatsoever thing it should please him to command them; and by his direction there were seven Trumpets given unto them, that by these Trumpets they might with one Majesty denounce to the world such plagues, as they were by the command of God to power forth upon it. ³ Then another Angel came and stood before the Altar, having a golden censer in his hand, and there was much incense given unto him, that he might offer up the prayers of the Saints upon the golden Altar, that is before the Throne: ⁴ And the smoke of the incense, which is the prayers of the Saints, mounted up from the hand of the Angel to the sight of God: ⁵ Then the Angel took this new emptied censer, and filled it again with the fire of the Altar, and did cast it down on the earth, and there were thunderings, voices, lightnings and earthquakes: By this Angel and his proceed, we are assured and made certain, that Christ shall ever be vigilant over his own, and that specially in straightest times he will hear their prayers, and ever renew them with some light of the Gospel, by the working of his holy Spirit: And to assure us hereof, the vision of this Angel was shown unto me immediately before, that by the seven Trumpets he is to dilate these visions, shown me in the former Seals: This Angel was Christ, he stood before the Altar: this Altar is likewise himself, as I declared before: his standing before it, meaneth, that by his office of Mediator, he was to do as follows: He had a golden censer in his hand, for he keeps the censer wherein are contained the incense which the Saints give him, to wit, their prayers, to be offered up to God by his mediation, who is that golden and pure Altar, which is ever in the presence of God, and whose requests are no time refused, and therefore that incense and the smoke thereof, mounts up to the sight of God, to assure us that our prayers, being offered in that form, are ever acceptable: The effect whereof doth appear, by the Angels filling again the censer with the fire of the Altar, and casting it on the earth; wherewith is joined the noise ye heard of; for these prayers procure, that their Mediator shall out of his golden box, to wit, out of his treasure of power, send down the fire of the Altar, to wit, the holy Spirit which remaineth with him, to make thunders, voices, lightnings and earthquakes, to wit, to give again the Law, by renewing the efficacy of the Gospel, in the hearts of the faithful, alluding to the giving of the old Law, whereof these fearful noises were the forerunners: This surely is the care and effect that our Master in all troublesome times renews to strengthen our weakness with. ⁶ And then the seven Angels which had the seven trumpets prepared themselves to blow; for although they were before directed, yet were they not permitted to execute their office, no more than the four Angels, who stayed the four winds while Christ had strengthened and armed his own, as is said, to assure us, that ever before any great temptation, he will make the backs of the elect ready, and able to bear such burdens as he is to lay upon them. 
1. Cor. 10.13.  ⁷ Then the first Angel blew, and there was a great hail, and fire mixed with blood, and this storm was cast down upon the earth; whereupon followed, that the third part of the trees was withered and burnt up, and all green grass was withered and burnt up, for the first plague which hath already begun to work, shall be mixed partly of hail, which is heresy, for as hail showers by the harm they do to the corn, makes them to become dear, so heresy makes the true harvest of the Lord to become scant: This hail or heresy, and spiritual persecution, is joined with the sword and persecution of the flesh, which is signified by the fire, and the blood: This fiery and two edged trial shall make the third part, to wit, a part, but not the greatest number of trees, to wit, of renowned men; and all green grass, to wit, all them that are not well founded and strong in the truth, (this green grass is that sort of professors, 
Mark 4. vers. 5, 6, 7.  of whom Christ spoke in the parable of the seed sown in sandy, and thorny ground;) it shall make them (I say) to fall from the truth, and so become withered and unprofitable. ⁸ Then the second Angel blew, and there fell as it had been a great hill, all burning in fire; and this hill was cast into the sea, and the third part of the sea became blood: ⁹ And the third part of the living creatures in the sea was slain, and the third part of the ships therein did perish; for after that this former plague shall have an end, and yet the world not turn themselves from their iniquities, than the second shall follow, which is the corporal plague of persecution, signified by the red horse in the second Seal, more amply dilated here: This great heap of fiery persecution, like a mountain of fire, shall make the third part, or a certain number of people and nations, which is signified by the seas or many waters, to overflow in blood; for as it is said of the same in the second Scale, they shall slay one another, for even among themselves, to wit, among the wicked shallbe great bloodshed and wars; for the third, or a certain number of all sorts of living things shall die, to wit, no sort of men shall be exempted from this trouble: But especially a number, and not the greatest part of the faithful shallbe persecuted, which is signified by the ships; for even as ships on a stormy Sea seek a haven, so the faithful among the wicked of the world, tossed here and there resisting every wave, strive in despite of many contrarious winds, to attain to that haven, where at last casting their Anchor, they are freed from all worldly tempests, and dwell there eternally in a perpetual calmness. 10 Then the third Angel blew, and there fell from heaven a great Star burning like a torch, and it fell upon the third part of rivers and fountains of waters, and the name of the star was Wormwood: and the third part of the rivers and fountains were turned into wormwood, and many men died, for the bitterness of the waters: This is that same plague which is signified by the black horse and his rider, to wit, a cloud of defections, and Apostatical heresies, here signified by a great star burning like a torch: for it shall have a great light, but like the light of a torch; for as the torch and candlelight is false to the eye and makes the colours to appear otherwise then they are, and is made dim by the brightness of the Sun, so shall this light of false doctrine mask iniquity for a space, and make it seem to be the truth, unto the time the true light of God obfuscat and blind it: These heresies shall be stronger in deceit, than those before: for they shall seduce the very pastors and spiritual Magistrates, which is signified by the Stars falling in a part of the fountains of waters: for these men are the worldly fountains, whereout the rest of the faithful, by the buckets of their ears, draw that spring of heavenly liquor. 11 This star is called Wormwood, for as wormwood is a bitter herb, what greater bitterness can be to the soul of man, then to procure the wrath of the Almighty, through such an horrible fall? and as it turned a part of the pastors, and made them to become of bitter quality like itself, so their bitterness did slay with the second death, a great number of men; to wit, their disciples and followers. 12 Then the fourth Angel blew, and the third part of the Sun, the third part of the Moon, and third part of the Stars was stricken, so that the third part of them, to wit, of their light was obscured, and the third part of the day, and the third part of the night was obscured, to wit, the third part of their light was darkened: For after that one part of the pastors shall make horrible defection, it shall fall out that the whole Church visible, shallbe blinded with some errors, but not yet make a full defection, which is signified by the obscuring of a part of the light of the Sun, Moon, and stars, to wit, of all degrees of spiritual Magistrates; so that by their general weakness in some points, a part of the meaning of the Gospel shall be falsely interpreted, which is meant by the light of the day, and of the night: for as the cloud by day, and the pillar of fire by night did guide the people of Israel through the desert, to the land of Promise, so will this light shining, both day and night in our souls, conduct us out through the wilderness of this world, to that spiritual land of promise, where we with our God shall gloriously reign in all Eternity: This fourth blast is also a part of the third Seal. 13 And I saw and heard an other Angel flying through the midst of heaven, and saying with a loud voice, Woe, woe, woe to the inhabitants of the earth, for the harm that shallbe done unto them by the last three blasts of the Angels Trumpets: for the last three plagues shall be exceeding great, which, that I might the better note and take greater heed unto, God wakens me up and makes me see an Angel flying through the midst of heaven with celerity, aswell to forewarn the holy Angels and Saints of these three plagues, so far in greatness above the rest, as to signify by his swift flying, that they are hastily and within short space to be put in execution: And the number of Woes, to wit, which he cries, are answerable to the number of plagues which are hereafter to be declared.   

CHAP. IX.  
ARGUMENT.  
In the fift Trumpet, the heresies cause a great blindness and ignorance, whereof cometh the Ecclesiastical Papistical orders, signified by the grasshoppers breeding out of the smoke, and their power and qualities: Their King and head the Pope and his style: In the next Trumpet the beginning of his decay, signified by the losing of the four Angels at Euphrates: The remedy he useth for the same by hounding out the jesuits, signified by the horse in the Vision: Their qualities signified by their breastplates: The Popes and Turks his gathering to destroy the Church, signified by a great army of horse: The Pope is the plague for breaking of the first Table: and the Turk for breaking of the second.  
THen the fift Angel blew, and I saw the star that fell out of heaven upon earth (for it is to be noted, that all these plagues did fall out of heaven upon the earth, to teach us, Quòd nullum malum est in civitate, quod non faciat Dominus, by his justice permitting, 
Amos 3.6. Esay 45.7.  directing, ordering, and restraining it) I did see it get the key of the bottomless pit which was given unto it; for this cloud of heresies spoken of in the third Trumpet and third Seal, by process of time did breed this bastard tyranny, whereof I spoke in the fourth Seal, and so it brought from hell by the opening of the bottomless pit, whereof it gate the keys, to wit, by the assistance, and device of Satan, it bred such plagues as follow. ² First, by opening of the pit, came forth a great smoke like the smoke of a furnace, to wit, it did breed such a darkness and ignorance in the minds of men, as the Sun and the Air were obscured, (to wit, the light of the trueth represented by the darkening of the Sun) and so in place of living under, and by the true and clear air of the truth, the world shall live under, and by the bastard and dark air of false doctrine. ³ And out of this smoke came Grasshoppers upon the earth: For this great blindness shall breed a multitude of divers Orders of Ecclesiastical persons, as well Monks and Friars, as others, but all agreeing in one heretical Religion: These are grasshoppers, because they breed of that filthy smoke of heresies, even as Grasshoppers breed of corrupted air; they are ever teaching false doctrine with their mouth, which carries with it as great destruction to the souls of men, as the mouths of Grasshoppers do to the green grass and herbs, and the earth shallbe overloaden with multitudes of them, even as Grasshoppers sometimes come in great heaps, and overcharge the face of a whole country: And like power was given to them, as hath the earthly Scorpions: for as the Scorpion's sting is not felt sore at first, and is long in working, and impossible to be healed, but by the oil of a dead scorpion, so the poisoning of the soul cannot be perceived by the receiver at the first, but is long in operation, for by piece and piece they infect the world with heresies, and open not all their pack at first; and the world shall never be freed from their heresies, unto the utter destruction of these false teachers themselves: ⁴ And it was said unto them, or they were forbidden to harm the grass, or any green thing, or any tree, but only these men that have not the mark of God in their foreheads: for though earthly Grasshoppers when they swarm in heaps, do destroy all green grass or trees, yet God shall so bridle the rage of these spiritual Grasshoppers, that they shall have no power to pervert the Elect of whatsoever degree, or sort, compared to green grass and fruitful trees; but their power shall extend only upon them that bear not the mark or Seal of God upon their forehead, and as withered and unfruitful sticks are ready for the fire: ⁵ But they shall have no power to slay them, to wit, they shall not discover to the world their greatest blasphemies at the first, as I said before, but they shall torment them for the space of five months, and their torment shallbe like the torment that a man suffers, being stinged by a scorpion, to wit, they shall by piece & piece infect them with spiritual poison; and as I have said already, they shall not feel the smart thereof, while the second death make them to feel the same: This torment shall endure five months, that is the time limited them by God, which alludes to the five months in Summer when Grasshoppers are; This form of speech doth declare the continuing of the Metaphor. ⁶ And in these days men shall seek death, and shall not find the same, and men shall desire to die, but death shall fly from them, for than begins the troublesome times of the later days, the misery whereof I heard our Master, while he was yet on the earth, declare in these words that I have now repeated. ⁷ And the figure of these locusts, was like unto the horse prepared for the war, to signify that their form of practice & policy, shallbe so worldly wise, that they shall lack nothing pertaining to the setting forth of their intents, more than a horse of service which is curiously barded, seated and prepared, for going forth to the battle. And they had crowns like crowns of gold upon their heads; for they shall pretend to be holy like the Elders, who for their reward gate Crowns of pure gold set upon their heads, as you heard before, and so shall outwardly glance in an hypocritical holiness; And their faces were like the faces of men, and the faces of men signify reason, as man is a reasonable creature: the likeness then of their faces unto men, signifies that they shall, by curious arguments, pretend reason to maintain their false doctrine, but it shall be but a counterfeit resembling of reason indeed, even as their crowns are like unto gold, but are not gold indeed. ⁸ And they have hair like the hair of women: for as the hair of women is a special part of their alluring beauty, so they have such alluring heresies whereby they make the way of heaven so easy by their help to whomsoever, how wicked soever they be, that will use the same, as they allure them to commit spiritual adultery with them. And they have teeth like Lion's teeth: for as the Lion is stronger in the mouth, and so may do greater harm with his teeth then any other beast, so all these that will not be persuaded with their shows prepared like horses for the war, with their crowns like crowns of gold, with their faces like the faces of men, nor with their hair like the hair of women, they shall be persecuted by the power of their mouth, to wit, by their threatenings and thundering curses. ⁹ And they had breast plates like breastplates of iron, for they shall have to back this their authority, the assistance of Princes, whose maintaining of them shall appear unto the world strong as iron. And the sound of their wings was like the sound of chariots running with many horses unto the war: for as the grasshoppers make in the hot time of the year & the day, a great sound with their wings, so these shallbe made so strong and fearful by their brestplates like iron, as what they, being in the height of their day shall decree, it shall have such a majesty and fearfulness, as the terrible noise of many horses and chariots hurling to battle: 10 But they had tails like the tails of Scorpions, and there were stings in their tails: for at their first dealing with any, they appear not harmful to them that hear them, and believe them, but the effect and end of their practice is poison to the soul, and thereafter their tails are like unto the tails of Scorpions, wherein is their sting: And they had power to trouble and harm men the space of five months: for as I showed you before, that they should torment men the space of five months, to wit, a certain space appointed them; so now I assure you to your comfort, that as grasshoppers last but five months that are hottest, so these shall be like unto grasshoppers in that as well as in the rest; for they shall remain but for a certain space prescribed, and then shall be destroyed by the blast of Christ's breath. 11 They have also a King, but to rule over them, who is the Angel of the bottomless pit, and his name in Hebrew is Abaddon, and in Greek Apollyon, for these by the permission of God's justice, and working of Satan, shall have at the last a Monarch to be their head, who shall be like unto themselves, the angel or messenger coming, to wit, instructed and inspired by Satan to be his ambassador, and to teach his false doctrine to the counterfeit church, as well as the true Pastors are the Ambassadors of God to the true Church: He is called Abaddon or Apollyon, because as he is both a spiritual and civil Monarch, so he destroys and kills both body and soul, as I told you in the fourth seal, where he is called Death, for the same cause that he is called here Destroyer. 12 One woe is past, and lo two come after, for this which by the fift Trumpet is declared, is the first of the three last and greatest plagues, whereunto I wished you to take special heed; and therefore take good heed to the other two blasts of the trumpets that follow. 13 Then the sixth Angel blewe, and I heard a voice coming from among the four horns of the golden Altar that stands ever before the eyes of God, saying these words to the next Angel that had a Trumpet, Lose these four Angels bound at the great water Euphrates. 14 Now the summons and warning being given by the sixth blast of the trumpet of the sixth and fearful plague that was to come; this command of Christ (which is the voice here mentioned) comes to the sixth Angel, commanding him to do as ye now have heard: For although the trumpet was already blown, yet the execution follows not, while Christ command and permit it; for these four Angels mentioned here, are the same who were standing before upon the four airths of the earth, ready to destroy the same, who were then, as you heard, stayed by Christ, while first he had sealed his own; who now being all sealed, because this is the last plague that is to come upon the world, except that of the consummation; Christ therefore commands them to be loosed, for they were before stayed, as it were bound, to the effect they might now put in execution these things which they were ready to do: When they were stayed, it is said they were bound at the great river Euphrates; alluding hereby to the history of Balthasar in Daniel, for as Euphrates divided Babylon from the Persians and the Assyrians, which they crossed when they slew Balthasar, so this command of stay, given to these Angels by Christ, was that great river Euphrates, beyond the which they were bound, for they had no power to cross it, and to plague the world, while first all his chosen were sealed, and that he had loosed and permitted them, as by this command here is done: 15 And so these four Angels were loosed, who were ready at the hour, the day, the month, and the year, to slay the third part of men, to wit, they were ready at the very moment prescribed to them by God, to destroy all men, except such as were sealed, over whom they had no power; and such as were reserved to the destruction of the last plague, to wit, the consummation; and so the third part was left to them to destroy. Now follows the plague of the sixth trumpet. 16 And first I saw an army of horsemen, the number whereof were two hundred thousand thousand; for I heard the number reckoned: this double great number signifies, that there shall be raised up at one time, two great Monarchies and seats of Tyrants; one ruling in the East, and another in the West, who shall cruelly persecute the Church. 17 And in this vision likewise I saw horses, whose riders had brestplates of fire, of Hyacinth and brimstone, and the heads of the horses were like the heads of Lions, and from their mouths came fire, smoke, and brimstone; noting, that with fiery rage, smoky pride, and pretences, and loathsome and wicked courses, these two monarchs, the one secular, the other Ecclesiastical, shall conquer and possess the greatest part of the world: These horses are a part, yet not the least part of the forces of one of these monarchs, in whose description it is most insisted, because he is the Destroyer, of whom it is spoken in the fift Trumpet, where he is named Abaddon: These horses and their riders are the last order and sect of his Ecclesiastical swarm: Their brestplates, to wit, their worldly defence is composed of fire, that is, persecution of the body, for they shall have greater credit at the hands of Princes, than all these grasshoppers, spoken of in the fift Seal, and so shall use their forces to defend themselves therewith: They are composed of the Hyacinth, for as this herb is dark, and of a smoking colour and bitter to the taste, so shall they be defended and maintained by the craft of their dark and bitter heresies, (which in the third Trumpet are called Wormwood, as here they are called Hyacynth;) and they are composed of brimstone, which signifieth the loathsomeness and stench of sin, and the flame and force of hell fire, to wit, Satan the author of the one, and ruler of the other, shall by all manner of craft defend them as his special instruments, and the last vermin bred and come up from the smoke of the bottomless pit: And they shall not only have power to defend themselves by these three means, but they shall also pursue and persecute the faithful; which is meant by their horses heads like to the heads of Lions, that is, able to devour: The means whereby they devour, are the same whereby they defend themselves, to wit, by the power of Princes, to persecute the bodies by false and heretical brags and sleights, which are here called Smoke, and by the drifts and frauds of Satan in divers fashions to deceive and inflame the soul, which craft of Satan is here resembled to brimstone. 18 By these three plagues, are slain the third part of men, to wit, by fire, smoke, and brimstone, which came out of their mouths, to wit, their malice and strength shall be so great, as they shall use all means wherewith the third part of men shallbe destroyed, although these means shall not be used by them only to work this great destruction with. 19 For their strength is not in their mouths only, (as ye have presently heard) but it is also in their tails; for their tails are like the tails of serpents, having stings whereby they do harm: In this they shall be like unto the grasshoppers. 20 But not the less, the wicked shall be so hard hearted, as the rest of them who were not destroyed by the plagues of this trumpet, shall not repent nor desist from the workmanship of their hands, to wit, from Idolatry, and adoring of devils, and of images, of gold, of silver, of brass, of stone, and of wood, who neither can see, hear, nor go, (whereof this heretical Monarch is the punishment.) 21 Nor yet will they repent them nor desist from breaking the second Table, by slaughters, sorceries, fornications & thefts, whereof that other Monarch, who only persecutes the body, is the revenge, scourge, and plague.   

CHAP. X.  
ARGUMENT.  
john hears the explication of these mysteries, which was written upon the back of the Book: It is not lawful to him to manifest it: By foreknowing things to come, which is signified by swallowing the book, he is moved to a great joy in the instant time, but it turneth in great bitterness to him thereafter.  
THen I saw another strong Angel coming down from heaven; he was clothed with a cloud, and at his head was the rainbow, and his face was like the Sun, and his feet like the pillars of fire: This strong Angel was Christ, clothed with a cloud; for in a cloud he ascended, and in the clouds shall he come again at the latter day: Which cloud was a guide to the people of Israel by day, while they travailed through the wilderness; and out of that cloud he powers the rain and dew of his graces in abundance upon his chosen: His head was clothed with the rainbow, which signifies his covenant he made with his Elect, as ye heard before: His face was like the Sun, and his feet like pillars of fire: ye heard these two described in the beginning of my Epistle. ² And he had in his hand an open Book; this was the Book of the evangel, or glad tidings: And he set his right foot or strongest on the Sea, to make stable that liquid Element so unstable of nature; and his left upon the earth, which is sooner made firm, by this to show the power he hath over all things contained in them, who hath no power to pass the bounds and order which he hath prescribed unto them; and therefore the earth is called his footstool, by David in his Psalms. ³ And he cried with a mighty voice like a roaring Lion, for they were terrible things and great which he was to denounce: ⁴ And when he had cried, the seven thunders spoke their voices; These were the seven Spirits of God, who by his direction did speak, and I was to have written what they did speak, of purpose to have set it down with the rest: But I heard a voice from heaven, saying, Seal what the seven thunders have spoken, but writ them not: For the holy Spirit having declared unto me by them, the exposition of the six trumpets, the voice of God commands me not to manifest that unto the world with the rest, but by sealing of it, to keep it close unto the due time. ⁵ And the Angel, to wit, Christ, whom I saw standing on the sea, and on the earth, lifted up his hand towards heaven, ⁶ And swore by him that created heaven, the earth, the sea, and all that is in them, that the time should be no longer: ⁷ But in the days of the seventh Angel's voice, when he gins to blow, the mystery of God should be consummate, according as he told to his servants the Prophets: This oath he made to assure me, that the world should end immediately after the accomplishing of these things, mentioned in the six Trumpets, and that the seventh declares the things which are to be done at the consummation; the form whereof will be as he hath declared to his Prophets. ⁸ Then that voice which I heard, spoke to me from heaven, to wit, the voice of God the Father, spoke again unto me, and said, Go and take that open book which is in the hand of the Angel, who stands on the sea and the earth: ⁹ And so I went unto the Angel, and desired him to give me the book: and he answered, Take and swallow it, and it shall bring a bitterness unto thy belly, but in thy mouth it shall be as sweet as honey. 10 Then I took the book, and found that which he said to me of it, to be true; for indeed I thought it delightful unto me, to know the mysteries of God, by swallowing the book, and so it was sweet in my mouth; but so soon as by the digestion hereof I must preach it to the world, and for that cause become to be hated, contemned, and persecuted by the wicked, and see but a small increase of my great labours, then surely it will be bitter to my belly, as it was to jonas, and shall be to all the true preachers thereof thereafter. 11 Then he said unto me, Thou must prophesy again before people, nations, tongues, and many kings for my children in Christ, to wit, my successors in doctrine, who shall be in the time of these plagues, shall have the same commission to teach over again the same evangel, to the salvation of all the believers: these shall have such boldness given unto them, as they shall constantly declare their commission, not only before the people, but even before many kings, and shall not be afraid of their faces.   

CHAP. XI.  
ARGUMENT.  
Babylon the Pope's Empire, is the outward part of the Temple: The true Church is in Sancto Sanctorum; but under the persecution of these hypocrites for a certain space: Faithful Pastors are sent from time to time to witness the truth: They are persecuted, condemned, and slain by Antichrist: God raiseth up at the last stronger preachers, who shall describe the Popedom, and foretell the destruction thereof: In the seventh Trumpet is the day of judgement described.  
ANd then was a long reed like a rod given unto me, and the Angel who gave me the book stood before me, and said, Arise, and measure the Temple of God, and the Altar, and all them that adore in it, with that reed that is given thee: ² But the court that is without the Temple, exclude thou, and measure it not, for it is given unto the Gentiles, who shall tread down the holy City for the space of two and forty months. Now lest I should despair of any profit which my successors could have made in doctrine in their time, because as it appeareth by the sixth Trumpet, the whole world should be subdued to these two Monarchies; Christ, aswell to assure me some should still remain pure and unspotted, as also to show me, and by me to forewarn the Church, that this most dangerous Monarch, called Apollyon, should corporally succeed in the Church, and should sit in the Temple of God, gives me a reed for that cause, and commands me to measure the Temple, for he will save all them that are of the true Church, for they are the inward parts of the Temple; and the rest by reason of their hypocrisy, shallbe accounted of as Gentiles; and this division shallbe made by my successors in doctrine, (of whom I spoke already) for they by the measure and trial of the word, signified by the reed, shall separate that holy Sanctum Sanctorum from the rest of the outward Temple of God, to wit, the hypocritical and Antichristian Church, which shall tread down and persecute the true Church, for the space of two and forty months, or three years and an half, for it is both one number. This space prescribed by Christ, alludeth to daniel's prophecy of two times, a time, and half a time; for as Daniel meant thereby the half of his prophetical week, so Christ means by this, that the persecution of this Destroyer, shall last the half, to wit, it shall reign about the midst of the last age of this whole week, which gins at his incarnation and first coming, and ends at his last coming again; which because it is the last period, it is here compared to a week: ³ But I shall give that holy town to two witnesses of mine, who clothed with sackcloth, shall prophesy the space of one thousand two hundred and threescore days; for these my successors he shall raise up as witnesses, to wit, a sufficient number of them, (for out of the mouth of two or three witnesses, every word is confirmed) to witness that their doctrine is false, who persecute the Church which he shall give unto them, for he shall make them their patrons, to defend and feed them by the power of the true word, and they shall preach repentance to that counterfeit Church; and therefore they are said to be clothed in sackcloth. And to assure us to our great comfort, that in all the time of blindness, God shall ever be raising up some of these two witnesses against the hypocritical Destroyer, and to comfort and confirm his true Church, it is said, They shall prophesy the number of days that ye have heard, which is correspondent justly to the months before mentioned, to wit, they shall not leave off to witness, all the time of the Antichristian kingdom. ⁴ These witnesnesses, are two green Olives, who anoint the Elect with that holy oil; and two Candlesticks (as Christ said, to enlighten the world with their brightness) who are set down, and do their office, in the presence of him, who is Lord and ruler of the earth. ⁵ And if any shall press to harm them, fire shall come out of their mouths, and devour their enemies; for whosoever will do them any hurt, himself must be slain so, to wit, the holy Spirit, who is the fire in their mouth, shall accuse and cause to be destroyed with the second death, all them that either persecute them, or will not hear, or obey their doctrine: ⁶ These witnesses have power to shut heaven, that it rain not in the days of their prophesy; and they have power over the waters, to turn them into blood, and to strike the earth with every kind of plague, so often as they please; for he shall authorize them and their message, with as sure testimonies, as the shutting of the heaven, and stay of the rain was unto Elias, so long as he forespoke it should be so; and as unto Moses, the turning of the waters into blood, and the striking of the earth of the land of Egypt, with divers and sundry plagues: ⁷ But these shall be witnesses, by their death as well as by their life: For how soon any of them shall have run that course in the earth, which God hath appointed them, they shall be persecuted, overcome, and slain by that beast, the Angel of that bottomless pit, and king of the locusts, and that great town & seat of the Monarchy shall publicly put them down, as malefactors: ⁸ So as their dead bodies or carcases shall lie in the streets thereof: And this town is spiritually called Sodom, because of the spiritual adultery, to wit, Idolatry that it shall commit and maintain; and spiritually Egypt, because it shall oppress and intolerably burden the souls of the chosen, even as Egypt captivated the bodies, and burdened the backs of the people of Israel, and in that town also was our Lord crucified; for where Christ's members are put to death for their Master's cause, (as this town and Kings thereof shall do) there is Christ himself crucified in effect, and his crucifying shallbe as well imputed to them, as to judas who betrayed him: ⁹ And men of all tribes, peoples, tongues, and nations, shall see their carcases the space of three days and a half, and they shall not be suffered to be buried in sepulchers: 10 And the inhabitants of the earth shall be glad and rejoice for their slaughters, and shall send gifts one to another, in token of joy, because they are made quit of these two prophets, who tormented the indwellers of the earth; for the whole world, who are not in Sancto Sanctorum, shall not only suffer, but allow that these witnesses be not only slain, but also be so cruelly used an contemned, as not to be suffered to be buried amongst others: And the whole earth shall rejoice at their death; because that even as Achab blamed Elias for troubling of Israel, so shall the world think these witnesses troublesome unto them, because they discover unto them their shamefulness, and call them to the repentance thereof. 11 And thus shall they be contemned for the space of three days and a half, to wit, of three years and a half; which signifies, that during the space of the Antichrists reign, they shall be thus used; but after the space of three days and an half, the Spirit of life coming from God, shall enter into them, and they shall be set upon their feet, and a great fear shall fall upon them that did see them before: 12 And they heard a great voice from the heaven, saying unto them, Come up bither, than they ascended up into heaven, and their enemies saw them do so; for although that during the flourishing of this heretical and bypocriticall Monarchy, the true Pastors no sooner appeared, than they were put to death, yet at the last this Monarchy shall begin to decay, when the three years, or the three days and an half thereof shall be expired: and then shall the Spirit of life from God, to wit, the holy Spirit sent from God, work mightier in the latter Pastors of these days, so as in them shall the bypassed Martyrs be revived, and their doctrine shall take root in the hearts of many, and their reasons shallbe so pithy, as the Antichristian sect, and the rest of the world shall know as perfectly that they shall prevail, as if they heard God call them to heaven, to reward them there for their victory: Neither shall they have power of their lives, for God shall move the hearts of many to defend them in such glory and safety, as if they were mounting up to heaven in a cloud, and they not able to hinder them. 13 And then at that time shall be a great earthquake, to wit, great tumults among nations, and the tenth part of the city shall fall: This city is divided in ten parts, to show it is the same Monarchy that shall afterwards be described by a beast with ten heads: And by the falling of the tenth part thereof, is meant, that divers nations shall shake off the yoke of that Monarchy, and so a part of the strength of that city shall decay; and there was slain in that earthquake, seven thousand men, to wit, a great number of men shall be slain in these tumults, and the rest were afraid, and gave glory unto the God of Heaven, for these tumults and judgements of God, shall by their terrors reduce some to the knowledge of the truth. 14 The second woe is past, for these are the plagues of the sixth Trumpet, and lo, the third woe comes soon; for next follows the declaration of these days, wherein the consummation shall be, first of that Antichristian kingdom, and next of the whole earth; take therefore good heed unto the third woe, for it is the last. 15 Then the seventh Angel blew, and there were great voices in heaven, saying, The kingdoms of the world are made the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ, who shall reign for ever and ever. This joyful cry was in heaven, because the days were come wherein the day of judgement should be, and so the power was to be taken from the kings of the earth, who were enemies to the Saints, and Christ was hereafter to be the great, sole, and immediate King over all. 16 Then the four and twenty Elders, who sat upon seats in the sight and presence of God, for joy that the salvation of their brethren was at hand, did fall upon their faces, and adored God, saying, 17 We thank thee Lord God Almighty, who is, and who was, and who art presently to come again, because now thou art to make thy great power manifest, and art to begin thy glorious Kingdom. 18 And the Gentiles waxed wrathful, for all the wicked now perceive, that neither their force nor craft can avail; for thy wrath is now come which none may resist, and the time of the dead is come, for now all the dead are to be judged, and thou art to reward thy servants the Prophets, and all the Saints, and all that fear thy Name, small or great, and thou art to destroy them that destroy the earth, by the persecuting of thy Saints, and defiling it with every sort of vice. 19 Then the Temple of God was open in heaven, that the Ark of his covenant might be seen, which was within it: God now did show the Ark of his covenant, to assure all the Saints that he would now have mind of his promise, and according thereto would presently send down Christ to judge the earth, as was done then in all terror; which is signified by lightning, voices, thunder, and earthquakes, which then were made; and a great hail, which signifies the destruction of the earth, as showers of hail of all others, are the most harmful and destroying.   

CHAP. XII.  
ARGUMENT.  
A new vision: The devils malice against Christ and his Church: The Church by God's providence escapes his fury: She is secret, and lies hid for a space: The devil raiseth up heresies and persecutions to destroy her; but all that cannot prevail; whereupon he goeth to raise up her great enemy the Pope.  
NOw as this seventh Seal, wherein these seven Trumpets were (which ye have presently heard declared) was no other thing, but the more ample dilating of the six former Seals, (as I did show before) so this vision which I am next to declare unto you, is nothing else but a clearer setting forth, and forewarning of these times, which are most perilous for the Church of all them which are to come after, especially of the three last woes. ¹ And there was a great sign, and a wonderful vision seen in heaven, to wit, a woman clothed with the Sun, and the Moon was under her feet, and she had a crown of twelve stars upon her head, ² And she was great with child, and she was so near her childbirth, as she was already crying, and was sore pained with the travel to be delivered of her child: ³ And there was also another sign, and wonder seen in heaven; A great red dragon having seven heads, and ten horns, and upon his head seven diamonds: ⁴ And his tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven with him, and did cast them down to the earth: This dragon stood before the woman, awaiting to devour her birth so soon as she was delivered of it: ⁵ But she brought forth a manchild, who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron, and her son was caught up to God, and his Throne: ⁶ But the woman fled into the wilderness, where she hath a place prepared by God, that she might be fed there the space of one thousand two hundred threescore days. ⁷ And there was a great battle strooken in heaven, for Michael and his Angels fought against the dragon and his angels: ⁸ And the dragon and his angels could not obtain the victory, but by the contrary their place was no more found in heaven: ⁹ And so that great dragon, to wit, that old serpent who is called the devil and Satan, who seduceth the whole face of the earth, was cast down to the earth, and all his angels were cast down with him. 10 And I heard a voice in heaven, saying, Now is wrought the health, the virtue, and the kingdom of our God, and the power of his Christ; for the accuser of our brethren is cast down, who day and night accused them in the sight of our God: 11 For they that fought with him, have overcome him, for the love they bear unto the Lamb and his blood, and to the word of his Testimony, and have prodigally given their lives even unto death for that cause: 12 Therefore rejoice ye heavens, and ye that dwell therein; but woe to the inhabitants of the earth, and the sea, for the devil is come down to you, and he is full of great wrath, because he hath but a short space to reign. 13 And when the dragon saw himself cast down upon the earth, he pursued the woman who had borne the manchild: 14 But there was given to the woman two great Eagle wings, that she might flee from the sight of the serpent into the wilderness, to the place that was there appointed for her to be nourished for a time & times, and half a time. 15 Then the serpent did cast out of his mouth after the woman to overtake her, a water like a great flood, to carry her away perforce: 16 But the earth helped the woman, and opened her mouth, and swallowed up by the way the great flood which the dragon had cast out of his mouth: This part of the Vision was to declare unto me, that howsoever the Church, which is signified here by a woman, (for she is the spouse of CHRIST, who is her head, her husband, and her glory, obeying him with a reverent love, and yet weak and infirm like to a woman) how soon, I say, the Church shining in all brightness and innocency, which is represented by her garment of the Sun, and treading under feet, and contemning the world and the vanities thereof, here signified by the Moon, being under her feet; a Planet that hath no proper, but a borrowed light, and subject to all mutability, like the world, and being crowned with the shining glory of the twelve patriarchs and Prophets, and the twelve holy Apostles, succeeding them in the unity of doctrine, and therefore are called here a Crown of twelve stars upon her head; How soon, I say, that she thus arrayed did bring forth CHRIST in the flesh, who is that manchild, who rules the Gentiles with an Iron rod, as David saith in his Psalms: That great red and ancient Dragon, for in our first forefather he uttered his malice, to wit, the devil, who is ruler of infinite numbers of men, which is signified by his seven heads, and seven diadems, or Crowns upon them, and who hath innumerable means and instruments to be executors of his malicious will, which is signified by the ten horns, alluding to Daniel; and who is so mighty in deceit, that he doth not only allure the infidels to follow him, but even a part of the Pastors, and the visible Church to their destruction, which is signified by his drawing after him with his tail as followers of his enticements, the third part of the Stars of heaven, and casting them to the earth: This dragon having waited to destroy her birth, and for earnestness gaping for it before it was borne, and not able to prevail, but by the contrary seeing CHRITS rising from the dead, and then his ascending into heaven, which is signified by the Child's pulling up to GOD and his Throne, and seeing the Church to flourish, though under persecution, which is signified by her flying to a place in the wilderness, which God had prepared for her, where thereafter she must lurk for the space of the days ye heard reckoned, to wit, the Church shallbe unknown, and as it were unregarded, and no man shall know how it shallbe sustained; for GOD shall nourish it the space of the Antichrists kingdom, which is the number of days ye heard counted before: The Dragon, I say, having found this, that both CHRIST and his Church did escape his hands, and not only that, but that himself also by the virtue of CHRIST'S renewing of us, was no moreable to accuse the Saints of God, as he did in time of the old Law, since now we are made righteous, which is signified by the battle in heaven, where GOD, to declare that none is like unto him, made CHRIST, here called Michael, (whose name imports, Who is like GOD) with his Angels, to fight and overcome the devil and his angels, and to cast them on the earth; Satan, I say, finding himself thus debarred from further accusing of the Saints, having found that he should never have place to do that in any time thereafter; as on the one part it rejoiced all the Angels and Saints in heaven, for their brothers cause on the earth, as is witnessed by the song that the voice did sing in Heaven, praising God therefore, and extolling the deed of Michael and his Angels, who fought so earnestly for the Saints on earth, as if they had been mortal, they would not have spared their lives in that cause for their sakes, whom CHRIST had redeemed with his blood, and of whose election he had borne witness to his Father; so on the other part it enraged the Dragon, so that he became the crueler tempter of men upon the earth, aswell for that his place of accusing in heaven was taken away, by the mystery of the redemption which is signified by this fight, as for that he knew within short space he was by CHRIST'S second coming, to be cast down from the earth into hell, there to be chained in eternal captivity and misery, even as by the first coming he was cast from the heaven, which is signified by the last part of the Song, so as he pursueth the Church with heresy and civil powers, which both are signified by the floods of waters which he spewed out of his mouth, after that the Eagle wings were given the woman to fly to that place appointed for her in the wilderness, where she must remain the number of days ye have heard, to wit, after that God had given his Church a sufficient swiftness to eschew the rage of Satan, and to lurk the space of antichrist's reign, which lasteth three times or three years and a half, that is, a time prefixed by GOD, and unknown to men, as ye have sundry times heard already. But seeing that all this vanisheth, as if the earth had swallowed and dried up that flood suddenly. 17 The Dragon therefore or the devil, became more wrathful and enraged then before against the woman, or the Church, and went about by some other way, to make war against the rest of the woman's seed, who kept the Commandments of GOD, and had the testimonies of CHRIST to GOD the Father, that they were chosen and called, for these are only the true posterity of the Church, to wit, the successors in grace, faith, and truth. 18 And I stood upon the Sea shore, I mean, it seemed to me that I stood upon the Sea shore, because I did wait to see come out of it, which represented all peoples and nations, such powers, as Satan would employ to fight against the Church; for the declaring whereof this Vision was shown unto me, and whereof these two last great wonders were but the introduction, that by these things past, as the root, I might the better understand the branches, which are to bud forth thereof as followeth.   

CHAP. XIII.  
ARGUMENT.  
The Pope's arising: His description: His rising caused by the ruin of the fourth Monarchy the Roman Empire: The rising of the false and Papistical Church; her description; her conformity with her Monarch the Pope: The great reverence borne to the Pope by many nations, and not only to him, but to his Legates: A general defection so great, as there shall not be an other visible Church, but the Popedom: Of the first Pope who did take to himself all their blasphemous and arrogant styles.  
ANd then I saw a beast rising out of the Sea, to wit, from among the number of Nations and peoples; I saw a Monarchy chosen and erected up by this Dragon the devil, and it had seven heads and ten horns, and ten diadems upon the ten horns: the signification of these heads and horns, was declared unto me by an Angel, as ye shall hear in the place convenient hereafter, 
Chap. 17.  and upon these heads was the name of blasphemy: for they by the persecution of the Saints, and adoring false gods, shall both by word and deed blaspheme the name of the Eternal. ² This beast or Monarchy, 
Daniel 7.  is the fourth King or Monarchy whereof Daniel prophesied, to wit, even that Monarchy which presently reigns, and hath the power of the other three revived in it, for it is far greater than they: And therefore as that Monarchy of the Leopard, got that name because of the swiftness of the conquest: and that of the Lion, because of the mightiness and cruelty thereof: and that of the Bear, because of the strength and long standing thereof; so this is called like the Leopard, to wit, in shape, whereof cometh her agility: headed like a Lion, because his strength is in the head, as ye heard already: and legged like a bear, because in the bears legs consists his greatest strength, and durableness; this proportion signifies, that this Monarchy is far greater than all the rest, and all their powers are revived in it, as I said before. ³ And I perceived that one of the heads of the beast, had been deadly wounded, but the wound thereof was healed, and the whole earth followed this beast with a great wondering; this was to signify unto me, that it was not of this beast that I was ordained to forewarn you, for the worst of this beast is almost past already, and this Monarchy shall be within short space destroyed, but this beast or Monarchy is shown unto me, because out of the ruins thereof shall rise in that same Seat where it was, that heretical Monarchy whereof I am to forewarn you, which is signified by the deadly wound it got on the head which was healed again: for as the Phoenix revives of her own ashes (as profane stories make mention) so out of the ashes of this Empire shall rise and be revived an other, which shall grow so mighty, that the whole earth that is without Sanctum Sanctorum, shall with amazement reverence, obey and follow it, as ye heard presently declared. ⁴ And they adored the Dragon who gave power to the Beast, for they shall give themselves over to the works of darkness, which is to serve, and adore the devil, who raised up this beast to make war against the seed of the woman, 
Chap. 12.  as ye heard before. And they also adored the devil in his instrument, by reverencing that Beast and Monarchy erected by him: and they said, Who is like unto the Beast, or who may fight with him? for this Monarchy shall be so strong in worldly power, as the world shall think it so far in strength above all other powers, that it is impossible to overcome it, especially, that the little stone which was cut without hands out of the mountain mentioned by Daniel, 
Daniel 2.  shall ever destroy it, which notwithstanding at the last shall bruise it in pieces. ⁵ And there was a mouth given unto it to speak great things and blasphemies; It is said in Daniel, 
Daniel 7.11.  that his mouth shall speak in magnificency, and utter words against the Sovereign, to wit, this Monarchy and King thereof, shall extol himself far above all living creatures, and shall usurp far higher Styles than ever were heard of before, by the which, and by his false doctrine together, he shall so derogate from the honour of GOD, and usurp so all power only proper unto him, as it shall be great words against him, and blasphemy of his Name. And there was power given him to do, to wit, GOD shall permit his Tyranny to increase, and persecute the Saints the space of two and forty months: This space was mentioned unto me, to let me know thereby, that this Monarchy risen out of the ruins of the other, 
Chap. 11.  is the same which is meant by that City, whereof ye heard already in the sixth Trumpet, which persecuted the two Witnesses; for the same space is assigned to her there, and consequently it is that same seat and Monarchy which is meant by the angel of the bottomless pit, 
Chap. 9  called Apollyon in the fift Trumpet: by the Rider on the pale horse, 
Chap. 6.  called Death, in the fourth Seal, and also obscurely meant in the sixth Trumpet by the half of that great host of horsemen, 
Chap. 9  of the which half the armed horse which I saw in the vision, was a part of the power, whose head and Monarchy was the plague for idolatry, as ye heard; which Monarchy, together with the other (of whom ye also heard obscurely in that place, as the plague of the sins against the second Table) to wit, this great beast here mentioned, and the other revealed, a vowed and open enemy of Christ's Church, shall both gather their forces to fight against it in that battle of the great day of the Lord, 
Chap. 16.  whereof ye shall hear in the own place: Then this beast, according to the power which was given him, opened his mouth in blasphemies against God, and spoke injurious words against his Name, his Tabernacle, to wit, his Sanctum Sanctorum, which is the Church militant, and them that dwell in heaven; for his reign shall be so great, that he shall not only blaspheme the Name of God, in such sort as ye heard already, and persecute the members of Christ that shall be on the earth in his days, but likewise upbraid with calumnies the souls of the Saints departed: ⁷ And for that effect he was permitted by God to make war against the Saints; and he gave him power to overcome them corporally, and to rule over all tribes, tongues, and nations; so great shall his Monarchy and power be: ⁸ And so all the indwellers of the earth shall adore him, to wit, a great part of them shall reverence him, whose names are not written in the book of life, which is the Lambs that was slain, which book was written before the foundation of the world was laid; for these are always excepted from bowing their knees to Baal, who were predestinate by Christ to salvation before all beginnings. ⁹ He who hath an ear, let him hear and take heed unto this sentence that followeth, to wit, 10 If any man lead in captivity, in captivity shall he be led again: if any man slay with the sword, with the sword shall he be slain again: then since ye are assured, that God in his good time shall justly meet to their tyranny, the same measure that they shall meet to his Church, let not your hearts in your affliction, through despair of God's revenge, (because of his long suffering) serve from the bold and plain professing of his truth; for in this shall the patience and constant faith of the Saints or the chosen, be tried. 11 And then I saw another beast rise up upon the earth, and it had two horns like unto the Lamb, but it spoke like the dragon, for lest this Monarchy should be taken to be a ruler only over the body, and that I might understand the contrary, to wit, that he was specially a spiritual tyrant over the souls and consciences of men, this other beast was shown unto me, which representeth the heretical kingdom of the grasshoppers, whereof Apollyon was made King in the fift Trumpet; 
Chap. 9  and it useth the coloured authority of Christ, by pretending two swords, or two keys, as received from Christ, which is signified by the two horns like the Lambs, but the end whereof it useth that authority, is to get obedience to that false doctrine which it teacheth, signified by speaking like the dragon or devil. 12 It is this false and hypocritical Church then, which doth exercise all the power of the former beast, to wit, teacheth the Kings of this Monarchy and seat, by what means they shall allure and compel the people to obey their commands; and this Church shall also entice the earth and the inhabitants of the same, to wit, all nations which believe the false doctrine that it teacheth, to adore this other beast, whose deadly wound was healed; for it shall persuade them that this heretical Monarchy ought for conscience sake to be obeyed by all persons, in whatsoever it commandeth, as if it could not err: 13 And to persuade men thereof, it makes great signs or wonders, yea even causeth fire to fall out of heaven upon earth in the sight of men; upon whom, because they shall serve from the love of the truth to believe lies, God shall justly by the means of this false Church, as his instrument of revenge, send a strong illusion and deceit, with great efficacy of miracles and wonders, 
2. Thess. 2. 2. Kings 1.  yea as mighty and strong as that of Elias was, calling for fire from heaven, which here is repeated. 14 And all these miracles it did in the presence of the beast, to make the beast to be adored therefore, by the inhabitants of the earth, and it persuades them to make an image of the beast, which was wounded by the sword, and revived again; for not only shall this heretical Monarchy have power in his own person to command absolutely many nations, but even the nations shall consent, by the persuasion of this false Church, to obey the absolute command of his Lieutenants, Legates and Ambassadors in every country, so as they shall not only be exempted from the laws of every country, wherein they live, but shall even be fellows and companions in all honours and privileges to the princes or kings thereof: And this willing consent of nations unto this, by the persuasion of this false Church, is signified here, by the making of this image at the Church's persuasion. 15 And power was given unto it, to wit, unto this false Church, to quicken this image, and to make it speak, and to cause that all those who will not adore this image, should be slain corporally; for as the consent unto this authority of the image must be given by the nations, and so they to be the makers thereof, so the authority, which is meant by the quickening of it, and making it speak, must be given it by the working of this false Church, whose rage shall be so great, as it shall persecute any who will not think the commands whatsoever of this monarchs ambassadors and images, to be an infallible Law, as well as his own. 16 And so this false Church makes that all, small or great, rich or poor, bond or free, in short, all men of whatsoever degree, shall take the Character or seal of this Monarchy into their right hand, or into their forehead, to wit, publicly profess obedience thereto, and assist the maintenance thereof, and downe-throwing of all resisters: 17 And that none may buy and sell except they have the Character or the name of the beast, or the number of his name; for this defection shall be so universal, and so received by all degrees of men, as it shall not be possible to any, neither shall that hypocritical church permit any to be partakers of their civil society, which is meant here by buying and selling, except they be known to be of his fellowship in religion, which is meant by the character, and his name, and the number thereof. Then since you see that this defection shall be so general, beware of every one that shall say, Lord, Lord, thereby to deceive you, for you see by this, that false prophets shall for a time so triumph, as they shall vaunt themselves to be the true Church, because there shall be no other Church visible at that time, although there shall ever bosom that shall not bow their knee to Baal; for the woman shall not be devoured by the dragon, 
1. Kings. 19 Chap. 12.  but hid and nourished in the wilderness out of sight for a space, as ye heard before. Retain well in memory these words, for the time shall come in the latter days, that this doctrine shall be thorns in the eyes of many. 18 Now, as to the number of the beast here is wisdom, let him that is endued with knowledge number it, for the number of the beast or Monarchy, is the number of the man, to wit, of the first Monarch of this seat, who shall first usurp all these styles of blasphemy, and who in the fourth Monarchy shall revive a spiritual supremacy and tyranny; and his number, to wit, the date of years that he shall begin to reign, in reckoning from the time of this Revelation, is six hundred sixty and six. 
Benedictus the 2. Platine.    

CHAP. XIIII.  
ARGUMENT.  
The happy estate of the faithful in the mean time of the Pope's Tyranny: His destruction: The faithful only are all saved.  
NOw so soon as the tyrannical government of these two beasts, to wit, the false church and their king had been declared by this last Vision unto me, even as before, after the denouncing of the fearfullest plagues, the happy estate of Christ and his Church was declared to comfort me, as ye heard before; so now the plagues that are to be wrought by this spiritual Tyranny being declared, the estate of Christ and his followers in the mean time is next set forth as followeth. Then I did look, and lo I saw the Lamb standing upon Mount Zion, and with him a hundred forty and four thousand, having the Name of his Father written upon their foreheads: for in the mean time that this Tyranny was raging on the earth, this Lamb Christ was standing upon Mount Zion, to wit, upon his holy place, out of which he promised salvation to the faithful, as David saith, and is accompanied with this great number of faithful, which number was composed of twelve thousand of every Tribe, as ye heard before; but this number comprehends in this place all the faithful, aswell of Gentiles as of jews, although it seem to be understood of the jews only, which is done for continuing of the Metaphor, because as Sanctum Sanctorum, which was a part of the material Temple of jerusalem, did signify before all the faithful, as ye have heard, so now this number of jews here, signifies the faithful, both of Gentiles and jews, as I have said, who now are described here making public profession of Christ, by bearing his mark on their forehead, an eminent part, even as the wicked bear on their forehead the Character of their king, the angel of the bottomless pit: These faithful followers of Christ did bear now his Mark, to testify thereby, that they were preserved by it, even in the very time that this Tyranny was raging all the fastest. ² And I heard a voice from heaven like the sound of many waters in greatness, and like the roaring of the thunder in terribleness; And I also heard the voice of many harpers playing on their haps, ³ And singing as it were a New-song, before the Throne, and before the four Beasts, and the Elders, and none could learn that Song, except these hundred four and forty thousand, to wit, these who are bought from the earth: for they who were bought and redeemed by the precious Blood of Christ, from among the rest of the world, and so were no more of their number, were only able to learn and understand these voices, for unto them only it appertaineth: Where first God promised, that he should shortly destroy that Tyranny, (which voice of God is here described by resembling it to the sound of many waters, as David doth, and to the roaring of the thunder;) And where next the thanks thereof is given by the Saints and Angels in singing the praises of God, as earnestly, and cheerfully, as if it were but a New-song, and to represent the harmony thereof, they sing to the concord's of the haps and instruments in the presence of God sitting in his Majesty, and compassed about with the four Beasts, and four and twenty Elders, of whom ye heard mention made before. ⁴ These attendants on the Lamb, are these who are not defiled with women, to wit, not guilty of spiritual adultery, for they are Virgins, as Christ called them in the parable of the Lamps: these follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth, for they go not astray from his footsteps, neither to the right, nor the left hand, and those are they who are bought from among men, and are the acceptable first fruits unto their Father, and his Lamb. ⁵ And in their mouths was found no guile, for they are inculpable before the Throne of God, because the Lamb hath fully paid their debts for them. ⁶ Then I did see another Angel flying through the midst of heaven, having the Eternal evangel in his hand, that he might preach the same to all the inhabitants of the earth, even to all nations, tribes, tongues, and peoples: for even as ye heard before in the sixth Trumpet, of the reviving again of the two Witnesses, who were slain by this tyrannical and heretical Monarchy, so now the same was declared unto me by this Angel, who when this Tyranny is in the greatest pride, as ye have heard, flies through the midst of heaven to be publicly heard and seen by all, having with him these eternal glad tidings to preach them to all the earth, to wit, God shall in the end of this Tyranny, while it is yet triumphing, raise up and send his Angels or messengers, who shall publicly teach the truth, and refute the errors of this tyranny before the eyes of the Sun and the Moon, to the salvation of a part of every country, and to double condemnation of the rest through making them inexcusable, who will not turn in time. ⁷ And their exhortation shallbe this, which then I heard the Angel say with a loud voice; Fear God, and render him all glory, for the day of his judgement comes at hand, adore him therefore who made heaven and earth, and seas, and fountains of water, to wit, all things, good and evil: and the particular applications that these Witnesses shall make of this general doctrine, to the times of corruption that they shall be in, shall be this that I heard two Angels following declare, of whom the first said; ⁸ It is fallen, It is fallen, Babylon that great City, because she gave to all nations to drink of the Vine of wrath, of her fornication or spiritual adultery, to wit, that great Monarchy called Babylon, because it leads and keeps the souls of men in spiritual thraldom, even as the Monarchy of Babylon led, and kept the people of Israel in a corporal captivity, that Monarchy, I say, shall be suddenly destroyed: for it is to be noted, that as there is no distinction of times in the presence of God, but all things are present unto him, so he and his Angels calleth oftentimes that thing done, that is shortly and certainly to be done thereafter, which form of speech ye will sundry times hear thus used hereafter; That Monarchy, I say then, shall shortly be destroyed, and that justly, because she hath abused a great part of the earth, by enticing them to be senseless (as if they were drunken,) and to embrace her errors and idolatries or spiritual whoredom: For as men are enticed by whores to leave their own spouse, and enter in to them, so shall they persuade the nations to leave their society with their spouse JESUS CHRIST, and only settle their salvation upon her, and for the committing of this spiritual whoredom, this Monarchy is here called She, 
Chap. 17.  and afterward the great Whore, and the reason that they shall give why they make this warning, shall be in these words, which I heard the third Angel proclaim, to wit, ⁹ For whosoever shall adore this Beast any longer, or his image, or take his character on his forehead, or his hand, as ye heard before, 10 He shall for his just reward and punishment, drink of the Wine of the wrath of God, yea of the pure and immixed wine thereof, powered out in the cup of his wrath: And he shallbe tormented with fire and brimstone, to wit, he shall be cast into hell, the torments whereof they do signify, and that in the presence of the holy Angels, for they shall bear witness against him in the sight of the Lamb: for the Lamb shall judge and condemn him: 11 And the smoke of his torments shall mount up in all worlds to come, to wit, he shallbe uncessantly tormented for ever: For all these that adore the Beast and his image, and hath the character of his name, shall not have rest day nor night, to wit, they shallbe perpetually tormented without any release or relief. 12 And in these days when the Witnesses shallbe making this exhortation, in these things shall the constancy of the Saints or faithful be tried, and by this trial shall they be known and discerned, that observe and retain the Commandments of God, and the faith of jesus the Saviour. 13 Then I heard a voice from heaven, saying to me, Writ, Blessed are the dead that die for the Lords cause hereafter, so says the Spirit, for they rest from their travails, and their works follow them: This voice from heaven did by these words declare unto me, that these Witnesses who should make this exhortation that ye have heard, should be persecuted therefore by that spiritual Babylon; but that these should be happiest, who lost their lives for so good a cause, for the confirmation whereof the holy Spirit says, Yea, and subioynes the reason, to wit, because both they rest from these continual labours and troubles, that they were always subject unto in the earth, and in recompense thereof their works follow them: for as faith is the only leader of men to heaven, and so goes before them; so according to the greatness and honour of their calling in earth, if they discharge it well, they are rewarded in heaven with a measure of glory conformed thereunto; and so their works follow them, to obtain that measure in that place whereof they were already assured by the means of faith in Christ only. For although the Sun, and the Moon, and the stars be all bright lamps and lights of the heaven, yet are they not all alike bright, but the brightness of every one of them is different from the other; Always let us assure ourselves, that although our measures shall be unequal, yet from the greatest to the least, all the vessels of mercy shall enjoy in all fullness, as much glory as they shallbe able to contain, and the unequality of the measure shallbe, because they are notable every one of them to contain alike in quantity; and the like shallbe done with the measures of pains to the reprobate in hell. 14 Then I beheld, and lo I saw a white cloud, and upon the cloud sat one like a man, having on his head a crown of gold, and in his hand a sharp sickle: 15 And an other Angel came out of the temple, & cried with a loud voice to him that sat upon the cloud, Thrust in thy sickle to reap, for the hour of thy reaping is come, and the harvest of the earth is withered for ripeness, and readiness to be cut: He who was like the Sun of man, and was sitting on a white cloud, was Christ in a bright cloud of glory, crowned with a Crown of victory; all that was spoken of him here, was to declare to me, that the last days wherein his coming again shallbe, shall be next following, to the revealing of Babylon, by the reviving of the witnesses, as ye heard in the end of the sixth Trumpet; 16 At what time Christ shall gather his harvest of the elect together, as I heard himself say while he was yet on earth among us. ¹⁷ Then another Angel came forth of the Temple that is in heaven, and he had an other sharp sickle in his hand: 18 And an other Angel came from the Altar, who had power over the fire, and he cried with a loud voice to him that had the other sharp sickle, saying, Put down thy sharp sickle, and gather the clusters of the Vine-trees, for the grapes are ripe. 19 Then the Angel put down his sickle on the earth, and gathered the Vines of the earth, and cast them in the winepress of the wrath of God: For so soon as Christ hath gathered his harvest together, than the reprobate are fully to be destroyed, as is declared here by the Anges command, who came from the Altar, to wit, as directed by Christ. Thi● Angel had power over the fire, to wit, he had direction to destroy, as he commanded, the messenger of God's plagues, who had the sickle to do it, who at his command cut the Vines and cast them in the great Winepress of God's wrath, to wit, destroyed the reprobate in the abundance of the writh of God: 20 And the Winepress was trodden without the City, and the blood came out of the Winepress, even to the horse bridles, and spread to the bounds of one thousand and six hundred furlongs. This is surely a great comfort to all the chosen, that notwithstanding all the rest of the world, except such as are Christ's harvest, whom he hath gathered together in the holy City, the rest, I say, shallbe destroyed in such a great number, as their blood shall of deepness come to the horse bridles, and overflow the whole land of Canaan, whereof the number of furlongs, or eight parts of miles, ye heard, is the length; Yet though it overflow the whole earth, which is signified by Canaan, it shallbe without the holy City which is in the midst of the land, to wit, although the true Church shallbe in the midst of the world, as jerusalem was in Canaan, yet that destruction shall not make a hair of one of their heads to fall, but it shallbe without them, and they fully exempted from it, as the land of Goshen was from the plagues of Egypt.   

CHAP. XV.  
ARGUMENT.  
The faithful praiseth God for the Pope's destruction, and their deliverance: The plagues which are to light on him and his followers, is to be declared by the pouring forth of the seven Phials.  
THen I saw another sign in heaven, great and wonderful, to wit, seven Angels having the seven last plagues, for by them is fulfilled the wrath of God; for the Spirit of God, having already declared unto me the general destruction of the whole world, which is without the holy city, he next declared unto me, unto my greater comfort, the particular plagues that are to light upon spiritual Babylon, as a just recompense of her sins, and of the plagues that she is to load the earth withal; and these are the seven hindmost which are in the hands of the seven Angels, of whom there is here mention made. ² And I saw as it had been a glassy Sea mixed with fire, and they that had won the victory over the beast, and over his image, or ambassadors, and his character and the number of his name, to wit, from that time that the last beast rose out of the ruins of the other, I saw these victors (I say) standing above, or upon this sea of glass, and they had the haps of God: For now having declared on the one part how unhappy the state of Babylon shall be by the seven last plagues, which shall fall upon it; so on the other part, by these who stand on the sea of glass mixed with fire, he declared unto me what should be the blessed estate of the chosen at that time that these plagues shall fall upon Babylon, to wit, of these victors; for they shall reveal the Antichrist and deface him, they shall hen behold the rest of the world, which is here signified by the sea of glaze, and they shall have the haps of God, to wit, the praises of God in their mouths, because he hath mixed this glassy sea with fire, to wit, hath destroyed and made his judgements to fall upon this wicked world, as their sorg which follows will declare: ³ And they sung the song of Moses the servant of God, & the song of the Lamb: It was called the song of Moses, as well because they did sing the praises of God's justice upon this glassy Sea, to the revenge of the blood of his chosen, as Moses saith in the very last words of his Canticle; as because Moses praised God for the deliverance of his people, from the corporal thraldom of Egypt; and the song of the Lamb, because they praised him for doing the like, by relieving the Church from the thraldom of the spiritual Egypt in the times of the evangel and their song was this; Great and wonderful are thy works, O Lord God Almighty, just in punishment, and true, for the performance of thy promises are thy ways, O King, and defender of all thy Saints and true followers: ⁴ Who will notfeare, O Lord, and glorify thy Name, since thou art only perfectly holy, for all nations shall come at the latter day, and adore before thee, since thy judgements are now made manifest, and lighted upon the earth. ⁵ And next after this, I saw these particular plagues every one, (for the which the Saints did thus praise God, as followeth) for I did look, and I saw the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony in heaven opened; the like of this ye heard was done in the beginning of the seventh Trumpet, and for the same cause it was also done here, to wit, to show the Ark of the covenant which was therein, for thereby God did witness, that he was now mindful of his promise by the sending out of these seven Angels, and seven plagues, which were now to be executed. ⁶ And out of this Temple came seven Angels, for from the remembrance of his Ark and Covenant proceeded their direction, and they were clothed with pure and white linen, for innocency and purity, and girded about their breasts with gold, for honour and glory. ⁷ And one of the four beasts gave these Angels seven Phials of gold, full of the wrath of God that lives eternally, and for all worlds to come: These Angels are thus arrayed, and these golden and precious Phials of the wrath of God, are given them by one of the four beasts, the most excellent creatures of God, all to teach us, that as these plagues shall be most bitter to Babylon and her followers, so shall they be most sweet to all the chosen for their deliverance; for they are to light upon the wicked, and no ways to harm any of the holy City. ⁸ And the Temple in heaven was filled with the smoke coming from the Majesty of God, and from his virtue and power: And there could none go in into the Temple while the seven plagues of the seven Angels were fulfilled, to teach us that no flesh, how guiltless soever it be, can compear before God, when in his wrathful face he is clothed with justice, but only when with a cheerful countenance, clothed with mercy, he stretcheth forth his hands unto us.   

CHAP. XVI.  
ARGUMENT.  
By the first Phyale the Pope's followers are plagued with sundry new and unknown diseases: By the second Phiale all kind of plagues, Juch as sword, famine, and pestilence light upon the nations that acknowledge him: By the third, are divers Popes raised up at one time, who striving for the seats, fight among themselves, and so they are justly recompensed for shedding the blood of the Saints: By the fourth, the reverence of him gins to wax cold in the hearts of men: By the fift, his abuses begin to be discovered: By the fixed, his forces decay, which he perceiving, houndeth out the jesuits, to gather all his forces to destroy the faithful, with whom God fights to his destruction: By the seventh, the latter day is described, and the Popedom rend asunder.  
THen I heard a voice out of the Temple, saying to these seven Angels, Go power forth in great abundance upon the earth, the seven Phials of the wrath of God; for now they were to be shown, and to be described unto me. ² Then the first Angel went to work, and powered forth his Phiale on the earth, and there fell a great and grievous sore upon all them that had the character of the beast, or adored his image: These plagues which were showed to me, were only ordained to light on Babylon, (as I said before) and therefore they meet unto her with the measure that she shall measure others with, to wit, they shall plague her and her followers with the like plagues that she shall plague others with, corresponding aswell in number as in quality: they also have allusion to the plagues of Egypt, because she is called spiritually Egypt, (as ye heard in the sixth Trumpet) and so by this first plague is signified, that as she persecuted the faithful, and killed them, (as is declared in the sixth Trumpet) and as Moses made a scab to come upon all the Egyptians for Pharaohs sake, so shall there fall a pestilent and pernicious sore upon all his followers, to wit, they shall be troubled with divers new and horrible diseases. ³ Then the second Angel powered forth his Phiale upon the sea, and the sea was made by it like the blood of a dead body, and every living thing in thesea died; for as that beast should first so trouble thesea, to wit, the peoples and nations, with persecuting all them who will not adore her, and by her abuse cause the world to become dead to all good works and fruitful faith, as is declared by the vision where I saw her rise out of the sea; and as Moses turned the red sea into a corrupted blood, with drowning the Egyptians, (which is here called the blood of a carrion) by the which all the fishes therein were poisoned, so shall the nations and the peoples, which are the followers and partakers of Babylon, be troubled with wars within and without, and with all kind of plagues, such as pestilence, and famine, and such others. ⁴ Then the third Angel powered forth his phial upon the Rivers and fountains of water, and they became blood; for as this false Church and grasshoppers did corporally succeed to the fountains of waters, to wit, the true Pastors, (as ye heard in the third Trumpet) and did assist their King Apollyon, to persecute bloodily the lively fountains of waters, or true Pastors, who yet remained uncorrupted, as ye heard in the sixth Trumpet; and as Moses made all the rivers and fountains of waters in Egypt to become blood, so shall the teachers and heads of this false Church, be divided among themselves, yea there shall be in three or four divers places, three or four divers persons, and every one of them shall claim to be king of the locusts; which question shall be decided by the cruel and bloody edge of the sword: And therefore to show me how justly that great persecutor of the Saints, is now made to be the persecutor of himself, divided in divers persons, ⁵ I heard the Angel of the waters, to wit, the third Angel, who powered these plagues upon the waters, use these words; Just art thou, O Lord, who is, who was, and holy for that thou hast judged these things; ⁶ Because even as they, to wit, these corrupt, filthy, and false fountains of waters, have shed the blood of thy Saints and Prophets; so hast thou now given them of blood to drink, for they are worthy of such a reward. ⁷ Then I heard the voice of one from the Sanctuary, for confirmation hereof, saying; Certainly, O Lord God, true and just are thy judgements, for thou hast performed thy promise, and hast justly recompensed them. ⁸ Then the fourth Angel powered forth his phial upon the Sun, and power was given unto him to afflict men with fire; for even as the Sun was darkened in the fourth Trumpet, to wit, the special teachers did begin to fall from the sincerity of the truth, enticed thereunto, though not by Apollyon himself, (for he was not yet risen) yet by the qualities whereof he is composed, and therefore is he here punished for the same: And as Moses troubled by the hot Eastern wind the land of Egypt by the breeding of grasshoppers, so shall the fiery spirit of God in the mouths of his witnesses, so trouble Babylon with the burning sun of God's truth, as men shall be troubled with a great heat, to wit, she and her followers shall be tormented and vexed therewith. ⁹ But they blasphemed the name of God who had power over these plagues, and repent not, that they might give him glory; for such is the nature of the wicked, and so hardened are their hearts, that the same scourges and afflictions which make the godly turn themselves to God, and so are the savour of life unto them to their eternal salvation, they by the contrary make the wicked to run from evil unto worse, and so are the savour of death unto them to their just and eternal condemnation. 10 Then the fifth Angel powered forth his phial even upon the very throne of the beast, and his kingdom was made dark, and they, to wit, he and his followers gnawed their tongues for dolour: for as this beast did breed and was nourished by the smoke and darkness that came forth of the bottomless pit, whereof he is the Angel and messenger, as was declared in the fift Trumpet: And as Moses made a great darkness to come upon the land of Egypt, so now after the witnesses revealing him, which ye heard signified by the heat in the fourth phial, shall follow, that this kingdom shall become obscure by the light of the truth, and shall come to be despised by many, whereby he and his followers shall be moved to a great rage, which I meant by gnawing their tongues for dolour. 11 And they blasphemed the God of heaven for their dolours and griefs, and repent them not of their works: for as I said before, neither corporal punishments, signified by sores, nor spiritual, signified by dolours, can move them to repent, but to a greater obstinacy and rage, as ye shall see by their actions, immediately after the pouring forth of the sixth phial upon the great water Euphrates, 12 Then the sixth Angel powered forth his phial upon the great river of Euphrates, and the waters thereof were dried up, that the passage of the Kings, coming from the East might be prepared, so as that beast by the means of many people (signified by waters) did tyrannize over the Church of God; and as Moses by Aaron's rod made a dry and safe passage through the Red-sea to the people of Israel, 
Exod. 14.  so God by this plague dries up that great water Euphrates, which compasseth Babylon, during his will, to wit, he makes now the power of this Monarchy to decay, and lays it open to invasion and destruction, as ye shall hear: This water was dried to make passage for the Kings coming from the Sun rising, alluding to Daniel, as I showed in the sixth Trumpet: for even as the Persians and Medes came from the East, 
Chap. 9  crossed Euphrates, overcame Babylon and slew Balthasar King thereof, so immediately after that the Witnesses have begun to reveal spiritual Babylon, as is declared in the fourth phial, and that thereupon hath followed, that the kingdom thereof is become dark, as is declared in the fift phial; then shall follow, that God shall prepare the destruction thereof, by drying Euphrates ', whereupon shall ensue, that such instruments as God shall appoint, directed by that Sun rising, to wit, Christ (as ye heard in the sixth Seal) shall destroy that King, and sack that great City, to the perpetual confusion of all her followers, as ye will hear more clearly declared hereafter. 13 And then I saw from the mouth of the dragon, and from the mouth of the beast, and from the mouth of the false prophet, three uncleanespirits come forth like to frogs; for this is all the repentance that these three phials shall work in the heart of Babylon, as I said before, to wit, for the last remedy, the devil or dragon shall invent him a fresh order of Ecclesiastical factors and Agents, as the devils last brood: These are the same that I called horse, in the vision in the sixth Trumpet, three in number to correspond to their threefold armour, as ye heard in the said Trumpet, because there came out of their mouths three sorts of persecutions and destructions; And themselves came out of three mouths, out of the dragons, because the devil is the inventor of them, out of the beasts, because the beast or King of Locusts commands over them, directs and employs them for the standing of his kingdom, as the last refuge when now he sees the decay thereof evidently coming on, out of his false prophets or false Churches, because it authorises them for the aforesaid effects: These unclean spirits and teachers of false and heretical doctrines and wicked policies, resembling frogs, as well for that they are bred of an old, filthy, and corrupted false doctrine, which for a long space have blinded the world before their coming, as frogs breed of rotten and slimy corruption; as also for that they go craftily about to undermine and condemn all Ecclesiastical orders preceding them, as unperfect and unprofitable, because their kingdom is darkness; But howsoever they thus craftily insinuate themselves in the favours of the people, surely their doctrine is nothing else, but the very same filthy puddle of unclean and wicked heresies and impieties, taught by the grasshoppers before, even as the young frogs grow like the former. 14 For they are spirits of devils, to wit, wicked and crafty like them, doing miracles of deceit, for they shall wonderfully deceive men; and they go to all the Kings of the earth, and to the whole world, to gather them together to the battle of that day of God Almighty; for they shall have such credit of a great part of the Princes of the earth, as I also showed you in the sixth Trumpet, as they shall gather great forces together, as the last brood of the devil, as I told you before, to fight against his Church, who notwithstanding shall overcome them, as will after more clearly be declared. 15 Happy are they then that serve not, nor despair in the mean time, but awake and keep their garments clean and undefiled from the general corruption, lest otherwise they walk naked, not clothed with the garment of righteousness, and so their shameful parts, or natural inclination to evil be discovered: For lo I come as a thief, for no man shall know the hour, no time of my coming. 16 And the place whereunto these unclean spirits gathered the Kings to this battle against God's Church, in Hebrew is called Armageddon: for by deceit they assembled the Kings and nations to their own destruction. 17 Then the seventh Angel powered out his phial in the air, and there came forth a great voice from the Temple in heaven, even from the Throne, saying, It is done. 18 Then was heard great sounds, and lightnings and thunders, and there was a great earthquake, and such in greatness was never seen since men were upon the face of the earth; for even as the air was troubled and obscured by smoke of hell, out of the which the king of Locusts, bred in the first Seal, and as Moses made hail in great abundance to fall on Egypt, which Meteore doth breed in the air; so God having stricken the battle against Babylon, and her followers, and having overcome them, as ye heard in the sixth Seal; now followeth immediately the last plague of the consummation by the air; for in the air shall that great noise be heard, which is the forerunner of that Great day, most comfortable to the true Church, but most terrible to all the rest of the world, which day is proclaimed by the voice of God from his Temple, wherein was his Covenant, declaring the consummation in these words ye heard; and as the great noise signifies the same, so in special doth the great earthquake, as Christ himself prophesying thereof, doth declare. 19 And that City was rend in sunder in three parts, and that justly, because she destroyed the third part of the earth, as ye heard in the sixth Trumpet: and the Cities of the nations fell, because they drank the cup of her abominations: And great Babylon and her sins, came then in memory before God; for than he was to make her drink the cup full of his wrath, to her utter destruction. 20 And all the Isles fled, and the mountains were no more found, for no deepness of Seas, nor inaccessiblenes of mountains shall have power to save the wicked, from the fearful and terrible judgements of that great and last day: This doth also signify the latter day, as ye heard before. 21 And a great hail to the greatness of talents fell upon men, but they blasphemed God for the plague of hail, for it was exceeding great; This great hail signifieth also a great destruction at the latter day, as ye heard in the seventh Trumpet, but yet the wicked shall be so stiff-necked, as even at their last breath, their malice and obstinacy shall rather increase then diminish, as is declared here by men's blaspheming of God for the plague of the hail.   

CHAP. XVII.  
ARGUMENT.  
The Angel expounded to john this vision of the Pope, describes him at large, and clearly declares the authors, and manner of his destruction.  
But because that these plagues, and Babylon whereupon they lighted, did seem obscure unto me, therefore one of the seven Angels who powered forth their phials full of plagues, did say unto me, Here then, I will show unto thee more plainly the condemnation of this great Whore, and what she is that sitteth upon many waters; ² With whom the Kings of the earth have committed spiritual adultery, and with the wine of whose whoredom the inhabitants of the earth, to wit, a great number of nations, who are not of the Elect, are made drunk, as you heard before. ³ Then he bereft me in Spirit, as I told you in the beginning of this Epistle, to the wilderness, which signifies the Gentelisme, as saith Esay; for she and her followers are Gentiles in effect, as ye heard in the sixth Trumpet: And as our Master says, All these that gather not with us, they scatter; for no more is there a midst betwixt God and the devil, nor betwixt the rewards thereof, heaven and hell; and as one of these two Masters we must of necessity follow, so of the same necessity to one of these two places must we go. And then I saw in the wilderness a woman, even Babylon that whore, sitting on a scarlet coloured and bloody beast, even as she was sitting before in the likeness of a man upon a pale horse, in the fourth Seal: And this beast was full of blasphemy, and had seven heads and ten horns, as ye heard before. ⁴ And the woman was clothed with purple and scarlet and precious stones and pearls, and had in her hand a golden Cup; for this Monarchy and the Monarch thereof, shall aswell be corporally clothed with these colours, and decked with precious stones; as also, these colours which are finest of all others, and these precious stones signify, that this Monarchy and the seat thereof, shallbe most glorious and glancing to the eyes of the world, as I said before, which shall not only be the true Church by appearance of outward glory, but even retain many of the general points of religion, which is signified by her golden Cup; but this Cup was full of abominations, and of the uncleanness of her spiritual whoredoms: For albeit in many points she shall retain the truth, which shall abuse men, and allure them to her, yet shall she mix and poison this truth with her own abominable and heretical inventions, and traditions, and with the uncleanness of her spiritual adultery, whereof ye have heard before. ⁵ And on her forehead was written a mystery, Babylon the great, to wit, spiritual Babylon, as ye heard before, the mother of the whoredoms and the abominations of the earth; for from her shall proceed the greatest, and in a manner, the only chief abuses and heresies, coloured and clothed with the show and title of Christiantie, with the which these, who shall outwardly say, Lord, Lord, shall ever be infected with, until the consummation, and as a mother, she shall not only breed, but shallbe the chief nourisher and maintainer of them; And this is called a mystery, because although this abuse shall be public, as is signified by being written on her forehead, yet none shall consider the abuse thereof, but only such, whose eyes it shall please God to illuminate for that effect. ⁶ And I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the Saints, and of the Martyrs, and witnesses of jesus the Saviour, to wit, she shall greedily and cruelly shed their blood without all measure, reason or pity, as ye have often heard before: And when I thus saw her, I wondered at her marvelously, and I could not conjecture the meaning of the seven heads and ten horns that the beast had, on whom she sat. ⁷ And the Angel who had now shown her unto me, as ye now have heard, seeing me thus wonder, says unto me, Marvel not, for I will reveal unto thee the mystery of this woman, and of the beast she rideth upon, which hath seven heads and ten horns: ⁸ This beast that thou hast seen (or Monarchy) was, (for it is the fourth Monarchy, which is very great and flourishing) and is not, for it is now so far decayed, that in a manner it is not, and it is to rise again out of the bottomless pit, as ye heard in the fift Trumpet, how foone the wound of the head shall be healed, whereof ye heard before, and it shall go to perdition, as ye often have heard already, and the indwellers of the earth shall wonder, whose names are not written in the book of life, before the foundation of the world was laid; of this wondering ye heard before; they shall wonder (I say) at this beast, which was, to wit, in great power, and is not, to wit, in a manner, as ye presently heard, and yet is, I mean doth stand, though far decayed from the former greatness: ⁹ Take good heed unto this that I declare unto thee, for herein shall the true wisdom of men be tried, to wit, in knowing by this my description, what particular Empire and Tyranny I speak of: And the seven heads of this beast signify, aswell seven material hills, whereupon the seat of this Monarchy is situated, as also seven kings, or divers forms of Magistrates that this Empire hath had, and is to have hereafter; 10 Five of them have been already, one is presently, and makes the sixth, another shall follow it, and make the seventh, but it is not yet come; and when it comes, it shall remain but a very short space. 11 And this beast which was, to wit, so great, and is not, for now it is decaying, as thou presently hast heard it, is the eight, and yet one of the seven; for this beast which rose out of the ruins of the fourth Monarchy, as ye heard before, in respect it useth an heretical Tyranny over the consciences of men, by that new form of Empire, is different from any of the rest, and so is the eight, and yet because this form of government shall have the same seat which the rest had, and use as great Tyranny, and greater upon the world, and shall use the same form in civil government, which one of the seven used, therefore because it is so like them, I call it one of the seven. 12 And the ten horns which thou sawest, signify ten Kings, to wit, the great number of subaltern Magistrates in all the Provinces under that Monarchy, who have not yet received their kingdom; for under all the divers sorts of governments that shall be in it, except the last and heretical sort, these subaltern powers shall be but in the rank of subjects, but they shall take their kingly power with the beast, to wit, at the very time that this Apollyon shall rise out of the ashes of the fourth beast or Monarchy, the kings of the earth shall become his slaves and subaltern Magistrates, whereas the subjects were only the power of that Monarchy before: so as the horns or powers of this beast, were but of subjects before it was wounded, but after the healing of it, the worldly kings and rulers shall become the powers and horns of it. 13 These shall have one counsel, and shall give their strength and power to the beast, to wit, these kings shall all willingly yield obedience to Babylon, and shall employ their whole forces for the maintenance of that Monarchy, and the persecution of the Saints: 14 For they shall fight with the Lamb in his members, albeit all in vain, for in the end the Lamb shall overcome them, because he is Lord of lords, and King of all kings, and these that are with him and followeth him, are called Chosen and Faithful. 15 He also said unto me, The waters that thou saw this Whore sit upon, are the peoples, multitudes, nations, and tongues that have subjecteth themselves to her Empire: 16 But as touching these ten horns thou saw, thus far I foretell unto thee, although that for a time these kings shall be slaves and servants to Babylon, and shall be her instruments to persecute the Saints, the time shall come before the consummation, that they shall hate the Whore, who abused them so strongly and long, and shall make her to be alone, for they shall withdraw from her their Subjects, the nations that were her strength, and shall make her naked, for they shall discover the mystery of her abominations, and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire, to wit, they shall spoil her of her riches, power and glory, and so destroy her. 17 But do not thou wonder at this, for God gave them in their hearts, to wit, permitted them to be abused by her for a space, that they might do what pleased her, and consent to all her unlawful policies and pretences, and give their kingdoms unto this beast, until the words of God might be accomplished, to wit, they shall submit their very Crowns, and take the right thereof from her, unto the fullness of times here prophesied: At what time God shall raise them up, as ye heard, to destroy Babylon; for the hearts of the greatest kings, as well as of the smallest subjects, are in the hands of the Lord, to be his instruments, and to turn them as it shall please him to employ them. 18 And this woman, or Whore which thou sawest, is that great city and seat of this Beast or Monarchy, which beareth rule over the kings of the earth, as thou hast heard already: But although it be one seat, yet divers and a great number of kings or heads thereof, shall succeed into it, one to another, all upholding an heretical religion, and false worship of God, and one form of government, as the fourth Monarchy did, out of the which this did spring, as ye have heard.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
ARGUMENT.  
The sorrow of the earth for the destruction of the Popedom: The profit that worldly men had by his standing: The great riches and wealth of that Church: The Pope by his Pardons makes merchandise of the souls of men: Heaven and the Saints rejoice at his destruction, albeit the earth and the worldlings lament for the same.  
ANd then I saw another Angel coming down from heaven, having great power, so that the earth shined with his glory, for so soon as God, by one of the seven Angels who had the phials, had more plainly described unto me this woman sitting on the beast, than he did before, he now appointeth this other Angel, who is Christ, to declare unto me, and proclaim to the world (as is signified by his coming down to the earth for that cause) the just condemnation of Babylon according to her sins. ² And he cried out with a loud voice, saying, It is fallen, It is fallen, Babylon that great City, and it is made the dwelling place of unclean spirits, and the habitation of all unclean and hateful fowls, to wit, it shall be destroyed, and that great City, the seat of that Monarchy, shall be desolate for ever, even as it was prophesied of jerusalem; ³ Because all nations have drunk of the Vine of her whoredom, and the kings of the earth have committed whoredom with her, and the Merchants of the earth are become rich by the great wealth of her delights, in so great a worldly glory and pomp did that Monarchy shine. ⁴ And I heard another voice from heaven, to wit, the voice of the holy Spirit, saying, Go forth from her my people, to wit, all the chosen, lest ye be participants of her sins, and of the plagues which are to fall upon her for them: For if but outwardly ye haunt with her, and seem to bear with her abominations, ye shall be accounted guilty of her sins; for if ye will have Christ to profess you publicly at the latter day, before his Father and his Angels, and reward both your body and soul with eternal felicity, ye must not be ashamed to serve him both in body and soul before men: And this warning I give you beforehand to make you inexcusable, who will otherwise do: ⁵ For her sins are come to such a height, as they have touched the heaven, and God is mindful of them; than not only haunt not with her, as I have said, (for it is not enough not to do evil) but, ⁶ Raise yourselves up against her, and render the like that she hath done to you, yea pay her with the double of her own works, and in the cup which she propined unto others, render her the double, to wit, trouble, and destroy her by all means, and in all things, even as she troubled and destroyed others before; and according to her pride and wantonness, recompense her with torment, woe, and wailing: ⁷ For she says in her mind, I fit a Queen, or am a stabled Monarch, neither am I a widow, or shall ever be desolate, nor shall ever see dolour, or taste destruction. ⁸ And therefore because she thus builds her felicity upon her worldly strength, by worldly instruments shall she be plagued, with death, with dolour, with hunger, and burnt with fire, to wit, after suffering all sorts of torments, she shall in the end be utterly destroyed, for strong is the Lord God, who shall condemn her. ⁹ And then shall the kings of the earth, who were her horns, and had committed whoredom and riotousness with her before, weep and lament for pity, when they see the smoke of her burning; for although some of themselves shall be the destroyers, as ye heard before, yet shall her destruction be so great, as their hearts shall pity the work of their hands, when they shall see the great smoke of her destruction. 10 And they shall stand far off from her torment, to wit, her torment shall put them in memory of their guiltiness of her sins, which shall afray them wonderfully, and shall say in great admiration, Alas, Alas, for that great City Babylon, that strong City, whose judgement and destruction is all come in one hour, and at once. 11 And the Merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn for her, because their merchandise will no more be bought, for her pomp shall make the Merchant's rich, by getting ready sale of all fine wares, 12 Such as gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, fine linen, purple, silk, and scarlet for her garments, and all kind of vessels to do her idolatrous service, of ivory, costly wood, brass, iron, or marble stone; 13 cinnamon, and all kind of odours for her Church, with ointments, and incense for the same purpose, and the fine flower of wheat, and all kind of victuals and cattle, and sheep for her sumptuous banquets, and horse, and Chariots, and slaves for her triumphs, and processions, and souls of men; for she shall have many that shall be Merchants unto her of the souls of men, by selling for money, Pardons given by that Monarch, which shall be thought to have power to save, redeem and free men's souls: but ye shall hear more shortly of this hereafter. 14 And the fruits of the desire of thy soul, O Babylon, shall go from thee, to wit, thy joys and delights shall all turn to sorrow, and all fat and fair things are gone from thee, to wit, thou shalt leave all profit and pleasure, neither shalt thou ever find them any more, for thou shalt be destroyed for ever. 15 And so the Merchants of these stuffs, being made rich by the buying and selling of them, they shall stand afar off from thy torments, and weep, and wail, 16 saying, Alas, Alas; for that great City that was clothed with fine linen, purple, and scarlet, and was of so glistering a pomp, as was gilded with gold, and decked with precious stones and pearls: 17 For lo now how in one hour all her riches and pomp is evanished, and all the governors and owners of ships, and all the multitudes of men in the ships, and all the mariners in them, and all these who gain their living upon the sea, shall stand afar off for fear, 18 And cry, seeing the smoke of her burning, saying with a great admiration, Who was like in power or shining glory to this City? 19 And for pity of her decay, and sorrow for wanting by that means, the carrying to her from all other countries all sorts of merchandise, they shall cast dust and ashes upon their heads, and say, Alas, Alas for that great City, wherein was made rich all these that had ships upon the sea, by the prices and trade she made us have, and now she is made desolate in one hour: 20 But although the earthly men be sorrowful for her fall, as ye have heard, because they want their earthly commodities and pleasures thereby, which she whose religion was earthly, to wit, founded upon men's traditions and inventions, and maintained by earthly pomp and power, did make them enjoy; yet rejoice ye heavens for her fall, and ye holy Apostles and Prophets be glad thereof; for God, in punishing her hath revenged your cause. 21 Then for confirmation of this prophesy of her destruction, I saw a strong Angel take a great stone like a millstone, and cast it in the sea, saying, Even with such a force shall Babylon that great City be casten down, and the very place thereof shall no more be found, as jeremy prophesied of corporal Babylon. 22 And the sound of harpers, and musicans, and players on pipes and trumpets shall no more be heard in thee; for no joy nor mirth shall any more be in that Monarchy, or the seat thereof, nor no craftesman of any craft shall be found in thee, neither shall the grinding of the mill be heard any more in thee; for that City, or seat and Monarchy shall no more be inhabited: 23 And the light of a candle shall be no more found in thee, and the voice of the husband and the wife shall no more be heard in thee; for as it shall not be inhabited any more by the wicked, so neither shall the godly dwell therein; so accursed shall it be, so as the lamps of the five virgins shall not burn there, neither shall Christ and his spouse, the true Church any more be there, although that during the standing of that Monarchy, some chosen, though few and secret, were, and at all times shall be, even within that City, the seat thereof, whose merchants were the great men of the earth, and with whose witchcrafts all nations wereseduced. 24 And the blood of the Prophets, and of the Saints was found in her, and of all them that were slain upon the earth, to wit, this plague of destruction shall justly fall upon her, aswell for that she made her messengers or ambassadors, who are great in power, (as ye heard before) to be the sellers of her Pardons, Prayers, Sacraments, Merits, and even of the sins, and souls of men, as ye have presently heard; and so by that means and the like, bewitched, as it were, and abused many nations; as also for that she had cruelly persecuted and murdered the Saints, so as the blood of all the Saints since Abel, who willingly sacrificed their lives for the love of God's truth, and for the testimony of his Son, shall be laid upon her head, and imputed unto her, in following, fulfilling, and exceeding the rage of former Tyrants, oppressing and persecuting the Church of God.   

CHAP. XIX.  
ARGUMENT.  
The Saints praise God for joy that the Pope is destroyed: The glorious form of Christ's second coming set down at large: The Pope and his Church is condemned for ever.  
THen according to the voices speaking to the heaven, and Prophets and Apostles there, to wit, that they should rejoice as much for the fall of Babylon, as the unregenerate men did lament therefore, as ye have heard; according, I say, to this exhortation, I heard the voice of a great multitude in heaven, saying, Hallelujah, which is if ye interpret it, Praise God with a loud voice, Salvation, honour, glory, and power is only with our Lord God: ² For true and just are his judgements, and he hath condemned that great Whore, who hath defiled the earth with her whoredom, and he with his hand hath revenged upon her the blood of his servants: ³ Then for the second time they said, Hallelujah; for the smoke of her destruction goeth up in all worlds to come, for she shall never rise again, but shallbe burned with a perpetual fire. ⁴ And likewise for thanksgiving for the same, the four and twenty Elders fell down upon their faces before God, and adored him, and the four Beasts also adored God sitting upon his Throne, and all the beasts and Elders said with one voice, Amen, Hallelujah. ⁵ And I heard a voice come from the Throne, to wit, from one of the four beasts that supported it, saying, Praise our God all ye his Servants, and all ye that fear him, small and great. ⁶ And then conformely to that direction I heard, as it had been the sound or voice of a great multitude, and as it had been the sound of many waters, and as the sound of great thunders, to wit, the voice of all the Creatures in heaven, whose sound in greatness might be compared to the noise of many waters, or to the roaring of the thunder, and they said all in one Voice, Hallelujah, because our Lord God Almighty hath now reigned by destroying Babylon, and her followers. ⁷ Let us therefore rejoice and be glad, and render him all glory: for the Marriage of the Lamb is come, to wit, the latter Day is at hand, and his wife hath made herself ready for him, to wit, his Church is now purified from among the wicked. ⁸ And it was given unto her to cloth herself with pure and bright linen, which is the justification of the Saints; for as fine linen is a pure bright, white, and precious stuff, so are the Saints clothed with that precious undefiled, and glorious garment of righteousness through imputation; And this our garment of justification, with the which we shallbe clothed at the latter day, must only come of his righteousness, so (as ye presently heard,) it must be given us by him; for as of ourselves we cannot think a good thought, so can we merit nothing but eternal death, and when we have done all the good works we can, we must think ourselves but improfitable servants, as Christ himself said. ⁹ Then the same voice, to wit, the voice of the Angel that showed me these things, said to me, Writ and leave in record to all posterities: Happy are they that are called to the Supper of the lambs marriage, whereof thou thyself heard him speak parabolically; for those who are called, shall never again be cast off, but are chosen for ever. And he said unto me, these words of God are true which I bade thee write, to leave to posterity, that God himself hath given this comfortable promise, which I have specially willed thee to witness to thy Brethren, because it will come to pass in the later days, that this whoring and heretical Babylon, shall dissuade all her followers from trusting this promise, and so drive men to an uncertainty of their Election. 10 And I fell down at this Angels feet to have adored him (so all flesh is given of itself, to adore some visible thing which is idolatry, such is the corruption of our flesh, if it be not holden up by grace from above,) but he did reprove me, and said, Beware thou do it not: For although I be a more excellent creature of God than thou art, yet am I but thy fellow servant, and so one of thy brethren, bearing the testimony of JESUS in heaven, to be his servant and creature, as thou dost in earth: Adore therefore God only, for no creature must either be prayed to, or adored, nor no mediation can come, but by Christ only, and think me not a God for prophesying thus unto thee, (for the witnessing of Christ is the Spirit of prophesy) for that gift is common to others, aswell as to me, and it is the same Spirit of prophesy, albeit not the same gift of it that foretells things to come, which gives grace to all the Elect, to bear true and constant record of Christ. 11 Then I saw thereafter the form of the day of judgement; for I saw the heavens open, and lo, a white horse came down from them, (of this white horse ye heard in the first Seal) and he that sat upon him, to wit, Christ, was called faithful and true, for by giving judgement, he was now to perform his promise; and he was also called, He that justly judgeth, and fighteth, for he was presently to judge the world, and to condemn perpetually all the reprobate: 12 And his eyes were like the flames of fire, (as ye heard in the beginning of this Epistle) and on his head were many diadems, for now he was to reign eternally over all the kingdoms of the earth, as the Elders did sing in the seventh Trumpet; and he had a Name written upon him, which no man did know but himself; for the mystery of his Name of Redemptor is so profound, as no creature is able to comprehend it by wisdom; and therefore I heard himself say, that no Angel, no not himself in so far as he is man, did foreknow the day of his last coming, which shall be the fulfilling of that mystery. 13 And he was clothed with a garment dipped in blood, wherewith the garments of the souls of Martyrs are washed, as ye heard in the fift Seal, and he is named, The word of God, as I did show you in the beginning of my evangel 14 And the hosts of Angels and Saints in heaven, followed him upon white horses clothed in white, and pure linen, whereof ye heard already: 15 And from his mouth came forth a sharp sword, as ye heard in the beginning of this Epistle, that he might strike the Gentiles therewith; for he shall rule them with a rod of iron, as David saith, and he treadeth, to wit, giveth command and power to tread the lake or sea of the vine of the fury and wrath of God Almighty, as ye heard in the seventh Trumpet: 16 And he hath upon his garment, and upon his thigh, as the strongest part of his body, this name written, The King of kings, and Lord of lords. 17 And I saw an Angel standing in the Sun, that there he might be seen publicly of all, and that the Whole world might take heed to that which he was to proclaim, and he cried with a loud voice to all the fowls flying through the midst of heaven, Come and gather yourselves to the supper of the Lord; 18 To eat the flesh of Kings, of Tribunes, of mighty men, of horses and of their riders: in short, come eat the flesh of all freemen and slaves, great and small: This was to declare, that the day of judgement was come, wherein should that destruction ensue, signified by fowls eating their flesh, (because fowls use to eat the flesh of dead men unburied) which should overwhelm all sorts of men, excepting always these that were marked, who were sundry times excepted before, as ye heard. 19 Then I saw that beast, to wit, Babylon, together with the kings of the earth who took her part, and their armies gathered together, to make war with him that sat upon the white horse, and with his army: 20 But the Beast was taken, together with the false prophet, or false Church, which by her false miracles seduced the nations that did bear the Character of the Beast, and adored his image, as ye heard before, and they were both cast quick in the lake of fire burning with brimstone: 21 And the rest were slain by the sword which came out of his mouth, that sat upon the horse, and the fowls were filled with their flesh; for how soon Christ shall come to judgement, then shall all the enemies of God be destroyed, and so full victory obtained of this battle, whereof ye heard in the sixth Trumpet, and sixth phial, and shall hear farther hereafter: And chief Babylon, and the false Church shall be cast into hell, because they merit double punishment for the abusing of men, although they shall not also want their damnation that followeth them, as is signified by their slaughter with the sword of his mouth, whereof ye heard in the beginning of this Epistle, and by the fowls eating their flesh, as ye presently perceive.   

CHAP. XX.  
ARGUMENT.  
The sum and recapitulation of all the former visions, to wit, the first estate of the Church in all purity after Christ: The heresies, and specially the Popedom that followed: The destruction thereof, in their greatestrage: The latter day: The salvation of the Elect, and condemnation of all others.  
THe Spirit of God having now shown unto me the estate of the Church militant, with the special temptations and troubles of the same, from the death of Christ to the consummation of the world, and their joyful deliverance and victory at that time, by the first six Seals; and next more amply by the seventh Seal, wherein were the seven trumpets; and thirdly, her greatest temptations and troubles, more clearly and at large, by the vision of the woman, persecuted by the Dragon; and lastly, the clear and ample description, and damnation of Babylon, that great persecuter, the sorrow of the earth, and joy of heaven therefore: This vision now that ye shall presently hear, was next shown unto me, to serve for a sum as it were, and a short recapitulation of the whole Prophecy, so often reiterated before; which is here divided in three parts: First, the happy estate of Christ's Church, though not in the eyes of the world, from his first coming to a long time after, as was declared by the first Seal: Next, the grievous troubles and temptations, unto the which she shall be subject thereafter, as was declared by the third and fourth Seal; and by the third, fourth, fift, and sixth blasts of the Trumpets: And thirdly, the destruction of all her enemies, her joyful deliverance, and the consummation, as was declared by the sixth Seal, the seventh Trumpet, the seventh phial, and the coming down of the white horse, which in my last words before these, ye heard described: But specially in this vision is declared, the punishment at the latter day of the devil himself, before the destruction only of his instruments, being mentioned, as ye formerly heard. The vision than was this; ¹ I saw an Angel come down from heaven, and he had the key of the bottomless pit, and a great chain in his hand: ² And he took the dragon, to wit, the ancient serpent, who is the devil and Satan, to wit, the Tempter, and bound him for the space of a thousand years: ³ And did cast him in the bottomless pit, and closed him in there, that it should not be opened, that he might come forth and seduce the nations, till the space of a thousand years were completed and passed, for thereafter he must be loosed for a short space. ⁴ Then I saw seats, and persons sitting upon them, and judgement or power of judging was given unto them: And I also saw the souls of them who were beheaded, or otherwise put to death, for the testimony of Christ, and the word of God, and adored not the Beast, nor took his image, neither his character on their foreheads, nor on their hands: These shall live and reign with Christ, the space of the thousand years ye heard: ⁵ But the rest of the dead shall not revive, till the space of these years be complete: This is the first resurrection. ⁶ Blessed and holy is he that is partaker of the first resurrection; for over such the second death shall have no power, but they shallbe Priests of God and Christ, & shall reign with him for ever. This is the first part of the division, whereof I presently told you, to wit, Christ by his passion did bind the devil, who before was raging in the world, and closed him in hell by the removing of the vail of blindness from the whole earth, which remained so the space of a thousand years, to wit, a long space, & all that time the devil remained bound and casten into hell by Christ, who only hath power of it; so as in all that space, the nations were not seduced: for the efficacy of heresies was not yet cropen in, and the Saints and Church visible shall so increase, albeit in the midst of persecution all this time, and so retain the purity of the truth, as by the glory of their constancy, and patience in the time of their persecution, they shall as it were reign over the earth, and by their Martyrdom be judges thereof; for it is called Christ's reigning and the Saints upon the earth, when his word, and true professors thereof, shine visibly therein, as I have said: and these were they who adored not the beast, to wit, they are the elect, who were predestinate before all beginnings, to be preserved from all infections and heresies, which is generally represented by this part of them, that the beast or Babylon shall raise and maintain, as the greatest and most perilous that ever shall be raised by Satan: And the honourable sitting of the Saints and souls of Martyrs was showed to me, to assure me, that how soon the soul of any faithful man is parted from the body, it ascendeth immediately unto heaven, there abiding in all glory, the rejoining again of his glorified body at the latter day, coniunctly to possess all glory in heaven eternally; like as by the contrary, the reprobate soul, how soon it parteth from the body of the wicked, goes down immediately to hell, there abiding in all torment, the knitting again with his cursed body at the latter day, there jointly to be subject to eternal pain; neither is there any resting place by the way for any of them: and the rest of the dead, to wit, all the wicked, shall not be revived while this space be complete; for the wicked shall neither during this space, nor at any time thereafter, taste of the regeneration, which is the first resurrection, and second birth, as Christ said to Nicodemus: and therefore, as I said already, Blessed and happy are they who are partakers of the first resurrection, for the second death, to wit, hell, shall have no power of them, but they shall be Priests of God and Christ, and reign with him these thousand years, to wit, they shall eternally in heaven offer up that Eucharistical Sacrifice of praise to God, and so be joined in fellowship with the chosen, which were upon the earth in that aforesaid time. This first part of this vision is begun already; now followeth the next part. ⁷ And when these happy days are expired, then shall the devil be loosed out of his prison: ⁸ And he shall go forth with greater liberty to seduce the nations which are in the four airths of the earth, to wit, he shall not only, after the spreading of many heresies, cause a general blindness & defection, but also make a great persecution upon the faithful Church, by gathering Gog and Magog to battle against them, whose number is like the sand of the sea, to wit, after innumerable troubles, at last he shall gather to the great day of the battle of the Lord (of the which ye heard in the sixth Trumpet, and sixth phial, and last immediately before this Vision) Gog and Magog, to wit, two great seats of Monarchies and Tyrannies over the Church, who both at one time shall rise in the latter days, and both at another time shallbe destroyed by the blast of Christ's breath, as ye shall hear; whereof the one is the avowed, and professed enemy of GOD, and his CHRIST, but the other is Babylon, the hypocritical and most dangerous adversary: Of these two ye heard in the sixth Trumpet, and so these two, although pride, and envy, shall still keep a rooted malice betwixt them, yet they shall both with innumerable forces, make war against the true Church, as Herod and Pilate did band themselves against Christ, notwithstanding the particular dislikes which were betwixt them: It is these and their forces that must fight against the Saints at Arma-geddon, as ye heard in the sixth phial, and the special drawers on of this battle shallbe the three frogs, who are the last vermin, bred of the smoke of the bottomless pit, as ye also heard in the said phial. ⁹ These great forces than went up upon the earth; for the devil raised them out of the bottomless pit, and they spread themselves upon the breadth of the earth, so great was their number, and compassed the Tents or dwellings of the Saints, and the holy City; for they were prepared to invade the true Church on all sides, and by all means, but the fire came down from heaven and devoured them; for God by his Almighty power, even when their power was greatest, and nothing so like, as an apparent rooting out of all the faithful, in rebus desperatis, did miraculously confound all the adversaries of his Church: And now comes in the third and last part of this Vision, to wit, the description of the Consummation: 10 For I did see the devil, who seduced these wicked, cast into a lake of fire and brimstone, to wit, in hell, out of the which he shall never come again, where also the beast, and the false prophet were, as ye heard before; Here now I saw the devil punished eternally, to my greater comfort, for troubling the Church, where before I saw only his instruments punished, as I said in the beginning of this Vision: and he and his instruments shall be tormented there day and night, to wit, incessantly for ever and ever. 11 Then I saw a great white Throne, and one sitting thereupon in all glory and brightness, to wit, JESUS CHRIST, now coming from heaven, to judge the earth: and from his sight fled the earth and the heaven, and their place was not found; for the whole earth, and much of the heaven shall be destroyed and renewed at his last coming. 12 And I saw all the dead, great and small, standing in GOD his sight; for than is the resurrection of the dead, who at that time must be judged: And the books were opened, to wit, the counsels, and secrets of all men's hearts; and another book, to wit, the book of Life was opened, to the effect that all those whose names were written into it, to wit, predestinated and elected for salvation before all beginnings, might there be selected for eternal Glory: And the dead were judged out of these things which were written in the books, according to their works; for as God is a Spirit, so judgeth he the thoughts of man, and so by faith only justifies him, which notwithstanding is done according to his works, because they, as the fruits of faith, cannot be separated from it, and bear witness of the same to men in the earth. 13 And the Sea gave up all the dead she had; for all the dead must then rise, as I have showed already; And death and hell gave up all they had, for not only the bodies, but even the souls of the wicked shallbe judged there, and every one was judged according to his works, as I presently did show you. 14 And hell and death were casten in the Lake of fire, which is the second death, to wit, hell and death shall then be closed up for ever within themselves, and shall never again come forth to trouble the Saints; for death, which is the last enemy, shallbe abolished from holy jerusalem for ever. 15 And whosoever name is not found written in the book of Life, is casten into the Lake of fire; for not only the public evil doers, but even whosoever is not predestinate for salvation, shall at that time be casten into hell, for there is no midway; but whosoever gathereth not with Christ, he scattereth, as I show before.   

CHAP. XXI.  
ARGUMENT.  
A large and glorious description of the Church Triumphant in Heaven: and of all the members of that holy and Eternal jerusalem.  
NOw the Spirit of God having by this last vision made a sum and recapitulation of all the former, as ye have heard, he, by this following and last vision, declareth, and gloriously describeth the reward of all them, who constantly persevere unto the end, in the true service of God, notwithstanding all the assaults of Satan, which ye have heard dilated: the reward was then, to be eternal inheritors of holy jerusalem, as ye shall presently hear. ¹ For I saw a new heaven and a new earth: it is over this new heaven and new earth that the faithful should reign kings, and priests for ever, as ye heard before: And the first heaven, and the first earth went away, neither was the sea any more; for all shall be burnt with fire at the consummation, which fire shall renew them, and take away their corruption and mutablitie, relieving them from the servitude of death, to the liberty of the glory of the sons of God; who notwithstanding shall not dwell there but in heaven. ² And even I john saw the holy new City jerusalem coming down from heaven, made ready of God like a bride, that is decked for her bridegroom: For this holy Church triumphant shall come down in all shining glory to meet Christ her husband, when he shall have judged the world, (as ye have heard before) to be incorporated and joined with him for ever. ³ And I heard a mighty voice from heaven, saying, for confirmation of this happy conjunction; Lo the Tabernacle of God, and his dwelling place is with men, and he will now dwell with them for ever, and they shall be his people, and he shall be a God with them, and their God: ⁴ And God shall wipe all tears from their eyes; for they shall feel no more any sorrow, as ye have often heard before, and death shall be no more, neither shall any sorrow, crying, or dolour ever be in that Church triumphant; for the first are gone away, and all these things than shall have an end. ⁵ And then he that sat upon the Throne, to wit, God the Father, said, Lo, I make new or renew all things, and he said unto me, Writ, and leave in record what thou hast seen: for surely these words are faithful and true, and shall come certainly to pass. ⁶ And he also said unto me, It is done, for when these things shall come to pass, then is the full accomplishment of all things, I am A and Ω, to wit, the beginning, and the ending of all things: For as I made the Creation, so shall I cause the Consummation. And I shall give to him that thirsteth, of the fountain of water of life, freely, or for nothing, to wit, he will grant salvation to all them who call upon him for it, and that for nothing; for it cometh of his free mercy, and not of any merit in us: How foolish then are they to be accounted, who contemning that salvation which they may obtain for the craving, buy with their silver a counterfeit salvation from Babylon, as ye heard before? ⁷ And he that overcometh Satan and his own flesh shall possess all, to wit, he shall be a full inheritor of God's kingdom, and I shall be a God to him, and he shall be a son to me: ⁸ But for all them who are fearful and unbelieving, not having a sure confidence and trust in my promises, and for execrable men, and murderers, and fornicators, and sorcerers, and idolaters, and all liars, for all these sorts of men, I say, there is place appointed in that lake, which burneth with fire and brimstone, which is the second death. ⁹ Then there came unto me one of these seven Angels, which had the seven phials full of the seven last plagues, and he said unto me, Come and I will show unto thee the Bride, which is the Wife of the Lamb: for this Angel was directed to show me the glory of this holy Jerusalem, the Church triumphant, not to satisfy my curiosity therewith, but that I might leave in record to all posterities to come, not as a hearer only, but as an Oculatus testis, what glorious, and eternal reward did abide all the faithful. 10 And so he took me up in the Spirit to a high and great Mountain; for it became well, that so glorious a sight should be shown upon so eminent a place, and there he did show me a great City, to wit, that holy jerusalem, coming down from heaven, and from God, as ye heard before. 11 And it had the glory of God in it, and the light or brightness of it, was like unto the glittering of a most precious stone, yea even like the green jasper in flourishing eternity, and like the clear Crystal in shining brightness; 12 And this City had a great and high wall, to hold out all them who had not the mark of the Lamb, as ye shall hear after, and to protect the Citizens from all blasts of troubles, for all tears will then be wiped from their eyes, as ye heard before; And this City had also twelve gates, and in them twelve Angels, and their names were written upon them, which were the names of the twelve Tribes of the sons of Israel. 13 And there were three gates towards the East, three towards the West, three towards the South, and three towards the North, to signify that out of all parts and places of the world, and whatsoever thy vocation be, if thou call to God with an upright heart, thou shalt find that the entrance into the City, is equally distributed about the same. 14 And the wall of the City had twelve foundations, whereupon were written the twelve names of the Apostles of the Lamb: These twelve Angels of the twelve gates, and twelve foundations of the wall, are the four and twenty Elders, of whom ye heard in the beginning of this my Epistle; the twelve Angels of the twelve gates, are the twelve patriarchs, who were the first teachers of the way, and so the guides to this holy jerusalem; for by the Law which they represent, we must first begin to know the truth, and to know ourselves: and the twelve foundations are we, the twelve Apostles, for upon our doctrine is that wall founded which hedgeth in the Saints in an eternal security, and debarreth all others. 15 And the Angel who spoke with me, had a golden reed in his hand, to measure therewith the City, and the gates, and the walls of the same, thereby to signify the just proportion and symmetry, that shall be among all the parts of this holy City. 16 And this City was foursquare, because of the gates towards the four parts of the earth, to receive indifferently the comers out of any of them, as ye heard before; And it was alike long and broad, to signify the infinite bounds thereof: and he measured the City with his reed, and it came to twelve thousand furlongs: this number also expresseth the great bounds of this City; for it is here used for a number of perfection, as sundry times before: And this City was alike in length, breadth and height, for all the parts of it were alike large. 17 And the Angel did measure the wall of it, and it was an hundred and four and forty cubits of height: this number is correspondent to the number of Saints, who were standing with the Lamb on Mount Zion, as ye heard before; and the measure wherewith this was measured, was the measure of the man, which is the measure of the Angel; This City is measured with the measure of CHRIST, God and man, to teach us that he is only the Architect of this Spiritual City, which he measureth by his cubits, and not by the cubits of any man. 18 And the fabric of the wall of the City, was composed of jasper, to signify that the wall thereof shall stand eternally: and the City itself was of pure gold, and like to clear glass, whereon no filth will remain. 19 And the twelve foundations of the City were decked with all kind of precious stones: the first foundation was of jasper, the second of sapphire, the third of Chalcedonie, the fourth of Emerald, 20 The fift of a Sardonix, the sixth of a Sardius, the seventh of a Chrysolite, the eight of a Berill, the ninth of a Topaz, the tenth of a Chrysophrasus, the eleventh of an Hyacinth, the twelfth of an Amethyst: These twelve sundry stones, one for every one of the foundations, signify, that we, the twelve Apostles, who are these twelve foundations (as ye heard) shall every one receive a divers reward and crown of glory, according to the greatness and excellency of our labours in the earth: these twelve precious stones allude also to the twelve precious stones in Aaron's breastplate. 21 And the twelve gates were of twelve pearls, and every gate of a sundry pearl; (this signifies the like of the patriarchs) and the Market place of the City was of pure gold, and like the glistering glass, signifying thereby, as by an evident token, that seeing the Market place (which is the commonest place of every town) of this spiritual City, is of so fine and bright stuff, that no base, and unclean thing shall be in any part thereof: 22 And I saw no Temple in it, for the Lord God Almighty, even the Lamb, is the Temple of it, for no other shall be there wherein God must be praised, but the person of Christ, in whom all the faithful shall be incorporated, as I said before. 23 And this City shall need no Sun nor Moon to shine in it, for the glory of God hath made it bright, and the Lamb is the lamp thereof; for as it is no corporal paradise nor dwelling place on earth, which is here spoken of, so is no part of the glory thereof earthly, but celestial and spiritual: 24 And the Gentiles which are saved, shall walk in that light, and the kings of the earth shall bring their glory unto that city; for all the faithful kings shall resign all their worldly glory in that city, and receive a new and incorruptible glory from the Lamb, who is the light thereof: 25 And the gates thereof shall not be shut in the day time; for there shall never be any suspicion of trouble there, for which cause worldly cities often shut their gates, and the night shall never be there, but an eternal brightness through all. 26 And the honour and the glory of the nations shall be brought into her, for all their worldly glory shallbe nothing in respect of the glory of this City. 27 And there shall nothing enter into this City that defileth or is defiled, nor no man that committeth any abominable deed, or that speaks lies, but only these shall have entrance into this holy City, whose names are written in the Lamb his book of Life, as ye heard before.   

CHAP. XXII.  
ARGUMENT.  
The rest of the same description: Man's proneness of his own nature to idolatry: The Writer tells his name, that no man may doubt who was the writer of this Book, and who indited the same: The faithful aught to wish the coming of the latter day: The curse upon them who add or take from this Book, and use it not aright.  
THen to the effect that I might know that the inhabitants of this holy City, were as well eternal, as the walls and glory of the same, this Angel did show unto me the clear and pure flood of the water of life, whereof Christ promised to give the Samaritane to drink, as I said before: and it was clear like crystal, and it flowed from the Throne of God, and the Lamb: This River alludeth to that spring of Ezechiel, which came forth from under the Temple floor; and it also alludeth to the Rivers of earthly Paradise: ² And in the midst of the market place, and on either side of this River, did grow the Tree of Life, having twelve manner of fruits, every month bearing once, and bearing leaves for the health of the Gentiles: This Tree, and this water of Life, are the heavenly meat and drink, meant by Christ, when the Capernaites were scandalised with his doctrine, as ye read in the evangel written by me; and of this Tree and water were those of Ezechiel, and in earthly paradise the figures: the number of the fruits thereof answereth to the number of the tribes of Israel, who through eating the fruits thereof by faith, obtained salvation; as likewise the variety and plenty of joys to all the faithful there; and as it bare fruit to the jews for food, that is, to satisfy them, so it did bear leaves to the Gentiles, who being healed by these leaves of all spiritual diseases, were not only preserved, but also prepared and got appetite thereby, to eat and turn into nutriment, or spiritual strength and contentation, the fruits thereof: This tree grew on every side of the water of Life, to signify that they are both but one thing and inseparable, both proceeding from the mighty and merciful Throne of God, and his Lamb, and they were both in the midst of the Market place, to signify by their being in so common a place, that as they are the support, strength and comfort of the Church triumphant, or holy City, so all the indwellers therein have the like free access thereunto, and are all alike participant thereof: ³ And no accursed thing shall be any more, for then shall hell and death be confined, and restrained within themselves for ever, as ye heard in the former vision: for the seat and throne of God and his Lamb, shall remain in this holy City for ever; and all his servants shall be there, serving him eternally by thanksgiving and praises: ⁴ And they shall see his face, and be ever rejoicing at his presence, having his name written upon their foreheads, as ye have often heard. ⁵ And no night nor darkness shall be there at all, neither have they need of lamps, nor of light of the Sun, nor any material light, for the Lord God makes them bright, as ye have heard already: and they shall reign there in all glory for ever and ever. ⁶ Then the Angel, after all these things had been revealed unto me, said unto me for the confirmation of them, All the words of this Prophecy are true and faithful, and the same Lord GOD who inspired from time to time his holy Prophets to forewarn his Church of things to come, he also sent his Angel unto me, that by me he might reveal unto his servants these things that are shortly to come to pass. ⁷ Lo, I come shortly, saith the Lord, happy is he therefore that observeth and obeyeth the words of the Prophecy in this Book. ⁸ And I john am he who have heard and seen these things: I declare you my name the oftener, lest the authority of the Book should be called in doubt, through the uncertainty of the Writer: And when I had heard and seen these things, I fell at the Angel's feet that showed me them, with mind to have adored him: ⁹ But he said unto me, See thou do it not, I am thy fellow-servant, and one of thy Brethren the Prophets, although I be an Angel, and one of them which keepeth and obeyeth the words of this Book: adore thou therefore God, to whom all worship only appertaineth: By this my reiterated fall and offence, notwithstanding that lately before I had committed the same, and was reproved for it, and warned to forbear it, as ye heard before, I am taught, and by my example the whole Church, of the great infirmity of all mankind, and specially in that so great an offence of the adoring of creatures, whereof God is so jealous, as he saith in his Law: and upon consideration of man his infirmity in this point, not I, but the Spirit of God by me, in the very last words of one of my Epistles, saith, Dear children, beware of Idols: and in this I insist so much not without a cause; For I know that Babylon in the latter days, shall specially poison her followers with this spiritual adultery or idolatry, as ye have heard mention made in this Book. 10 And the Angel said unto me, Seal not the words of the Prophecy of this Book, for the time is at hand. Ye heard before, how I was commanded to seal that which the seven Thunders spoke, because it was not lawful for me to reveal the same: but now on the contrary I am commanded to write, and forbidden to seal these Prophecies, because I am appointed to reveal the same, in respect that the time of their accomplishment is at hand. 11 And he also said unto me, Despair thou not of the effect of this Prophecy, although it profit nothing the wicked, but to make them the more inexcusable: For God hath foresignified, that he who doth harm, notwithstanding this Prophecy shall yet continue his wrongs; and he who is filthy, shall yet notwithstanding this remain filthy; even as on the other part, it shall confirm and increase the just man in his justness, and the holy man in his holiness: for it is not the words of Prophecy spoken, but the Spirit which is cooperant with it, which makes the seed of faith to take root in any man's heart. 12 Lo I come speedily, saith the Lord JESUS, and bring my reward with me, to render to every man according to his works, as ye have heard before. 13 I am A and Ω, the beginning and the end; the first and the last, as ye have heard already. 14 Happy are they who obey and keep Christ's commandments, that they may have right and part in the tree of life; (for by obeying they shall be made Citizens of that holy City, of the which that is the food) and that they may enter at the gates to that City: for the gates shall be ready and open to receive them: 15 But without this City, as debarred thence, shall be Dogs, to wit, all profane livers, fornicators, sorcerers, murderers, and idolaters, and all who love, and make lies; and shortly all, who continue in any kind of known sin without repentance. 16 JIESUS, saith the Lord, sent my Angel to reveal these things to john, that they might be testified to you the seven Churches: I am the root and offspring of David, and I am the bright morning Star, to wit, the fountain of all your glory. 17 And the Spirit, and the Bride saith, Come, to wit, the Church; for they for their deliverance wish his second coming to be hastened, and Christ, for the love he beareth them, hath granted them their request: and he that hears it, let him say, Come, for it becometh all the faithful to wish it: And he that thirsteth let him come, to wit, he that would drink of the water of life, let him crave earnestly the dissolution and latter day: And let any who will, receive the water of life freely and for nothing, as ye heard before. 18 And I protest unto all that shall hear the words of the prophesy of this Book, that if any man add unto it any thing, God shall make all the plagues in this Book to fall on him. 19 And if any man take away any thing from the words of the Book of this prophesy, God shall take his part away out of the book of life, and out of the holy City, and out of these blessings that are written in this Book: For whosoever in coping or translating this Book, adulterateth any ways the Original, or in interpreting of it, wittingly strays from the true meaning of it, and from the analogy of Faith, to follow the fantastical invention of man, or his own preoccupied opinions; he I say, that doth any of these, shallbe accursed as a perverter of the truth of God and his Scriptures. 20 And now I will conclude with this comfort unto you, to wit, He, even Christ, that testifies these things that ye have heard: he I say, doth say, Surely I come shortly. Even so come Lord JESUS to hasten our deliverance. 21 The Grace of our Lord JESUS CHRIST be with you all, and all your successors in true doctrine, by the which both ye and they may be so strengthened in the truth, that by your resisting all the temptations contained in this Book, and constantly persevering to the end, ye may at last receive that immortal Crown of glory mentioned in the last Vision. AMEN.     

A FRVITFULL MEDITATION, CONTAINING A PLAIN AND EASY EXPOSITION, OR laying open of the VII. VIII. IX. and X. Verses of the 20. Chapter of the REVELATION, in form and manner of a Sermon.  THE TEXT. 7 And when the thousand years are expired, or ended, Satan shall be loosed out of his prison. 8 And shall go out to deceive the people, which are in the four quarters of the earth, even Gog and Magog, to gather them together to battle, whose number are as the sand of the Sea. 9 And they went up to the plain of the earth, which compassed the tents of the Saints about, and the beloved City: but fire came down from God out of the heaven, and devoured them. 10 And the devil that deceived them, was cast into a lake of fire and brimstone, where that beast and that false prophet are, and shallbe tormented even day and night for evermore. 

THE MEDITATION.  
AS of all Books the holy Scripture is most necessary for the instruction of a Christian, and of all the Scriptures, the Book of the REVELATION is most meet for this our last age, 
The necessity of the knowledge of the Revelation.  as a prophesy of the latter times: so have I selected or chosen out this place thereof, as most proper for the action we have in hand presently. 
A sum of the 20. Chap. of the Revelation.  For after the Apostle JOHN had prophesied of the latter times, in the nineteenth Chapter aforegoing, he now in this twentieth Chapter gathered up a sum of the whole, wherein are expressed three heads or principal points.  
1. First, the happy estate of the Church, from Christ's days, to the days of the defection or falling away of the Antichrist, in the first six verses of this 20. Chapter.  
2 Next, the defection or falling away itself, in this place that I have in hand, to wit, the seventh, eight, ninth, and tenth verses.  
3 Thirdly, the general punishment of the wicked in the great day of judgement, from the tenth verse unto the end of the Chapter.  
The Apostle his meaning in this place than is this, 
The meaning of this present text.  That after that Satan then had been bound a thousand years, which did appear by his discourse aforegoing, of the Saints triumphing in the earth, he shall at last break forth again lose, and for a space rage in the earth more than ever before: but yet shall in the end be overcome and confounded for ever ..  
It resteth now, knowing the sum, that we come to the exposition or meaning of the Verses; 
The order observed in handling this text.  and first expound or lay open by way of a Paraphrase the hardness of the words, next declare the meaning of them, and thirdly note what we should learn of all.  

THE FIRST PART.  
AS touching the words in them for order sake, we may note: ¹ First Satan his losing: ² next his doing, after he is loosed: ³ and last his unhappy success.  
Then for the first, 
Satan in his instruments is loosed to trouble the Church.  by Satan is meant not only the Dragon, enemy to Christ and his Church, but also with him all the instruments in whom he ruleth, and by whom he ruleth, and by whom he uttereth his cruel and crafty intentions, specially the Antichrist and his Clergy, joined with the Dragon before in the 16. Chap. verse 17. and called the beast, and the false prophet. For as Christ and his Church are called after one Name, Christ, by reason of their most straight and near union, and heavenly effects flowing there from, 1. Cor. 12.12. So Satan and his synagogue are here rightly called Satan, 
The thousand years.  by reason of their union, and cursed effects flowing therefrom. These thousand years, are but a number certain for an uncertain, which phrase or manner of speaking, is often used by the Spirit of God in the Scriptures, meaning a great number of years.  
Moreover, 
The prison whereout Satan is loosed.  the prison whereout he is loosed, is the hells, which by the Spirit of God are called his prison, for two causes: ¹ One, because during the time of this world, at times appointed by God, he is debarred from walking on the earth, 
2. Pet. 2.4. Ind. ver. 6.  and sent thither, greatly to his torment, as was testified or witnessed by the miracle at Genezareth among the Gadarens, Matth. 8.28. ² Next, because that after the consummation or end of the world, he shall be perpetually or for ever imprisoned therein, as is written in the same Chapter, ver. 10. Finally, he is loosed by interruption or hindering, and for the most part, 
The losing of Satan.  to the judgement of men, abolition or overthrow of the sincere preaching of the Gospel, the true use of the Sacraments, which are seals and pledges of the promises contained therein, and lawful exercise of Christian discipline, whereby both Word and Sacraments are maintained in purity, called in the first verse the great chain, whereby the devil is bound and signified by the white horse, governed by the Lamb. Chap. 6. verse 2. So the meaning of all this 7. verse is this: The devil, having been bound, and his power in his instruments having been restrained for a long space, by the preaching of the Gospel, at the last he is loosed out of hell by the raising up of so many new errors and notable evil instruments, especially the Antichrist and his Clergy, who not only infect the earth a new, but rule also over the whole, through the decrease of true doctrine, and the number of the faithful following it, and the daily increase of errors, and nations following them, and believing lies hating the truth, and taking pleasure in unrighteousness, 2. Thess. 2.11, 12. And thus far for Satan his losing.  
Now to the next, his doing after he is loosed. 
Satan first deceiveth, then allures to follow him, and in the end maketh all his to take armour against the Church.  First he goeth out to seduce or beguile the nations that are into the four corners of the earth, and they become his, though in certain degrees his tyranny and travail appeareth, and bursteth out in some more than in others: For as all that do good, are inspired of God thereto, and do utter the same in certain degrees, according unto the measure of grace granted unto them: so all that do evil, are inspired by Satan, and do utter the same in divers degrees, according as that unclean spirit taketh possession in them, and by divers objects and means, allureth them to do his will, some by ambition, some by envy, some by malice, and some by fear, and so forth: and this is the first work.  
Secondly, he gathereth Gog and Magog to battle, 
Gog and Magog.  in number like the sand of the Sea, and so he and his inclined to battle and bloodshed, have mighty armies, and in number many, inflamed with cruelty. The special heads and rulers of their armies, or rather ranks of their confederates, to go to battle and to fight, are twain, here named Gog and Magog; Gog in Hebrew is called Hid, and Magog Revealed, to signify that in two sorts of men chief Satan shall utter himself, to wit, hypocrites, and avowed or open enemies to God: It is said then that Satan shall in the latter times rule a new over the world, who shall stir up the nations under the banners of these two enemies to God, the hypocritical and open, to spread themselves in great multitudes upon the earth.  
Thirdly, they shall ascend upon the plain of the earth, presumptuously and proudly, bragging of their number and force, and thinking none shall be able to resist their rage: They shall compass and besiege the camps of the Saints, and beloved City, that is, the handful of the faithful beloved of the Lord, against whom, trusting in their untellable number, like the sand of the sea, they shall make a cruel and uncessable war.  
The elect are called Saints and beloved, 
The Elect are the Saints and beloved City of God.  because they are in the love of God selected and severed out, and by grace engrafted in Christ, in whom they are counted and found justified, sanctified, worthy of love and endless glory: Their faithful fellowship is compared to Tents, and to a City beloved, to signify their continual warfare in the earth against Satan and sin, with all his instruments: their mutual amity, and friendly conjunction in love among themselves, and joining together to maintain the good cause that their God hath clad them with: but chief to signify the mighty and all-sufficient protection or defence in prosperity and adversity, flowing from God for their just aid against all powers that can pursue, whereby they also become fair as the Moon, pure as the Sun, terrible as an army with banners, Cant. 1.6, 9 Yea as a defenced City, and iron pillar and walls of Brass against the whole earth, jerem. 1.18.  
The sum then of Satan his doing after he is loosed, 
The sum of Satan his doing after he is loosed.  is this: he shall deceive the nations: he shall gather an infinite number of hypocrites and open enemies together, inflamed with cruelty, and these shall in pridefull presumption fiercely bend themselves against the chosen of God, and his truth professed by them. But what at last shall the success be? surely most unhappy: for fire shall come down from heaven and devour them, and the devil that deceived them, and all his instruments, chief the Beast and false Prophet shall be cast in a lake of fire and brimstone, 
The unhappy success of Satan.  and shall be tormented day and night incessantly for ever and ever: that is, how greatly soever their brags be, how near soever they shall appear to be to obtain their purpose, God from heaven, as the palace and throne, wherefrom he giveth proof of his mercy towards his own, and of his justice toward his enemies, shall send plagues and destruction, as well ordinary, as extraordinary upon them: Ordinary, by revealing their wickedness by the thundering mouths of true pastors, which is oft called fire in the Scriptures: Extraordinary, by all corporal plagues to their utter destruction, and untellable torment for ever in the hells. Thus far for the exposition or paraphrase of the words.   

THE SECOND PART.  
NOw followeth the interpretation of the sentence according to the order used in the first part. 
The putitie of the Gospel enduring, stayeth the Antechrist his rising.  And first we must know what time these thousand or many years was in, and when, and how Satan was loosed. This time is to be found in the sixth Chapter, in the opening of the first three seals of the secret book of God his providence by the Lamb, to wit, the time when the white, red, and black horses had their course in the world: And to speak more plainly, the Devil his power did lurk, which is called his binding, and the Gospel did flourish in a reasonable purity many hundredth years after Christ, as the Ecclesiastical histories bear witness: For in great purity the Gospel did continue long, which is signified by the course of the white horse, albeit the professors were under the cross signified by the red horse, and troubled wonderfully by heretics, signified by the black horse, by wormwood that fell in the Fountains of waters in the third trumpet, and by waters that the dragon spewed out of his mouth, in the vision of the Dragon and the woman, chap. 12. This time did endure from Christ a space after Augustine his days, when the bloody Sword of persecution ceasing, the whole Church began to be defiled with divers heresies, which coming unto a mature and ripe heap, did produce or bring forth the Antechrist, signified by the pale horse in the fourth seal, by the king of the Locusts in the fift trumpet, by Babylon in the 11 and 18. Chapter, by the second Beast rising out of the sea in the 13. Chapter, and by the woman clad with scarlet in the 17. chapter. The arisings of the heresies, and the Antichrist breeding of their smoke, is in this place called the losing of Satan.  
Now followeth after this his losing, what he doth: 
The Gospel being hid, the Antichrist beginneth to breed & tend to his height.  He deceiveth the nations universally: he gathereth Gog and Magog with untellable armies to fight, he climbeth upon the plain of the earth, he compasseth the tents of the Saints, and the beloved City about: These are his doings.  
Now because these actions are most lively declared in other places of the same book, I will shortly allege them to make the matter clear by conference of places, expounding every one another. It is said in the ninth chapter, that the Antichrist shall send out his locusts or Ecclesiastical orders, by fair allurements to entice the world, to yield to his and their abominable heresies, and shall prevail over the most part. It is said in the 11. chapter, that he shall persecute the Saints, kill the two witnesses, and shall rejoice with the kings of the earth, for their kill, as having been the only lets to his full glory. It is said in the 13. chapter, that he shall blaspheme God in usurping his power, that by the advice and assistance of the false Prophet, or false Church, he shall send out his Images or Ambassadors through the world, persecuting and destroying them that will not obey him and them, and acknowledge his supremacy; yea, none shall be suffered to buy or sell, or use civil society, that acknowledgeth not his supreme power and dignity. It is said in the 16. chapter, that God plaguing him for these foresaid abuses, he shall be so far from repentance, as by the contrary he shall find out a new sort of vermin, that is, a new Ecclesiastical order, which are called their frogs, who shall move and entice the Princes of the earth to join with him, and make war against the faithful, pressing utterly to destroy them: and of that battle, and the end thereof doth this place make mention.  
Now shortly join all these together, and so obtain the meaning. There shall arise an Antichrist and enemy to God and his Church: he shall be head of a false and hypocritical Church: he shall claim a supreme power in earth: he shall usurp the power of God: he shall deceive men with abusing locusts: he shall persecute the faithful: none shall be found that dare openly resist him: In the end, feeling his kingdom decay, and the true Church beginning to prosper, he shall by a new sort of deceiving spirits, gather together the Kings of the earth in great multitudes like the sands of the Sea, and by joining or at least suffering of that other great open enemy, he shall with these numbers compass the camps of the faithful, besiege the beloved City, make war against the Saints: but victory shall he not have, and shame and confusion shallbe his, and all his partakers end.  
Now whether the Pope beareth these marks or not, 
The Pope is Antichrist, and Popery the losing of Satan, from whom proceedeth false doctrine & cruelty to subvert the kingdom of Christ.  let any indifferent man judge; I think surely it expounds itself: Doth he not usurp Christ his office, calling himself universal Bishop and head of the Church? Playeth he not the part of Apollyon, and Abaddon the king of the Locusts and destroyer, or son of perdition, in chopping and changing of souls betwixt heaven, hell, and his fantastic or imagined purgatory at his pleasure? Blasphemeth he not, in denying us to be saved by the imputation of Christ his righteousness? Moreover, hath he not sent forth and abused the world with innumerable orders of locusts and shavelings? Hath he not so fully ruled over the world these many hundredth years, as to the fire went he, whosoever he was, that durst deny any part of his usurped supremacy? And hath he not of late days, seeing his kingdom going to decay, 
The jesuits pernicious vermin.  sent out the jesuits, his last and most pernicious vermin, to stir up the Princes of the earth his slaves, to gather and league themselves together for his defence, and rooting out of all them that profess Christ truly? And whereas the open enemy of God, the Turk was under bloody wars with him ever before, is there not of late a truce among them, that the faithful may be the more easily rooted out? And are not the armies presently assembled, yea upon the very point of their execution in France against the Saints there? In Flanders for the like; and in Germany, by whom already the Bishop of Collein is displaced? And what is prepared and come forward against this I'll? Do we not daily hear, and by all appearance and likelihood shall shortly see? Now may we judge if this be not the time, whereof this place that I have made choice doth mean, and so the due time for the revealing of this Prophecy. Thus far for the interpretation of the sentence or meaning.   

THE THIRD PART.  
NOw I come to the last part, what we may learn of this place, which I will shortly touch in few points, and so make an end.  
And first of the devil his losing by the rising of Antichrist, for the just punishment of the unthankful world hating the truth, and delighting in lies, and manifesting of his own chosen that stuck to the truth; we have two things to note: One for instruction, 
Man his sin procureth God his justice to lose Satan.  that the justice of God in respect of man his falling wilfully from the truth, (as Paul saith) justly did send to the world the great abuser with efficacy of lies; as well to tyrannize spiritually over the conscience by heresy, as corporally over their bodies by the civil sword. And therefore we must fear to fall from the truth revealed and professed by us, that we may be free from the like punishment. The other for our comfort, that this tyranny of the Antichrist, sifting out the chaff from the corn, as our Master saith, 
Backe-sl●●ers 〈…〉 constant christians shall be crowned. Matth. 10.22.  shall tend to the double condemnation of the fallers back, and to the double crown of glory, to the perseverers or standers out to the end. Blessed therefore are they that persevere or stand out to the end, for they shall be saved.  
Next, of the number of nations in the four quarters of the earth deceived, and companies gathered together to fight like the sand of the sea, 
The defection or falling away under Antichrist, shall be universal.  We are taught, that the defection or falling away under the Antichrist, was general, and so no visible Church was there: whereof two things do follow: One, the Church may be corrupted and err: another, the Church may lurk, and be unknown for a certain space.  
Thirdly, of that that Satan is not content only to deceive, 
Satan his children both deceive, and persecute.  except he also gather to the battle his instruments; we are informed of the implacable or unappeasable malice, borne by Satan in his instruments against God in his members, who never ceaseth like a roaring Lion (as Peter saith) to go about assailing to devour. This his malice is notably laid forth in the 12. and 13. Chap. of this Book: For it is said, that when he had spewed out great rivers of waters, that is, infinite heresies and lies to swallow up the woman, and notwithstanding she was delivered therefrom, yet again he raised up a beast out of the sea, the bloody Roman Empire by the sword, to devour her, and her seed; and that being wounded deadly, yet he raiseth another beast forth of the earth, which is the Antichrist, by heresy and sword joined together to serve his turn: So the devil, seeing that no mist of heresies can obscure or darken the Gospel in the hearts of the faithful, and that the cruel sword of persecutors cannot stay the prosperous success of Christ his kingdom, he raiseth up the Antichrist with both his swords, to the effect that as one of them saith, That which Peter his keys could not, Paul his sword should: And so hath he done at this time; For seeing the true Church will not be abused with the absurd heresies, for last refuge, now rooted out must they be by the civil Sword.  
Fourthly, of their great numbers, 
The wicked in number ever overpass the godly.  able to compass about the tents of the Saints, and to besiege the holy Cities, we are informed that the wicked are ever the greatest part of the world: And therefore our Master saith, Many are called, few chosen: And again, Wide is the way that leadeth to destruction, and many enter thereat: but narrow is the way that leadeth to life, and few enter thereat. Also he calleth them the world, and the Devil the prince of the same.  
Fiftly, the agreeance of Gog and Magog, the Turk the open enemy, 
The wicked at variance among themselves, can well agree in one against Christ  and the Pope the covered enemy, to this persecution, declareth the rooted hatred of the wicked against the faithful: who though they be otherwise in enmity among themselves, yet agree in this respect, in odium tertij, as did Herod and Pilate.  
Sixtly, the compassing of the Saints, and besieging of the beloved City, 
The false Church ever persecuteth.  declareth unto us a certain note of a false Church, to be persecution: for they come to seek the faithful; the faithful are those that are sought: The wicked are the besiegers; the faithful the besieged.  
Seventhly, 
Scripture by Scripture should be expounded. 2. King. 1.10, 11.  in the form of language, and phrase or manner of speaking, of fire coming down from heaven here used, and taken out of the Book of the Kings, where, at Elias his prayers, with fire from heaven were destroyed Achazias his soldiers: as the greatest part of all the words, verses, and sentences of this book are taken and borrowed of other parts of the Scripture, we are taught to use only Scripture for interpretation of Scripture, if we would be sure, and never serve from the analogy of faith in expounding, seeing it repeateth so oft the own phrases, and thereby expoundeth them.  
Eightly, of the last part of the confusion of the wicked, even at the top of their height and wheel, we have two things to note: One that God although he suffereth the wicked to run on while their cup be full, yet in the end he striketh them, first in this world, and next in the world to come; to the deliverance of his Church in this world, and the perpetual glory of the same in the world to come: The other note is, that after the great persecution and the destruction of the pursuers, shall the day of judgement follow: For so declareth the 11. verse of this same Chapter; but in how short space it shall follow, that is only known unto God; Only this far are we certain, that in the last estate, without any more general mutations, the world shall remain till the consummation and end of the same.  
To conclude then with exhortation: It is all our duties in this Isle at this time, to do two things: One, to consider our estate: And other to conform our actions according thereunto: Our estate is, we are threefold besieged: First, spiritually by the heresies of the antichrist: Secondly, corporally & generally, as members of that Church, the which in the whole they persecute: Thirdly, 
All men should be lawfully armed spiritually and bodily to fight against the Antichrist, and his upholders.  corporally and particularly by this present army. Our actions then conformed to our estate are these: First, to call for help at God his hands: Next, to assure us of the same, seeing we have a sufficient warrant, his constant promise expressed in his word: Thirdly, since with good conscience we may, being in the tents of the Saints, & beloved City, stand in our defence, encourage one another to use lawful resistance, and concur or join one with another as warriors in one Camp, and citizens of one beloved City, for maintenance of the good cause God hath clad us with, and in defence of our liberties, native country, and lives: For since we see God hath promised not only in the world to come, but also in this world, to give us victory over them, let us in assurance hereof strongly trust in our God, cease to mistrust his promise, and fall through incredulity or unbelief: For then are we worthy of double punishment: For the stronger they wax, and the nearer they come to their light, the faster approacheth their wrack, and the day of our delivery: For kind, and loving, true, and constant, careful, and watchful, mighty, and revenging is he that promiseth it: To whom be praise and glory for ever. AMEN.     

A MEDITATION UPON THE xxv. xxuj. xxvij. xxviij. and xxix. verses of the xv. Chap. of the first Book of the Chronicles of the Kings:  Written by the most Christian King, and sincere Professor of the truth, JAMES by the grace of God, King of England, France, Scotland, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith. THE TEXT. 25 So David and the Elders of Israel and the Captains of thousands went to bring up the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord, from the house of Obed-Edom with joy. 26 And because that God helped the Levites that bore the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord, they offered seven Bullocks and seven Rams. 27 And David had on him a linen garment, as all the Levites that bore the Ark, and the singers and Chenaniah that had the chief charge of the singers: and upon David was a linen Ephod. 28 Thus all Israel brought up the Ark of the Lords Covenant with shouting and sound of Cornet, and with Trumpets, and with Cymbales, making asound with Viols and with haps. 29 And when the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord came into the City of David, Michal the daughter of Saul looked out at a window, and saw King David dancing and playing and she despised him in her heart. 

THE MEDITATION.  
AS of late when greatest appearance of peril was by that foreign and godless fleet, I took occasion by a Text selected for the purpose, to exhort you to remain constant, resting assured of a happy deliverance: So now by the great mercies of God, my speeches having taken an evident effect, I could do no less of my careful duty, than out of this place cited, teach you what resteth on your part to be done; not of any opinion I have of my ability to instruct you, but that these meditations of mine, may after my death remain to the posterity, as a certain testimony of my upright and honest meaning in this so great and weighty a cause. Now I come to the matter. David that godly King, you see, hath no sooner obtained victory over Gods, and his enemies the Philistines, but his first action which follows, is with concurrence of his whole estates, to translate the Ark of the Lords covenant to his house in great triumph and gladness, accompanied with the sound of musical instruments: And being so brought to the King's house, he himself dances and rejoices before it: which thing Michal the daughter of Saul and his wife perceiving, she contemned and laughed at her husband in her mind. This is the sum.  

THE METHOD.  
FOr better understanding whereof, these heads are to be opened up in order, and applied. And first what causes moved David to do this work. Secondly, what persons concurred with David in doing of this work. Thirdly, what was the action itself, and form of doing used in the same. Fourthly, the person of Michal. And fifthly, her action.  

THE FIRST PART.  
AS to the first part; 
Zeal in David and experience of God's kindness towards him, moved David to honour God.  The causes moving David, passing all others, I note two: One internal, the other, external: the internal was a fervent and zealous mind in David fully disposed to extol the glory of God that had called him to be King, as he saith himself. The zeal of thy house it eats me up, Psal. 69.9. But more largely expressed in the 132. Psalm, composed at the same time while this work was a doing. The external was a notable victory newly obtained by the power of God over and against the Philistines, old and pernicious enemies to the people of God, expressed in the last part of the 14. chapter preceding. By this victory or cause external, the internal causes and zeal in David is so doubly inflamed, that all things set aside, in this work only he will be occupied. These are the two weighty causes moving him. Whereof we may learn, first that the chief virtue which should be in a christian Prince, and which the Spirit of God always chief praises in him, is a fervency and constant zeal to promote the glory of God, that hath honoured him. Next, that where this zeal is unfeigned, God leaves never that person, without continual pouring of his blessings on him, thereby to stir up into him a double measure of zeal and thankfulness towards God. 
The Church ever troubled by men, hath a joyful end.  Thirdly, that the Church of God never wanted enemies and notable victories over them, to assure them at all times of the constant kindness of God towards them; even, when as by the cross, as a bitter medicine, he cureth their infirmities, saveth them from gross sins, and trieth their faith: For we find plainly in the Scriptures, that no sooner God himself choosed Israel to be his people; but assoon, & ever thereafter as long as they remained his, the devil so envied their prosperity, as he hounded out his instruments the nations, at all times to trouble and war against them, yet to the comfort of his Church afflicted, and wrack of the afflicters in the end. This first was practised by Pharaoh in Egypt: and after their deliverance, first by the Ammonites, and then by the Philistines continually thereafter, until the rising of the Monarchies, who every one did exercise themselves in the same labour. But to note here the rage of all profane Princes and nations which exercised their cruelty upon the Church of God, were superfluous and tedious, in respect of that which I have set down in my former meditation: Wherefore I only go forward then in this. As this was the continual behaviour of the Nations towards Israel; So it was most especially in the time of David, and among the rest at this time here cited; at what time having newly invaded Israel, and being driven back, they would yet assemble again in great multitudes to war against the people of God, and not content to defend their own countries as the Israelites did, would needs come out of the same to pursue them, and so spread themselves in the valley: But David by God's direction, brings forth the people against them, who fights, and according to God's promises, overcomes them, only by the hand of God, and not by their power, as the place itself most plainly doth show: So the Church of God may be troubled, but in trouble it cannot perish; and the end of their trouble is the very wrack and destruction of God's enemies.   

THE SECOND PART.  
NOw follows secondly the persons who did concur with David in this action: 
Three ranks of persons concur with David in this work.  The Spirit noteth three ranks of them. In the first are the Elders of Israel: In the next, are the captains over thousands: In the third; are the Priests and Levites, of whom summarily I will speak. These Elders were substituted under David in the kingdom, and as his hands in all parts of the country ministering justice and judgement to the King's subjects: And they were of two sorts, magistrates in walled towns, who in the gates of the cities executed judgement; and chief in Tribes, and fathers of families, who in the country did judge and minister judgement as the Scripture reports: They were not unlike to two of the estates of our kingdom, the Baron and the Burgess. The Captains over thousands were godly and valiant men, who under the King did rule in time of war, had the custody of the King's person, and fought his battles: These were necessary officers for David, who was appointed by God in his time (as we are taught out of Gods own words, speaking by Nathan to David) to fight God's battles, to subdue the enemies of his Church, and to procure by so doing, a peaceable kingdom for Solomon his son, who should in peace, as a figure of Christ the Prince of peace, build the Lords Temple. These are spoken of here, to teach us, first, that their calling is lawful: next, that in their calling, they should be earnest to honour God: and thirdly, that these Captains chief were lawfully called, and lawfully walked therein, as we have plain declaration out of David's own mouth, expressed well in the whole 101. Psalm, seeing none were admitted in his service or household, but such as unfeignedly feared God. And without all question, godly and zealous David would never have committed the guard of his person, nor the fight of God's battles to the enemies of God, or men of war, of whose godliness and virtue he never had proof: See then their names and praise, 1. Chron. 11.26. The third rank of Priests and Levites are set down in the same chapter, vers. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. So men of all estates were present in this godly work. This is to be marked well of Princes, and of all those of any high calling or degree that hath to do in God's cause. David doth nothing in matters appertaining to God without the presence and special concurrence of God's Ministers, appointed to be spiritual rulers in his Church: and at the first meant to convey the same Ark to jerusalem, finding their absence and want of their counsel hurtful: now in this chapter, vers. 12, 13. he saith to them, Ye are the chief Fathers of the Levites, sanctify yourselves and your brethren, and bring up the Ark of the Lord God of Israel unto the place that I have prepared for it. For because ye were not there at the first, the Lord our God made a breach among us: for we sought him not in due order. And thus far for the second part concerning persons: Wherein we may learn, first, that a godly king finds, as his heart wisheth, godly estates concurring with him. Next a godly king of his godly foresight in choosing good underrulers, reapeth this profit and pleasure, that as he goeth before, so they with zealous hearts do follow.   

THE THIRD PART.  
THe sum of this joyful convoy may be digested in three actions, 
The Ark is transported with joy to jerusalem.  which are these: The transporting of the Ark; the harmony of musical instruments; and David's dancing and rejoicing before it. He built a Tabernacle for the Ark in mount Zion, & transported it thereunto, to signify his thankfulness for the many victories God had put in his hands: and this transporting was the occasion of all this solemnity and rejoicing that followed thereupon. 
The signification of the Ark of the Covenant.  As to the Ark itself, we know it was built by Moses at the command of God, in the wilderness of Sinai. This Ark was made of Shittim wood, which admits no corruption: It was of most comely shape and form, two cubits and a half in length, a cubit and a half in height, and a cubit and a half in breadth, overlaid within and without with pure beaten gold, and was not only a figure of jesus Christ our perfect Saviour, in whom all the promises of God, are yea and Amen, 2. Corinth. 1.20. and in whom as a sure Ark, all abundance of God's blessings are placed, that out of his fullness we may all receive grace upon grace, john 1.16. seeing he is made unto us of God, wisdom, righteousness, sanctification and redemption, 1. Corinth. 1.30. but also a sure pledge of God's continual presence in Christ with his people, to bless them with all manner of blessings. And to signify this purpose more particularly, within the Ark was placed the Tables of the Covenant, and Law written by God, (for which cause also it was called the Ark of the Covenant) Rom. 10.4. to teach them in Christ promised, the perfection of the whole Law to be found, for all that believe in him. Above the Ark was a cover or lid called The Mercy Seat, and above the lid the figures of two Cherubins, covering with their wings the Mercy Seat: betwixt the which two, the living God did lovingly speak to the instruction and comfort of his people, to assure them that all Gods merciful dealings with man (either in communicating his knowledge to them: or in sending his Angels ministering Spirits for their comfort,) 
Heb. 1.14. joh. 1.4, 11.  hath the ground and foundation in CHRIST JESUS eternally. This Ark then being a sure Sacrament of God's favour towards them, and a Covenant of JESUS CHRIST, wherein corporally Gods merciful promises did ensue; follows the third part, the form of doing used therein by these persons. Generally, the action was to bring up the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord, from the house of Obed Edom with joy, and to be placed in the Tabernacle built for it by the King in Mount Zion. The form of doing used by every person, is: The Priests offer Bullocks and Rams, because that God blessed the work; The King clad in a linen garment, dances and plays before the Ark: Chenaniah the chief of the singers with his fellows, praises God with Psalms, and all the estates in Israel, bring the Ark of the Covenant with shouting, sound of Cornet, Trumpet, cymbals, viols, and haps, and place it in the city of David. Briefly then, David upon his victories doth transport to his house the same, to testify hereby his care to receive God's favour towards him and his people: Not thinking it enough to have once or twice proof thereof; but also to procure a continuance by the presence of his holy Ark, esteeming this the worthiest trophy or triumph, he could make or erect for his notable victories: A triumph indeed far surpassing the Egyptian Pyramids, the Grecian trophies, or yet the Roman triumphal chariots. As to the harmony and musical instruments that accompanied this holy Ark, I trust no man is ignorant of the custom that was among the jews, in praising. God with all kind of instruments, as David's Psalms innumerable times bear witness. But in case some would demand wherefore the Church of God should more extraordinarily rejoice at one time, then at another, seeing we are assured that all God's actions towards us, are for our weal, either spiritually or corporally, suppose we cannot at every time comprehend it: I answer, that although I must confess that sentence to be most orthodox, yet must I also confess, that whensoever it shall please God to manifest by outward signs to the world, as at one time more than another the great love to his Church, by some notable work for their deliverance; We are then of duty bound in the highest degree to praise God, as well for confirming of the weak ones amongst us, as for stopping of the mouths, and dashing of the proud wicked without us, to make the glory of his Name, as far as in us lieth, to resound: The manifold examples of the Saints of God through the whole Scriptures prove this more than evidently, besides the examples of the prayers of sundry of the godly, who for the glory of his Name, more than for their particular weal, have prayed him to give public testimony of his love towards them: So did Moses, joshua, David, Elias, Elizeus, and innumerable others of the Prophets and servants of God. As to the dancing of David: dancing, playing, and such like actions we know are of themselves indifferent, and good or evil according to their use, and the intention of the user; and therefore being used at this time with a comely zeal, for the setting forth of God's glory, are not only to be borne with and excused, but even most highly to be praised and commended, although that Michal dispraised the same. Moreover, it is to be marked that David in this doing, did nothing without the special motion of the spirit of God, as an extraordinary work, which so fully possessed his soul at this present, that forgetful, as it were, of the actions of his body; he gave his whole person over to be governed as it pleased him, always seeking in all, the honour and glory of his God, without respect to himself: 
Christ is the ground of all true Religion.  And thus far for the third part: Whereof we have to note first in the Ark: The ground of all true and ancient religion, and the body of the whole service of God that brings salvation, is to be situate in jesus Christ only, as is plainly set down, Act. 4.12. joh. 14.6. 1. Cor. 2.11. 1. joh. 1.7. Next, that they which will be saved by this Ark, must bear this Ark in their heart by faith, in their mouth by open confession, Rom. 1. and in their actions confirming their whole doing in their calling to his will, Matth. 7.21, 22, 23. Thirdly, that they who are sincerely joined with Christ, rejoice in the bearing of Christ, and count it their highest joy to be occupied continually in his bearing.   

THE FOURTH PART.  
AS to the person of Michal, 
michal's hypocrisy.  she was saul's daughter, and David's wife, a woman appearandly evil brought up by amost wicked father; which the Spirit of God will signify, by calling her saul's daughter as she was in hypocrisy his daughter in deed, as well as by nature: yet she was joined with the body of the Church visible, which is signified by the style given her, when she was called David's wife: And so she was outwardly a person joined by marriage in society with the Church, yet in effect a lurking hypocrite within the bowels of the same. Such kind of folks (hypocrites I mean) are a malum necessarium inseparably and continually joined with the true Church, never to be sifted while the Master of the Harvest come with the fan in his hand.   

THE FIFT PART.  
HEr doings are, being quiet in her lodging, 
michal's doings.  all the time of her husband's great and public rejoicing with the people not coming out; for not being able, as appeareth, to counterfeit finely evough a dissimulate joyful countenance: And therefore looking out at a window, she spies her husband dancing before the Ark, incontinent interprets she this indifferent action in malam partem, as not being touched with a true feeling of the cause of his joy, and so despises she his doing in her mind, as only proceeding of a lascivious wantonness. A marvelous case; she that before of natural love to her husband did preserve him, although to her own great peril, from the hands of her own father Saul, cannot now abide to see him use aright that indifferent action, which she herself (I doubt not) did oft through licentiousness abuse. By this we may note the nature of the hypocrites, and interior enemies of the Church, who although in their particulars not concerning Religion, there will be none in show more friendly to the godly than they; yet how soon matters of Religion or concerning the honour of God, comes in hand, O then are they no longer able to contain or bridle their passions, even as here Michal defended her husband, even in the particulars betwixt him and her own father; but his dancing before the Ark to the honour of God she could no wise abide.  
Now thus far being said for the methodical opening up of the Text; 
The application of the purpose to us.  It rests only to examine how pertinently this place doth appertain to us and our present estate: And first as to the persons, the people of God and the nations their enemies, together with their pridefull pursuit of David, and Gods most notable deliverance. Is there not now a sincere profession of the truth amongst us in this Isle, oppugned by the nations about, haters of the holy word? And do we not also as Israel, profess one only God, and are ruled by his pure word only? on the other part, are they not as Philistines, adorers of legions of gods, and ruled by the foolish traditions of men? Have they not as the Philistines, been continually the pursuers, and we as Israel the defenders of our native soil and country? next, have they not now at the last even like the Philistines, come out of their own soils to pursue us, and spread themselves to that effect upon the great valley of our seas, presumptuously threatening the destruction and wrack of us? But thirdly, had not our victory been far more notable than that of Israel, and hath not the one been as well wrought by the hand of God, as the other? For as God by shaking the tops of the mulberry trees with his mighty winds, put the Philistines to flight, hath he not even in like manner by brangling with his mighty winds their timber castles, scattered and shaken them asunder to the wrack of a great part, and confusion of the whole? Now that we may resemble Israel as well in the rest of this action, what triumph rests us to make for the crowning of this blessed comedy? Even to bring amongst us the Ark with all rejoicing. What is the Ark of Christians under grace, but the Lord jesus Christ, whom with joy we bring amongst us, when as receiving with sincerity and gladness the new Testament in the blood of Christ our Saviour, in our heart we believe his promises, and in word and deed we bear witness thereto before the whole world, and walk so in the light as it becomes the sons of the same? this is the worthiest triumph of our victory that we can make. And although there will doubtless be many michal's amongst us, let us rejoice and praise God for the discovery of them, assuring ourselves they were never of us, accounting all them to be against us, that either rejoice at the prosperity of our enemies, or rejoice not with us at our miraculous deliverance: For all they that gather not with us, they scatter. And let us also diligently and warily try out these crafty michal's: for it is in that respect that Christ recommends unto us the wisdom of Serpents, not thereby to deceive and betray others (no, God forbidden) but to arm us against the deceit and treason of hypocrites that go about to trap us. And lest that these great benefits which God hath bestowed upon us, be turned through our unthankfulness into a greater curse, in serving for testimonies at the latter day against us, to the procuring of our double stripes; let us now to conclude, bring in the Ark amongst us in two respects before mentioned, seeing we have already received the Gospel; first by constant remaining in the purity of the truth, which is our most certain covenant of salvation in the only merits of our Saviour: And next, let us so reform our defiled lives, as becomes regenerate Christians, to the great glory of our God, the utter defacing of our adversaries the wicked, and our unspeakable comfort both here and also for ever. AMEN.      

His majesties own Sonnet.  
THe nations banded 'gainst the Lord of might  
Prepared a force, and set them to the way:  
Mars dressed himself in such an awful plight,  
The like whereof was neverseene they say:  
They forward came in monstrous array,  
Both Sea and land beset us every where:  
Brags threatened us a ruinous decay,  
What came of that? the issue did declare.  
The winds began to toss them here and there,  
The Seas begun in foaming waves to swell:  
The number that escaped, it fell them fair:  
The rest were swallowed up in gulfs of hell:  
But how were all these things miraculous done?  
God laughed at them out of his heavenly throne.  

Idem Latinè.  
INS ANO tumidae gentes coiere tumultu,  
Ausae, ensign nefas, bello ultro ciere tonantem,  
Mars sese accinxit, metuenda tot agmina nunquam,  
Visa ferunt, properare truces miro ordine turmae,  
Nosque mari & terra saevo clasere duello,  
Exitium diraque minantes strage ruinam;  
Irrita sed tristi lugent conamina fine:  
Nam laceras iecit ventus ludibria puppes,  
Et mersit rapidis turgescens montibus aequor.  
Foelix communi qui evasit clade superstes,  
Dum reliquos misero, deglutit abyssus hiatu.  
Qui vis tanta cadit? quis totque stupenda peregit?  
Vanos jova sacro conatus risit Olympo.  
Per Metellanum Cancellarium.    

daemonology, IN FORM OF A DIALOGUE, Divided into three Books,  WRITTEN BY THE HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE, JAMES by the Grace of GOD King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. 

¶ THE PREFACE TO THE READER.  
THe fearful abounding at this time in this Country, of these detestable slaves of the Devil, the Witches or enchanters, hath moved me (beloved Reader) to dispatch in post, this following Treatise of mine, not in any wise (as I protest) to serve for a show of my learning and engine, but only (moved of conscience) to press thereby, so far as I can, to resolve the doubting hearts of many; both that such assaults of Satan are most certainly practised, and that the instruments thereof, merits most severely to be punished: against the damnable opinions of two principally in our age, whereof the one called Scot, an Englishman, is not ashamed in public Print to deny, that there can be such a thing as Witchcraft: and so maintains the old error of the Sadduces in denying of spirits; The other called Wierus, a Germane Physician, sets out a public Apology for all these crafts-folkes, whereby, procuring for their impunity, he plainly bewrays himself to have been one of that profession. And for to make this Treatise the more pleasant and facile, I have put it in form of a Dialogue, which I have divided into three Books: The first speaking of Magie in general, and Necromancy in special: The second, of Sorcery and Witchcraft: and the third, contains a discourse of all these kinds of spirits, and Spectres that appears and troubles persons, together with a conclusion of the whole work. My intention in this labour, is only to prove two things, as I have already said: The one, that such devilish arts have been and are: The other, what exact trial and severe punishment they merit: and therefore reason I, What kind of things are possible to be performed in these Arts, and by what natural causes they may be, not that I touch every particular thing of the devils power, for that were infinite: but only to speak scholastickely, (since this cannot be spoken in our language) I reason upon genus leaving species, and differentia to be comprehended therein: As for example, speaking of the power of Magiciens, in the first book and sixth Chapter, I say, that they can suddenly cause be brought unto them, all kinds of dainty dishes, by their familiar spirit; since as a thief he delights to steal, and as a spirit he can subtly and suddenly enough transport the same. Now under this genus, may be comprehended all particulars, depending thereupon; such as the bringing Wine out of a wall (as we have heard oft to have been practised) and such others; which particulars, are sufficiently proved by the reasons of the general. And such like in the second book of Witchcraft in special, and fift Chapter, I say, and prove by divers Arguments, that Witches can by the power of their master, cure or cast on diseases: Now by these same reasons, that proves their power by the Devil of diseases in general, is aswell proved their power in special; as of weakening the nature of some men, to make them unable for women, and making it to abound in others, more than the ordinary course of nature would permit: And such like in all other particular sicknesses. But one thing I will pray thee to observe in all these places, where I reason upon the devils power, which is the different ends and scopes, that God as the first cause, and the devil as his instrument and second cause, shoots at in all these actions of the devil, (as God's hangman:) For where the devils intention in them is ever to perish, either the soul, or the body, or both of them, that he is so permitted to deal with; God by the contrary, draws ever out of that evil, glory to himself, either by the wrack of the wicked in his justice, or by the trial of the patiented, and amendment of the faithful, being wakened up with that rod of correction. Having thus declared unto thee then, my full intention in this Treatise, thou wilt easily excuse, I doubt not, aswell my pretermitting, to declare the whole particular rites and secrets of these unlawful arts; as also their infinite and wonderful practices, as being neither of them pertinent to my purpose: the reason whereof, is given in the hinder end of the first Chapter of the third book: and who likes to be curious in these things, he may read, if he will hear of their practices, Bodinus Daemonomanie, collected with greater diligence, then written with judgement, together with their confessions, that have been at this time apprehended. If he would know what hath been the opinion of the Ancients, concerning their power, he shall see it well described by Hyperius & Hemmingius, two late German writers; Besides innumerable other neotericke Theologues, that writ largely upon that subject: And if he would know what are the particular rites, and curiosities of these black Arts (which is both unnecessary and perilous) he will find it in the fourth Book of Cornelius Agrippa, and in Wierus, whom-of I spoke. And so wishing my pains in this Treatise (beloved Reader) to be effectual, in arming all them that read the same, against these above mentioned errors, and recommending my good will to thy friendly acceptation, I bid thee hearty farewell.  
JAMES R. x.   

daemonology, IN FORM OF A DIALOGUE.  
FIRST BOOK.  
ARGUMENT.  
The exord of the whole. The description of Magie in special.  

CHAP. I.  
ARGUMENT.  
Proved by the Scripture, that these unlawful arts in genere, have been and may be put in practice.  PHILOMATHES and EPISTEMON reason the matter. PHILOMATHES. 
IAm surely very glad to have met with you this day: for I am of opinion, that ye can better resolve me of some thing, whereof I stand in great doubt, nor any other whom-with I could have met.  EPI. 
In what I can, that ye like to spear at me, I will willingly and freely tell my opinion, and if I prove it not sufficiently, I am hearty content that a better reason carry it away then.  PHI. 
What think ye of these strange news, which now only furnishes purpose to all men at their meeting: I mean of these Witches?  EPI. 
Surely they are wonderful: And I think so clear and plain confessions in that purpose, have never fallen out in any age or country.  PHI. 
No question if they be true, but thereof the Doctors doubts.  EPI. 
What part of it doubt ye of?  PHI. 
Even of all, for aught I can yet perceive: and namely, that there is such a thing as Witchcraft or Witches, and I would pray you to resolve me thereof if ye may: for I have reasoned with sundry in that matter, and yet could never be satisfied therein.  EPI. 
I shall with good will do the best I can: But I think it the difficiller, since ye deny the thing itself in general: for as it is said in the Logic schools, Contra negantem principia non est disputandum. Always for that part, that Witchcraft, and Witches have been, and are, the former part is clearly proved by the Scriptures, and the last by daily experience and confessions.  PHI. 
I know ye will allege me saul's Pythonisse: but that as appears will not make much for you.  EPI. 
Not only that place, but divers others: But I marvel why that should not make much for me?  PHI. 
The reasons are these, first ye may consider, that Saul being troubled in spirit, and having fasted long before, as the text testifieth, and being come to a woman that was bruited to have such knowledge, and that to inquire so important news, he having so guilty a conscience for his heinous offences, and specially, for that same unlawful curiosity, and horrible defection▪ and then the woman crying out upon the sudden in great admiration, for the uncouth sight that she alleged to have seen, discovering him to be the King, though disguised, and denied by him before: it was no wonder, I say, that his senses being thus distracted, he could not perceive her feigning of her voice, he being himself in another chalmer, and seeing nothing. Next, what could be, or was raised? The spirit of Samuel? profane, and against all Theology: the devil in his likeness? as unappeirant, that either God would permit him to come in the shape of his Saints, (for then could never the Prophets in those days have been sure, what spirit spoke to them in their visions) or then that he could foretell what was to come thereafter; for Prophecy proceedeth only of GOD: and the devil hath no knowledge of things to come.  EPI. 
Yet if ye will mark the words of the text, ye will find clearly, that Saul saw that apparition: for giving you that Saul was in another chalmer, at the making of the circles and conjurations, needful for that purpose (as none of that craft will permit any others to behold at that time) yet it is evident by the text, that how soon that once that unclean spirit was fully risen, she called in upon Saul: For it is said in the text, that Saul knew him to be Samuel, which could not have been, by the hearing tell only of an old man with a mantle, since there was many more old men dead in Israel nor Samuel: And the common weighed of that whole country was mantils. As to the next, that it was not the spirit of Samuel, I grant: In the proving whereof ye need not to insist, since all Christians of whatsoever religion agrees upon that: and none but either mere ignorants, or Necromanciers, or Witches doubts thereof. And that the devil is permitted at sometimes to put himself in the likeness of the Saints, it is plain in the Scriptures, 
1. Cor. 11.14.  where it is said, that Satan can transform himself into an Angel of light. Neither could that bring any inconvenience with the visions of the Prophets, since it is most certain, that God will not permit him so to deceive his own: but only such, as first wilfully deceive themselves, by running unto him, whom God then suffers to fall in their own snares, and justly permits them to be illuded with great efficacy of deceit, because they would not believe the truth (as Paul saith.) And as to the devils foretelling of things to come, it is true that he knows not all things future; but yet that he knows part, the tragical event of this history declares it, (which the wit of woman could never have forespoken) not that he hath any prescience, which is only proper to God; or yet knows any thing by looking upon God, as in a mirror (as the good Angels do) he being for ever debarred from the favourable presence and countenance of his Creator, but only by one of these two means: either, as being worldly wise, and taught by a continual experience, ever since the Creation, judges by likelihood of things to come, according to the like that hath passed before, and the natural causes, in respect of the vicissitude of all things worldly: or else by Gods employing of him in a turn, and so foreseen thereof, as appears to have been in this, 
1. King. 22.  whereof we find the very like in Micheas prophetic discourse to king Achab. But to prove this my first proposition, that there can be such a thing as Witchcraft and Witches, there are many more places in the Scriptures than this, as I said before. As first in the Law of GOD, 
Exod. 22.  it is plainly prohibited: But certain it is, that the Law of God speaks nothing in vain, neither doth it lay curses, or enjoin punishments upon shadows, condemning that to be ill, which is not in essence or being, 
Exod. 7. & 2.  as we call it. Secondly, it is plain, where wicked Pharaobs' Wisemen imitated a number of Moses miracles, to harden the tyrant's heart thereby. Thirdly, said not Samuel to Saul, that disobedience is as the sin of Witchcraft? 
1 Sam. 15.  To compare it to a thing that were not, it were too too absurd. 
Acts 8. Acts 16.  Fourthly, was not Simon Magus a man of that craft? And fifthly, what was she that had the spirit of Python? beside innumerable other places that were irksome to recite.   

CHAP. II.  
ARGV.  
What kind of sin the practisers of these unlawful arts commit. The division of these arts: And what are the means that allure any to practise them.  PHILOMATHES. 
But I think it very strange, that God should permit any mankind (since they bear his own Image) to fall in so gross and filthy a defection.  EPI. 
Although man in his Creation was made to the image of the Creator, 
Gene. 1.  yet through his fall having once lost it, it is but restored again in a part by grace only to the elect: So all the rest falling away from God, are given over into the hands of the devil that enemy, to bear his image; and being once so given over, the greatest and the grossest impretie is the pleasantest, and most delightful unto them.  PHI. 
But may it not suffice him to have indirectly the rule, and procure the perdition of so many souls by alluring them to vices, and to the following of their own appetites, suppose he abuse not so many simple souls, in making them directly acknowledge him for their master?  EPI. 
No surely, for he uses every man, whom of he hath the rule, according to their complexion and knowledge: and so, whom he finds most simple, he plaineliest discovers himself unto them: For he being the enemy of man's salvation, uses all the means he can to entrap them so far in his snares, as it may be unable to them thereafter (suppose they would) to rid themselves out of the same.  PHI. 
Then this sin is a sin against the holy Ghost.  EPI. 
It is in some, but not in all.  PHI. 
How that? Are not all these that run directly to the devil in one Categorie?  EPI. 
God forbidden, for the sin against the holy Ghost hath two branches: The one, a falling back from the whole service of God, and a refusal of all his precepts: The other is the doing of the first with knowledge, knowing that they do wrong against their own conscience, 
Hebr. 6.10.  and the testimony of the holy Spirit, having once had a taste of the sweetness of God's mercies: Now in the first of these two, all sorts of Necromancers, Enchanters or Witches, be compre hended, but in the last, none but such as err with this knowledge that I have spoken of.  PHI. 
Then it appears that there are more sorts nor one, that are directly professors of his services and if so be, I pray you tell me how many and what are they?  EPI. 
There are principally two sorts, whereunto all the parts of that unhappy Art are redacted; whereof the one is called Magie or Necromancy, the other Sorcery or Witchcraft.  PHI. 
What I pray you? and how many are the means, whereby the devil allures persons in any of these snares?  EPI. 
Even by these three passions that are within ourselves: Curiosity in great engines: thirst of revenge, for some tortes deeply apprehended: or greedy appetite of gear, caused through great poverty. As to the first of these, Curiosity, it is only the enticement of Magicians or Necromanciers: and the other two are the allurers of the Sorcerers or Witches, for that old and crafty serpent being a Spirit, he easily spies our affections, and so conforms himself thereto, to deceive us to our wrack.   

CHAP. III.  
ARGV.  
The significations and etymologies of the words of Magie and Necromancy. The difference betwixt Necromancy and Witchcraft: What are the entressis, and beginnings, that bring any to the knowledge thereof.  PHILOMATHES. 
I Would gladly first hear, what thing it is that ye call Magie or Necromancy.  EPI. 
This word Magis in the Persian tongue, imports as much as to be a contemplatour or Interpreter of Divine and heavenly sciences, which being first used among the Chaldees, through their ignorance of the true divinity, was esteemed and reputed amongst them, as a principal virtue: And therefore, was named unjustly with an honourable style, which name the Greeks' imitated, generally importing all these kinds of unlawful arts: And this word Necromancy is a Greek word, compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is to say, the prophecy by the dead. This last name is given, to this black and unlawful science, by the figure Synecdoche, because it is a principal part of that art, to serve themselves with dead carcases in their divinations.  PHI. 
What difference is there betwixt this art, and Witchcraft?  EPI. 
Surely, the difference vulgar put betwixt them, is very merry, and in a manner true; for they say, that the Witches are servants only, and slaves to the devil; but the Necromanciers are his Masters and commanders.  PHI. 
How can that be true, that any men being specially addicted to his service, can be his commanders?  EPI. 
Yea they may be; but it is only secundum quid: For it is not by any power that they can have over him, but ex pacto allanerlie; whereby he obliges himself in some trifles to them, that he may on the other part obtain the fruition of their body and soul, which is the only thing he huntes for.  PHI. 
A very inaequitable contract forsooth: But I pray you discourse unto me, what is the effect and secrets of that art.  EPI. 
That is an over large field ye give me: yet I shall do my goodwill, the most summarily that I can, to run through the principal points thereof. As there are two sorts of folks, that may be enticed to this art, to wit, learned or unlearned: so is there two means, which are the first steerers up and feeders of their curiosity, thereby to make them to give themselves over to the same: Which two means, I call the devils school, and his rudiments. The learned have their curiosity wakened up, and fed by that which I call his school: this is the Astrology iudiciar, For divers men having attained to a great perfection in learning, and yet remaining over-bare (alas) of the Spirit of regeneration and fruits thereof, finding all natural things common, aswell to the stupid pedants, as unto them, they assay to vindicate unto them a greater name, by not only knowing the course of things heavenly, but likewise to climb to the knowledge of things to come thereby: Which, at the first face appearing lawful unto them, in respect the ground thereof seemeth to proceed of natural causes only, they are so alured thereby, that finding their practice to prove true in sundry things, they study to know the cause thereof, and so mounting from degree to degree, upon the slippery and uncertain scale of curiosity; they are at last enticed, that where lawful arts or sciences fail, to satisfy their restless minds, even to seek to that black and unlawful science of Magie: Where, finding at the first, that such divers forms of circles and conjurations rightly joined thereunto, will raise such divers forms of spirits, to resolve them of their doubts, and attributing the doing thereof, to the power inseparably tied, or inherent in the circles, and many words of God, confusedly wrapped in, they blindly glory of themselves, as if they had by their quickness of engine, made a conquest of Pluto's dominion, and were become Emperors over the Stygian habitacles: Where, in the mean time (miserable wretches) they are become in very deed, bondslaves to their mortal enemy: and their knowledge, for all that they presume thereof, is nothing increased, except in knowing evil, and the horrors of hell for punishment thereof, 
Gene. 3.  as adam's was by the eating of the forbidden tree.   

CHAP. FOUR  
ARGV.  
The description of the rudiments and School, which are the entresses to the art of Magie: And in special the differences betwixt Astronomy and Astrology: Division of Astrology in divers parts.  PHILOMATHES. 
But I pray you likewise forget not to tell what are the devils rudiments.  EPI. 
His rudiments, I call first in general, all that which is called vulgarly the virtue of word, herb, and stone, which is used by unlawful charms, without natural causes; as likewise all kind of practicques, freites, or other like extraordinary actions, which cannot abide the true touch of natural reason.  PHI. 
I would have you to make that plainer, by some particular examples; for your proposition is very general.  EPI. 
I mean either by such kind of Charms as commonly daft wives use, for healing offorspoken goods, for preserving them from evil eyes, by knitting room trees, or sundriest kind of herbs, to the hair or tails of the goods: by curing the worm, by stemming of blood, by healing of Horse-crookes, by turning of the riddle, or doing of such like innumerable things by words, without applying any thing, meet to the part offended, as Mediciners do: Or else by staying married folks, to have naturally ado with other (by knitting so many knots upon a point at the time of their marriage,) And such like things, which men use to practise in their merriness: For fra unlearned men (being naturally curious, and lacking the true knowledge of God) find these practices to prove true, as sundry of them will do, by the power of the devil for deceiving men, and not by any inherent virtue in these vain words and freites; and being desirous to win a reputation to themselves in such like turns, they either (if they be of the shamefaster sort) seek to be learned by some that are experimented in that Art, (not knowing it to be evil at the first) or else being of the grosser sort, run directly to the devil for ambition or desire of gain, and plainly contract with him thereupon.  PHI. 
But me thinks these means which ye call the School and rudiments of the devil, are things lawful, and have been approved for such in all times and aages: as in special, this science of Astrology, which is one of the special members of the Mathematics.  EPI. 
There are two things which the learned have observed from the beginning, in the science of the heavenly Creatures, the Planets, Stars, and such like: The one is their course and ordinary motions, which for that cause is called Astronomia, Which word is a compound of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, the law of the Stars: And this Art indeed is one of the members of the Mathematics, and not only lawful, but most necessary and commendable: The other is called Astrologia, being compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is to say, the word and preaching of the Stars: Which is divided into two parts: The first, by knowing thereby the powers of simples, and sicknesses, the course of the seasons and the weather, being ruled by their influence; which part depending upon the former, although it be not of itself a part of Mathematics: yet it is not unlawful, being moderately used, suppose not so necessary and commendable as the former. The second part is to trust so much to their influences, as thereby to foretell what commonweals shall flourish or decay: what persons shall be fortunate or unfortunate: what side shall win in any battle: what man shall obtain victory at singular combat: what way, and of what age shall men die: what horse shall win at match-running: and divers such like incredible things, wherein Cardanus, Cornelius Agrippa, and divers others have more curiously then profitably written at large. Of this root last spoken of, springs innumerable branches; such as the knowledge by the nativities; the Cheiromancy, Geomancy, hydromancy, Arithmancie, Physiognomy, and a thousand others, which were much practised, and holden in great reverence by the Gentiles of old: And this last part of Astrology whereof I have spoken, which is the root of their branches, was called by them pars fortunae. This part now is utterly unlawful to be trusted in, or practised amongst Christians, as leaning to no ground of natural reason: and it is this part which I called before the devils school.  PHI. 
But yet many of the learned are of the contrary opinion.  EPI. 
I grant, yet I could give my reasons to fortify and maintain my opinion, if to enter into this disputation it would not draw me quite off the ground of our discourse, besides the misspending of the whole day thereupon: One word only I will answer to them, and that in the Scriptures (which must be an infallible ground to all true Christians,) That in the Prophet jeremy it is plainly forbidden, to believe or hearken unto them that prophesy and forespeak by the course of the Planets and Stars.   

CHAP. V.  
ARGV.  
How far the using of Charms is lawful or unlawful. The description of the forms of Circles and Conjurations: And what causeth the Magicians themselves to be weary thereof.  PHILOMATHES. 
WELL, ye have said far enough in that argument. But how prove ye now that these Charms or unnatural practics are unlawful: For so many honest and merry men and women have publicly practised some of them, that I think if ye would accuse them all of Witchcraft, ye would affirm more nor ye will be believed in.  EPI. 
I see if you had taken good tent (to the nature of that word, whereby I named it,) ye would not have been in this doubt, nor mistaken me so far as ye have done: For although, as none can be scholars in a school, and not be subject to the master thereof: so none can study and put in practice (for study the alone, and knowledge, is more perilous nor offensive; and it is the practice only that makes the greatness of the offence;) the Circles and Art of Magie, without committing an horrible defection from God: And yet as they that read and learn their rudiments, are not the more subject to any schoolmaster, if it please not their parents to put them to the school thereafter: So they who ignorantly prove these practics, which I call the devils rudiments, unknowing them to be baits, cast out by him, for trapping such as God will permit to fall into his hands, this kind of folks I say, no doubt, are to be judged the best of, in respect they use no invocation nor help of him (by their knowledge at least) in these turns, and so have never entered themselves into Satan's service; Yet to speak truly for mine own part (I speak but for myself) I desire not to make so near riding: For in my opinion our enemy is over crafty, and we over weak (except the greater grace of God) to assay such hazards, wherein he presses to trap us.  PHI. 
Ye have reason forsooth: for as the common proverb saith; They that sup keile with the devil, have need of long spoons: But now I pray you go forward in the describing of this art of Magie.  EPI. 
Fra they be come once unto this perfection in evil, in having any knowledge (whether learned or unlearned) of this black art; they then begin to be weary of the raising of their Master, by conjured circles, being both so difficile and perilous, and so come plainly to a contract with him, wherein is specially contained forms and effects.  PHI. 
But I pray you or ever you go further, discourse me somewhat of their circles and conjurations; and what should be the cause of their wearying thereof: For it should seem that that form should be less fearful yet, than the direct haunting and society, with that foul and unclean Spirit.  EPI. 
I think ye take me to be a Witch myself, or at the least would feign swear yourself prentice to that craft: Always as I may, I shall shortly satisfy you, in that kind of conjurations, which are contained in such books, which I call the devils School: There are four principal parts: the persons of the conjurers; the action of the conjuration; the words and rites used to that effect; and the Spirits that are conjured. Ye must first remember to lay the ground, that I told you before, which is, that it is no power inherent in the circles, or in the holiness of the names of God blasphemously used; nor in whatsoever rites or ceremonies at that time used, that either can raise any infernal spirit, or yet limitate him perforce within or without these circles. For it is he only, the father of all lies, who having first of all prescribed that form of doing, feigning himself to be commanded and restrained thereby, will be loath to pass the bounds of these injunctions; as well thereby to make them glory in the impiring over him (as I said before:) as likewise to make himself so to be trusted in these little things, that he may have the better commodity thereafter, to deceive them in the end with a trick once for all; I mean the everlasting perdition of their soul and body. Then laying this ground, as I have said, these conjurations must have few or more in number of the persons conjurers (always passing the singular number) according to the quality of the circle, and form of apparition. Two principal things cannot well in that errand be wanted: holy-water (whereby the devil mocks the Papists) and some present of a living thing unto him. There are likewise certain seasons, days and hours, that they observe in this purpose: These things being all ready and prepared, circles are made triangular, quadrangular, round, double or single, according to the form of apparition that they crave. But to speak of the divers forms of the circles, of the innumerable characters and crosses that are within and without, and out-through the same, of the divers forms of apparitions, that that crafty spirit illudes them with, and of all such particulars in that action, I remit it to overmany that have busied their heads in describing of the same; as being but curious, and altogether unprofitable. And this far only I touch, that when the conjured Spirit appears, which will not be while after many circumstances, long prayers, and much muttering and murmuring of the conjurers; like a Papist Priest, dispatching a hunting Mass: how soon I say, he appears, if they have miss one jot of all their rites; or if any of their feet once slide over the circle through terror of his fearful apparition, he pays himself at that time in his own hand, of that due debt which they ought him; and otherwise would have delayed longer to have paid him: I mean, he carries them with him body and soul. If this be not now a just cause to make them weary of these forms of conjuration, I leave it to you to judge upon, considering the long someness of the labour, the precise keeping of days and hours (as I have said) the terribleness of apparition, and the present peril that they stand in, in missing the least circumstance or freite, that they ought to observe: And on the other part, the devil is glad to move them to a plain and square dealing with him, as I said before.   

CHAP. VI  
ARGV.  
The devils contract with the Magicians: The division there of in two parts: What is the difference betwixt God's miracles and the Devils.  PHILOMATHES. 
INdeed there is cause enough, but rather to leave him at all, then to run more plainly to him, if they were wise he dealt with: But go forward now, I pray you, to these turns, fra they become once deacons in this craft.  EPI. 
From time that they once plainly begin to contract with him: The effect of their contract consists in two things: in forms and effects, as I began to tell already, were it not ye interrupted me: (for although the contract be mutual, I speak first of that part, wherein the devil obliges himself to them) By forms, I mean in what shape or fashion he shall come unto them, when they call upon him; And by effects, I understand, in what special sorts or services he binds himself to be subject unto them. The quality of these forms and effects, is less or greater, according to the skill and art of the Magician: For as to the forms, to some of the base sort of them he obliges himself to appear at their calling upon him, by such a proper name which he shows unto them, either in likeness of a Dog, a Cat, an Ape, or suchlike other beast; or else to answer by a voice only. The effects, are to answer to such demands, as concern curing of diseases, their own particular menagery, or such other base things as they require of him. But to the most curious sort, in the forms he will oblige himself, to enter into a dead body, and there out of to give such answers, of the event of battles, of matters concerning the estate of commonwealths, and such like other great questions: yea, to some he will be a continual attender, in form of a Page: He will permit himself to be conjured, for the space of so many years, either in a tablet or a ring, or such like thing, which they may easily carry about with them: He gives them power to sell such wares to others, whereof some will be dearer, and some better cheap, according to the lying or true speaking of the Spirit that is conjured therein: Not but that in very deed, all devils must be liars; but so they abuse the simplicity of these wretches, that become their scholars, that they make them believe, that at the fall of Lucifer, some Spirits fell in the air, some in the fire, some in the water, some in the land, in which Elements they still remain. Whereupon they build, that such as fell in the fire, or in the air, are truer than they, who fell in the water, or in the land, which are all but mere trattles, and forged by the author of all deceit. For they fell not by weight, as a  substance, to stick in any one part; but the principal part of their fall, consisting in quality, by the falling from the grace of God, wherein they were created, they continued still thereafter, and shall do while the latter day, in wandering through the world, as God's hangmen, to execute such turns as he employs them in: And when any of them are not occupied in that, return they must to their prison in hell (as it is plain in the miracle that CHRIST wrought at Gennezareth) therein at the latter day to be all enclosed for ever: 
Matth. 8.  and as they deceive their Scholars in this, so do they, in imprinting in them the opinion, that there are so many Princes, Dukes, and Kings amongst them, every one commanding fewer or more Legions, and impiring in divers arts, and quarters of the earth: For though that I will not deny that there be a form of order amongst the Angels in Heaven, and consequently, was amongst them before their fall; yet, either that they bruike the same sensine; or that God will permit us to know by damned devils, such heavenly mysteries of his, which he would not reveal to us, neither by Scripture nor Prophets, I think no Christian will once think it. But by the contrary of all such mysteries, as he hath closed up with his Seal of secrecy; it becometh us to be contented with an humble ignorance, they being things not necessary for our salvation. But to return to the purpose, as these forms, wherein Satan obliges himself to the greatest of the Magicians, are wonderful curious; so are the effects correspondent unto the same: For he will oblige himself to teach them arts and sciences, which he may easily do, being so learned a knave as he is, to carry them news from any part of the world, which the agility of a Spirit may easily perform: to reveal to them the secrets of any persons, so being they be once spoken, for the thought none knows but GOD; except so far as ye may guess by their countenance, as one who is doubtlessly learned enough in the Physiognomy: Yea, he will make his Scholars to creep in credit with Princes, by foretelling them many great things; part true, part false: For if all were false, he would tyne credit at all hands; but always doubtsome, as his Oracles were. And he will also make them to please Princes, by fair banquets and dainty dishes, carried in short space fra the farthest part of the world: For no man doubts but he is a thief, and his agility (as I spoke before) makes him to come with such speed. Such like, he will guard his Scholars with fair armies of horsemen and footmen in appearance, Castles and forts, Which all are but impressions in the air, easily gathered by a Spirit, drawing so near to that substance himself: As in like manner he will learn them many juglarie tricks at Cards, dice, and such like, to deceive men's senses thereby, and such innumerable false practics, which are proved by overmany in this age; as they who are acquainted with that Italian called SCOTO yet living, can report: And yet are all these things but deluding of the senses, and no ways true in substance; as were the false miracles wrought by King Pharaos' Magicians, for counterfeiting Moses: For that is the difference betwixt GOD'S miracles and the devils, GOD is a creator, what he makes appear in miracle, it is so in effect: As Moses' Rod being casten down, was no doubt turned into a natural Serpent: where as the devil (as God's Ape) counterfeiting that by his Magicians, made their wands to appear so, only to men's outward senses: as kithed in effect by their being devoured by the other; For it is no wonder, that the devil may delude our senses, since we see by common proof, that simple jugglars will make an hundredth things seem both to our eyes and ears otherways then they are. Now as to the Magician's part of the contract, it is in a word that thing which I said before, the devil hunts for in all men.  PHI. 
Surely ye have said much to me in this art, if all that you have said be as true as wonderful.  EPI. 
For the truth in these actions, it will be easily confirmed, to any that pleases to take pain upon the reading of divers authentic histories, and the inquiring of daily experiences. And as for the truth of their possibility, that they may be, and in what manner, I trust I have alleged nothing whereunto I have not joined such probable reasons, as I leave to your discretion, to weigh and consider: One word only I omitted, concerning the form of making of this contract, which is either written with the Magicians own blood: or else being agreed upon (in terms his schoolmaster) touches him in some part, though peradventure no mark remain, as it doth with all Witches.   

CHAP. VII.  
ARG.  
The reason why the art of Magie is unlawful: What punishment they merit, And who may be accounted guilty of that crime.  PHILOMATHES. 
surely, ye have made this art to appear very monstrous and detestable. But what I pray you shall be said to such as maintain this art to be lawful, for as evil as you have made it?  EPI. 
I say, they savour of the pan themselves, or at least little better; and yet I would be glad to hear their reasons.  PHI. 
There are two principally, that ever I heard used; beside that which is founded upon the common Proverb (that the Necromancers command the devil, which ye have already refuted.) The one is grounded upon a received custom: The other upon an authority, which some think infallible. Upon custom, we see that diverse Christian Princes and Magistrates severe punishers of Witches, will not only oversee Magicians to live within their dominions; but even sometimes delight to see them prove some of their practicques. The other reason is, that Moses being brought up (as it is expressly said in the Scriptures) in all the sciences of the Egyptians; whereof no doubt, this was one of the principals; and he notwithstanding of this art, pleasing God, as he did, consequently that art professed by so godly a man, could not be unlawful.  EPI. 
As to the first of your reasons, grounded upon custom: I say, an evil custom can never be accepted for a good law, for the over great ignorance of the word in some Princes and Magistrates, and the contempt thereof in others, moves them to sin heavily against their office in that point. As to the other reason, which seems to be of greater weight, if it were form in a Syllogism; it behoved to be in many terms, and full of fallacies (to speak in terms of Logic:) for first, that that general proposition, affirming Moses to be taught in all the sciences of the Egyptians, should conclude that he was taught in Magie, I see no necessity: For we must understand, that the Spirit of God there, speaking of sciences, understands them that are lawful; for except they be lawful, they are but abusiuè called sciences, and are but ignorances, indeed: Nam homo pictus, nonest homo. Secondly, giving that he had been taught in it, there is great difference betwixt knowledge and practising of a thing, as I said before: For God knoweth all things, being always good, and of our sin and our infirmity proceedeth our ignorance. Thirdly, giving that he had both studied and practised the same (which is more than monstrous to be believed by any Christian) yet we know well enough, that before that ever the Spirit of God began to call Moses, he was fled out of Egypt, being forty years of age, for the slaughter of an Egyptian, and in his good father jethroes' land, first called at the fiery bush, having remained there other forty years in exile: so that suppose he had been the wickeddest man in the world before, he then became a changed and regenerate man, and very little of old Moses remained in him. Abraham was an Idolater in Vr of Chaldaea, before he was called: And Paul being called Saul, was a most sharp persecutor of the Saints of God, while that name was changed.  PHI. 
What punishment then think ye merit these Magicians and Necromancers?  EPI. 
The like no doubt, that Sorcerers and Witches merit; and rather so much greater, as their error proceeds of the greater knowledge, and so draws nearer to the sin against the holy Ghost. And as I say of them, so say I the like of all such as consult, inquire, entertain, and oversee them, which is seen by the miserable ends of many that ask counsel of them: For the devil hath never better tidings to tell to any, than he told to Saul: neither is it lawful to use so unlawful instruments, were it never for so good a purpose: 
Acts 3.  For that axiom in theology is most certain and infallible, Nunquam faciendum est malum, ut bonum inde eveniat.    

THE SECOND BOOK OF daemonology.  
ARGUMENT.  
The description of Sorcery and Witcheraft in special.  

CHAP. I.  
ARGUMENT.  
Proved by the Scripture, that such a thing can be: And the reasons refuted of all such as would call it but an imagination and Melancholicque humour.  PHILOMATHES. 
NOW, since ye have satisfied me now so fully, concerning Magie or Necromancy, I will pray you to do the like in Sorcery or Witchcraft.  EPI. 
That field is likewise very large, and although in the mouths and pens of many, yet few know the truth thereof, so well as they believe themselves, as I shall so shortly as I can, make you (God willing) as easily to perceive.  PHI. 
But I pray you before ye goefurther, let me interrupt you here with a short digression, which is, that many can scarcely believe that there is such a thing as Witchcraft: Whose reasons I will shortly allege unto you, that ye may satisfy me as well in that, as ye have done in the rest. For first, whereas the Scripture seems to prove Witchcraft to be, by divers examples, and specially by sundry of the same, which ye have alleged; it is thought by some, that these places speak of Magicians and Necromancers only, and not of Witches: As in special, these wise men of Pharaohs, that counterfeited Moses' miracles, were Magicians say they, and not Witches: As likewise that Pythonisse that Saul consulted with: And so was Simon Magus in the new Testament, as that very style imports. Secondly, where ye would oppone the daily practicque, and confession of so many, that is thought likewise to be but very Melancholicque imaginations of simple raving creatures. Thirdly, if Witches had such power of Witching of folks to death, (as they say they have) there had been none left alive long since in the world but they; at the least, no good or godly person of whatsoever estate, could have escaped their divelrie.  EPI. 
Your three reasons, as I take, are grounded: the first of them negatiuè upon the Scripture: The second affirmatiuè upon Physic: And the third upon the certain proof of experience. As to your first, it is most true indeed, that all these wise men of Pharaoh were Magicians of art: As likewise it appears well, that the Pythonisse, with whom Saul consulted, was of that same profession: and so was Simon Magus. But ye omitted to speak of the Law of God, wherein are all Magicians, Diviners, Enchanters, Sorcerers, Witches, and whatsoever of that kind that consult with the devil, plainly prohibited, and alike threatened against. And besides that, she who had the Spirit of Python, in the Acts, 
Acts 16.  whose Spirit was put to silence by the Apostle, could be no other thing but a very Sorcerer or Witch, if ye admit the vulgar distinction, to be in a manner true, whereof I spoke in the beginning of our conference: For that spirit whereby she conquested such gain to her Masters, was not at her raising or commanding, as she pleased to appoint, but spoke by her tongue, as well publicly as privately: whereby she seemed to draw nearer to the sort of Demoniakes or possessed, if that conjunction betwixt them, had not been of her own consent; as it appeared by her, not being tormented therewith, and by her conquesting of such gain to her Masters (as I have already said.) As to your second reason grounded upon Physic, in attributing their confessions or apprehensions, to a natural melancholic humour, any that please physically to consider upon the natural humour of melancholy, according to all the Physicians, that ever writ thereupon, they shall find that that will be over-short a cloak to cover their knavery with: For as the humour of Melancholy in the self is black, heavy and terrene, so are the symptoms thereof, in any persons that are subject thereunto, leanness, paleness, desire of solitude, and if they come to the highest degree thereof, mere folly and Many: whereas by the contrary, a great number of them that ever have been convict or confessors of Witchcraft, as may be presently seen by many that have at this time confessed; they are by the contrary, I say, some of them rich and worldly wise, some of them fat or corpulent in their bodies, and most part of them altogether given over to the pleasures of the flesh, continual haunting of company, and all kind of merriness, both lawful and unlawful, which are things directly contrary to the symptoms of melancholy, whereof I spoke; and further experience daily proves, how loath they are to confess without torture, which witnesseth their guiltiness; where by the contrary, the Melancholiques never spare to bewray themselves, by their continual discourses, feeding thereby their humour in that which they think no crime. As to your third reason, it scarcely merits an answer: for if the devil their master were not bridled, as the Scriptures teach us, suppose there were no men nor women to be his instruments, he could find ways enough without any help of others to wrack all mankind; whereunto he employs his whole study, and goeth about like a roaring Lion (as Peter saith) to that effect, but the limits of his power were set down before the foundations of the world were laid, which he hath not power in the leastiote to transgress. But beside all this, there is over great a certainty to prove that they are, by the daily experience of the harms that they do, both to men, and whatsoever thing men possess, whom God will permit them to be the instruments, so to trouble or visit, as in my discourse of that art, ye shall hear clearly proved.   

CHAP. II.  
ARGV.  
The Etymology and signification of that word Sorcery: The first entresse and prenticeship of them that give themselves to that craft.  PHILOMATHES. 
COme on then I pray you, and return where ye left.  EPI. 
This word of Sorcery is a Latin word, which is taken from casting of the lot, and therefore he that useth it, is called Sortiarius a sort: As to the word of Witchcraft, it is nothing but a proper name given in our language: The cause wherefore they were called Sortiarij, proceeded of their practics, seeming to come of lot or chance, such as the turning of the riddle, the knowing of the form of prayers, or such like tokens, if a person diseased would live or die: And in general, that name was given them for using of such charms, and freits, as that Craft teacheth them. Many points of their craft and practicques are common betwixt the Magicians and them: for they serve both one Master, although in divers fashions. And as I divided the Necromancers into two sorts, learned and unlearned; so must I deny them in other two, rich and of better account; poor and of base degree. These two degrees now of persons, that practise this Craft, answer to the passions in them, which (I told you before) the Devil used as means to entice them to his service: for such of them as are in great misery and poverty, he allures to follow him, by promising unto them great riches, and worldly commodity: Such as though rich, yet burn in a desperate desire of revenge, he allures them by promises, to get their turn satisfied to their heart's contentment. It is to be noted now, that that old and crafty enemy of ours, assails none, though touched with any of these two extremities, except he first find an entresse ready for him, either by the great ignorance of the person he deals with, joined with an evil life, or else by their carelessness and contempt of God: And finding them in an utter despair, for one of these two former causes that I have spoken of, he prepares the way by feeding them craftily in their humour, and filling them further and further with despair, while he find the time proper to discover himself unto them: At which time, either upon their walking solitary in the fields, or else lying pansing in their bed, but always without the company of any other, he either by a voice, or in likeness of a man inquires of them, what troubles them, and promiseth them, a sudden and certain way of remedy, upon condition on the other part, that they follow his advise, and do such things as he will require of them: Their minds being prepared beforehand, as I have already spoken, they easily agreed unto that demand of his, and sign sets an other tryist, where they may meet again: At which time, before he proceed any further with them, he first persuades them to addict themselves to his service, which being easily obtained, he than discovers what he is unto them, makes them to renounce their God and Baptism directly, and gives them his mark upon some secret place of their body, which remains soar unhealed, while his next meeting with them, and thereafter ever insensible, howsoever it be nipped or pricked by any, as is daily proved, to give them a proof thereby, that as in that doing, he could hurt and heal them; so all their ill and well doing thereafter, must depend upon him: And besides that, the intolerable dolour that they feel in that place, where he hath marked them, serves to waken them, and not to let them rest, while their next meeting again: fearing lest otherways they might either forget him, being as new Prentices, and not well enough founded yet, in that fiendly folly: or else remembering of that horrible promise they made him at their last meeting, they might skunner at the same, and press to call it back. At their third meeting, he makes a show to be careful to perform his promises, either by teaching them ways how to get themselves revenged, if they be of that sort: or else by teaching them lessons, how by most vile and unlawful means, they may obtain gain, and worldly commodity, if they be of the other sort.   

CHAP. III.  
ARGV.  
The Witches actions divided into two parts: The actions proper to their own persons: Their actions toward others: The form of their conventions, and adoring of their Master.  PHILOMATHES. 
Ye have said now enough of their initiating in that order, It rests then that ye discourse upon their practices, fra they be passed Prentices: for I would feign hear what is possible to them to perform in very deed. Although they serve a common Master with the Necromancers, (as I have before said) yet serve they him in another form: For as the means are divers, which allure them to these unlawful Arts of serving the devil; so by divers ways use they their practices, answering to these means, which first the devil used as instruments in them, though all tending to one end, to wit, the enlarging of Satan's tyranny, and crossing of the propagation of the Kingdom of CHRIST, so far as lieth in the possibility, either of the one or other sort, or of the devil their master: For where the Magicians, as alured by curiosity, in the most part of their practices, seek principally the satisfying of the same, and to win to themselves a popular honour and estimation; these Witches on the other part, being enticed, either for the desire of revenge, or of worldly riches, their whole practices are either to hurt men and their goods, or what they possess, for satisfying of their cruel minds in the former, or else by the wrack in whatsoever sort, of any whom God will permit them to have power of, to satisfy their greedy desire in the last point.  EPI. 
In two parts their actions may be divided; the actions of their own persons, and the actions proceeding from them towards any other: And this division being well understood, will easily resolve you, what is possible to them to do: For although all that they confess is no lie upon their part, yet doubtlessly, in my opinion, a part of it is not indeed, according as they take it to be: And in this I mean by the actions of their own persons: For as I said before, speaking of Magie, that the devil illudes the senses of these scholars of his, in many things, so say I the like of these Witches.  PHI. 
Then I pray you first to speak of that part of their own persons, and sign ye may come next to their actions towards others.  EPI. 
To the effect that they may perform such services of their false Master, as he employs them in, the devil as God's Ape, counterfeits in his servants this service and form of adoration, that God prescribed and made his servants to practise: For as the servants of God publicly use to convene for serving of him, so makes he them in great numbers to convene (though publicly they dare not) for his service. As none conveenes to the adoration and worshipping of God, except they be marked with his Seal, the Sacrament of Baptism: So none serves Satan, and conveenes to the adoring of him, that are not marked with that mark, whereof I already spoke. As the Minister sent by God teacheth plainly at the time of their public conventions, how to serve him in spirit and truth; so that unclean spirit, in his own person teacheth his disciples at the time of their conueening, how to work all kind of mischief, and craves count of all their horrible and detestable proceed passed, for advancement of his service: Yea that he may the more vinely counterfeit and scorn God, he oft times makes his slaves to convene in these very places, which are destinate and ordained for the convening of the servants of God (I mean by Churches) But this far, which I have yet said, I not only take it to be true in their opinions, but even so to be indeed: For the form that he used in counterfeiting God amongst the Gentiles, makes me so to think: As God spoke by his Oracles, spoke he not so by his? As God had aswell bloody Sacrifices, as others without blood, had not he the like? As God had Churches sanctified to his service, with Altars, Priests, Sacrifices, Ceremonies and Prayers; had he not the like polluted to his service? As God gave responses by urim and Thummim, gave he not his responses by the entrails of beasts, by the singing of fowls, and by their actions in the air? As God by visions, dreams, and ecstasies revealed what was to come, and what was his will unto his servants; used he not the like means to forewarn his slaves of things to come? Yea even as God loved cleanness, hated vice and impurity, and appointed punishments therefore; used he not the like (though falsely I grant, and but in eschewing the less inconvenience, to draw them upon a greater) yet dissimuled he not, I say, so far as to appoint his priests to keep their bodies clean and undefiled, before their ask responses of him? And feigned he not God, to be a protector of every virtue, and a just revenger of the contrary? This reason than moves me, that as he is that same devil, and as crafty now as he was then, so will he not spare as pertly in these actions that I have spoken of, concerning the Witches persons: but further, Witches of times confess, not only his conueening in the Church with them, but his occupying of the Pulpit; Yea, their form of adoration, to be the kissing of his hinder parts: Which though it seem ridiculous, yet may it likewise be true, seeing we read that in Calicute, he appearing in form of a Goat-bucke, hath publicly that un-honest homage done unto him, by every one of the people: So ambitious is he, and greedy of honour (which procured his fall) that he will even imitate God in that part, where it is said, that Moses could see but the hinder parts of God, 
Exod. 33.  for the brightness of his glory: And yet that speech is spoken but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

CHAP. FOUR  
ARGV.  
What are the ways possible, whereby the Witches may transport themselves to places far distant: And what are impossible and mere illusions of Satan: And the reasons thereof.  PHILOMATHES. 
But by what way say they, or think ye it possible they can come to these unlawful conventions?  EPI. 
There is the thing which I esteem their senses to be deluded in, and though they lie not in confessing of it, because they think it to be true, yet not to be so in substance or effect: for they say, that by divers means they may convene, either to the adoring of their Master, or to the putting in practice any service of his, committed unto their charge: one way is natural, which is natural riding, going, or sailing, at what hour their master comes and advertises them: and this way may be easily believed; another way is some what more strange, and yet it is possible to be true: which is, by being carried by the force of the spirit which is their conductor, either above the earth, or above the Sea swiftly, to the place where they are to meet: which I am persuaded to be likewise possible, in respect that as Habakkuk was carried by the Angel in that form, to the den where Daniel lay; so think I, the devil will be ready to imitate God, as well in that as in other things: 
Apocrypha of Bel and the Dragon.  which is much more possible to him to do, being a Spirit, then to a mighty wind, being but a natural Meteore, to transport from one place to another, a  body, as is commonly and daily seen in practice: But in this violent form they cannot be carried, but a short bounds, agreeing with the space that they may retain their breath: for if it were longer, their breath could not remain unextinguished, their body being carried in such a violent and forcible manner; as by example: If one fall off a small height, his life is but in peril, according to the hard or soft lighting: but if one fall from an high and stay rock, his breath will be forcibly banished from the body, before he can win to the earth, as is oft seen by experience: And in this transporting they say themselves, that they are invisible to any other, except amongst themselves, which may also be possible in my opinion: For if the devil may form what kind of impressions he pleases in the air, (as I have said before, speaking of Magie) why may he not far easilier thicken and obscure so the air, that is next about them, by contracting it strait together, that the beams of any other man's eyes cannot pierce thorough the same, to see them? But the third way of their coming to their conventions, is that, wherein I think them deluded: for some of them say, that being transformed in the likeness of a little beast or foul, they will come and pierce through whatsoever house or Church, though all ordinary passages be closed, by whatsoever open the air may enter in at: And some say, that their bodies lying still, as in an ecstasy, their spirits will be ravished out of their bodies, and carried to such places; and for verifying thereof, will give evident tokens, as well by witnesses that have seen their body lying senseless in the mean time, as by naming persons whom-with they met, and giving tokens what purpose was amongst them, whom otherwise they could not have known: for this form of journeying, they affirm to use most, when they are transported from one country to another.  PHI. 
Surely I long to hear your own opinion of this: for they are like old wives trattles about the fire. The reasons that move me to think that these are mere illusions, are these: First, for them that are transformed in likeness of beasts or fowls, can enter through so narrow passages, although I may easily believe that the devil could by his workmanship upon the air, make them appear to be in such forms, either to themselves, or to others: yet how he can contract a  body within so little room, I think it is directly contrary to itself; for to be made so little, and yet not diminished; to be so straightly drawn together, and yet feel no pain, I think it is so contrary to the quality of a natural body, and so like to the little transubstantiate god in the Papists Mass, that I can never believe it: So to have a quantity, is so proper to a  body, that as all Philosophers conclude, it cannot be any more without one, than a spirit can have one: 
Acts 12.  For when Peter came out of the prison, and the doors all locked; it was not by any contracting of his body in so little room, but by the giving place of the door, though unespied by the Gaylors: And yet is there no comparison, when this is done, betwixt the power of God, and of the devil. As to their form of ecstasy and spiritual transporting, it is certain the souls going out of the body, is the only definition of natural death: and who are once dead, God forbidden we should think that it should lie in the power of all the devils in hell, to restore them to their life again; although he can put his own spirit in a dead body, which the Necromancers commonly practise, as ye have heard. For that is the office properly belonging to God; and besides that, the soul once parting from the body, cannot wander any longer in the world, but to the own resting place must it go immediately, abiding the conjunction of the body again, at the latter day. And what Christ or the Prophets did miraculously in this case, it can in no Christian man's opinion, be made common with the devil. As for any tokens that they give for proving of this, it is very possible to the devils craft, to persuade them to these means: for he being a spirit, may he not so ravish their thoughts, and dull their senses, that their body lying as dead, he may object to their spirits, as it were in a dream, and (as the Poets writ of Morpheus) represent such forms of persons, of places, and other circumstances, as he pleases to illude them with? Yea, that he may deceive them with the greater efficacy, may he not at that same instant by fellow angels of his, illude such other persons so in that same fashion, whom-with he makes them to believe that they met, that all their reports and tokens, though severally examined, may every one agree with another? And that whatsoever actions, either in hurting men or beasts, or whatsoever other thing that they falsely imagine, at that time to have done, may by himself or his marrows, at that same time be done indeed; so as if they would give for a token of their being ravished at the death of such a person within so short space thereafter, whom they believe to have poisoned, or witched at that instant, might he not at that same hour, have smitten that same person, by the permission of GOD, to the farther deceiving of them, and to move others to believe them? And this is surely the likeliest way, and most according to reason, which my judgement can find out in this, and whatsoever other unnatural points of their confession: And by these means shall we sail surely, betwixt Charybdis and Scylla, in eschewing the not believing of them altogether on the one part, lest that draw us to the error, that there is no Witches: and on the other part in believing of it, make us to eschew the falling into innumerable absurdities, both monstrously against all Theology divine, and Philosophy human.   

CHAP. V.  
ARGV.  
Witch's actions towards others: Why there are more women of that craft than men: What things are possible to them to effectuate by the power of their master: The reasons thereof: What is the surest remedy of the harms done by them.  PHILOMATHES. 
FOrsooth your opinion in this, seems to carry most reason with it; and since ye have ended then the actions belonging properly to their own persons, say forward now to their actions used towards others.  EPI. 
In their actions used towards others, three things ought to be considered: First, the manner of their consulting thereupon: Next, their part as instruments: And last, their master's part, who puts the same in execution. As to their consultations thereupon, they use them oftest in the Churches, where they convene for adoring, at what time their master inquiring at them what they would be at, every one of them propones unto him, what wicked turn they would have done, either for obtaining of riches, or for revenging them upon any whom they have malice at; who granting their demand, as no doubt willingly he will, since it is to do evil, he teacheth them the means whereby they may do the same: As for little trifling turns that women have ado with, he causeth them to joint dead corpses, and to make powders thereof, mixing such other things there amongst, as he gives unto them.  PHI. 
But before ye go further, permit me, I pray you, to interrupt you one word, which ye have put me in memory of, by speaking of Women; What can be the cause that there are twenty women given to that craft, where there is one man?  EPI. 
The reason is easy, for as that sex is frailer than man is, so is it easier to be entrapped in these gross snares of the devil, as was over-well proved to be true, by the Serpents deceiving of Eva at the beginning, which makes him the homelier with that sex sensine.  PHI. 
Return now where ye left.  EPI. 
To some others at these times he teacheth, how to make pictures of wax or clay, that by the roasting thereof, the persons that they bear the name of, may be continually melted or dried away by continual sickness: To some he gives such stones or ponders, as will help to cure or cast on diseases: And to some he teacheth kinds of uncouth poisons, which Mediciners understand not (for he is far cunninger than man, in the knowledge of all the occult proprieties of nature) not that any of these means which he teacheth them (except the poisons which are composed of things natural,) can of themselves help any thing to these turns, that they are employed in, but only being GOD'S ape, as well in that, as in all other things; Even as God by his Sacraments which are earthly of themselves, works a heavenly effect, though no ways by any cooperation in them: And as Christ by clay and spittle wrought together, 
john 9  opened the eyes of the blind man, suppose there was no virtue in that which he outwardly applied, so the devil will have his outward means to be shows as it were of his doing, which hath no part or cooperation in his turns with him, how far that ever the ignorants be abused in the contrary. And as to the effects of these two former parts; to wit, the consultations and the outward means, they are so wonderful, as I dare not allege any of them, without joining a sufficient reason of the possibility thereof; For leaving all the small trifles among wives, and to speak of the principal points of their craft, for the common trifles thereof, they can do without converting well enough by themselves, these principal points, I say, are these; They can make men or women to love or hate other, which may be very possible to the devil to effectuate, seeing he being a subtle spirit, knows well enough how to persuade the corrupted affection of them whom God will permit him so to deal with: They can lay the sickness of one upon another, which likewise is very possible unto him: For since by God's permission, he laid sickness upon job, why may he not far easilier lay it upon any other; For as an old practitian, he knows well enough what humour domines most in any of us, and as a spirit he can subtly waken up the same, making it peccant, or to abound, as he thinks meet for troubling of us, when God will so permit him: And for the taking off of it, no doubt he will be glad to relieve such of present pain, as he may think by these means to persuade to be catched in his everlasting snares and fetters. They can bewitch and take the life of men or women, by roasting of the Pictures, as I spoke of before, which likewise is very possible to their master to perform: for although (as I said before) that instrument of wax have no virtue in that turn doing, yet may he not very well, even by the same measure, that his conjured slaves melts that wax at the fire, may he not, I say, at these same times, subtilely, as a spirit, so weaken and scatter the spirits of life of the patiented, as may make him on the one part, for faintness, to sweat out the humour of his body, and on the other part, for the not concurrence of these spirits, which causes his digestion, so debilitate his stomach, that this humour radical continually, sweeting out on the one part, and no new good suck being put in the place thereof, for lack of digestion on the other, he at last shall vanish away, even as his picture will do at the fire? And that knavish and cunning workman, by troubling him, only at sometimes, makes a proportion, so near betwixt the working of the one and the other, that both shall end as it were at one time. They can raise storms and tempests in the air, either upon Sea or land, though not universally, but in such a particular place and prescribed bounds, as GOD will permit them so to trouble: Which likewise is very easy to be discerned from any other natural tempests that are Meteores, in respect of the sudden and violent raising thereof, together with the short enduring of the same. And this is likewise very possible to their master to do, he having such affinity with the air, as being a spirit, and having such power of the forming and moving thereof, as ye have heard me already declare: 
Ephes. 2.  For in the Scripture, that style of the Prince of the air, is given unto him. They can make folks to become Phrenticque or Maniacque, which likewise is very possible to their master to do, since they are but natural sicknesses: and so he may lay on these kinds, as well as any others. They can make spirits, either to follow and trouble persons, or haunt certain houses, and affray oftentimes the inhabitants, as hath been known to be done by our Witches at this time. And likewise they can make some to be possessed with spirits, and so to become very Daemoniacques: and this last sort is very possible likewise to the devil their master to do, since he may easily send his own angels to trouble in what form he pleases, any whom God will permit him so to use.  PHI. 
But will God permit these wicked instruments by the power of the devil their master, to trouble by any of these means, any that believe in him?  EPI. 
No doubt, for there are three kinds of folks whom God will permit so to be tempted or troubled; the wicked for their horrible sins, to punish them in the like measure; the godly that are sleeping in any great sins or infirmities, and weakness in faith, to waken them up the faster by such an uncouth form: and even some of the best, that their patience may be tried before the world, as jobs was: For why may not God use any kind of extraordinary punishment, when it pleases him; as well as the ordinary rods of sickness or other adversities?  PHI. 
Who then may be free from these devilish practices?  EPI. 
No man ought to presume so far as to promise any impunity to himself: for God hath before all beginnings, praeordinated, as well the particular sorts of plagues, as of benefits for every man, which in the own time he ordains them to be visited with, and yet ought we not to be the more afraid for that, of any thing that the devil and his wicked instruments can do against us: for we daily fight against the devil in a hundredth other ways: And therefore, as a valiant captain affraies no more being at the combat, nor stays from his purpose for the rummishing shot of a Canon, nor the small clack of a Pistolet, suppose he be not certain what may light upon him; Even so ought we boldly to go forward in fight against the devil without any greater terror, for these his rarest weapons, nor for the ordinary whereof we have daily the proof.  PHI. 
Is it not lawful then, by the help of some other Witch, to cure the disease that is casten on by that craft?  EPI. 
No ways lawful; for I gave you the reason thereof in that axiom of Theology, which was the last words I spoke of Magie.  PHI. 
How then may these diseases be lawful cured?  EPI. 
Only by earnest prayer unto God, by amendment of their lives, and by sharp pursuing every one, according to his calling of these instruments of Satan, whose punishment to the death will be a salutary sacrifice for the patiented. And this is not only the lawful way, but likewise the most sure: For by the devils means, can never the devil be casten out, 
Mark 3.  as Christ saith. And when such a cure is used, it may well serve for a short time, but at the last, it will doubtlessly tend to the utter perdition of the patiented, both in body and soul.   

CHAP. VI  
ARGV.  
What sort of folks are least or most subject to receive harm by Witchcraft: What power they have to harm the Magistrate, and upon what respects they have any power in prison: And to what end may or will the devil appear to them therein: Upon what respects the devil appears in sundry shapes to sundry of them at any time.  PHILOMATHES. 
But who dare take upon him to punish them, if no man can be sure to be free from their unnatural invasions?  EPI. 
We ought not the more of that restrain from virtue, that the way whereby we climb thereunto be strait and perilous: But besides that, as there is no kind of persons so subject to receive harm of them, as these that are of infirm and weak faith (which is the best buckler against such invasions:) so have they so small power over none, as over such as zealously and earnestly pursue them, without sparing for any worldly respect.  PHI. 
Then they are like the Pest, which smites these sickarest, that flies it farthest, and apprehends deepliest the peril thereof.  EPI. 
It is even so with them: for neither is it able to them to use any false cure upon a patiented, except the patiented first believe in their power, and so hazard the tinsel of his own soul, nor yet can they have less power to hurt any, nor such as contemn most their doings, so being it comes of faith, and not of any vain arrogancy in themselves.  PHI. 
But what is their power against the Magistrate?  EPI. 
Less or greater, according as he deals with them: for if he be slothful towards them, God is very able to make them instruments to waken and punish his sloth: but if he be the contrary, he according to the just Law of God, and allowable law of all nations, will be diligent in examining and punishing of them: God will not permit their master to trouble or hinder so good a work.  PHI. 
But fra they be once in hands and firmance, have they any further power in their craft?  EPI. 
That is according to the form of their detention: If they be but apprehended and detained by any private person, upon other private respects, their power no doubt either in escaping, or in doing hurt, is no less nor ever it was before: But if on the other part, their apprehending and detention be by the lawful Magistrate, upon the just respects of their guiltiness in that craft, their power is then no greater than before that ever they meddled with their master: For where God gins justly to strike by his lawful Lieutenants, it is not in the devils power to defraud or bereave him of the office, or effect of his powerful and revenging Sceptre.  PHI. 
But will never their Master come to visit them, fra they be once apprehended and put in firmance?  EPI. 
That is according to the estate that these miserable wretches are in: For if they be obstinate in still denying, he will not spare, when he finds time to speak with them, either if he find them in any comfort, to fill them more and more with the vain hope of some manner of relief; or else if he find them in a deep despair, by all means to augment the same, and to persuade them by some extraordinary means to put themselves down, which very commonly they do: But if they be penitent and confess, God will not permit him to trouble them any more with his presence and allurements.  PHI. 
It is not good using his counsel I see then: But I would earnestly know when he appears to them in prison, what forms uses he then to take?  EPI. 
divers forms, even as he uses to do at other times unto them: For as I told you, speaking of Magie, he appears to that kind of craftesmen ordinarily in a form, according as they agree upon it among themselves; Or if they be but prentices, according to the quality of their circles or conjurations: Yet to these capped creatures, he appears as he pleases, and as he finds meetest for their humours: For even at their public conventions, he appears to divers of them in divers forms, as we have found by the difference of their confessions in that point: For he deluding them with vain impressions in the air, makes himself to seem more terrible to the grosser sort, that they may thereby be moved to fear and reverence him the more: and less monstrous and uncouth like again to the craftier sort, lest otherwise they might stir and skunner at his ugliness.  PHI. 
How can he then be felt, as they confess they have done him, if his body be but of air?  EPI. 
I hear little of that amongst their confessions, yet may he make himself palpable, either by assuming any dead body, and using the ministery thereof, or else by deluding as well their sense of feeling as seeing; which is not impossible to him to do, since all our senses, as we are so weak, and even by ordinary sicknesses will be oftentimes deluded.  PHI. 
But I would speere one word further yet, concerning his appearing to them in prison, which is this: May any other that chances to be present at that time in the prison, see him as well as they?  EPI. 
Sometimes they will, and sometimes not, as it pleases God.   

CHAP. VII.  
ARG.  
Two forms of the devils visible conversing in the earth, with the reasons wherefore the one of them was commonest in the time of Papistry, and the other sensine. Those that deny the power of the devil, deny the power of God, and are guilty of the error of the Sadduces.  PHILOMATHES. 
HAth the Devil than power to appear to any other, except to such as are his sworn disciples; especially since all Oracles, and such like kinds of illusions were taken away and abolished by the coming of CHRIST?  EPI. 
Although it be true indeed, that the brightness of the Gospel at his coming, scaled the clouds of all these gross errors in the Gentilism; yet that these abusing spirits, cease not sensine at sometimes to appear, daily experience teaches us. Indeed this difference is to be marked betwixt the forms of Satan's conversing visibly in the world: For of two different forms thereof, the one of them by the spreading of the evangel, and conquest of the white horse, in the sixth Chapter of the Revelation, is much hindered and become rather therethrough: This his appearing to any Christians, troubling of them outwardly, or possessing of them constrainedly: The other of them is become commoner and more used sensine, I mean by their unlawful arts, whereupon our whole purpose hath been. This we find by experience in this Isle to be true: For as we know, more ghosts and spirits were seen, nor tongue can tell, in the time of blind Papistry in these countries, where now by the contrary, a man shall scarcely all his time hear once of such things; and yet were these unlawful arts far rarer at that time, and never were so much heard of, nor so rife as they are now.  PHI. 
What should be the cause of that?  EPI. 
The divers nature of our sins procures at the justice of God, divers sorts of punishments answering thereunto: and therefore as in the time of Papistry, our father's erring grossly, and through ignorance, that mist of errors overshadowed the Devil to walk the more familiarly amongst them, and as it were by barnely and affraying terrors, to mock and accuse their barnely errors; by the contrary, we now being sound of Religion, and in our life rebelling to our profession, God justly by that sin of rebellion, as Samuel calleth it, accuseth our life so wilfully fight against our profession.  PHI. 
Since ye are entered now to speak of the appearing of spirits, I would be glad to hear your opinion in that matter: for many deny that any such spirits can appear in these days, as I have said.  EPI. 
Doubtless who denieth the power of the Devil, would likewise deny the power of God, if they could for shame. For since the Devil is the very contrary opposite to God, there can be no better way to know God, then by the contrary; as by the one's power (though a creature) to admire the power of the great Creator: by the falsehood of the one to consider the truth of the other: by the injustice of the one, to consider the justice of the other: And by the cruelty of the one, to consider the mercifulness of the other: And so forth in all the rest of the essence of God, and qualities of the Devil. But I fear indeed, there be over many Sadduces in this world, that deny all kinds of Spirits: For convicting of whose error, there is cause enough if there were no more, that God should permit at sometimes Spirits visibly to kyith.    

THE THIRD BOOK OF daemonology.  
ARGUMENT.  
The description of all these kinds of Spirits that trouble men or women. The conclusion of the whole Dialogue.  

CHAP. I.  
ARGV.  
The division of Spirits in four principal kinds: The description of the first kind of them, called Spectra & umbrae mortuorum: What is the best way to be free of their trouble.  PHILOMATHES. 
I Pray you now then go forward in telling what ye think fabulous, or may be trowed in that case.  EPI. 
That kind of the devils conversing in the earth, may be divided in four different kinds, whereby he affraieth and troubleth the bodies of men: For of the abusing of the soul, I have spoken already. The first is, where spirits trouble some houses or solitary places: The second, where Spirits follow upon certain persons, and at divers hours trouble them: The third, when they enter within them, and possess them: The fourth is these kind of Spirits that are called vulgarly the Fairy: Of the three former kinds, ye heard already, how they may artificially be made by Witchcraft to trouble folk; now it rests to speak of their natural coming as it were, and not raised by Witchcraft. But generally I must forewarn you of one thing before I enter in this purpose: that is, that although in my discoursing of them, I divide them in divers kinds, ye must notwithstanding thereof note my phrase of speaking in that: For doubtleslie they are in effect, but all one kind of Spirits, who for abusing the more of mankind, take on these sundry shapes, and use divers forms of outward actions, as if some were of nature better than other. Now I return to my purpose: As to the first kind of these spirits, that were called by the ancients by divers names, according as their actions were: For if they were Spirits that haunted some houses, by appearing in divers and horrible forms, and making great din, they were called Lemures or Spectra: If they appeared in likeness of any defunct to some friends of his, they were called umbraemortuorum: And so innumerable styles they got, according to their actions, as I have said already; as we see by experience, how many styles they have given them in our language in the like manner. Of the appearing of these Spirits, we are certified by the Scriptures, 
Esay 13. jere. 50.  where the Prophet Esay 13. and 34. Chap. threatening the destruction of jerusalem, declares, that it shall not only be wracked, but shall become so great a solitude, as it shall be the habitacle of Owlets, and of Zijm and Ijm, which are the proper Hebrew names for these Spirits. The cause why they haunt solitary places, it is by reason, that they may affray and brangle the more the faith of such as them alone haunts such places: For our nature is such, as in companies we are not so soon moved to any such kind of fear, as being solitary, which the devil knowing well enough, he will not therefore assail us but when we are weak: And besides that, God will not permit him so to dishonour the societies and companies of Christians, as in public times and places to walk visibly amongst them: On the other part, when he troubles certain houses that are dwelled in, it is a sure token either of gross ignorance, or of some gross and slanderous sins amongst the inhabitants thereof, which God by that extraordinary rod punishes.  PHI. 
But by what way or passage can these Spirits enter into these houses, seeing they allege that they will enter, door and window being steiked?  EPI. 
They will choose the passage for their entresse, according to the form that they are in at that time: For if they have assumed a dead body, whereinto they lodge themselves, they can easily enough open without din any door or window, and enter in thereat; And if they enter as a Spirit only, any place where the air may come in at, is large enough an entry for them: For as I said before, a Spirit can occupy no quantity.  PHI. 
And will God then permit these wicked Spirits to trouble the rest of a dead body, before the resurrection thereof? Or if he will so, I think it should be of the reprobate only.  EPI. 
What more is the rest troubled of a dead body, when the devil carries it out of the grave to serve his turn for a space, nor when the Witches take it up and joints it, or when as Swine wortes up the graves? The rest of them that the Scripture speaks of, is not meaned by a local remaining continually in one place, but by their resting from their travails and miseries of this world, while their latter conjunction again with the soul at that time, to receive full glory in both: And that the devil may use as well the ministry of the bodies of the faithful in these cases, as of the unfaithful, there is no inconvenience; for his haunting with their bodies after they are dead, can noways defile them, in respect of the soul's absence: And for any dishonour it can be unto them, by what reason can it be greater, than the hanging, heading, or many such shameful deaths, that good men will suffer? For there is nothing in the bodies of the faithful, more worthy of honour, or freer from corruption by nature, nor in these of the unfaithful, while time they be purged and glorified in the latter Day, as is daily seen by the wild diseases and corruptions, that the bodies of the faithful are subject unto, as ye will see clearly proved, when I speak of the possessed and Daemoniacques.  PHI. 
Yet there are sundry that affirm to have haunted such places, where these spirits are alleged to be; and could never hear nor see any thing.  EPI. 
I think well: for that is only reserved to the secret knowledge of God, whom he will permit to see such things, and whom not.  PHI. 
But where these spirits haunt and trouble any houses, what is the best way to banish them?  EPI. 
By two means may only the remeid of such things be procured: The one is ardent prayer to God, both of these persons that are troubled with them, and of that Church whereof they are: The other is the purging of themselves by amendment of life, from such sins, as have procured that extraordinary plague.  PHI. 
And what mean then these kinds of spirits, when they appear in the shadow of a person newly dead, or to die, to his friends?  EPI. 
When they appear upon that occasion, they are called Wraithes in our language: Amongst the Gentiles the devil used that much, to make them believe that it was some good spirit that appeared to them then, either to forewarn them of the death of their friend, or else to discover unto them the will of the defunct, or what was the way of his slaughter, as it is written in the book of the histories prodigious: and this way he easily deceived the Gentiles, because they knew not God: and to that same effect is it, that he now appears in that manner to some ignorant Christians: for he dares not so illude any that knoweth that, neither can the spirit of the defunct return to his friend, or yet an Angel use such forms.  PHI. 
And are not our war-woolfes' one sort of these spirits also, that haunt and trouble some houses or dwelling places?  EPI. 
There hath indeed been an old opinion of such like things; for by the Greeks' they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth men-wolfes: But to tell you simply my opinion in this, if any such thing hath been, I take it to have proceeded but of a natural super-abundance of Melancholy, which as we read, that it hath made some think themselves pitchers, and some horses, and some one kind of beast or other, so suppose I that it hath so viciat the imagination and memory of some, as per lucida interualla, it hath so highly occupied them, that they have thought themselves very wolves indeed at these times and so have counterfeited their actions in going on their hands and feet, pressing to devour women and barns, fight and snatching with all the town dogs, and in using such like other brutish actions, and so to become beasts by a strong apprehension, as Nabuchadnezzar was seven years: 
Daniel 4.  but as to their having and hiding of their hard and schelly sluiches, I take that to be but eiked, by uncertain report, the author of all lies.   

CHAP. II.  
ARGV.  
The description of the next two kinds of Spirits, whereof the one follows outwardly, the other possesses inwardly the persons that they trouble: That since all prophecies and visions are now ceased, all spirits that appear in these forms are evil.  PHILOMATHES. 
COme forward now to the rest of these kinds of spirits.  EPI. 
As to the next two kinds, that is, either these that outwardly trouble and follow some persons, or else inwardly possess them, I will conjoin them in one, because as well the causes are alike in the persons that they are permitted to trouble; as also the ways whereby they may be remedied and cured.  PHI. 
What kind of persons are they that use to be so troubled?  EPI. 
Two kinds in special; either such as being guilty of grievous offences, God punishes by that horrible kind of scourge; or else being persons of the best nature peradventure, that ye shall find in all the country about them, God permits them to be troubled in that sort, for the trial of their patience, and wakening up of their zeal, for admonishing of the beholders, not to trust overmuch in themselves, since they are made of no better stuff, and peradventure blotted with no smaller sins (as Christ said, 
Luke 13.  speaking of them upon whom the Tower of Sylo fell:) And for giving likewise to the spectators, matter to praise God, that they meriting no better, are yet spared from being corrected in that fearful form.  PHI. 
These are good reasons for the part of GOD, which apparently moonues him so to permit the Devil to trouble such persons: But since the Devil hath ever a contrary respect in all the actions that GOD employs him in, which is I pray you the end and mark he shoots at in this turn?  EPI. 
It is to obtain one of two things thereby, if he may: The one is the tinsel of their life, by inducing them to such perilous places, at such time as he either follows or possesses them, which may procure the same, and such like, so far as GOD will permit him, by tormenting them to weaken their body, and cast them into incurable diseases: The other thing that he preasses to obtain by troubling of them, is the tinsel of their soul, by enticing them to mistrust & blaspheme God, either for the intolerableness of their torments, 
job 1.  as he assayed to have done with job; or else for his promising unto them to leave the troubling of them, in case they would so do, as is known by experience at this same time by the confession of a young one that was so troubled.  PHI. 
Since ye have spoken now of both these kinds of spirits comprehending them in one, I must now go back again in speering some questions of every one of these kinds in special. And first for these that follow certain persons, ye know that there are two sorts of them: One sort that trouble and torment the persons that they haunt with: Another sort that are serviceable unto them in all kind of their necessaries, and omit never to forewarn them of any sudden peril that they are to be in: And so in this case, I would understand whether both these sorts be but wicked and damned spirits, or if the last sort be rather Angels, (as should appear by their actions) sent by God to assist such as he specially favours: For it is written in the Scriptures, 
Gene. 32. 1. Kings 6. Psal. 34.  that God sends legions of Angels to guard and watch over his elect.  EPI. 
I know well enough where fra that error which ye allege hath proceeded; For it was the ignorant Gentiles that were the fountain thereof, Who for that they knew not God, they forged in their own imaginations, every man to be still accompanied with two spirits, whereof they called the one genius bonus, the other genius malus: the Greeks' called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whereof the former they said, persuaded him to all the good he did; the other enticed him to all the evil. But praised be GOD, we that are Christians, and walk not amongst the Cymmerian conjectures of man, know well enough, that it is the good Spirit of GOD only, who is the fountain of all goodness, that persuades us to the thinking or doing of any good, and that it is our corrupted flesh and Satan, that enticeth us to the contrary: And yet the Devil for confirming in the heads of ignorant Christians, that error first maintained among the Gentiles, he whiles among the first kind of spirits that I speak of, appeared in time of Papistry and blindness, and haunted divers houses, without doing any evil, but doing as it were necessary turns up and down the house: and this spirit they called Brownie in our language, who appeared like a rough-man: yea, some were so blinded, as to believe that their house was all their sonsier, as they called it, that such spirits resorted there.  PHI. 
But since the devils intention in all his actions, is ever to do evil, what evil was there in that form of doing, since their actions outwardly were good?  EPI. 
Was it not evil enough to deceive simple ignorants, in making them to take him for an Angel of light, and so to account of God's enemy as of their particular friend? where by the contrary, all we that are Christians, ought assuredly to know, that since the coming of Christ in the flesh, and establishing of his Church by the Apostles, all miracles, visions, prophecies, & appearances of Angels or good spirits, are ceased; which served only for the first sowing of faith, and planting of the Church: Where now the Church being established, and the white Horse whereof I spoke before, having made his conquest, the Law and Prophets are thought sufficient to serve us, or make us inexcusable, as Christ saith in his parable of Lazarus and the rich man.   

CHAP. III.  
ARGV.  
The description of a particular sort of that kind of following Spirits, called Incubi and Succubuses: And what is the reason wherefore these kinds of Spirits haunt most the Northern and barbarous parts of the world.  PHILOMATHES. 
THe next question that I would speere, is likewise concerning this first of these two kinds of Spirits that ye have conjoined; and it is this: ye know how it is commonly written and reported, that amongst the rest of the sorts of Spirits that follow certain persons, there is one more monstrous nor all the rest, in respect as it is alleged, they converse naturally with them whom they trouble and haunt with: and therefore I would know in two things your opinion herein: First, if such a thing can be: and next if it be, whether there be a difference of sexes amongst these Spirits or not?  EPI. 
That abominable kind of the devils abusing of men or women, was called of old, Incubi and Succubuses, according to the difference of the sexes that they conversed with. By two means this great kind of abuse might possibly be performed: The one, when the devil only as a Spirit, and stealing out the sperm of a dead body, abuses them that way, they not graithly seeing any shape, or feeling any thing, but that which he so conveys in that part, as we read of a Monastery of Nuns which were burnt for their being that way abused: The other mean is, when he borrows a dead body and so visibly, and as it seems unto them naturally as a man converses with them. But it is to be noted, that in whatsoever way he useth it, that sperm seems intolerably cold to the person abused: For if he steal out the nature of a quick person, it cannot be so quickly carried, but it will both tine the strength and heat by the way, which it could never have had for lack of agitation, which in the time of procreation is the procurer and wakener up of these two natural qualities: And if he occupying the dead body as his lodging, expel the same out thereof in the due time, it must likewise be cold by the participation with the qualities of the dead body whereout of it comes. And whereas ye inquire if these Spirits be divided in sexes or not, I think the rules of Philosophy may easily resolve a man of the contrary: For it is a sure principle of that Art, that nothing can be divided in sexes, except such living bodies as must have a natural seed to genere by: But we know Spirits have no seed proper to themselves, nor yet can they gender one with an other.  PHI. 
How is it then, that they say sundry monsters have been gotten by that way?  EPI. 
These tales are nothing but Aniles fabulae: For that they have no nature of their own, I have showed you already: And that the cold nature of a dead body, can work nothing in generation, it is more nor plain, as being already dead of itself, as well as the rest of the body is, wanting the natural heat, and such other natural operation, as is necessary for working that effect, and in case such a thing were possible (which were utterly against all the rules of nature) it would breed no monster, but only such a natural offspring, as would have come betwixt that man or woman and that other abused person, in case they both being alive had had a do with other: For the devils part therein, is but the naked carrying or expelling of that substance; and so it could participate with no quality of the same. Indeed, it is possible to the craft of the Devil to make a woman's belly to swell after he hath that way abused her, which he may do either by stirring up her own humour, or by herbs, as we see beggars daily do: And when the time of her delivery should come to make her th'oil great dolours, like unto that natural course, and then subtly to slip in the Midwives hands, stocks, stones, or some monstrous barn brought from some other place: but this is more reported and guessed at by others, nor believed by me.  PHI. 
But what is the cause that this kind of abuse is thought to be most common in such wild parts of the world, as Lap-land, and Fin-land, or in our North Isles of Orknay and Schetland?  EPI. 
Because where the Devil finds greatest ignorance and barbarity, there assails he grosseliest, as I gave you the reason wherefore there were more Witches of womenkind nor men.  PHI. 
Can any be so unhappy as to give their willing consent to the devils vile abusing them in this form?  EPI. 
Yea, some of the Witches have confessed, that he hath persuaded them to give their willing consent thereunto, that he may thereby have them feltered the sikarer in his snares: but as the other compelled sort is to be pitied and prayed for, so is this most highly to be punished and detested.  PHI. 
Is it not the thing which we call the Mare, which takes folks sleeping in their beds, a kind of these spirits, whereof ye are speaking?  EPI. 
No, that is but a natural sickness, which the Mediciners have given that name of Incubus unto, ab incubando, because it being a thick phlegm, falling into our breast upon the heart, while we are sleeping, intercludes so our vital spirits, and takes all powerfrom us, as makes us think that there were some unnatural burden or spirit, lying upon us, and holding us down.   

CHAP. FOUR  
ARGV.  
The description of the Daemoniackes and possessed: By what reason the Papists may have power to cure them.  PHILOMATHES. 
WEll, I have told you now all my doubts, and ye have satisfied me therein, concerning the first of these two kinds of spirits that ye have conjoined: now I am to inquire only two things at you concerning the last kind, I mean the Daemoniackes. The first is, whereby shall these possessed folks be discerned fra them that are troubled with a natural Frenzy or Many: The next is, how can it be that they can be remedied by the Papists Church, whom we counting as Heretics, it should appear that one devil should not cast out another, 
Matth. 12. Mark 3.  for than would his kingdom be divided in itself, as Christ said.  EPI. 
As to your first question; there are divers symptoms, whereby that heavy trouble may be discerned from a natural sickness, and specially three, omitting the divers vain signs that the Papists attribute unto it: Such as the raging at holy water, their fleeing aback from the Cross, their not abiding the hearing of God named, and innumerable such like vain things that were alike fashious and feckles to recite: But to come to these three symptoms then, whereof I spoke, I account the one of them to be the incredible strength of the possessed creature, which will far exceed the strength of six of the wightest and wodest of any other men that are not so troubled: The next is the boldening up so far of the patient's breast and belly, with such an unnatural stirring and vehement agitation within them, and such an irony hardness of his sinews so stiffly bended out, that it were not possible to prick out as it were the skin of any other person so far; so mightily works the devil in all the members and senses of his body, he being locally within the same, suppose of his soul and affections thereof, he have no more power than of any other man's: The last is, the speaking of sundry languages, which the patiented is known, by them that were acquainted with him, never to have learned, and that with an uncouth and hollow voice, and all the time of his speaking, a greater motion being in his breast then in his mouth: But fra this last symptom is excepted such, as are altogether in the time of their possessing bereft of all their senses, being possessed with a dumb and blind spirit, whereof Christ relieved one, in the 12. of Matthew. And as to your next demand, it is first to be doubted if the Papists, or any not professing the only true Religion, can relieve any of that trouble: and next, in case they can, upon what respect it is possible unto them. As to the former, upon two reasons it is grounded: first that it is known so many of them to be counterfeit, which wile the Clergy invents for confirming of their rotten Religion: The next is, that by experience we find, that few who are possessed indeed, are fully cured by them; but rather the devil is content to release the bodily hurting of them, for a short space, thereby to obtain the perpetual hurt of the souls of so many that by these false miracles may be induced or confirmed in the profession of that erroneous Religion; even as I told you before that he doth in the false cures or casting off of diseases by Witches. As to the other part of the argument in case they can, which rather (with reverence of the learned thinking otherwise) I am induced to believe, by reason of the faithful report that men sound of Religion, have made according to their sight thereof, I think if so be I say these may be the respects, whereupon the Papists may have that power. Christ gave a commission and power to his Apostles to cast out devils, which they according thereunto put in execution: the rules he bade them observe in that action, was fasting and prayer; and the action itself to be done in his name. This power of theirs proceeded not then of any virtue in them, but only in him who directed them; as was clearly proved by judas his having as great power in that commission, as any of the rest. It is easy then to be understood that the casting out of devils, is by the virtue of fasting and prayer, and in calling of the Name of God, suppose many imperfections be in the person that is the instrument, as Christ himself teacheth us of the power that false prophets shall have to cast out devils. It is no wonder then, these respects of this action being considered, that it may be possible to the Papists, though erring in sundry points of Religion to accomplish this, if they use the right form prescribed by Christ herein: For what the worse is that action that they err in other things; more than their Baptism is the worse that they err in the other Sacrament, and have eiked many vain freittes to the Baptism itself.  PHI. 
Surely it is no little wonder that God should permit the bodies of any of the faithful to be so dishonoured, as to be adwelling place to that unclean spirit.  EPI. 
There is it which I told right now, would prove and strengthen my argument of the devils entering into the dead bodies of the faithful: For if he is permitted to enter into their living bodies, even when they are joined with the soul; how much more will God permit him to enter into their dead carrions, which is no more man, 
Mark 7.  but the filthy and corruptible caise of man? For as Christ saith, It is not any thing that enters within man that defiles him, but only that which proceeds and cometh out of him.   

CHAP. V.  
ARGV.  
The description of the fourth kind of Spirits, called the fairy: What is possible therein, and what is but illusions. How far this Dialogue entreats of all these things, and to what end.  PHILOMATHES. 
NOw I pray you come on to that fourth kind of Spirits.  EPI. 
That fourth kind of Spirits, which by the Gentiles was called Diana, and her wandering court, and amongst us was called the fairy (as I told you) or our good neighbours, was one of the sorts of illusions that was rifest in the time of Papistry: for although it was holden odious to prophesy by the devil, yet whom these kind of Spirits carried away, and informed, they were thought to be sonsiest and of best life. To speak of the many vain trattles founded upon that illusion, How there was a King and Queen of fairy, of such a jolly court and train as they had, how they had a teynd, and duty, as it were, of all goods, how they naturally road and went, eat and drank, and did all other actions like natural men and women, I think it liker Virgil's Campi Elysijs, nor any thing that ought to be believed by Christians, except in general, that as I spoke sundry times before, the devil illuded the senses of sundry simple creatures, in making them believe that they saw and heard such things as were nothing so indeed.  PHI. 
But how can it be then, that sundry Witches have gone to death with that confession, that they have been transported with the fairy to such a hill, which opening, they went in, and there saw a fair Queen, who being now lighter, gave them a stone that had sundry virtues, which at sundry times hath been produced in judgement?  EPI. 
I say that, even as I said before of that imaginar ravishing of the Spirit forth of the body: For may not the devil object to their fantasy, their senses being dulled, and as it were asleep, such hills and houses within them, such glistering courts and trains, and whatsoever such like wherewith he pleaseth to delude them, and in the mean time their bodies being senseless, to convey in their hand any stone or such like thing, which he makes them to imagine to have received in such a place.  PHI. 
But what say ye to their foretelling the death of sundry persons, whom they allege to have seen in these places? that is, a sooth-dreame (as they say) since they see it walking.  EPI. 
I think that either they have not been sharply enough examined, that gave so blunt a reason for their prophesy, or otherwise, I think it likewise as possible that the devil may prophesy to them when he deceives their imaginations in that sort, as well as when he plainly speaks unto them at other times: for their prophesying, is but by a kind of vision, as it were, wherein he commonly counterfeits God among the Ethnics, as I told you before.  PHI. 
I would know now whether these kinds of Spirits may only appear to Witches, or if they may also appear to any other.  EPI. 
They may do to both; to the innocent sort, either to affray them, or to seem to be a better sort of folks nor unclean Spirits are; and to the Witches to be a colour of safety for them, that ignorant Magistrates may not punish them for it, as I told even now: But as the one sort, for being perforce troubled with them aught to be pitied, so ought the other sort (who may be discerned by their taking upon them to prophesy by them,) that sort, I say, aught as severely to be punished as any other Witches, and rather the more, that they go dissemblingly to work.  PHI. 
And what makes the spirits have so different names from others?  EPI. 
Even the knavery of that same devil; who as he illudes the Necromancers with innumerable feigned names for him and his angels, as in special, making Satan, Beelzebub, and Lucifer, to be three sundry spirits, where we find the two former, but divers names given to the Prince of all the rebelling Angels by the Scripture; as by Christ, the Prince of all the devils is called Beelzebub in that place, which I alleged against the power of any hereticques to cast out devils. By john in the Revelation, the old tempter is called Satan the Prince of all the evil Angels: And the last, to wit, Lucifer, is but by allegory taken from the day Star (so named in divers places of the Scriptures) because of his excellency (I mean the Prince of them) in his creation before his fall; even so I say he deceives the Witches, by attributing to himself divers names; as if every divers shape that he transforms himself in, were a divers kind of spirit.  PHI. 
But I have heard many more strange tales of this fairy, nor ye have yet told me.  EPI. 
As well I do in that, as I did in all the rest of my discourse: For because the ground of this conference of ours, proceeded of your speering at me at our meeting: if there was such a thing as Witches or spirits: and if they had any power: I therefore have framed my whole discourse, only to prove that such things are and may be, by such number of examples as I show to be possible by reason, and keep me from dipping any further in playing the part of a Dictionary, to tell what ever I have read or heard in that purpose, which both would exceed faith, and rather would seem to teach such unlawful arts, nor to disallow and condemn them, as it is the duty of all Christians to do.   

CHAP. VI  
ARG.  
Of the trial and punishment of Witches: What sort of accusation ought to be admitted against them: What is the cause of the increasing so far of their number in this age.  PHILOMATHES. 
THen to make an end of our conference, since I see it draws late, what form of punishment think ye merit these Magicians and Witches? For I see that ye account them to be all alike guilty.  EPI. 
They ought to be put to death according to the Law of God, the civil and imperial Law, and municipal Law of all Christian nations.  PHI. 
But what kind of death I pray you?  EPI. 
It is commonly used by fire, but that is an indifferent thing to be used in every country, according to the Law or custom thereof.  PHI. 
But aught no sex, age nor rank to be exempted?  EPI. 
None at all (being so used by the lawful magistrate) for it is the highest point of Idolatry, wherein no exception is admitted by the law of God.  PHI. 
Then barns may not be spared.  EPI. 
Yea; not a hair the less of my conclusion: For they are not that capable of reason as to pactise such things: And for any being in company and not revealing thereof, their less and ignorant age will no doubt excuse them.  PHI. 
I see ye condemn them all that are of the counsel of such crafts.  EPI. 
No doubt, for as I said, speaking of Magie, the consulters, trusters in, overseers, interteiners or stirrers up of these craftes-folkes, are equally guilty with themselves that are the practisers.  PHI. 
Whether may the Prince then, or supreme Magistrate, spare or oversee any that are guilty of that craft, upon some great respects known to him?  EPI. 
The Prince or Magistrate for further trials cause, may continue the punishing of them such a certain space as he thinks convenient: But in the end to spare the life, and not to strike when God bids strike, and so severely punish in so odious a fault and treason against God, it is not only unlawful, but doubtless no less sin in that Magistrate, nor it was in Saules sparing of Agag; 
1. Sam. 15.  and so comparable to the sin of Witchcraft itself, as Samuel alleged at that time.  PHI. 
Surely then, I think since this crime ought to be so severely punished, judges ought to beware to condemn any, but such as they are sure are guilty, neither should the clattering report of a carling serve in so weighty a case.  EPI. 
judges ought indeed to beware whom they condemn: for it is as great a crime (as Solomon saith,) To condemn the innocent, 
Prou. 17.  as to let the guilty escape free; neither ought the report of any one infamous person, be admitted for a sufficient proof, which can stand of no law.  PHI. 
And what may a number then of guilty persons confessions, work against one that is accused?  EPI. 
The Assize must serve for interpreter of our law in that respect: But in my opinion, since in a matter of treason against the Prince, barns or wives, or never so defamed persons, may of our law serve for sufficient witnesses and proofs; I think surely that by a far greater reason, such witnesses may be sufficient in matters of high treason against God: For who but Witches can be proves, and so witnesses of the doings of Witches?  PHI. 
Indeed, I trow they will be loath to put any honest man upon their counsel: But what if they accuse folk to have been present at their Imaginar conventions in the spirit, when their bodies lie senseless, as ye have said?  EPI. 
I think they are not a hair the less guilty: For the Devil durst never have borrowed their shadow or similitude to that turn, if their consent had not been at it: And the consent in these turns is death of the law.  PHI. 
Then Samuel was a Witch: For the devil resembled his shape, and played his person in giving response to Saul.  EPI. 
Samuel was dead as well before that; and so none could slander him with meddling in that unlawful art. For the cause why, as I take it, that God will not permit Satan to use the shapes of similitudes of any innocent persons at such unlawful times, is, that God will not permit that any innocent persons shallbe slandered with that vile defection: for then the devil would find ways anew, to calumniate the best. And this we have in proof by them that are carried with the fairy, who never see the shadows of any in that Court, but of them that thereafter are tried to have been brethren and sisters of that craft: And this was likewise proved by the confession of a young Lass, troubled with spirits, laid on her by Witchcraft: that although she saw the shapes of divers men and women troubling her, and naming the persons whom these shadows represent: yet never one of them are found to be innocent, but all clearly tried to be most guilty, and the most part of them confessing the same. And besides that, I think it hath been seldom heard tell of, that any, whom persons guilty of that crime accused, as having known them to be their marrows by eyesight, and not by hearsay, but such as were so accused of Witchcraft, could not be clearly tried upon them, were at the least publicly known to be of a very evil life and reputation: so jealous is God I say, of the fame of them that are innocent in such causes. And besides that, there are two other good helps that may be used for their trial: The one is, the finding of their mark, and the trying the insensibleness thereof: The other is their fleeting on the water: for as in a secret murder, if the dead carcase be at any time thereafter handled by the murderer, it will gush out of blood, as if the blood were crying to the heaven for revenge of the murderer, God having appointed that secret supernatural sign, for trial of that secret unnatural crime, so it appears that God hath appointed (for a supernatural sign of the monstrous impiety of Witches) that the water shall refuse to receive them in her bosom, that have shaken off them the sacred water of Baptism, and wilfully refused the benefit thereof: No, not so much as their eyes are able to shed tears (threaten and torture them as ye please) while first they repent (God not permitting them to dissemble their obstinacy in so horrible a crime) albeit the womenkind especially, be able otherways to shed tears at every light occasion when they will, yea, although it were dissemblingly like the Crocodiles.  PHI. 
Well, we have made this conference to last as long as leisure would permit: and to conclude then, since I am to take my leave of you, I pray God to purge this country of these devilish practices: for they were never so rife in these parts, as they are now.  EPI. 
I pray God that so be too. But the causes are over-manifest, that make them to be so rife: For the great wickedness of the people on the one part, procures this horrible defection, whereby God justly punisheth sin by a greater iniquity: and on the other part, the consummation of the world, and our deliverance drawing near, makes Satan to rage's the more in his instruments, knowing his kingdom to be so near an end. And so farewell for this time.     

ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟΝ ΔΩΡΟΝ. OR HIS majesties INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS DEAREST SON, HENRY THE PRINCE.  
THE ARGUMENT.  

SONNET.  
GOD gives not Kings the style of Gods in vain,  
For on his Throne his Sceptre do they sway:  
And as their subjects ought them to obey,  
So Kings should fear and serve their God again:  
If then ye would enjoy a happy reign,  
Observe the Statutes of your heavenly King,  
And from his Law, make all your Laws to spring:  
Since his Lieutenant here ye should remain,  
Reward the just, be steadfast, true, and plain,  
Repress the proud, maintaining aye the right,  
Walk always so, as ever in his sight,  
Who guards the godly, plaguing the profane:  
And so ye shall in Princely virtues shine,  
Resembling right your mighty King Divine.   

TO HENRY MY DEAREST SON, AND NATURAL SUCCESSOUR.  
WHom-to can so rightly appertain this Book of instructions to a Prince in all the points of his calling, aswell general, as a Christian towards God; as particular, as a King towards his people? Whom-to, I say, can it so justly appertain, as unto you my dearest Son? Since I the author thereof, as your natural Father, must be careful for your godly and virtuous education, as my eldest Son, and the first fruits of God's blessing towards me in my posterity: and as a King must timously provide for your training up in all the points of a King's Office; since ye are my natural and lawful successor therein: that being rightly informed hereby, of the weight of your burden, ye may in time begin to consider, that being borne to be a king, ye are rather borne to onus, then honos: not excelling all your people so far in rank and honour, as in daily care and hazardous pains-taking, for the dutiful administration of that great office, that God hath laid upon your shoulders. Laying so a just symmetry and proportion, betwixt the height of your honourable place, and the heavy weight of your great charge: and consequently, in case of failing, which God forbidden, of the sadness of your fall, according to the proportion of that height. I have therefore for the greater ease to your memory, and that ye may at the first, cast up any part that ye have to do with, divided this Treatise in three parts. The first teacheth you your duty towards God as a Christian: the next, your duty in your Office as a King: and the third informeth you how to behave yourself in indifferent things, which of themselves are neither right nor wrong, but according as they are rightly or wrong used; and yet will serve according to your behaviour therein, to augment or impair your fame and authority at the hands of your people. Receive and welcome this Book then, as a faithful Praeceptour and counsellor unto you: which, because my affairs will not permit me ever to be present with you, I ordain to be a resident faithful admonisher of you: And because the hour of death is uncertain to me, as unto all flesh, I leave it as my Testament and latter will unto you. charging you in the presence of GOD, and by the fatherly authority I have over you, that ye keep it ever with you, as carefully, as Alexander did the Iliads of Homer. Ye will find it a just and impartial counsellor; neither flattering you in any vice, nor importuning you at unmeet times. It will not come un-called, neither speak unspeered at: and yet conferring with it when ye are at quiet, ye shall say with Scipio, that ye are nunquam minûs solus, quàm cum solus. To conclude then, I charge you, as ever ye think to deserve my Fatherly blessing, to follow and put in practice, as far as lieth in you, the precepts hereafter following. And if ye follow the contrary course, I take the Great GOD to record, that this Book shall one day be a witness betwixt me and you; and shall procure to be ratified in Heaven, the curse that in that case here I give unto you. For I protest before that Great GOD, I had rather not be a Father, and childless, then be a Father of wicked children. But hoping, yea, even promising unto myself, that GOD, who in his great blessing sent you unto me; shall in the same blessing, as he hath given me a Son; so make him a good and a godly Son; not repenting him of his Mercy showed unto me, I end, with my earnest prayer to GOD, to work effectually into you, the fruits of that blessing, which here from my heart I bestow upon you.  
Your loving Father I. R.   

TO THE READER.  
CHaritable Reader, it is one of the golden Sentences, which Christ our Saviour uttered to his Apostles, that there is nothing so covered, 
Luk. 12.  that shall not be revealed, neither so hid, that shall not be known: and whatsoever they have spoken in darkness, should be heard in the light: and that which they had spoken in the ear in secret place, should be publicly preached on the tops of the houses: And since he hath said it, most true must it be, since the author thereof is the fountain and very being of truth: which should move all godly and honest men, to be very wary in all their secretest actions, and whatsoever middesses they use for attaining to their most wished ends; lest otherwise how avowable soever the mark be, whereat they aim, the middesses being discovered to be shameful whereby they climb, it may turn to the disgrace both of the good work itself, and of the author thereof; since the deepest of our secrets, cannot be hid from that allseeing eye and penetrant light, piercing through the bowels of very darkness itself.  
But as this is generally true in the actions of all men, so is it more specially true in the affairs of Kings: for King's being public persons, by reason of their office and authority, are as it were set (as it was said of old) upon a public stage, in the sight of all the people; where all the beholders eyes are attentively bend to look and pry in the least circumstance of their secretest drifts: Which should make Kings the more careful not to harbour the secretest thought in their mind, but such as in the own time they shall not be ashamed openly to avouch; assuring themselves that Time the mother of Verity, will in the due season bring her own daughter to perfection.  
The true practice hereof, I have as a King oft found in my own person, though I thank God, never to my shame, having laid my count, ever to walk as in the eyes of the Almighty, examining ever so the secretest of my drifts, before I gave them course, as how they might some day bide the touchstone of a public trial. And amongst therest of my secret actions, which have (unlooked for of me) come to public knowledge, it hath so fared with my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, directed to my eldest son; which I wrote for exercise of mine own engine, and instruction of him, who is appointed by God (I hope) to sit on my Throne after me: For the purpose and matter thereof being only fit for a King, as teaching him his office; and the person whomfor it was ordained, a King's heir, whose secret counsellor and faithful admonisher it must be, I thought it no ways convenient nor comely, that either it should to all be proclaimed, which to one only appertained (and specially being a messenger betwixt two so conjunct persons) or yet that the mould whereupon he should frame his future behaviour, when he comes both unto the perfection of his years, and possession of his inheritance, should before the hand be made common to the people, the subject of his future happy government. And therefore for the more secret and close keeping of them, I only permitted seven of them to be printed, the Printer being first sworn for secrecy: and these seven I dispersed amongst some of my trustiest servants, to be keeped closely by them, lest in case by the iniquity or wearing of time, any of them might have been lost, yet some of them might have remained after me, as witnesses to my Son, both of the honest integrity of my heart, and of my fatherly affection and natural care towards him. But since contrary to my intention and expectation, as I have already said, this Book is now vented, and set forth to the public view of the world, and consequently subject to every man's censure, as the current of his affection leads him, I am now forced, as well for resisting to the malice of the children of envy, who like wasps suck venom out of every wholesome herb; as for the satisfaction of the godly honest sort, in any thing that they may mistake therein, both to publish and spread the true copies thereof, for defacing of the false copies that are already spread, as I am informed; as likewise by this Preface, to clear such parts thereof, as in respect of the concised shortness of my Style, may be misinterpreted therein.  
To come then particularly to the matter of my Book, there are two special great points, which (as I am informed) the malicious sort of men have detracted therein; and some of the honest sort have seemed a little to mistake: whereof the first and greatest is, that some sentences therein should seem to furnish grounds to men, to doubt of my sincerity in that Religion, which I have ever constantly professed: the other is, that in some parts thereof I should seem to nourish in my mind, a vindictive resolution against England, or at the least, some principals there, for the Queen my mother's quarrel.  
The first calumny (most grievous indeed) is grounded upon the sharp and bitter words, that therein are used in the description of the humours of Puritans, and rash-headie Preachers, that think it their honour to contend with Kings, and perturb whole kingdoms. The other point is only grounded upon the straight charge. I give my Son, not to hear nor suffer any unreverent speeches or books against any of his parents or progenitors: wherein I do allege my own experience anent the Queen my mother; affirming, that I never found any that were of perfect age the time of her reign here, so steadfastly true to me in all my troubles, as these that constantly kept their allegiance to her in her time. But if the charitable Reader will advisedly consider, both the method and matter of my Treatise, he will easily judge, what wrong I have sustained by the carping at both: For my Book, suppose very small, being divided in three several parts; the first part thereof only treats of a King's duty towards God in Religion, wherein I have so clearly made profession of my Religion, calling it the Religion wherein I was brought up, and ever made profession of, and wishing him ever to continue in the same, as the only true form of God's worship; that I would have thought my sincere plainness in that first part upon that subject, should have ditted the mouth of the most envious Momus, that ever hell did hatch, from barking at any other part of my book upon that ground, except they would allege me to be contrary to myself, which in so small a volume would smell of too great weakness, and sliprinesse of memory. And the second part of my book, teaches my Son how to use his Office, in the administration of justice and Politic Government: The third only containing a King's outward behaviour in indifferent things; what agreeance and conformity he ought to keep betwixt his outward behaviour in these things, and the virtuous qualities of his mind; and how they should serve for trunsh-men, to interpret the inward disposition of the mind, to the eyes of them that cannot see farther within him, and therefore must only judge of him by the outward appearance: So as if there were no more to be looked into, but the very method and order of the book, it will sufficiently clear me of that first and grievousest imputation, in the point of Religion: since in the first part, where Religion is only treated of, I speak so plainly. And what in other parts I speak of Puritans, it is only of their moral faults, in that part where I speak of Policy: declaring when they contemn the Law and sovereign authority, what exemplare punishment they deserve for the same. And now as to the matter itself whereupon this scandal is taken, that I may sufficiently satisfy all honest men, and by a just Apology raise up a brazen wall or bulwark against all the darts of the envious, I will the more narrowly rip up the words, whereat they seem to be somewhat stomached.  
First then, as to the name of Puritans, I am not ignorant that the style thereof doth properly belong only to that vile sect amongst the Anabaptists, called the Family of love; because they think themselves only pure, and in a manner without sin, the only true Church, and only worthy to be participant of the Sacraments, and all the rest of the world to be but abomination in the sight of God. Of this special sect I principally mean, when I speak of Puritans; divers of them, as Browne, Penry and others, having at sundry times come into Scotland, to sow their popple amongst us (and from my heart I wish, that they had left no scholars behind them, who by their fruits will in the own time be manifested) and partly indeed, I give this style to such brainsick and heady Preachers their disciples and followers, as refusing to be called of that sect, yet participate too much with their humours, in maintaining the above mentioned errors; not only agreeing with the general rule of all Anabaptists, in the contempt of the civil Magistrate, and in leaning to their own dreams and revelations; but particularly with this sect, in accounting all men profane that swear not to all their fantasies, in making for every particular question of the policy of the Church, as great commotion, as if the article of the Trinity were called in controversy, in making the scriptures to be ruled by their conscience, and not their conscience by the Scripture; and he that denies the least jot of their grounds, sit tibi tanquam ethnicus & publicanus; not worthy to enjoy the benefit of breathing, much less to participate with them of the Sacraments: and before that any of their grounds be impugned, let King, people, Law and all be trodden under foot: Such holy wars are to be preferred to an ungodly peace: no, in such cases Christian Princes are not only to be resisted unto, but not to be prayed for, for prayer must come of Faith; and it is revealed to their consciences, that GOD will hear no prayer for such a Prince. judge then, Christian Reader, if I wrong this sort of people, in giving them the style of that sect, whose errors they imitate: and since they are contented to wear their livery let them not be ashamed to borrow also their name. It is only of this kind of men, that in this book I writ so sharply; and whom I wish my Son to punish, in-case they refuse to obey the Law, and will not cease to stir up a rebellion: Whom against I have written the more bitterly, in respect of divers famous libels, and injurious speeches spread by some of them, not only dishonourably invective against all Christian Princes, but even reproachful to our profession and Religion, in respect they are come out under colour thereof: and yet were never answered but by Papists, who generally meddle aswell against them, as the religion itself; whereby the skandale was rather doubled, then taken away. But on the other part, I protest upon mine honour, I mean it not generally of all Preachers, or others, that like better of the single form of policy in our Church, then of the many Ceremonies in the Church of England: that are persuaded, that their Bishops smell of a Papal supremacy, that the Surplise, the cornered cap, and such like, are the outward badges of Popish errors. No, I am so far from being contentious in these things (which for my own part I ever esteemed as indifferent) as I do equally love and honour the learned and grave men of either of these opinions. It can no ways become me to pronounce so lightly a sentence, in so old a controversy. We all (God be praised) do agree in the grounds; and the bitterness of men upon such questions, doth but trouble the peace of the Church; and gives advantage and entry to the Papists by our division: But towards them, I only use this provision, that where the Law is otherways, they may content themselves soberly and quietly with their own opinions, not resisting to the authority, nor breaking the Law of the Country; neither above all, stirring any rebellion or schism: but possessing their souls in peace, let them press by patience, and well grounded reasons, either to persuade all the rest to like of their judgements; or where they see better grounds on the other part, not to be ashamed peaceably to incline thereunto, laying aside all praeoccupied opinions.  
And that this is the only meaning of my Book, and not any coldness or crack in Religion, that place doth plainly witness, where, after I have spoken of the faults in our Ecclesiastical estate I exhort my son to be beneficial unto the goodmen of the Ministry; praising God there, that there is presently a sufficient number of good men of them in this kingdom: and yet are they all known to be against the form of the English Church. Yea, so far I am in that place from admitting corruption in Religion, as I wish him in promooving them, to use such caution, as may preserve their estate from creeping to corruption; ever using that form through the whole Book, where ever I speak of bad Preachers, terming them some of the Ministers, and not Ministers or Ministry in general. And to conclude this point of Religion, what indifferency of Religion can Momus call that in me, where, speaking of my sons marriage (in case it pleased God before that time to cut the thread of my life) I plainly forewarn him of the inconuenients that were like to ensue, incase he should marry any that be of a different profession in Religion from him: notwithstanding that the number of Princes professing our Religion be so small, as it is hard to foresee, how he can be that way, meetly matched according to his rank.  
And as for the other point, that by some parts in this book, it should appear, that I do nourish in my mind, a vindictive resolution against England, or some principals there; it is surely more than wonderful unto me, upon what grounds they can have gathered such conclusions. For as upon the one part, Ineither by name nor description point out England in that part of my discourse; so upon the other, I plainly bewray my meaning to be of Scottishmen, where I conclude that purpose in these terms: That the love I bear to my Son, hath moved me to be so plain in this argument: for so that I discharge my conscience to him in uttering the verity, I care not what any traitor or treason-allower do think of it. And Englishmen could not thereby be meant, since they could be no traitors, where they ought no allegiance. I am not ignorant of a wise and princely apothegm, which the same Queen of England uttered about the time of her own Coronation. But the drift of that discourse doth fully clear my intention, being only grounded upon that precept to my Son, that he should not permit any unreverent detracting of his praedecessours; bringing in that purpose of my mother only for an example of my experience anent Scottishmen, without using any persuasion to him of revenge. For a Kings giving of any fault the due style, infers no reduction of the falters pardon. No, I am by a degree nearer of kin unto my mother than he is, neither think I myself, either that unworthy, or that near my end, that I need to make such a Davidicall testament; since I have ever thought it the duty of a worthy Prince, rather with a pike, than a pen, to write his just revenge: But in this matter I have no delight to be large, wishing all men to judge of my future projects, according to my bypassed actions.  
Thus having as much insisted in the clearing of these two points, as will (I hope) give sufficient satisfaction to all honest men, and leaving the envious to the food of their own venom; I will hearty pray thee, loving Reader, charitably to conceive of my honest intention in this Book. I know the greatest part of the people of this whole Isle, have been very curious for a sight thereof: some for the love they bear me, either being particularly acquainted with me, or by a good report that perhaps they have heard of me; and therefore longed to see any thing, that proceeded from that author whom they so loved and honoured; since books are vive Idees of the authors mind. Some only for mere curiosity, that think it their honour to know all new things, were curious to glut their eyes therewith, only that they might vaunt them to have seen it: and some fraughted with causeless envy at the Author, did greedily search out the book, thinking their stomach jit enough, for turning never so wholesome food into noisome and infective bumours: So as this their great concurrence in curiofitie (though proceeding from far different complexions) hath enforced the untimous divulgating of this Book, far contrary to my intention, as I have already said. To which Hydra of diversly-enclined spectators, I have no targe to oppone but plainness, patience, and sincerity: plainness, for resolving and satisfying of the first sort; patience, for to bear with the shallowness of the next; and sincerity, to defy the malice of the third withal. Though I cannot please all men therein, I am contented, so that jonely please the virtuous sort: and though they also find not every thing therein, so fully to answer their expectation, as the argument would seem to require; although I would wish them modestly to remember, that God hes not bestowed all his gifts upon one, but parted them by a justice distributive; and that many eyes see more than one; and that the variety of men's minds is such, that tot capita totsensus; yea, and that even the very faces, that God hath by nature brought forth in the world, do every one in some of their particular lineaments, differ from any other: yet in truth it was not my intention in handling of this purpose (as it is easy to perceive) fully to set down here all such grounds, as might out of the best writers have been alleged, and out of my own invention and experience added, for the perfit institution of a King: but only to give some such precepts to my own Son, for the government of this kingdom, as was meetest for him to be instructed in, and best became me to be the informer of.  
If I in this Book have been too particularly plain, impute it to the necessity of the subject, not so much being ordained for the institution of a Prince in general, as I have said, as containing particular precepts to my Son in special: whereof he could have made but a general use, if they had not contained the particular diseases of this kingdom, with the best remedies for the same, which it became me best as a King, having learned both the theoric and practic thereof, more plainly to express, than any simple school man, that only knows matters of kingdoms by contemplation.  
But if in some places it seem too obscure, impute it to the shortness thereof, being both for the respect of myself, and of my Son, constrained there-unto: my own respect, for fault of leisure, being so continually occupied in the affairs of my office, as my great burden, and restless fashery is more than known, to all that knows or bears of me: for my sons respect, because I know by myself, that a Prince so long as he is young, will be so carried away with some sort of delight or other, that he cannot patiently abide the reading of any large volume: and when he comes to a full maturity of age, he must be so busied in the active part of his charge, as he will not be permitted to bestow many hours upon the contemplative part thereof: So as it was neither fit for him, nor possible for me, to have made this Treatise any more ample than it is. Indeed I am little beholden to the curiosity of some, who thinking it too large already (as appears) for lack of leisure to copy it, drew some notes out of it, for speeds sake; putting in the one half of the purpose, and leaving out the other: not unlike the man that alleged that part of the Psalm, non est Deus, but left out the preceding words, Dixit insipiens in cord suo. And of these notes, making a little pamphlet (lacking both my method and half of my matter) entitled it, forsooth, the King's Testament, as if I had eiked a third Testament of my own to the two that are in the holy Scriptures. It is true that in a place thereof, for affirmation of the purpose I am speaking of to my Son, I bring myself in there, as speaking upon my Testament: for in that sense, every record in write of a man's opinion in anything (in respect that papers outlive their authors) is as it were a Testament of that man's will in that case: and in that sense it is, that in that place I call this Treatise a Testament. But from any particular sentence in a book, to give the book itself a title, is as ridiculous, as to style the book of the Psalms, the book of Dixit insipiens, because with these words one of them doth begin.  
Well, leaving these new baptizers and blockers of other men's books, to their own follies, Ireturne to my purpose, anent the shortness of this book, suspecting that all my excuses for the shortness thereof, shall not satisfy some, especially in our neighbour country: who thought, that as I have so narrowly in this Treatise touched all the principal sicknesses in our kingdom, with overtures for the remedies thereof, as I said before: so looked they to have found something therein, that should have touched the sicknesses of their state, in the like sort. But they will easily excuse me thereof, if they will consider the form I have used in this Treatise; wherein I only teach my Son, out of my own experience, what form of government is fittest for this kingdom: and in one part thereof speaking of the borders, I plainly there do excuse myself, that I will speak nothing of the state of England, as a matter wherein I never had experience. I know indeed, no kingdom lacks her own diseases, and likewise what interest I have in the prosperity of that state: for although I would be silent, my blood and descent doth sufficiently proclaim it. But notwithstanding, since there is a lawful Queen there presently reigning, who hath so long with so great wisdom and felicity governed her kingdoms, as (I must in true sincerity confess) the like hath not been read nor heard of, either in our time, or since the days of the Roman Emperor Augustus; it could no ways become me, far inferior to her in knowledge and experience, to be a busy-body in other prince's matters, and to fish in other folks waters, as the proverb is: No, I hope by the contrary (with God's grace) ever to keep that Christian rule, To do as I would be done to: and I doubt nothing, yea even in her name I dare promise, by the bypassed experience of her happy government, as I have already said, that no good subject shall be more careful to inform her of any corruptions stolen in in her state, than she shall be zealous for the discharge of her conscience and honour, to see the same purged, and restored to the ancient integrity; and further during her time, becomes me least of any to meddle in.  
And thus having resolved all the doubts, so far as I can imagine, may be moved against this Treatise; it only rests to pray thee (charitable Reader) to interpret favourably this birth of mine, according to the integrity of the author, and not looking for perfection in the work itself. As for my part, I only glory thereof in this point, that I trust no sort of virtue is condemned, nor any degree of vice allowed in it: and that (though it be not perhaps so gorgeously decked, and richly attired as it ought to be) it is at the least rightly proportioned in all the members, without any menstruous deformity in any of them: and specially that since it was first written in secret, and is now published, not of ambition, but of a kind of necessity; it must be taken of all men, for the true image of my very mind, and form of the rule, which I have prescribed to myself and mine; Which as in all my actions I have bitherto pressed to express, so far as the nature of my charge, and the condition of time would permit me: so beareth it a discovery of that which may be looked for at my hand, and whereto even in my secret thoughts, I have engaged myself for the time to come. And thus in a firm trust, that it shall please God, who with my being and Crown, gave me this mind, to maintain and augment the same in me and my posterity, to the discharge of our conscience, the maintenance of our Honour, and weal of our people, I bid thee hearty farewell.   

OF A KING'S CHRISTIAN DVETIE TO WARDS GOD.  
THE FIRST BOOK.  
AS he cannot be thought worthy to rule and command others, that cannot rule and dantone his own proper affections and unreasonable appetites, so can he not be thought worthy to govern a Christian people, 
The true ground of good government.  knowing and fearing God, that in his own person and heart, feareth not and loveth not the Divine Majesty. Neither can any thing in his government succeed well with him, (devise and labour as he list) as coming from a filthy spring, if his person be unsanctified: for (as that royal Prophet saith) Except the Lord build the house, 
Psal. 127 1.  they labour in vain that build it: except the Lord keep the City, the keepers watch it in vain: in respect the blessing of God hath only power to give the success thereunto: and as Paul saith, he planteth, 
1. Cor. 3.6.  Apollo's watereth; but it is God only that giveth the increase. Therefore (my Son) first of all things, learn to know and love that God, whom-to ye have a double obligation; 
Double bond of a Prince to God.  first, for that he made you a man; and next, for that he made you a little GOD to sit on his Throne, and rule over other men. Remember, that as in dignity he hath erected you above others, so ought ye in thankfulness towards him, go as far beyond all others. A moat in another's eye, is a beam into yours: a blemish in another, is a leprous bile into you: and a venial sin (as the Papists call it) in another, is a great crime into you. Think not therefore, that the highness of your dignity, 
The greatness of the fault of a Prince.  dimmisheth your faults (much less giveth you a licence to sin) but by the contrary your fault shall be aggravated, according to the height of your dignity; any sin that ye commit, not being a single sin procuring but the fall of one; but being an exemplare sin, and therefore drawing with it the whole multitude to be guilty of the same. Remember then, that this glistering worldly glory of Kings, 
The true glory of Kings.  is given them by God, to teach them to press so to glister and shine before their people, in all works of sanctification and righteousness, that their persons as bright lamps of godliness and virtue, may, going in and out before their people, give light to all their steps. Remember also, that by the right knowledge, and fear of God (which is the beginning of Wisdom, 
Prou 9.10.  as Solomon saith) ye shall know all the things necessary for the discharge of your duty, both as a Christian, and as a King; seeing in him, as in a mirror, the course of all earthly things, whereof he is the spring and only mover.  
Now, the only way to bring you to this knowledge, 
The means to know God.  is diligently to read his word, and earnestly to pray for the right understanding thereof. Search the Scriptures, saith Christ, for they bear testimony of me: and, 
john 5.39.  the whole Scripture, saith Paul, is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable to teach, 
2. Tim. 3.16.17.  to convince, to correct, and to instruct in righteousness; that the man of God may be absolute, being made perfit unto all good works. And most properly of any other, belongeth the reading thereof unto Kings, 
Deut. 17.  since in that part of Scripture, where the godly Kings are first made mention of, that were ordained to rule over the people of God, there is an express and most notable exhortation and commandment given them, to read and meditate in the Law of God. I join to this, the careful hearing of the doctrine with attendance and reverence: for, faith cometh by hearing, 
Rom. 10.17.  saith the same Apostle. But above all, beware ye wrist not the word to your own appetite, as over many do, making it like a bell to sound as ye please to interpret: but by the contrary, frame all your affections, to follow precisely the rule there set down.  
The whole Scripture chief containeth two things: a command, 
Wherein chiefly the whole Scripture consisteth.  and a prohibition, to do such things, and to abstain from the contrary. Obey in both; neither think it enough to abstain from evil, and do no good; nor think not that if ye do many good things, it may serve you for a cloak to mix evil turns therewith. And as in these two points, the whole Scripture principally consisteth, 
Two degrees of the service of God.  so in two degrees standeth the whole service of God by man: interior, or upward; exterior, or downward: the first, by prayer in faith towards God; the next, by works flowing therefra before the world: which is nothing else, but the exercise of Religion towards God, and of equity towards your neighbour.  
As for the particular points of Religion, I need not to dilate them; I am no hypocrite, follow my footsteps, 
A regardable pattern.  and your own present education therein. I thank God, I was never ashamed to give account of my profession, howsoever the malicious lying tongues of some have traduced me: and if my conscience had not resolved me, that all my Religion presently professed by me and my kingdom, was grounded upon the plain words of the Scripture, without the which all points of Religion are superfluous, as any thing contrary to the same is abomination, I had never outwardly avowed it, for pleasure or awe of any flesh.  
And as for the points of equity towards your neighbour (because that will fall in properly, upon the second part concerning a King's office) I leave it to the own room.  
For the first part then of man's service to his God, 
Religion.  which is Religion, that is, the worship of God according to his revealed will, it is wholly grounded upon the Scripture, as I have already said, quickened by faith, and conserved by conscience: For the Scripture, I have now spoken of it in general, but that ye may the more readily make choice of any part thereof, for your instruction or comfort, remember shortly this method.  
The whole Scripture is dyted by God's Spirit, 
The method of Scripture.  thereby, as by his lively word, to instruct and rule the whole Church militant to the end of the word: It is composed of two parts, the Old and New Testament: The ground of the former is the Law, which showeth our sin, and containeth justice: the ground of the other is Christ, who pardoning sin containeth grace. The sum of the Law is the ten Commandments, more largely delated in the books of Moses, 
Of the Law.  interpreted and applied by the Prophets; and by the histories, are the examples showed of obedience or disobedience thereto, and what praemium or poena was accordingly given by God: But because no man was able to keep the Law, nor any part thereof, it pleased God of his infinite wisdom and goodness, to incarnate his only Son in our nature, for satisfaction of his justice in his suffering for us; that since we could not be saved by doing, we might at least, be saved by believing.  
The ground therefore of the word of grace, 
Of Grace.  is contained in the four histories of the birth, life, death, resurrection and ascension of Christ: The larger interpretation and use thereof, is contained in the Epistles of the Apostles: and the practice in the faithful or unfaithful, with the history of the infancy and first progress of the Church is contained in their Acts.  
Would ye then know your sin by the Law? 
Use of the Law.  read the books of Moses containing it. Would ye have a commentary thereupon? Read the Prophets, and likewise the books of the proverbs and Ecclesiastes, written by that great pattern of wisdom Solomon; which will not only serve you for instruction, how to walk in the obedience of the Law of God, but is also so full of golden sentences, and moral precepts, in all things that can concern your conversation in the world, as among all the profane Philosophers and Poets, ye shall not find so rich a storehouse of precepts of natural wisdom, agreeing with the will and divine wisdom of God. Would ye see how good men are rewarded, and wicked punished? look the historical parts of these same books of Moses, together with the histories of joshua, the judges, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, and job: but especially the books of the Kings and Chronicles, wherewith ye ought to be familiarly acquainted: for there shall ye see yourself, as in a mirror, in the catalogue either of the good or the evil Kings.  
Would ye know the doctrine, life, and death of our Saviour Christ? 
Use of the Gospel.  read the Evangelists. Would ye be more particularly trained up in his School? meditate upon the Epistles of the Apostles. And would ye be acquainted with the practices of that doctrine in the persons of the primitive Church? Cast up the Apostles Acts. And as to the Apocryphe books, I omit them, because I am no Papist, as I said before; and indeed some of them are no ways like the dytement of the Spirit of God.  
But when ye read the Scripture, 
How to read the Scripture.  read it with a sanctified and chaste heart: admire reverently such obscure places as ye understand not, blaming only your own capacity: read with delight the plain places, and study carefully to understand those that are somewhat difficile: press to be a good textuarie; for the Scripture is ever the best interpreter of itself; but press not curiously to seek out farther than is contained therein; for that were over unmannerly a presumption, to strive to be further upon God's secrets, than he hath will ye be; for what he thought needful for us to know, that hath he revealed there: And delight most in reading such parts of the Scripture, as may best serve for your instruction in your calling; rejecting foolish curiosities upon genealogies and contentions, 
Tit. 3.9.  which are but vain, and profit not, as Paul saith.  
Now, as to Faith, which is the nourisher and quickener of Religion, 
Faith the nourisher of Religion.  as I have already said, It is a sure persuasion and apprehension of the promises of God, applying them to your soul: and therefore may it justly be called, the golden chain that linketh the faithful soul to Christ: And because it groweth not in our garden, but is the free gift of God, 
Philip. 1.29.  as the same Apostle saith, it must be nourished by prayer, Which is nothing else, but a friendly talking with God.  
As for teaching you the form of your prayers, 
Prayer, and whence to learn the best form thereof.  the Psalms of David are the meetest schoolmaster that ye can be acquainted with (next the prayer of our Saviour, which is the only rule of prayer) whereout of, as of most rich and pure fountains, ye may learn all form of prayer necessary for your comfort at all occasions: And so much the fit are they for you, then for the common sort, in respect the composer thereof was a King: and therefore best behoved to know a King's wants, and what things were meetest to be required by a King at God's hand for remedy thereof.  
Use often to pray when ye are quietest, 
Several exercise of prayer.  especially forget it not in your bed how oft soever ye do it at other times: for public prayer serveth as much for example, as for any particular comfort to the supplicant.  
In your prayer, be neither over strange with God, 
What rule or regard to be used in prayer.  like the ignorant common sort, that prayeth nothing but out of books, nor yet over homely with him, like some of the vain Pharisaical puritanes, that think they rule him upon their fingers: The former way will breed an uncouth coldness in you towards him, the other will breed in you a contempt of him. But in your prayer to God speak with all reverence: for if a subject will not speak but reverently to a King, much less should any flesh presume to talk with God as with his companion.  
Crave in your prayer, not only things spiritual, but also things temporal, 
What to crave of God.  sometimes of greater, and sometimes of less consequence; that ye may lay up in store his grant of these things, for confirmation of your faith, and to be an arles-peny unto you of his love. Pray, as ye find your heart moveth you, pro re nata: but see that ye suit no unlawful things, as revenge, 
Rom. 14.23.  lust, or such like: for that prayer can not come of faith: and whatsoever is done without faith, is sin, as the Apostle saith.  
When ye obtain your prayer, 
How to interpret the issue of prayer.  thank him joyfully therefore: if otherways, bear patiently, pressing to win him with importunity, as the widow did the unrighteous judge: and if notwithstanding thereof ye be not heard, assure yourself, God forseeth that which ye ask is not for your weal: and learn in time, so to interpret all the adversities that God shall send unto you; so shall ye in the midst of them, not only be armed with patience, but joyfully lift up your eyes from the present trouble, to the happy end that God will turn it to. And when ye find it once so fall out by proof, arm yourself with the experience thereof against the next trouble, assuring yourself, though ye cannot in time of the shower see through the cloud, yet in the end shall ye find, God sent it for your weal, as ye found in the former.  
And as for conscience, 
Conscience the conserver of Religion.  which I called the conserver of Religion, It is nothing else, but the light of knowledge that God hath planted in man, which ever watching over all his actions, as it beareth him a joyful testimony when he does right, so choppeth it him with a feeling that he hath done wrong, when ever he committeth any sin. And surely, although this conscience be a great torture to the wicked, yet is it as great a comfort to the godly, if we will consider it rightly. For have we not a great advantage, that have within ourselves while we live here, a Count-book and inventary of all the crimes that we shall be accused of, 
The inventary of our life.  either at the hour of our death, or at the Great day of judgement; which when we please (yea though we forget) will chop, and remember us to look upon it; that while we have leisure and are here, we may remember to amend; and so at the day of our trial, compear with new and white garments washed in the blood of the Lamb, 
Reu 7.14.  as S. john saith. Above all then, my Son, labour to keep sound this conscience, which many prattle of, but over few feel: especially be careful to keep it free from two diseases, wherewith it useth oft to be infected; 
The diseases of conscience.  to wit, Leprosy, and Superstition: the former is the mother of Atheism, the other of Heresies. By a leaprouse conscience, I mean a cauterized conscience, 
1. Tim. 4.2.  as Paul calleth it, being become senseless of sin, through sleeping in a careless security, as King David's was after his murder and adultery, ever till he was wakened by the Prophet nathan's similitude. And by superstition, I mean, when one restrains himself to any other rule in the service of God, then is warranted by the word, the only true square of God's serucie.  
As for a preservative against this Leprosy, 
preservative against leprosy of conscience.  remember ever once in the four and twenty hours, either in the night, or when ye are at greatest quiet, to call yourself to account of all your last days actions, either wherein ye have committed things ye should not, or omitted the things ye should do, either in your Christian or Kingly calling: and in that account, let not yourself be smoothed over with that flattering 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is overkindly a sickness to all mankind: but censure yourself as sharply, as if ye were your own enemy: For if ye judge yourself, ye shall not be judged, 
1. Cor. 11.31.  as the Apostle saith: and then according to your censure, reform your actions as far as ye may, eschewing ever wilfully and wittingly to contrary your conscience: For a small sin wilfully committed, with a deliberate resolution to break the bridle of conscience therein, is far more grievous before God, than a greater sin committed in a sudden passion, when conscience is asleep. 
Last account.  Remember therefore in all your actions, of the great account that ye are one day to make: in all the days of your life, ever learning to die, and living every day as it were your last; Omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum. 
Horat. lib. 1. Epist.   
And therefore, I would not have you to pray with the Papists, to be preserved from sudden death, but that God would give you grace so to live, as ye may every hour of your life be ready for death: so shall ye attain to the virtue of true fortitude, never being afraid for the horror of death, 
True fortitude.  come when he list: And especially, beware to offend your conscience with use of swearing or lying, suppose but in jest; for others are but an use, 
Foolish use of oaths.  and a sin clothed with no delight nor gain, and therefore the more inexcusable even in the sight of men: and lying cometh also much of a vile use, which banisheth shame: Therefore beware even to deny the truth, which is a sort of lie, that may best be eschewed by a person of your rank. For if any thing be asked at you that ye think not meet to reveal, if ye say, that question is not pertinent for them to ask, who dare examine you further? and using sometimes this answer both in true and false things that shall be asked at you, such unmannerly people will never be the wiser thereof.  
And for keeping your conscience sound from that sickness of superstition, 
Against superstition.  ye must neither lay the safety of your conscience upon the credit of your own conceits, nor yet of other men's humours, how great doctors of Divinity that ever they be; but ye must only ground it upon the express Scripture: for conscience not grounded upon sure knowledge, is either an ignorant fantasy, or an arrogant vanity. Beware therefore in this case with two extremities: the one, to believe with the Papists, the Church's authority, better than your own knowledge; the other, to lean with the Anabaptists, to your own conceits and dreamt revelations.  
But learn wisely to discern betwixt points of salvation and indifferent things, 
Difference of internal and external things.  betwixt substance and ceremonies; and betwixt the express commandment and will of God in his word, and the invention or ordinance of man; since all that is necessary for salvation is contained in the Scripture: For in any thing that is expressly commanded or prohibited in the book of God, ye cannot be over precise, even in the least thing; counting every sin, not according to the light estimation and common use of it in the world, but as the book of God counteth of it. But as for all other things not contained in the Scripture, spare not to use or alter them, as the necessity of the time shall require. 
Account of things external.  And when any of the spiritual office-bearers in the Church, speak unto you any thing that is well warranted by the word, reverence and obey them as the heralds of the most high God: but, if passing that bounds, they urge you to embrace any of their fantasies in the place of God's word, or would colour their particulars with a pretended zeal, acknowledge them for no other than vain men, exceeding the bounds of their calling; and according to your office, gravely and with authority redact them in order again.  
To conclude then, 
Conclusion.  both this purpose of conscience, and the first part of this book, keep God more sparingly in your mouth, but abundantly in your heart: be precise in effect, but social in show: kythe more by your deeds then by your words, the love of virtue and hatred of vice: and delight more to be godly and virtuous indeed, then to be thought and called so; expecting more for your praise and reward in heaven, than here: and apply to all your outward actions Christ's command, to pray and give your alms secretly: So shall ye on the one part be inwardly garnished with true Christian humility, not outwardly (with the proud Pharisie) glorying in your godliness; but saying, as Christ commandeth us all, when we have done all that we can, 
Luke 10.17.  Inutiles servi sumus: And on the other part, ye shall eschew outwardly before the world, the suspicion of filthy proud hypocrisy, and deceitful dissimulation.   

OF A KING'S DVETIE IN HIS OFFICE.  
THE SECOND BOOK.  
BUT as ye are clothed with two callings, so must ye be alike careful for the discharge of them both: that as ye are a good Christian, so ye may be a good King, discharging your Office (as I showed before) in the points of justice and Equity: 
The Office of a King.  which in two sundry ways ye must do: the one, in establishing and executing, 
Plato in Polit.  (which is the life of the Law) good Laws among your people: 
Isocr, in Sym.  the other, by your behaviour in your own person, and with your servants, to teach your people by your example: for people are naturally inclined to counterfeit (like apes) their Prince's manners, 
Plate in Polis.  according to the notable saying of Plato, expressed by the Poet— 
— Componitur orbis  
Regis ad exemplum, nec sic inflectere sensus  
Humanos edicta valent, quàm vitaregentis.  
Claudian in 4. cons. Hon.   
For the part of making, and executing of Laws, consider first the true difference betwixt a lawful good King, and an usurping Tyrant, and ye shall the more easily understand your duty herein: 
Difference of a King and a Tyrant.  for contraria juxta se posita magis elucescunt. The one acknowledgeth himself ordained for his people, having received from God a burden of government, 
Plato in Polit.  whereof he must be countable: the other thinketh his people ordained for him, 
Arist. 5. Polit.  a prey to his passions and inordinate appetites, as the fruits of his magnanimity: And therefore, as their ends are directly contrary, so are their whole actions, as means, whereby they press to attain to their ends. A good King, thinking his highest honour to consist in the due discharge of his calling, emploieth all his study and pains, to procure and maintain, 
Xen. 8. Cyr.  by the making and execution of good Laws, the welfare and peace of his people; and as their natural father and kindly Master, 
Cic. lib. 5. de Rep.  thinketh his greatest contentment standeth in their prosperity, and his greatest surety in having their hearts, subjecting his own private affections and appetites to the weal and standing of his Subjects, ever thinking the common interest his chiefest particular: where by the contrary, an usurping Tyrant, thinking his greatest honour and felicity to consist in attaining per fas, vel nefas, 
Arist. 5. Polit. Tacit. 4. hist.  to his ambitious pretences, thinketh never himself sure, but by the dissension and factions among his people, and counterfeiting the Saint while he once creep in credit, will then (by inverting all good Laws to serve only for his unruly private affections) frame the commonweal ever to advance his particular: building his surety upon his people's misery: and in the end (as a stepfather and an uncouth hireling) make up his own hand upon the ruins of the Republic. And according to their actions, 
The issue and rewards of a good King.  so receive they their reward: For a good King (after a happy and famous reign) dieth in peace, lamented by his subjects, and admired by his neighbours; and leaving a reverent renown behind him in earth, obtaineth the Crown of eternal felicity in heaven. 
Cic. 6. de Rep.  And although some of them (which falleth out very rarely) may be cut off by the treason of some unnatural subjects, yet liveth their fame after them, and some notable plague faileth never to overtake the committers in this life, besides their infamy to all posterities hereafter: 
The issue of tyrants, Arist. 5. Polit.  Where by the contrary, a tyrants miserable and infamous life, armeth in end his own Subjects to become his burreaux: 
Isocr in Sym.  and although that rebellion be ever unlawful on their part, yet is the world so wearied of him, that his fall is little meaned by the rest of his Subjects, and but smiled at by his neighbours. And besides the infamous memory he leaveth behind him here, and the endless pain he sustaineth hereafter, it oft falleth out, that the committers not only escape unpunished, but farther, the fact will remain as allowed by the Law in divers aages thereafter. It is easy then for you (my Son) to make a choice of one of these two sorts of rulers, by following the way of virtue to establish your standing; yea, incase ye fell in the high way, yet should it be with the honourable report, and just regrate of all honest men.  
And therefore to return to my purpose anent the government of your Subjects, 
Anent the making of Laws.  by making and putting good Laws to execution; I remit the making of them to your own discretion, as ye shall find the necessity of new-rising corruptions to require them: for, ex malis moribus bonae leges natae sunt: besides, that in this country, we have already more good Laws than are well execute, and am only to insist in your form of government anent their execution. Only remember, that as Parliaments have been ordained for making of Laws, so ye abuse not their institution, in holding them for any men's particulars: 
The authority and true use of Parliaments.  For as a Parliament is the honourablest and highest judgement in the land (as being the King's head Court) if it be well used, which is by making of good Laws in it; so is it the in-iustest judgement-seat that may be, 
L. 12. Tab.  being abused to men's particulars: irrevocable decreits against particular parties, being given therein under colour of general Laws, and oft-times th'Estates not knowing themselves whom thereby they hurt. And therefore hold no Parliaments, but for necessity of new Laws, which would be but seldom: for few Laws and well put in execution, are best in a well ruled commonweal. As for the matter of fore-faltures, which also are done in Parliament, it is not good tigging with these things; but my advice is, 
Cic. 3 de leg. pro D. s. & pro Sest.  ye fore-fault none but for such odious crimes as may make them unworthy ever to be restored again: And for smaller offences, ye have other penalties sharp enough to be used against them.  
And as for the execution of good Laws, whereat I left, 
Anent the execution of Laws.  remember that among the differences that I put betwixt the forms of the government of a good King, and an usurping Tyrant; I show how a Tyrant would enter like a Saint while he found himself fast underfoot, and then would suffer his unruly affections to burst forth. 
A just seneritic to be used at the first. Sen. de cl. Ar. 7. pol.  Therefore be ye contrary at your first entry to your Kingdom, to that Quinquennium Neronis, with his tender hearted wish, Vellem nescirem literas, in giving the Law full execution against all breakers thereof but exception. For since ye come not to your reign precariò, nor by conquest, but by right and due descent; fear no uproars for doing of justice, since ye may assure yourself, 
Plato 2. & 10 de Repub. Cic. ad Q. fr.  the most part of your people will ever naturally favour justice: providing always, that ye do it only for love to justice, and not for satisfying any particular passions of yours, under colour thereof: otherwise, how justly that ever the offender deserve it, ye are guilty of murder before God: For ye must consider, that God ever looketh to your inward intention in all your actions.  
And when ye have by the severity of justice once settled your countries, and made them know that ye can strike, 
A good mixture. Plato in Pol. & 9 de L. Sal. orat. ad Caesar.  then may ye thereafter all the days of your life mix justice with Mercy, punishing or sparing, as ye shall find the crime to have been wilfully or rashly committed, and according to the bypassed behaviour of the committer. For if otherwise ye kith your clemency at the first, the offences would soon come to such heaps, and the contempt of you grow so great, that when ye would fall to punish, the number of them to be punished, would exceed the innocent; and ye would be troubled to resolve whom-at to begin: and against your nature would be compelled then to wrack many, whom the chastisement of few in the beginning might have preserved. But in this, 
A dear precedent.  But in this, my over-deare bought experience may serve you for a sufficient lesson: For I confess, where I thought (by being gracious at the beginning) to win all men's hearts to a loving and willing obedience, I by the contrary found, the disorder of the country, and the loss of my thanks to be all my reward.  
But as this severe justice of yours upon all offences would be but for a time, (as I have already said) so is there some horrible crimes that ye are bound in conscience never to forgive: such as Witchcraft, 
Crimes unpardonable.  wilful murder, Incest, (especially within the degrees of consanguinity) Sodomy, poisoning, and false coin. 
Treason against the Prince his person, or authority.  As for offences against your own person and authority, since the fault concerneth yourself, I remit to your own choice to punish or pardon therein, as your heart serveth you, and according to the circumstances of the turn, and the quality of the committer.  
Here would I also eike another crime to be unpardonable, if I should not be thought partial: but the fatherly love I bear you, will make me break the bounds of shame in opening it unto you. 
Staining of the blood.  It is then, the false and unreverent writing or speaking of malicious men against your Parents and Predecessors: 
Exod. 20.12.  ye know the command in God's law, Honour your Father and Mother: and consequently, sen ye are the lawful magistrate, suffer not both your Princes and your Parents to be dishonoured by any; especially, sith the example also toucheth yourself, 
Plat. 4. de Legib.  in leaving thereby to your successors, the measure of that which they shall meet out again to you in your like behalf. I grant we have all our faults, which, privately betwixt you and God, should serve you for examples to meditate upon, and mend in your person; but should not be a matter of discourse to others whatsoever. And sith year come of as honourable Predecessors as any Prince living, repress the insolence of such, as under pretence to tax a vice in the person, seek craftily to stain the race, and to steal the affection of the people from their posterity: For how can they love you, that hated them whom-of ye are come? Wherefore destroy men innocent young sucking Wolves and Foxes, but for the hatred they bear to their race? and why will a colt of a Courser of Naples, give a greater price in a market, than an Asse-colt, but for love of the race? It is therefore a thing monstrous, to see a man love the child, and hate the Parents: as on the other part, the infaming and making odious of the parent, is the readiest way to bring the son in contempt. And for conclusion of this point, I may also allege my own experience: For besides the judgements of God, that with my eyes I have seen fall upon all them that were chief traitors to my parents, I may justly affirm, I never found yet a constant biding by me in all my straits, by any that were of perfit age in my parents days, but only by such as constantly bode by them; I mean specially by them that served the Queen my mother for so that I discharge my conscience to you, my Son, in revealing to you the truth, I care not, what any traitor or treason-allower think of it.  
And although the crime of oppression be not in this rank of unpardonable crimes, 
Of oppression.  yet the over-common use of it in this nation, as if it were a virtue, especially by the greatest rank of subjects in the land, requireth the King to be a sharp censurer thereof. 
Arist. 5. polit. Isocr. de reg. Cic. in Of. & add Q. fr.  Be diligent therefore to try, and awful to beat down the horns of proud oppressors: embrace the quarrel of the poor and distressed, as your own particular, thinking it your greatest honour to repress the oppressors: 
The true glory of Kings.  care for the pleasure of none, neither spare ye any pains in your own person, to see their wrongs redressed: and remember of the honourable style given to my grandfather of worthy memory, 
A memorable and worthy pattern.  in being called the poor man's King. And as the most part of a King's office, standeth in deciding that question of Meum and Tuum, among his subjects; so remember when ye sit in judgement, that the Throne ye sit on is Gods, 
Deut. 1.  as Moses saith, and sway neither to the right hand nor to the left; either loving the rich, or pitying the poor. justice should be blind and friendless: it is not there ye should reward your friends, 
Plat. in polit. C●●a. Q. frat. Arist. 1. Ret. Plat. in Is.  or seek to cross your enemies.  
Here now speaking of oppressors and of justice, the purpose leadeth me to speak of Hie-land and Border oppressions. As for the Hie-lands, 
Of the Hielands.  I shortly comprehend them all in two sorts of people: the one, that dwelleth in our main land, that are barbarous for the most part, and yet mixed with some show of civility: the other, that dwelleth in the Isles, and are alluterly barbares, without any sort or show of civility. For the first sort, put straightly to execution the Laws made already by me against their Ouer-lords, and the chiefs of their Clannes, and it will be no difficulty to danton them. As for the other sort, follow forth the course that I have intended, in planting Colonies among them of answerable Inlands subjects, that within short time may reform and civilize the best inclined among them; rooting out or transporting the barbarous and stubborn sort, and planting civility in their rooms.  
But as for the Borders, because I know, if ye enjoy not this whole Isle, 
Of the Borders.  according to God's right and your lineal descent, ye will never get leave to brook this North and barrenest part thereof; no, not your own head whereon the Crown should stand; I need not in that case trouble you with them: for than they will be the midst of the I'll, and so as easily ruled as any part thereof.  
And that ye may the readier with wisdom and justice govern your subjects, by knowing what vices they are naturally most inclined to, 
A necesiarie point in a good government. Plato in polis.  as a good Physician, who must first know what peccant humours his Patient naturally is most subject unto, before he can begin his cure: I shall therefore shortly note unto you, the principal faults that every rank of the people of this country is most affected unto. And as for England, I will not speak be-gesse of them, never having been among them, although I hope in that God, who ever favoureth the right, before I die, to be as well acquainted with their fashions.  
As the whole Subjects of our country (by the ancient and fundamental policy of our Kingdom) are divided into three estates, 
A consideration of the three estates.  so is every estate hereof generally subject to some special vices; which in a manner by long habitude, are thought rather virtue than vice among them: not that every particular man in any of these ranks of men, is subject unto them, for there is good and evil of all sorts; but that I mean, I have found by experience, these vices to have taken greatest hold with these ranks of men.  
And first, that I prejudge not the Church of her ancient privileges, reason would she should have the first place for order's sake, in this catalogue.  
The natural sickness that hath ever troubled, 
The diseases of the church.  and been the decay of all the Churches, since the beginning of the world, changing the candlestick from one to another, as john saith, hath been Pride, Ambition, and Avarice: and now last, these same infirmities wrought the overthrow of the Popish Church, in this country and divers others. But the reformation of Religion in Scotland, being extraordinarily wrought by God, wherein many things were inordinately done by a popular tumult and rebellion, 
The occasion of the Tribunat of some Puritans.  of such as blindly were doing the work of God, but clogged with their own passions and particular respects, as well appeared by the destruction of our policy, and not proceeding from the Prince's order, as it did in our neighbour country of England, as likewise in Denmark, and sundry parts of Germany; some fiery spirited men in the ministery, got such a guiding of the people at that time of confusion, as finding the gust of government sweet, they begouth to fantasy to themselves a Democraticke form of government: and having (by the iniquity of time) been over-well baited upon the wrack, first of my Grandmother, and next of mine own mother, and after usurping the liberty of the time in my long minority, 
Such were the Demagogy at Athens.  settled themselves so fast upon that imagined Democracie, as they fed themselves with the hope to become Tribuni plebis: and so in a popular government by leading the people by the nose, to bear the sway of all the rule. And for this cause, there never rose faction in the time of my minority, 
Their forms in the State.  nor trouble sen-syne, but they that were upon that factious part, were ever careful to persuade and allure these unruly spirits among the ministery, to spouse that quarrel as their own: wherethrough I was oft-times calumniated in their populare Sermons, not for any evil or vice in me, but because I was a King, which they thought the highest evil. And because they were ashamed to profess this quarrel, they were busy to look narrowly in all my actions; and I warrant you a mote in my eye, yea a false report, was matter enough for them to work upon: and yet for all their cunning, whereby they pretended to distinguish the lawfulness of the office, from the vice of the person, some of them would sometimes snapper out well grossly with the truth of their intentions, informing the people, 
Their razing the ground of the princely rule.  that all Kings and Princes were naturally enemies to the liberty of the Church, and could never patiently bear the yoke of Christ: with such sound doctrine fed they their flocks. And because the learned, grave, and honest men of the ministery, were ever ashamed and offended with their temerity and presumption, pressing by all good means by their authority and example, to reduce them to a greater moderation; there could be no way found out so meet in their conceit, that were turbulent spirits among them, for maintaining their plots, as parity in the Church: whereby the ignorants were emboldened (as bairdes) to cry the learned, 
Their pretence of paratie.  godly, and modest out of it: parity the mother of confusion, and enemy to Unity, which is the mother of order: For if by the example thereof, once established in the Ecclesiastical government, the Politic and civil estate should be drawn to the like, the great confusion that thereupon would arise may easily be discerned. Take heed therefore (my Son) to such Puritans, very pests in the Church and Commonweal, whom no deserts can oblige, neither oaths or promises bind, 
An evil sort of seed-men in the State.  breathing nothing but sedition and calumnies, aspiring without measure, railing without reason, and making their own imaginations (without any warrant of the word) the square of their conscience. I protest before the great God, and since I am here as upon my Testament, it is no place for me to lie in, that ye shall never find with any Hie-land or Border-theeves greater ingratitude, and more lies and vile perjuries, then with these phanaticke spirits: And suffer not the principals of them to brook your land, if ye like to sit at rest; except ye would keep them for trying your patience, 
Xantippe.  as Socrates did an evil wife.  
And for preservative against their poison, 
preservative against such poison.  entertain and advance the godly, learned, and modest men of the ministery, whom-of (God be praised) there lacketh not a sufficient number: and by their provision to bishoprics and Benefices (annulling that vile act of Annexation, if ye find it not done to your hand) ye shall not only banish their conceited parity, whereof I have spoken, and their other imaginary grounds; 
Parity incompatible with a Monarchy.  which can neither stand with the order of the Church, nor the peace of a Commonweal and well ruled Monarchy: but ye shall also re-establish the old institution of three Estates in Parliament, which can no otherwise be done. But in this I hope (if God spare me days) to make you a fair entry, always where I leave, follow ye my steps.  
And to end my advice anent the Church estate, 
General advice in behalf of the Church.  cherish no man more than a good Pastor, hate no man more than a proud Puritan; thinking it one of your fairest styles, to be called a loving nourish-father to the Church, seeing all the Churches within your dominions planted with good Pastors, the Schools (the seminary of the Church) maintained, the doctrine and discipline preserved in purity, according to God's word, a sufficient provision for their sustentation, a comely order in their policy, pride punished, humility advanced, and they so to reverence their superiors, and their flocks them, as the flourishing of your Church in piety, peace, and learning, may be one of the chief points of your earthly glory, being ever alike ware with both the extremities; as well as ye repress the vain Puritan, so not to suffer proud Papal Bishops: but as some for their qualities will deserve to be preferred before others, so chain them with such bonds as may preserve that estate from creeping to corruption.  
The next estate now that by order cometh in purpose, according to their ranks in Parliament, is the Nobility, although second in rank, 
Of the Nobility and their forms.  yet over far first in greatness and power, either to do good or evil, as they are inclined.  
The natural sickness that I have perceived this estate subject to in my time, hath been, a fectlesse arrogant conceit of their greatness and power; drinking in with their very nourish-milke, that their honour stood in committing three points of iniquity: to thrall by oppression, the meaner sort that dwelleth near them, to their service and following, although they hold nothing of them: to maintain their servants and dependers in any wrong, although they be not answerable to the laws (for any body will maintain his man in a right cause) and for any displeasure, that they apprehend to be done unto them by their neighbour, to take up a plain feide against him; and (without respect to God, King, or commonweal) to bang it out bravely, he and all his kin, against him and all his: yea they will think the King far in their common, in-case they agree to grant an assurance to a short day, for keeping of the peace: where, by their natural duty, they are oblished to obey the law, and keep the peace all the days of their life, upon the peril of their very craigges.  
For remeid to these evils in their estate, 
Remedy of such evils. Arist. 5. Polit.  teach your Nobility to keep your laws as precisely as the meanest: fear not their orping or being discontented, as long as ye rule well; for their pretended reformation of Princes taketh never effect, but where evil government precedeth. Acquaint yourself so with all the honest men of your Barons and Gentlemen, 
Zeno in Cyr. Iso. in En. Cic. ad Q. fra.  and be in your giving access so open and affable to every rank of honest persons, as may make them pert without scarring at you, to make their own suits to you themselves, and not to employ the great Lords their intercessors; for intercession to Saints is Papistry: so shall ye bring to a measure their monstrous backs. And for their barbarous feides, put the laws to due execution made by me there-anent; beginning ever rathe at him that ye love best, and is most oblished unto you; to make him an example to the rest. For ye shall make all your reformations to begin at your elbow, and so by degrees to flow to the extremities of the land. And rest not, until ye root out these barbarous feides; that their effects may be as well smoared down, as their barbarous name is unknown to any other nation: For if this Treatise were written either in French or Latin, I could not get them named unto you but by circumlocution. And for your easier abolishing of them, put sharply to execution my laws made against Guns and traitorous Pistolets; thinking in your heart, terming in your speech, and using by your punishments, all such as wear and use them, as brigands and cut-throats.  
On the other part, eschew the other extremity, in lightlying and contemning your Nobility. Remember how that error broke the King my grandfathers heart. 
Plat. in 1. Al. in pol. & 5. del. Arist. 2. oecom.  But consider that virtue followeth oftest noble blood: the worthiness of their antecessors craveth a reverent regard to be had unto them: honour them therefore that are obedient to the law among them, as Peers and Fathers of your land: the more frequently that your Court can be garnished with them; 
Zen● in Cyr.  think it the more your honour; acquainting and employing them in all your greatest affairs; sen it is, they must be your arms and executors of your laws: and so use yourself lovingly to the obedient, and rigorously to the stubborn, as may make the greatest of them to think, that the chiefest point of their honour, standeth in striving with the meanest of the land in humility towards you, and obedience to your Laws: beating ever in their ears, that one of the principal points of service that ye crave of them, is, in their persons to practise, and by their power to procure due obedience to the Law, without the which, no service they can make, can be agreeable unto you.  
But the greatest hindrance to the execution of our Laws in this country, are these heritable Shirefdomes and Regalities, 
Of Shirefdomes and Regalities.  which being in the hands of the great men, do wrack the whole country: For which I know no present remedy, but by taking the sharper account of them in their Offices; using all punishment against the slothful, that the Law will permit: and ever as they vaike, for any offences committed by them, 
Ar. 2. pol.  dispone them never heritably again: pressing, with time, 
Laudable custom of England.  to draw it to the laudable custom of England: which ye may the easilier do, being King of both, as I hope in God ye shall.  
And as to the third and last estate, 
The third estate.  which is our Burghes (for the small Barrones are but an inferior part of the Nobility and of their estate) they are composed of two sorts of men; Merchants and Craftesmen: either of these sorts being subject to their own infirmities.  
The Merchants think the whole commonweal ordained for making them up; and accounting it their lawful gain and trade, 
The forms of Merchants.  to enrich themselves upon the loss of all the rest of the people, they transport from us things necessary; bringing back sometimes unnecessary things, and at other times nothing at all. They buy for us the worst wares, and sell them at the dearest prices: and albeit the victuals fall or rise of their prices, according to the abundance or skantnesse thereof; yet the prices of their wares ever rise, but neverfall: being as constant in that their evil custom, as if it were a settled Law for them. They are also the special cause of the corruption of the coin, transporting all our own, and bringing in foreign, upon what price they please to set on it: For order putting to them, put the good Laws in execution that are already made anent these abuses; but especially do three things: Establish honest, diligent, but few Searchers, for many hands make slight work; and have an honest and diligent Thesaurer to take count of them: 
Pl. 2. de Rep. 8. & 11. the leg.  Permit and allure foreign Merchants to trade here: so shall ye have best and best cheap wares, not buying them at the third hand: And set every year down a certain price of all things; considering first, how it is in other countries: and the price being set reasonably down, if the Merchants will not bring them home on the price, cry foreigners free to bring them.  
And because I have made mention here of the coin, 
A duice anent the coin.  make your money of fine Gold and Silver; causing the people be paid with substance, and not abused with number: so shall ye enrich the commonweal, and have a great treasure laid up in store, if ye fall in wars or in any straits: For the making it base, will breed your commodity; but it is not to be used, but at a great necessity.  
And the Craftesmen think, 
Of craftsmen. Plat. 11. the leg.  we should be content with their work, how bad and dear soever it be: and if they in any thing be controlled, up goeth the blew-blanket: 
A good policy of England.  But for their part, take example by ENGLAND, how it hath flourished both in wealth and policy, since the stranger's Craftesmen came in among them: 
Plat. 9 the leg.  Therefore not only permit, but allure strangers to come here also; taking as straight order for repressing the mutining of ours at them, as was done in ENGLAND, at their first inbringing there.  
But unto one fault is all the common people of this Kingdom subject, 
A general fault in the people.  as well burgh as land; which is, to judge and speak rashly of their Prince, 
Sal. in jug.  setting the Commonweal upon four props, as we call it; ever wearying of the present estate, and desirous of novelties. For remedy whereof (besides the execution of Laws that are to be used against unreverent speakers) I know no better mean, then so to rule, as may justly stop their mouths from all such idle and unreverent speeches; and so to prop the weal of your people, with provident care for their good government, that justly, Momus himself may have no ground to grudge at: and yet so to temper and mix your severity with mildness, that as the unjust railers may be restrained with a reverentawe; so the good and loving Subjects, may not only live in surety and wealth, but be stirred up and invited by your benign courtesies, to open their mouths in the just praise of your so well moderated regiment. 
Arist. 5. pol. Isoc. in paneg.  In respect whereof, and therewith also the more to allure them to a common amity among themselves, certain days in the year would be appointed, for delighting the people with public spectacles of all honest games, and exercise of arms: as also for conueening of neighbours, for entertaining friendship and heartlinesse, by honest feasting and merriness: For I cannot see what greater superstition can be in making plays and lawful games in May, and good cheer at Christmas, then in eating fish in Lent, and upon Fridays, the Papists as well using the one as the other: so that always the sabboth's be kept holy, and no unlawful pastime be used: And as this form of contenting the people's minds, hath been used in all well governed Republics so will it make you to perform in your government that old good sentence, Omne tulit punctum, 
Hor. de art. poet.  qui miscuit utile dulci.  
Ye see now (my Son) how for the zeal I bear to acquaint you with the plain and single verity of all things, I have not spared to be something Satyric, in touching well quickly the faults in all the estates of my kingdom: But I protest before God, I do it with the fatherly love that I own to them all; only hating their vices, whereof there is a good number of honest men free in every estate.  
And because, for the better reformation of all these abuses among your estates, it will be a great help unto you, to be well acquainted with the nature and humours of all your Subjects, and to know particularly the estate of every part of your dominions; I would therefore counsel you, 
Plat. in pol. & Min. Tacit. 7. an. Mart.  once in the year to visit the principal parts of the country, ye shall be in for the time: and because I hope ye shall be King of more countries then this; once in the three years to visit all your Kingdoms; not lipening to Viceroys, but hearing yourself their complaints; and having ordinary Counsels and iustice-seates in every Kingdom, of their own countrymen: and the principal matters ever to be decided by yourself when ye come in those parts.  
Ye have also to consider, 
Protection from foreign miuries. Xeno. 8. Cyr. Arist. 5 pol. Polib. 6. Dion. Hal. de Romul.  that ye must not only be careful to keep your subjects, from receiving any wrong of others within; but also ye must be careful to keep them from the wrong of any foreign Prince without: sen the sword is given you by God not only to revenge upon your own subjects, the wrongs committed amongst themselves; but further, to revenge and free them of foreign injuries done unto them: And therefore wars upon just quarrels are lawful: but about all, let not the wrong cause be on your side.  
Use all other Princes, as your brethren, honestly and kindly: 
What forms to be used with other Princes. Isoc. in Plat. & Parag.  Keep precisely your promise unto them, although to your hurt. Strive with eu●r●e one of them in courtesy and thankfulness: and as with all men, so especially with them, be plain and trewthfull; keeping ever that Christian rule, to do as ye would be done to: especially in counting rebellion against any other Prince, a crime against your own self, because of the preparative. Supply not therefore, nor trust not other Prince's rebels; but pity and secure all lawful Princes in their troubles. 
Arist. ad A. Verr. 11. the V p. R. Cu. 2. Of. Liu. lib. 4.  But if any of them will not abstain, notwithstanding whatsoever your good deserts, to wrong you or your subjects, crave redress at leisure; hear and do all reason: and if no offer that is lawful or honourable, can make him to abstain, nor repair his wrong doing; then for last refuge, 
Liu. lib. 1. Cic. cod.  commit the justness of your cause to God, giving first honestly up with him, and in a public and honourable form.  
But omitting now to teach you the form of making wars, 
Of war.  because that art is largely treated of by many, 
Prop. 4. Eleg. Lucan. 7. Varro 11. the V P. R.  and is better learned by practice then speculation; I will only set down to you here a few precepts therein. Let first the justness of your cause be your greatest strength; and then omit not to use all lawful means for backing of the same. Consult therefore with no Necromancier nor false Prophet, upon the success of your wars, remembering on king Saules miserable end: 
1. Sam. 31.  but keep your land clean of all Soothsayers, 
Deut. 18.  according to the command in the Law of God, dilated by jeremy. Neither commit your quarrel to be tried by a Duel: for beside that generally all Duel appeareth to be unlawful, committing the quarrel, as it were, to a lot; whereof there is no warrant in the Scripture, since the abrogating of the old Law: it is specially most unlawful in the person of a King; 
Plutat. in Sect. & Ant.  who being a public person hath no power therefore to dispose of himself, in respect, that to his preservation or fall, the safety or wrack of the whole commonweal is necessarily coupled, as the body is to the head.  
Before ye take on war, 
Luke 14.  play the wise Kings part described by Christ; foreseeing how ye may bear it out with all necessary provision: especially remember, 
Thuc. 2. Sal in lug. Cic. prol. man.. Demost. olyn. 2. Liu. li. 30. Veger 1. Caes. 1. & 3. the 〈◊〉, ciuil●. Proh. in Thras.  that money is Neruus belli. Choose old experimented Captains, and young able soldiers. Be extremely straight and severe in martial Discipline, as well for keeping of order, which is as requisite as hardiness in the wars, and punishing of sloth, which at a time may put the whole army in hazard; as likewise for repressing of mutinies, which in wars are wonderful dangerous. And look to the Spaniard, whose great success in all his wars, hath only come through straightness of Discipline and order: for such errors may be committed in the wars, as cannot be gotten mended again.  
Be in your own person walkrife, 
Caes. 1. de bello ciu. Liu. l. 7. Xen. 1. & 5. C●r. & de discip. mi. Xen. in Ages.  diligent and painful; using the advice of such as are skilfullest in the craft, as ye must also do in all other. Be homely with your soldiers as your companions, for winning their hearts; and extremely liberal, for than is no time of sparing. Be cold and foreseeing in devising, constant in your resolutions, and forward and quick in your executions. 
Pol. l 5.  Fortify well your Camp, and assail not rashly without an advantage: 
X●n. 1. Cyr. Thuc. 5.  neither fear not lightly your enemy. Be curious in devising stratagems, but always honestly: for of any thing they work greatest effects in the wars, 
Isoc. ad Phil. Pla. 9 the leg. Liu. l. 22. & 31. Tac. 2. his. Plut. de fort.  if secrecy be joined to invention. And once or twice in your own person hazard yourself fairly; but, having acquired so the fame of courage and magnanimity, make not a daily soldier of yourself, exposing rashly your person to every peril: but conserve yourself thereafter for the weal of your people, for whose sake ye must more care for yourself, then for your own.  
And as I have counseled you to be slow in taking on a war, 
Of Peace.  so advise I you to be slow in peacemaking. 
Isocr in Arch.  Before ye agree, look that the ground of your wars be satisfied in your peace; 
Polib. 3. Cit 1. Of. & 7. Phil. Tat. 4. his.  and that ye see a good surety for you and your people: otherways a honourable and just war is more tolerable, than a dishonourable and disaduantageous peace.  
But it is not enough to a good King, by the sceptre of good Laws well execute to govern, and by force of arms to protect his people; if he join not therewith his virtuous life in his own person, and in the person of his Court and company; by good example alluring his Subjects to the love of virtue, 
A King's life must be exemplare. Plan pol. & 4. the leg.  and hatred of vice. And therefore (my Son) sith all people are naturally inclined to follow their Prince's example (as I showed you before) let it not be said, that ye command others to keep the contrary course to that, which in your own person ye practise, making so your words and deeds to fight together: but by the contrary, let your own life be a lawbook and a mirror to your people; that therein they may read the practice of their own Laws; and therein they may see, by your image, what life they should lead.  
And this example in your own life and person, I likewise divide in two parts: The first, in the government of your Court and followers, in all godliness and virtue: the next, in having your own mind decked and enriched so with all virtuous qualities, that therewith ye may worthily rule your people: 
Plat. in Thee. & Euth.  For it is not enough that ye have and retain (as prisoners) within yourself never so many good qualities and virtues, except ye employ them, and set them on work, 
Arist. 1. Eth. Cic. in Offic.  for the weal of them that are committed to your charge: Virtutis enim laus omnis in actione consistit.  
First then, as to the government of your Court and followers, 
Of the Court. Psal. 101.  King David sets down the best precepts, that any wise and Christian King can practise in that point: For as ye ought to have a great care for the ruling well of all your Subjects, so ought ye to have a double care for the ruling well of your own servants; since unto them ye are both a Politic and Oeconomic governor. 
Cic. ad Q frat.  And as every one of the people will delight to follow the example of any of the Courteours, as well in evil as in good: so what crime so horrible can there be committed and overseen in a Courteour, that will not be an exemplare excuse for any other boldly to commit the like? And therefore in two points have ye to take good heed anent your Court and household: first, in choosing them wisely; next, in carefully ruling them whom ye have chosen.  
It is an old and true saying, That a kindly aver will never become a good horse: 
Plat. 5. de Leg.  for albeit good education and company be great helps to Nature, and education be therefore most justly called altera natura, 
Arist. 2. oecon.  yet is it evil to get out of the flesh, that is bred in the bone, as the old proverb saith. Be very ware then in making choice of your servants and company; 
— Nam  
Turpius eiicitur, quàm non admittitur hospes: 
ovid. 5. de Trist.   and many respects may lawfully let an admission, that will not be sufficient causes of deprivation.  
All your servants and Court must be composed partly of minors, 
Of the choice of servants.  such as young Lords, to be brought up in your company, or Pages and such like; and partly of men of perfect age, for serving you in such rooms, as aught to be filled with men of wisdom and discretion. For the first sort, ye can do no more, but choose them within age, 
Arist 1. & 5. polit.  that are come of a good and virtuous kind, In fide parentum, as Baptism is used: For though anima non venit ex traduce, but is immediately created by God, 
Cic. ad Q frat.  and infused from above; yet it is most certain, that virtue or vice will oftentimes, with the heritage, be transferred from the parents to the posterity, 
Witness the experience of the late house of Gowree. Plat. 6. de Leg. Arist 2. oecon. & 1. pol.  and run on a blood (as the Proverb is) the sickness of the mind becoming as kindly to some races, as these sicknesses of the body, that infect in the seed: Especially choose such minors as are come of a true and honest race, and have not had the house whereof they are descended, infected with falsehood.  
And as for the other sort of your company and servants, that aught to be of perfect age; 
Plat. 6. the leg. Isocr. in pan. Arist 5. pol.  first see that they be of a good fame and without blemish, otherwise, what can the people think, but that ye have chosen a company unto you, according to your own humour, and so have preferred these men, for the love of their vices and crimes, that ye knew them to beguiltie of? 
Dem. 2. ph.  For the people that see you not within, cannot judge of you, but according to the outward appearance of your actions and company, which only is subject to their sight: 
Plat. 7. de Rep. 3. et 12. de Leg. Arist. 5. et 6. pobit.  And next, see that they be endued with such honest qualities, as are meet for such offices, as ye ordain them to serve in; that your judgement may be known in employing every man according to his gifts: 
Psal. 101.  And shortly, follow good king David's counsel in the choice of your servants, by setting your eyes upon the faithful and upright of the land to dwell with you.  
But here I must not forget to remember, 
A transmission of hereditary kindness.  and according to my fatherly authority, to charge you to prefer specially to your service, so many as have truly served me, and are able for it: the rest, honourably to reward them, preferring their posterity before others, as kindliest: so shall ye not only be best served, (for if the haters of your parents cannot love you, as I showed before, it followeth of necessity their lovers must love you) but further, ye shall kith your thankful memory of your father, and procure the blessing of these old servants, in not missing their old master in you; which otherwise would be turned in a prayer for me, and a curse for you. Use them therefore when God shall call me, as the testimonies of your affection towards me; trusting and advancing those farthest, whom I found faithfullest: which ye must not discern by their rewards at my hand (for rewards, as they are called Bona fortunae, so are they subject unto fortune) but according to the trust I gave them; having oft-times had better heart than hap to the rewarding of sundry: And on the other part, as I wish you to kith your constant love towards them that I loved, so desire I you to kith in the same measure, your constant hatred to them that I hated: I mean, bring not home, nor restore not such, as ye find standing banished or fore-faulted by me. The contrary would kith in you over great a contempt of me, and lightness in your own nature: for how can they be true to the Son, that were false to the Father?  
But to return to the purpose anent the choice of your servants, ye shall by this wise form of doing, eschew the inconuenients, that in my minority I fell in, anent the choice of my servants: For by them that had the command where I was brought up, were my servants put unto me; not choosing them that were meetest to serve me, but whom they thought meetest to serve their turn about me, 
A domestic and near example.  as kithed well in many of them at the first rebellion raised against me, which compelled me to make a great alteration among my servants. And yet the example of that corruption made me to be long troubled thereafter with solicitors, recommending servants unto me, more for serving in effect, their friends that put them in, than their master that admitted them. Let my example then teach you to follow the rules here set down, 
Arist. 2. pol.  choosing your servants for your own use, and not for the use of others: And since ye must be communis parens to all your people, so choose your servants indifferently out of all quarters; not respecting other men's appetites, but their own qualities: For as ye must command all, so reason would, ye should be served out of all, as ye please to make choice.  
But specially take good heed to the choice of your servants, 
Of the officers of the Crown Plat. de repub. Cic. ad Q. frat Isoc. in Panath. ad Nic. & de pace. Thuc 6. Piutar. in pol.  that ye prefer to the offices of the Crown and estate: for in other offices ye have only to take heed to your own weal; but these concern likewise the weal of your people, for the which ye must be answerable to God. Choose then for all these Offices, men of known wisdom, honesty, and good conscience; well practised in the points of the craft, that ye ordain them for, and free of all factions and partialities; but specially free of that filthy vice of Flattery, the pest of all Princes, and wrack of Republics: 
Plat. in Phedr. & Menex. Arist. 5 pol. Isoc. in Sym. Tacit. 3. hist. Curt. 8.  For since in the first part of this Treatise, I forewarned you to be at war with your own inward flatterer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, how much more should ye be at war with outward flatterers, who are nothing so sib to you, as yourself is; by the selling of such counterfeit wares, only pressing to ground their greatness upon your ruins? And therefore be careful to prefer none, as ye will be answerable to God but only for their worthiness: 
Of public receivers.  But specially choose honest, diligent, mean, but responsal men, to be your receivers in money matters: mean I say, that ye may when ye please, take a sharp account of their intromission, without peril of their breeding any trouble to your estate: for this oversight hath been the greatest cause of my mis-thriving in money matters. Especially, put never a foreigner, 
A special principle in policy. Arist. 5. pol. Cic. ad Q. frat.  in any principal office of estate: for that will never fail to stir up sedition and envy in the countrymen's hearts, both against you and him: But (as I said before) if God provide you with more countries then this; choose the borne-men of every country, to be your chief counsellors therein.  
And for conclusion of my advice anent the choice of your servants, 
Plat. in 1. Al. in pol. & 5. the legib. Arist. 2. oecon.  delight to be served with men of the noblest blood that may be had: for besides that their service shall breed you great goodwill and least envy, contrary to that of start-ups; ye shall oft find virtue follow noble races, as I have said before speaking of the Nobility.  
Now, as to the other point, 
Government of the Court. Isocr. in Arcop.  anent your governing of your servants when ye have chosen them; make your Court and company to be a pattern of godliness and all honest virtues, to all the rest of the people. 
Idem in Panath.  Be a daily watchman over your servants, that they obey your laws precisely: For how can your laws be kept in the country, if they be broken at your ear? Punishing the breach thereof in a Courteour, more severely, then in the person of any other of your subjects: and above all, suffer none of them (by abusing their credit with you) to oppress or wrong any of your subjects. Be homely or strange with them, 
Arist. 2. pol.  as ye think their behaviour deserveth, 
Tacit. 1. hist.  and their nature may bear with. Think a quarrelous man a pest in your company. 
Val. lib. 2. Curt. 4.  Be careful ever to prefer the gentilest natured and trustiest, to the inwardest Offices about you, especially in your chalmer. Suffer none about you to meddle in any men's particulars, 
Demost. 8. phillip Sal. in Cat. Lin. 22.  but like the Turks janisares, let them know no father but you, nor particular but yours. And if any will meddle in their kin or friends quarrels, give them their leave: for since ye must be of no surname nor kin, but equal to all honest men; it becometh you not to be followed with partial or factious servants. 
Tacit. eod. & 1. An.  Teach obedience to your servants, and not to think themselves overwise: and, as when any of them deserveth it, ye must not spare to put them away, so, without a seen cause, change none of them. 
The groundstone of good government. At. 5. polit. Tacit. in Ag. Dion li. 52. Xent. in Ages. Isoc. in Sym. et ad Ph. Id. de permutat. Cic. ad Q. frat.  Pay them, as all others your subjects, with praemium or poena as they deserve, which is the very groundstone of good government. Employ every man as ye think him qualified, but use not one in all things, lest he wax proud, and be envied of his fellows. Love them best, that are plainnest with you, and disguise not the truth for all their kin: suffer none to be evil tongued, nor backbiters of them they hate: command a heartily and brotherly love among all them that serve you. And shortly, maintain peace in your Court, banish envy, cherish modesty, banish debauched insolence, foster humility, and repress pride: setting down such a comely and honourable order in all the points of your service; that when strangers shall visit your Court, 
1. King. 10.  they may with the Queen of Sheba, admire your wisdom in the glory of your house, and comely order among your servants.  
But the principal blessing that ye can get of good company, 
Of Marriage.  will stand in your marrying of a godly and virtuous wife: for she must be nearer unto you, 
Gen. 2.23.  than any other company, being Flesh of your flesh, and bone of your bone, as Adam said of Hevah. And because I know not but God may call me, before ye be ready for Marriage; I will shortly set down to you here my advice therein.  
First of all consider, that Marriage is the greatest earthly felicity or misery, that can come to a man, according as it pleaseth God to bless or curse the same. Since then without the blessing of GOD, ye cannot look for a happy success in Marriage, ye must be careful both in your preparation for it, 
Preparation to marriage.  and in the choice and usage of your wife, to procure the same. By your preparation, I mean, that ye must keep your body clean and unpolluted, till ye give it to your wife, whom-to only it belongeth. For how can ye justly crave to be joined with a pure virgin, if your body be polluted? why should the one half be clean, and the other defiled? And although I know, fornication is thought but a light and a venial sin, by the most part of the world, yet remember well what I said to you in my first Book anent conscience, and count every sin and breach of God's law, not according as the vain world esteemeth of it, but as God the judge and maker of the law accounteth of the same Hear God commanding by the mouth of Paul, to abstain from fornication, 
1. Cor. 6.10.  declaring that the fornicator shall not inherit the Kingdom of heaven: and by the mouth of john, reckoning out fornication amongst other grievous sins, that debar the committers amongst dogs and swine, 
revel. 22.25.  from entry in that spiritual and heavenly jerusalem. And consider, if a man shall once take upon him, to count that light, which God calleth heavy; and venial that, which God calleth grievous; 
The dangerous effects of lust.  beginning first to measure any one sin by the rule of his lust and appetites, and not of his conscience; what shall let him to do so with the next, that his affections shall stir him to, the like reason serving for all: and so to go forward till he place his whole corrupted affections in God's room? And then what shall come of him; but, as a man given over to his own filthy affections, shall perish into them? And because we are all of that nature, that sibbest examples touch us nearest, consider the difference of success that God granted in the Marriages of the King my grandfather, and me your own father: 
A domestic example.  the reward of his incontinency, (proceeding from his evil education) being the sudden death at one time of two pleasant young Princes; and a daughter only borne to succeed to him, whom he had never the hap, so much as once to see or bless before his death: leaving a double curse behind him to the land, both a Woman of sex, and a new borne babe of age to reign over them. And as for the blessing God hath bestowed on me, in granting me both a greater continency, and the fruits following there-upon, yourself, and sib folks to you, are (praise be to God) sufficient witnesses: which, I hope the same God of his infinite mercy, shall continue and increase, without repentance to me and my posterity. Be not ashamed then, to keep clean your body, which is the Temple of the holy Spirit, 
1. Cor. 6.19.  notwithstanding all vain allurements to the contrary, discerning truly and wisely of every virtue and vice, according to the true qualities thereof, and not according to the vain conceits of men.  
As for your choice in Marriage, respect chief the three causes, wherefore Marriage was first ordained by God; and then join three accessories, so far as they may be obtained, not derogating to the principals.  
The three causes it was ordained for, are, for staying of lust, 
Marriage ordained for three causes. Arist. 7. pol.  for procreation of children, and that man should by his Wife, get a helper like himself. Defer not then to Marie till your age: for it is ordained for quenching the lust of your youth: Especially a King must timously Marie for the weal of his people. Neither Marie ye, 
Id. cod.  for any accessary cause or worldly respects, a woman unable, either through age, nature, or accident, for procreation of children: for in a King that were a double fault, aswell against his own weal, as against the weal of his people. Neither also Marie one of known evil conditions, or vicious education: for the woman is ordained to be a helper, and not a hinderer to man. 
Accessary causes of marriage. AEg. Ro. 2. de reg. pr.   
The three accessories, which as I have said, ought also to be respected, without derogating to the principal causes, are beauty, riches, and friendship by alliance, which are all blessings of God. For beauty increaseth your love to your Wife, contenting you the better with her, without caring for others: and riches and great alliance, do both make her the abler to be a helper unto you. But if over great respect being had to these accessories, the principal causes be overseen (which is over oft practised in the world) as of themselves they are a blessing being well used; so the abuse of them will turn them in a curse. For what can all these worldly respects avail, when a man shall find himself coupled with a devil, to be one flesh with him, and the half marrow in his bed? Then (though too late) shall he find that beauty without bounty, wealth without wisdom, and great friendship without grace and honesty; are but fair shows, and the deceitful masks of infinite miseries.  
But have ye respect, my Son, to these three special causes in your Marriage, 
Matth. 13. A special caution in marriage.  which flow from the first institution thereof, & caetera omnia adijcientur vobis. And therefore I would rathest have you to Marie one that were fully of your own Religion; her rank and other qualities being agreeable to your estate. For although that to my great regrate, the number of any Princes of power and account, professing our Religion, be but very small; and that therefore this advice seems to be the more straight and difficile: yet ye have deeply to weigh, and consider upon these doubts, how ye and your wife can be of one flesh, and keep unity betwixt you, being members of two opposite Churches: disagreement in Religion bringeth ever with it, disagreement in manners; and the dissension betwixt your Preachers and hers, will breed and foster a dissension among your subjects, taking their example from your family; besides the peril of the evil education of your children. Neither pride you that ye will be able to frame and make her as ye please: that deceived Solomon the wisest King that ever was; the grace of Perseverance, not being a flower that groweth in our garden.  
Remember also that Marriage is one of the greatest actions that a man doth in all his time, especially in taking of his first Wife: and if he Marry first basely beneath his rank, he will ever be the less accounted of thereafter. 
For keeping the blood pure. Pla. 5. de Rep. Cic. 2. de Din. Arist. de gen. An. Lucr. 4.  And lastly, remember to choose your Wife as I advised you to choose your servants: that she be of a whole and clean race, not subject to the hereditary sicknesses, either of the soul or the body: For if a man will be careful to breed horses and dogs of good kinds, how much more careful should he be, for the breed of his own loins? So shall ye in your Marriage have respect to your conscience, honour, and natural weal in your successors.  
When ye are Married, keep inviolably your promise made to God in your Marriage; which standeth all in doing of one thing, and abstaining from another: to treat her in all things as your wife, and the half of yourself; and to make your body (which then is no more yours, but properly hers) common with none other. 
Pl. 11. the leg. Is. in Sym.  I trust I need not to insist here to dissuade you from the filthy vice of adultery: remember only what solemn promise ye make to God at your Marriage: and since it is only by the force of that promise that your children succeed to you, which otherways they could not do; equity and reason would, ye should keep your part thereof. God is ever a severe avenger of all perjuries; 
Cic. 2. the leg.  and it is no oath made in jest, that giveth power to children to succeed to great kingdoms. Have the King my grandfathers example before your eyes, who by his adultery, bred the wrack of his lawful daughter and heir; in begetting that bastard, who unnaturally rebelled, and procured the ruin of his own Soverane and sister. And what good her posterity hath gotten sensyne, of some of that unlawful generation, Bothuell his treacherous attempts can bear witness. Keep praecisely then your promise made at Marriage, as ye would wish to be partaker of the blessing therein.  
And for your behaviour to your Wife, the Scripture can best give you counsel therein: Treat her as your own flesh, command her as her Lord, cherish her as your helper, rule her as your pupil, and please her in all things reasonable; 
Arist. 8. Aeth. & 1 Pel. Xen. & Arist. in oeco.  but teach her not to be curious in things that belong her not: Ye are the head, she is your body; It is your office to command, and hers to obey; but yet with such a sweet harmony, as she should be as ready to obey, as ye to command; as willing to follow, as ye to go before; your love being wholly knit unto her, and all her affections lovingly bend to follow your will.  
And to conclude, keep specially three rules with your Wife: first, 
Arist. 1 rhet. Plu. in Meron. Aegid R. de reg pr. Plu. 5. de Re● & 7. the leg.  suffer her never to meddle with the Politic government of the Commonweal, but hold her at the Oeconomic rule of the house; and yet all to be subject to your direction: keep carefully good and chaste company about her, for women are the frailest sex; and be never both angry at once, but when ye see her in passion, ye should with reason danton yours: for both when ye are settled, ye are meetest to judge of her errors; and when she is come to herself, she may be best made to apprehend her offence, and reverence your rebuke.  
If God send you succession, be careful for their virtuous education: 
A King's behaviour towards his children. Plu. in Thes. 4. & 5 de Rep. & 6. & 7. de l. Arist. 7. pol. A caution foreshowing future division.  love them as ye ought, but let them know as much of it, as the gentleness of their nature will deserve; containing them ever in a reverent love and fear of you. And in case it please God to provide you to all these three Kingdoms, make your eldest son Isaac, leaving him all your kingdoms; and provide the rest with private possessions: Otherways by dividing your kingdoms, ye shall leave the seed of division and discord among your posterity; as befell to this I'll, by the division and assignment thereof, to the three sons of Brutus, Locrine, Albanact, and Camber. 
Polid. 1. Crowns come not in commerce.  But if God give you not succession, defraud never the nearest by right, whatsoever conceit ye have of the person: For Kingdoms are ever at God's disposition, and in that case we are but live-rentars, lying no more in the Kings, nor people's hands to dispossess the righteous heir.  
And as your company should be a pattern to the rest of the people, 
Plu. in Pol. Cic. ad Q. frat.  so should your person be a lamp and mirror to your company giving light to your servants to walk in the path of virtue, and representing unto them such worthy qualities, as they should press to imitate.  
I need not to trouble you with the particular discourse of the four Cardinal virtues, 
The right use of temperance. Arist. 5. pol. Pol. 6. Cic. 1. off. 2. the inven. & in Par.  it is so trodden a path: but I will shortly say unto you; make one of them, which is Temperance, Queen of all the rest within you. I mean not by the vulgar interpretation of Temperance, which only consists in gustu & tactu, by the moderating of these two senses: but, I mean of that wise moderation, that first commanding yourself, shall as a Queen, command all the affections and passions of your mind, and as a Physician, wisely mix all your actions according thereto. Therefore, not only in all your affections and passions, 
In holiness.  but even in your most virtuous actions, make ever moderation to be the chief ruler: For although holiness be the first and most requisite quality of a Christian, as proceeding from a feeling fear and true knowledge of God: yet ye remember how in the conclusion of my first book, I advised you to moderateal your outward actions flowing therefra. The like say I now of justice, which is the greatest virtue that properly belongeth to a King's office.  
Use justice, 
In justice. Pla. 4 de Leg. Arist. 1. mag. mor. Cic. 1. off. pro Rab. & add Q. frat. Seneca de cl.  but with such moderation, as it turn not in Tyranny: otherways summum Ius, is summa iniuria. As for example: if a man of a known honest life, be invaded by brigands or thieves for his purse, and in his own defence slay one of them, they being both more in number, and also known to be debauched and insolent livers; where by the contrary, he was single alone, being a man of sound reputation: yet because they were not at the horn, or there was no eye-witness present that could verify their first invading of him, shall he therefore lose his head? And likewise, by the law-burrowes in our laws, men are prohibited under great pecunial pains, from any ways invading or molesting their neighbour's person or bounds: if then his horse break the halter, and pastor in his neighbour's meadow, shall he pay two or three thousand pounds for the wantonness of his horse, 
Arist. 5. aeth. & 1 rhet. Cicer. pro Caec.  or the weakness of his halter? Surely no: for laws are ordained as rules of virtuous and social living, and not to be snares to trap your good subjects: and therefore the law must be interpreted according to the meaning, and not to the literal sense thereof: Nam ratio est anima legis.  
And as I said of justice, so say I of Clemency, Magnanimity, Liberality, Constancy, Humility, and all other Princely virtues; Name in medio stat virtus. 
The false semblance of extremities.  And it is but the craft of the Devil that falsely coloureth the two vices that are on either side thereof, with the borrowed titles of it, albeit in very deed they have no affinity therewith and the two extremities themselves, although they seem contrary, yet growing to the height, 
Their coincidence.  run ever both in one: For in infinitis omnia concurrunt; and what difference is betwixt extreme tyranny, delighting to destroy all mankind; and extreme slackness of punishment, permitting every man to tyrannize over his companion? Or what differeth extreme prodigality, by wasting of all to possess nothing; from extreme niggardness, by hoarding up all to enjoy nothing; like the Ass that carrying victual on her back, is like to starve for hunger, and will be glad of thrissels for her part? And what is betwixt the pride of a glorious Nabuchadnezzar, and the preposterous humility of one of the proud Puritans, claiming to their Parity, and crying, We are all but vile worms, and yet will judge and give Law to their King, but will be judged nor controlled by none? Surely there is more pride under such a ones black bonnet, then under Alexander the great his Diadem, as was said of Diogenes in the like case.  
But above all virtues, study to know well your own craft, 
The right extension of a king's craft.  which is to rule your people. And when I say this, I bid you know all crafts: For except ye know every one, how can ye control every one, 
Plat. in pol. 5. de Rep. & Epist. 7. Cic. ad Q. frat. & de or.  which is your proper office? Therefore besides your education, it is necessary ye delight in reading, and seeking the knowledge of all lawful things; but with these two restrictions: first, that ye choose idle hours for it, not interrupting therewith the discharge of your office: and next, that ye study not for knowledge nakedly, but that your principal end be, 
Id. 1. de fin.  to make you able thereby to use your office; practising according to your knowledge in all the points of your calling: 
Id. 1. Offic.  not like these vain Astrologians, that study night and day on the course of the stars, only that they may, for satisfying their curiosity, know their course. But since all Arts and sciences are linked every one with other, their greatest principles agreeing in one (which moved the Poets to feign the nine Muses to be all sisters) study them, that out of their harmony, ye may suck the knowledge of all faculties; and consequently be on the counsel of all crafts, that ye may be able to contain them all in order, as I have already said: For knowledge and learning is a light burden, the weight whereof will never press your shoulders.  
First of all then, study to be well seen in the Scriptures, 
The Scripture. Deut. 17.  as I remembered you in the first book; as well for the knowledge of your own salvation, as that ye may be able to contain your Church in their calling, as Custos utriusque Tabulae. For the ruling them well, is no small point of your office; taking specially heed, that they vague not from their text in the Pulpit: and if ever ye would have peace in your land, suffer them not to meddle in that place with the estate or policy; but punish severely the first that presumeth to it. Do nothing towards them without a good ground and warrant, but reason not much with them: for I have overmuch surfeited them with that, and it is not their fashion to yield. And suffer no conventions nor meetings among Churchmen, but by your knowledge and permission.  
Next the Scriptures, study well your own Laws: 
Of the Laws municipal.  for how can ye discern by the thing ye know not? But press to draw all your Laws and processes, to be as short and plain as ye can: assure yourself the longsomeness both of rights and processes, 
Plat. 4. de Rep. & 6. de Leg. Arist 1. rhet.  breedeth their unsure looseness and obscurity, the shortest being ever both the surest and plainest form, and the longsomeness serving only for the enriching of the Advocates and Clerks, 
Cic 1. de Orat. Sen in Lud Resort to the Session.  with the spoil of the whole country: And therefore delight to haunt your Session, and spy carefully their proceed; taking good heed, if any bribery may be tried among them, which cannot over severely be punished. Spare not to go there, for gracing that far any that ye favour, by your presence to procure them expedition of justice; although that should be specially done, for the poor that cannot wait on, or are debarred by mightier parties. 
Plat. in pol. Arist. 1. Rhet. Cic. ad Q. frat. Plut. in Is.  But when ye are there, remember the throne is Gods and not yours, that ye sit in, and let no favour, nor whatsoever respects move you from the right. Ye sit not there, as I show before, for rewarding of friends or servants, nor for crossing of contemners, but only for doing of justice. Learn also wisely to discern betwixt justice and equity; and for pity of the poor, rob not the rich, because he may better spare it, but give the little man the larger coat if it be his; eschewing the error of young Cyrus therein: 
Xen. 1. Cyr.  For justice, by the Law, giveth every man his own; and equity in things arbitral, giveth every one that which is meetest for him.  
Be an ordinary sitter in your secret Counsel: 
But specially to the secret Counsel.  that judicature is only ordained for matters of estate, and repressing of insolent oppressions. Make that judgement as compendious and plain as ye can; and suffer no Advocates to be heard there with their dilatours, 
Cic. ad Q frat. Tac. 1. hist. Plut. in Demet.  but let every party tell his own tale himself: and weary not to hear the complaints of the oppressed, aut ne Rex sis. Remit every thing to the ordinary judicature, for eschewing of confusion: but let it be your own craft, to take a sharp account of every man in his office.  
And next the Laws, 
Reading of histories.  I would have you to be well versed in authentic histories, and in the Chronicles of all nations, but specially in our own histories (Ne sis peregrinus domi) the example whereof most nearly concerns you: I mean not of such infamous invectives, as Buchanans' or Knox's Chronicles: and if any of these infamous libels remain until your days, use the Law upon the keepers thereof: For in that point I would have you a Pythagorist, 
Plat. in Menon.  to think that the very spirits of these archibellice of rebellion, have made transition in them that hoardes their books, 
Arist. 1 Rhet. Polit. 1. Plut. in Timo. Cic. 2. de Or.  or maintains their opinions; punishing them, even as it were their authors risen again. But by reading of authentic histories and Chronicles, ye shall learn experience by Theoric, applying the bypassed things to the present estate, 
Eccles. 1.  quia nihil nowm sub sole: such is the continual volubility of things earthly, according to the roundness of the world, and revolution of the heavenly circles: which is expressed by the wheels in Ezechiels' visions, 
Ezech. 1.  and counterfeited by the Poets in rota Fortunae. And likewise by the knowledge of histories, ye shall know how to behave yourself to all Ambassadors and strangers; being able to discourse with them upon the estate of their own country. And among all profane histories, I must not omit most specially to recommend unto you, the Commentaries of Caesar; both for the sweet flowing of the style, as also for the worthiness of the matter itself: For I have ever been of that opinion, that of all the Ethnic Emperors, or great Captains that ever were, he hath farthest excelled, both in his practice, and in his precepts in martial affairs.  
As for the study of other liberal arts and sciences, 
Of the arts liberal. Sen. ep. 84.  I would have you reasonably versed in them, but not pressing to be a passe-master in any of them: for that cannot but distract you from the points of your calling, as I showed you before: and when, by the enemy winning the town, ye shall be interrupted in your demonstration, as Archimedes was; 
Liu. I 24. Plut. in Mart.  your people (I think) will look very bluntly upon it. I grant it is meet ye have some entrance, specially in the Mathematics; 
Of Mathematics. Pl. 7. the leg. Arist. 2. Meta. jam. 2.17.  for the knowledge of the art military, in situation of Camps, ordering of battles, making Fortifications, placing of batteries, or such like. And let not this your knowledge be dead without fruits, as Saint james speaketh of Faith: but let it appear in your daily conversation, and in all the actions of your life.  
Embrace true magnanimity, not in being vindictive, 
Of magnanimity. Arist. 4. eth. Sen. de cl.  which the corrupted judgements of the world think to be true Magnanimity; but by the contrary, in thinking your offender not worthy of your wrath, 
Cic. 1. off. Virg. 6. Aen.  empyring over your own passion, and triumphing in the commanding yourself to forgive: husbanding the effects of your courage and wrath, to be rightly employed upon repelling of injuries within, by revenge taking upon the oppressors; and in revenging injuries without, by just wars upon foreign enemies. And so, where ye find a notable injury, spare not to give course to the torrents of your wrath. The wrath of a King, 
Prou. 20.  is like to the roaring of a Lyon.  
Foster true Humility, in bannishing pride, 
Of humility.  not only towards God (considering ye differ not in stuff, but in use, and that only by his ordinance, from the basest of your people) but also towards your Parents. 
Plat. 4. de Leg. Xen. 2. de dict. & fact. Soc.  And if it fall out that my Wife shall outlive me, as ever ye think to purchase my blessing, honour your mother: set Beersheba in a throne on your right hand: offend her for nothing, much less wrong her: remember her Quae longa decem tulerit fastidia menses; and that your flesh and blood is made of hers: and begin not, like the young lords and lairdes, your first wars upon your Mother; but press earnestly to deserve her blessing. Neither deceive yourself with many that say, they care not for their Parents curse, so they deserve it not. O invert not the order of nature, by judging your superiors, chief in your own particular! But assure yourself, the blessing or curse of the Parents, hath almost ever a Prophetic power joined with it: and if there were no more, honour your Parents, 
Exod. 20.  for the lengthening of your own days, 
Exod. 20. Xen. 1. & 3. Cyr.  as GOD in his Law promiseth. Honour also them that are in loco Parentum unto you, such as your governors, up-bringers, and Praeceptours: be thankful unto them and reward them, which is your duty and honour.  
But on the other part, let not this true humility stay your high indignation to appear, 
Cic. ad Q frat.  when any great oppressors shall praesume to come in your presence; then frown as ye ought: And in-case they use a colour of Law in oppressing their poor ones, as overmany do; that which ye cannot mend by Law, 
Arist. 5 pol.  mend by the withdrawing of your countenance from them: and once in the year cross them, when their erands come in your way, 
Matth. 18.  recompensing the oppressor, according to Christ's parable of the two debtors.  
Keep true Constancy, 
Of Constancy. Arist. 4. aeth. Thuc. 3.6. Cic. 1. Of. & ad Qf. Brut. ad Cic.  not only in your kindness towards honest men; but being also invicti animi against all adversities: not with that Stoic insensible stupidity, wherewith many in our days, pressing to win honour, in imitating that ancient sect, by their inconstant behaviour in their own lives, bely their profession. But although ye are not a stock, not to feel calamities; yet let not the feeling of them, so overrule and doazen your reason, as may stay you from taking and using the best resolution for remedy, that can be found out.  
Use true Liberality in rewarding the good, and bestowing frankly for your honour and weal: 
Of Liberality. Cic. 1. & 2. Of. Sal. in jug. Sen. 4. de been.  but with that proportional discretion, that every man may be served according to his measure, wherein respect must be had to his rank, deserts, and necessity: And provide how to have, but cast not away without cause. In special, impair not by your Liberality the ordinary rents of your crown; whereby the estate Royal of you, and your successors, must be maintained, ne exhaurias fontem liberalitatis: for that would ever be kept sacrosanctum & extra commercium: otherways, your Liberality would decline to Prodigality, in helping others with your, and your successors hurt. 
Isoc epist. 7. Xen. 8. Cyr. Phil. Com. 10.  And above all, every not yourself with exactions upon your subjects; but think the riches of your people your best treasure, by the sins of offenders, where no praevention can avail, making justly your commodity. And in-case necessity of wars, or other extraordinaries compel you to lift Subsidies, do it as rarely as ye can: employing it only to the use it was ordained for; 
Arist. 5. pol.  and using yourself in that case, as fidus depositarius to your people.  
And principally, 
Anent reporters. Isocr. ad Ph. in Panath. & de per. Cic. ad Q. fr. Plut. de curios.  exercise true Wisdom; in discerning wisely betwixt true and false reports: First, considering the nature of the person reporter; Next, what entresse he can have in the weal or evil of him, of whom he maketh the report; Thirdly, the likelihood of the purpose itself; And last, the nature and bypassed life of the dilated person: and where ye find a tratler, away with him. And although it be true, that a Prince can never without secrecy do great things, yet it is better oft-times to try reports, then by credulity to foster suspicion upon an honest man. For since suspicion is the Tyrant's sickness, 
Isoc. de pac. Cic. 3. Os.  as the fruits of an evil Conscience, potiùs in alteram partem peccato: I mean, in not mistrusting one, whom-to no such unhonesty was known before. But as for such as have slipped before, former experience may justly breed praevention by foresight.  
And to conclude my advice anent your behaviour in your person; consider that GOD is the author of all virtue, having imprinted in men's minds by the very light of nature, the love of all moral virtues; 
Cicer. 3. Tusc.  as was seen by the virtuous lives of the old Romans: and press then to shine as far before your people, in all virtue and honesty; as in greatness of rank: that the use thereof in all your actions, may turn, with time, to a natural habitude in you; and as by their hearing of your Laws, so by their sight of your person, both their eyes and their ears, may lead and allure them to the love of virtue, and hatred of vice.   

OF A KING'S BEHAVIOUR IN INDIFFERENT THINGS.  
THE THIRD BOOK.  
IT is a true old saying, 
C ph. 8.3. de leg. ovid. ad Liu. Quin. 4. decls.  That a King is as one set on a stage, whose smallest actions and gestures, all the people gazingly do behold: and therefore although a King be never so precise in the discharging of his Office, the people, who seethe but the outward part, will ever judge of the substance, by the circumstances; and according to the outward appearance, if his behaviour be light or dissolute, will conceive praeoccupied conceits of the King's inward intention: which although with time, (the trier of all truth,) it will vanish, by the evidence of the contrary effects, yet interim patitur justus; 
Arist. 5. pol. In different actions and their dependency. Plato in Phil. & 9 the leg.  and praeiudged conceits will, in the mean time, breed contempt, the mother of rebellion and disorder. And besides that, it is certain, that all the indifferent actions and behaviour of a man, have a certain holding and dependence, either upon virtue or vice, according as they are used or ruled: for there is not a mids betwixt them, no more then betwixt their rewards, heaven and hell.  
Be careful then, my Son, so to frame all your indifferent actions and outward behaviour, as they may serve for the furtherance and forthsetting of your inward virtuous disposition.  
The whole indifferent actions of a man, 
Two sorts of them.  I divide in two sorts: in his behaviour in things necessary, as food, sleeping, raiment, speaking, writing, and gesture; and in things not necessary, though convenient and lawful, as pastimes or exercises, and using of company for recreation.  
As to the indifferent things necessary, 
First sort, and how they be indifferent.  although that of themselves they cannot be wanted, and so in that case are not indifferent; as likewise incase they be not used with moderation, declining so to the extremity, which is vice; yet the quality and form of using them, may smell of virtue or vice, and be great furtherers to any of them.  
To begin then at the things necessary; one of the publickest indifferent actions of a King, and that maniest, especially strangers, will narrowly take heed to; is his manner of refection at his Table, and his behaviour thereat. Therefore, as Kings use oft to eat publicly, 
Forms at the Table. Xen. in Cyr.  it is meet and honourable that ye also do so, as well to eschew the opinion that ye love not to haunt company, which is one of the marks of a Tyrant; as likewise, that your delight to eat privately, be not thought to be for private satisfying of your gluttony; which ye would be ashamed should be publicly seen. Let your Table be honourably served; but serve your appetite with few dishes, as young Cyrus did: which both is holesommest, 
Xen. 1. Cyr.  and freest from the vice of delicacy, which is a degree of gluttony. 
Plut. in Apoth.  And use most to eat of reasonablie-groffe, and common-meates; aswell for making your body strong and durable for travel at all occasions, either in peace or in war: as that ye may be the heartlier received by your mean Subjects in their houses, when their cheer may suffice you: which otherways would be imputed to you for pride and daintiness, and breed coldness and disdain in them. Let all your food be simple, 
Sen. ep. 96.  without composition or sauces; which are more like medicines then meat. The using of them was counted amongst the ancient Romans a filthy vice of delicacy; because they serve only for pleasing of the taste, and not for satisfying of the necessity of nature; 
Sen. de consol. ad Alb. Iwen. sat. 2.  abhorring Apicius their own citizen, for his vice of delicacy and monstruous gluttony. Like as both the Grecians and Romans had in detestation the very name of Philoxenus, 
Arist. 4 eth.  for his filthy wish of a Crane-craig. And therefore was that sentence used amongst them, against these artificial false appetites, 
Xen. de dict. & fact. Socr. Laert. in Socr. Cic. 5. Tus. Plat. 6. de Leg. Plin. l. 14.  optimum condimentum fames. But beware with using excess of meat and drink; and chief, beware of drunkenness, which is a beastly vice, namely in a King: but specially beware with it, because it is one of those vices that increaseth with age. In the form of your meate-eating, be neither uncivil, like a gross Cynic; nor affectatlie mignarde, like a dainty dame; but eat in a manly, round, and honest fashion. 
Cic. 1. Off.  It is no ways comely to dispatch affairs, or to be pensive at meat: but keep then an open and cheerful countenance, causing to read pleasant histories unto you, that profit may be mixed with pleasure: and when ye are not disposed, entertain pleasant, quick, but honest discourses.  
And because meat provoketh sleeping, be also moderate in your sleep; 
Of sleep. Pla. 7. the leg.  for it goeth much by use: and remember that if your whole life were divided in four parts, three of them would be found to be consumed on meat, drink, sleep, and unnecessary occupations.  
But albeit ordinary times would commonly be kept in meat and sleep; yet use yourself sometimes so, 
Best form of diet. Pla. 6. the leg.  that any time in the four and twenty hours may be alike to you for any of them; that thereby your diet may be accommodate to your affairs, and not your affairs to your diet: not therefore using yourself to over great-softnesse and delicacy in your sleep, more than in your meat; and specially in-case ye have ado with the wars.  
Let not your Chalmer be throng and common in the time of your rest, 
Forms in the Chalmer.  aswell for comeliness as for eschewing of carrying reports out of the same. Let them that have the credit to serve in your Chalmer, 
Val. 2. Cur. 4.  be trusty and secret; for a King will have need to use secrecy in many things: but yet behave yourself so in your greatest secrets, as ye need not be ashamed, suppose they were all proclaimed at the market cross: 
Pla. 6. the leg.  But specially see that those of your Chalmer be of a sound fame, and without blemish.  
Take no heed to any of your dreams, 
Dreams not to be taken heed to.  for all prophecies, visions, and prophetic dreams are accomplished and ceased in Christ: And therefore take no heed to freets either in dreams, or any other things; for that error proceedeth of ignorance, and is unworthy of a Christian, who should be assured, 
Rom. 14. Titus 1.  Omnia esse pura puris, as Paul saith; all days and meats being alike to Christians.  
Next followeth to speak of raiment, 
Of apparel.  the on-putting whereof is the ordinary action that followeth next to sleep. 
Isocr. de reg.  Be also moderate in your raiment, neither over superfluous, like a debauched waster; nor yet over base, like a miserable wretch; not artificially trimmed and decked, like a Courtizane, nor yet over sluggishly clothed, like a country clown; not over lightly like a Candie soldier, or a vain young Courtier; nor yet over gravely, 
Cic. 1. Offic.  like a Minister: but in your garments be proper, cleanly, comely and honest, wearing your clothes in a careless, yet comely form: keeping in them a mid form, inter Togatos & Paludatos, betwixt the gravity of the one, and lightness of the other: thereby to signify, that by your calling ye are mixed of both the professions; 
Plat. de rege.  Togatus, as a judge making and pronouncing the Law; Paludatus, by the power of the sword: as your office is likewise mixed, betwixt the Ecclesiastical and civil estate: For a King is not merè laicus, as both the Papists and Anabaptists would have him, to the which error also the Puritans incline over far. But to return to the purpose of garments, they ought to be used according to their first institution by God, which was for three causes: first to hide our nakedness and shame; next and consequently, to make us more comely; and thirdly, to preserve us from the injuries of heat and cold. If to hide our nakedness and shameful parts, than these natural parts ordained to be hid, should not be represented by any undecent forms in the clothes: and if they should help our comeliness, they should not then by their painted preened fashion, serve for baits to filthy lechery, as false hair and fairding does amongst unchaste women: and if they should preserve us from the injuries of heat and cold, men should not, like senseless stones, contemn God, in lightlying the seasons, glorying to conquer honour on heat and cold. And although it be praiseworthy and necessary in a Prince, to be patience algoris & aestus, when he shall have ado with wars upon the fields; yet I think it meeter that ye go both clothed and armed, then naked to the battle, except you would make you light for away-running: and yet for cowards, metus addit alas. And shortly, in your clothes keep a proportion, aswell with the seasons of the year, as of your age: in the fashions of them being careless, using them according to the common form of the time, sometimes richlier, 
Cic. 1. Off.  sometimes meanlier clothed, as occasion serveth, without keeping any precise rule therein: For if your mind be found occupied upon them, 
Ar. ad. Alex.  it will be thought idle otherways, and ye shall be accounted in the number of one of these compti iwenes; which will make your spirit and judgement to be less thought of. But specially eschew to be effeminate in your clothes, in perfuming, preening, or such like: and fail never in time of wars to be galliardest and bravest, both in clothes and countenance. And make not a fool of yourself in disguising or wearing long hair or nails, which are but excrements of nature, and bewray such misusers of them, to be either of a vindictive, or a vain light natural. Especially, make no vows in such vain and outward things, as concern either meat or clothes.  
Let yourself and all your Court wear no ordinary armour with your clothes, but such as is knightly and honourable; 
What ordinary armour to be worn at Court.  I mean rapierswordes, and daggers: For tuilyesome weapons in the Court, betokens confusion in the country. And therefore banish not only from your Court, all traitorous offensive weapons, forbidden by the Laws, as guns and such like (whereof I spoke already) but also all traitorous defensive arms, as secrets, plate-sleeves, and such like unseen armour: For, beside that the wearers thereof, may be presupposed to have a secret evil intention, they want both the uses that defensive armour is ordained for; which is, to be able to hold out violence, and by their outward glaunsing in their enemy's eyes, to strike a terror in their hearts: Where by the contrary, they can serve for neither, being not only unable to resist, but dangerous for shots, and giving no outward show against the enemy; being only ordained, for betraying under trust, whereof honest men should be ashamed to bear the outward badge, not resembling the thing they are not. And for answer against these arguments, I know none but the old Scots fashion; which if it be wrong, is no more to be allowed for ancientness, than the old Mass is, which also our forefathers used.  
The next thing that ye have to take heed to, 
Of language and gesture. Arist. 3. ad Theod. Cic. in orat. ad Q. frat. & add Bren.  is your speaking and language; whereunto I join your gesture, since action is one of the chiefest qualities, that is required in an orator: for as the tongue speaketh to the ears, so doth the gesture speak to the eyes of the auditor. In both your speaking and your gesture, use a natural and plain form, 
Cic. 1. Offic.  not fairded with artifice: for (as the Frenchmen say) Rien contrefaict fin: but eschew all affectate forms in both.  
In your language be plain, honest, natural, comely, clean, short, 
Id. cod.  and sententious, eschewing both the extremities, aswell in not using any rustical corrupt laid, as booke-language, and pen and inkhorn terms: and lest of all mignard and effeminate terms. But let the greatest part of your eloquence consist in a natural, clear, and sensible form of the delivery of your mind, 
Cic. ad Q. frat. & add Brut.  builded ever upon certain and good grounds; tempering it with gravity, quickness, or merriness, according to the subject, and occasion of the time; not taunting in Theology, nor alleging and profaning the Scripture in drinking purposes, as over many do.  
Use also the like form in your gesture; 
Idem. 1. Off.  neither looking sillily, like a stupid pedant; nor unsetledly, with an uncouth morgue, like a new-comeover Cavalier: but let your behaviour be natural, grave, and according to the fashion of the country. 
Phil. ad Alex. Cic. 2. Off.  Be not oversparing in your courtesies, for that will be imputed to incivility and arrogancy: nor yet over prodigal in iowking or nodding at every step: for that form of being popular, becometh better aspiring Absalon's, 
Arist. 4. eth. Cic. ad At.  then lawful Kings: framing ever your gesture according to your present actions: looking gravely and with a majesty when ye sit in judgement, or give audience to Ambassadors; homely, when ye are in private with your own servants; merrily, when ye are at any pastime or merry discourse; and let your countenance smell of courage and magnanimity when ye are at the wars. And remember (I say over again) to be plain and sensible in your language: 
Isoc. de reg. & in evagr.  for besides that it is the tongues office, to be the messenger of the mind, it may be thought a point of imbecility of spirit in a King, to speak obscurely, much more untruly; 
Cic. 3. Off.  as if he stood in awe of any in uttering his thoughts.  
Remember also, 
Id. 1. Off. Forms in reasoning.  to put a difference betwixt your form of language in reasoning, and your pronouncing of sentences, or declaratour of your will in judgement, or any other ways in the points of your office: For in the former case, ye must reason pleasantly and patiently, not like a king, but like a private man and a scholar; otherways, your impatience of contradiction will be interpreted to be for lack of reason on your part. Where in the points of your office, ye should ripely advise indeed, before ye give forth your sentence: but fra it be given forth, the suffering of any contradiction diminisheth the majesty of your authority, 
In judgement. Isoc. ad Nic. Cic. ad Q. frat.  and maketh the processes' endless. The like form would also be observed by all your inferior judges and Magistrates.  
Now as to your writing, 
Of writing, and what style fitteth a Prince.  which is nothing else, but a form of en-registrate speech; use a plain, short, but stately style, both in your Proclamations and missives, especially to foreign Princes. And if your engine spur you to write any works, either in verse or in prose, I cannot but allow you to practise it: but take no longsome works in hand, for distracting you from your calling.  
Flatter not yourself in your labours, 
Cic. 1. Off.  but before they be set forth, let them first be privily censured by some of the best skilled men in that craft, that in these works ye meddle with. And because your writes will remain as true pictures of your mind, to all posterities; let them be free of all uncomeliness and unhonestie: and according to Horace his counsel — Nonumque premantur in annum. 
De arte Poetica.  I mean both your verse and your prose; letting first that fury and heat, wherewith they were written, cool at leisure; and then as an uncouth judge and censor, revising them over again, before they be published, — quia nescit vox missa reverti. 
Idem eod.   
If ye would write worthily, choose subjects worthy of you, that be not full of vanity, but of virtue; eschewing obscurity, and delighting ever to be plain and sensible. And if ye writ in verse, remember that it is not the principal part of a Poem to rhyme right, and flow well with many pretty words: but the chief commendation of a Poem is, that when the verse shall be shaken sundry in prose, 
Ar. de art. Poet.  it shall be found so rich in quick inventions, and poetic flowers, and in fair and pertinent comparisons; as it shall retain the lustre of a Poem, although in prose. And I would also advise you to write in your own language: for there is nothing left to be said in Greek and Latin already; and ynew of poor scholars would match you in these languages; and besides that, it best becometh a King to purify and make famous his own tongue; wherein he may go before all his subjects; as it setteth him well to do in all honest and lawful things.  
And amongst all unnecessary things that are lawful and expedient, 
Of the exercise of the body. Xen. 1. Cyr.  I think exercises of the body most commendable to be used by a young Prince, in such honest games or pastimes, as may further ability and maintain health: For albeit I grant it to be most requisite for a King to exercise his engine, which surely with idleness will rust and become blunt; yet certainly bodily exercises and games are very commendable; 
Plat. 6. the leg. Ar. 7. & 8. pol. Cic. 1. Off.  as well for bannishing of idleness (the mother of all vice) as for making his body able and durable for travel, which is very necessary for a King. But from this count I debar all rough and violent exercises, as the football; meeter for laming, then making able the users thereof: as likewise such tumbling tricks as only serve for Comedians and Balladines, to win their bread with. 
Pl. eod.  But the exercises that I would have you to use (although but moderately, not making a craft of them) are running, leaping, wrestling, fencing, dancing, and playing at the caitch or tennis, archery, pall maille, and such like other fair and pleasant field-games. 
Xen. in Cyr. Is. deiug.  And the honourablest and most commendable games that ye can use, are on horseback: for it becometh a Prince best of any man, to be a fair and good horseman. Use therefore to ride and danton great and courageous horses; that I may say of you, as Philip said of great Alexander his son, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Plut. in Alex.  And specially use such games on horseback, as may teach you to handle your arms thereon; such as the tilt, the ring, and low-riding for handling of your sword.  
I cannot omit here the hunting, namely with running hounds; 
Of hunting.  which is the most honourable and noblest sort thereof: for it is a thievish form of hunting to shoot with guns and bows; and grey hound hunting is not so martial a game: But because I would not be thought a partial praiser of this sport, 
In Cyn. 1. Cyr. & de rep. Lac. Cic. 1. Offic.  I remit you to Xenophon, an old and famous writer, who had no mind of flattering you or me in this purpose: and who also setteth down a fair pattern, 
Cyropoedia.  for the education of a young king, under the supposed name of Cyrus.  
As for hawking I condemn it not, but I must praise it more sparingly, 
Of hawking.  because it neither resembleth the wars so near as hunting doth, in making a man hardy, and skilfully ridden in all grounds, and is more uncertain and subject to mischances; and (which is worst of all) is therethrough an extreme stirrer up of passions: But in using either of these games, 
Arist. 10. Eth.  observe that moderation, that ye slip not therewith the hours appointed for your affairs, which ye ought ever precisely to keep; remembering that these games are but ordained for you, in enabling you for your office, for the which ye are ordained.  
And as for sitting house-pastimes, 
Of house-games.  wherewith men by driving time, spur a free and fast enough running horse (as the proverb is) although they are not profitable for the exercise either of mind or body, 
Arist. 8. pol.  yet can I not utterly condemn them; since they may at times supply the room, which being empty, would be patent to pernicious idleness, quia nihil potest esse vacuum. 
Dan. de lus. al.  I will not therefore agree with the curiosity of some learned men in our age, in forbidding cards, dice, and other such like games of hazard; although otherways surely I reverence them as notable and godly men: For they are deceived therein, in founding their argument upon a mistaken ground, which is, that the playing at such games, is a kind of casting of lot, and therefore unlawful; wherein they deceive themselves: For the casting of lot was used for trial of the truth in any obscure thing, that otherways could not be gotten cleared; and therefore was a sort of prophecy: whereby the contrary, no man goeth to any of these plays, to clear any obscure truth, but only to gauge so much of his own money, as he pleaseth, upon the hazard of the running of the cards or dice, aswell as he would do upon the speed of a horse or a dog, or any such like gaigeour: And so, if they be unlawful, all gaigeours upon uncertainties must likeways be condemned: Not that thereby I take the defence of vain carders and dicers, that waste their moyen, and their time (whereof few consider the preciousness) upon prodigal and continual playing: 
Cic. 1. Offic.  no, I would rather allow it to be discharged, where such corruption cannot be eschewed. But only I cannot condemn you at some times, when ye have no other thing ado (as a good King will be seldom) and are weary of reading, or evil disposed in your person, and when it is foul and stormy weather; then, I say, may ye lawfully play at the cards or tables: For as to dicing, I think it becometh best debauched soldiers to play at, on the head of their drums, being only ruled by hazard, and subject to knavish cogging. And as for the chess, I think it over fond, because it is overwise and Philosophic a folly: For where all such light plays, are ordained to free men's heads for a time, from the fashions thoughts on their affairs; it by the contrary filleth and troubleth men's heads, with as many fashious toys of the play, as before it was filled with thoughts on his affairs.  
But in your playing, I would have you to keep three rules: first, 
Rules in playing.  or ye play, consider ye do it only for your recreation, and resolve to hazard the loss of all that ye play: and next, for that cause play no more than ye care to cast among Pages: and last, play always fair play precisely, that ye come not in use of tricking and lying in jest: otherwise, if ye cannot keep these rules, my counsel is that ye allutterly abstain from these plays: For neither a mad passion for loss, nor falsehood used for desire of gain, can be called a play.  
Now, it is not only lawful, but necessary, 
What choice of company.  that ye have company meet for every thing ye take on hand, aswell in your games and exercises, as in your grave and earnest affairs: 
Isoc. de reg. Cic. 1. Off.  But learn to distinguish time according to the occasion, choosing your company accordingly. Confer not with hunters at your counsel, nor in your counsel affairs: nor dispatch not affairs at hunting or other games. And have the like respect to the seasons of your age, using your sorts of recreation and company therefore, agreeing thereunto: For it becometh best, as kindliest, every age to smell of their own quality, 
Ar. 2. ad Theod.  insolence and unlawful things being always eschewed: and not that a colt should draw the plough, and an old horse run away with the harrows. But take heed specially, that your company for recreation, be chosen of honest persons, not defamed or vicious, mixing filthy talk with merriness, Corrumpunt bonos more's colloquia prava. And chief abstain from haunting before your marriage, 
Men.  the idle company of dames, which are nothing else, but irritamenta libidinis. Be war likewaies to abuse yourself, in making your sporters your counsellors: and delight not to keep ordinarily in your company, Comedians or Balladines: for the tyrants delighted most in them, 
Pl. 3. the rep. Ar. 7. & 8. pol. Sen. 1. ep. Dyon.  glorying to be both authors and actors of Comedies and Tragedies themselves: Whereupon the answer that the poet Philoxenus disdainfully gave to the Tyrant of Syracuse there-anent, is now come in a proverb, reduc me in latomias. 
Suidas.  And all the ruse that Nero made of himself when he died, was Qualis artifexpereo? 
Suet. in Ner.  meaning of his skill in menstrally, and playing of Tragoedies: as indeed his whole life and death, was all but one Tragedy.  
Delight not also to be in your own person a player upon instruments; especially on such as commonly men win their living with: nor yet to be fine of any mechanic craft: 
1. Sep.  Leur esprit s'en fuit au bout des doigts, saith Du Bartas: whose works, as they are all most worthy to be read by any Prince, or other good Christian; so would I especially wish you to be well versed in them. But spare not sometimes by merry company, to be free from importunity; for ye should be ever moved with reason, which is the only quality whereby men differ from beasts; and not with importunity: 
Curt. 8.  For the which cause (as also for augmenting your Majesty) ye shall not be so facile of accesse-giving at all times, as I have been; 
Liu. 35. Xen. in. Ages. Cit ad Q frat.  and yet not altogether retired or locked up, like the Kings of Persia: appointing also certain hours for public audience.  
And since my trust is, that God hath ordained you for more Kingdoms than this (as I have oft already said) press by the outward behaviour as well of your own person, 
A special good rule in government.  as of your court, in all indifferent things, to allure piece and piece, the rest of your kingdoms, to follow the fashions of that kingdom of yours, that ye find most civil, easiest to be ruled, and most obedient to the Laws: for these outward and indifferent things will serve greatly for allurements to the people, to embrace and follow virtue. But beware of thrawing or constraining them thereto; letting it be brought on with time, and at leisure; specially by so mixing through alliance and daily conversation, the inhabitants of every kingdom with other, as may with time make them to grow and weld all in one: Which may easily be done betwixt these two nations, being both but one Isle of Britain, and already joined in unity of Religion and language. 
The fruitful effects of the union.  So that even as in the times of our ancestors, the long wars and many bloody battles betwixt these two countries, bred a natural and hereditary hatred in every of them, against the other: the uniting and welding of them hereafter in one, by all sort of friendship, commerce, and alliance, will by the contrary produce and maintain a natural and inseparable unity of love amongst them. 
Already kithing in the happy amity.  As we have already (praise be to God) a great experience of the good beginning hereof, and of the quenching of the old hate in the hearts of both the people; procured by the means of this long and happy amity, between the Queen my dearest sister and me; which during the whole time of both our Reigns, hath ever been inviolably observed.  
And for conclusion of this my whole Treatise, 
Conclusion in form of abridge of the whole Treatise.  remember my Son, by your true and constant depending upon God, to look for a blessing to all your actions in your office: by the outward using thereof, to testify the inward uprightness of your heart; and by your behaviour in all indifferent things, to set forth the vive image of your virtuous disposition; and in respect of the greatness and weight of your burden, to be patiented in hearing, keeping your heart free from praeoccupation, ripe in concluding, 
Thuc. 6. Dion. 52.  and constant in your resolution: For better it is to bide at your resolution, although there were some defect in it, then by daily changing, to effectuate nothing: taking the pattern thereof from the microcosm of your own body; wherein ye have two eyes, signifying great foresight and providence, with a narrow looking in all things; and also two ears, signifying patiented hearing, and that of both the parties: but ye have but one tongue, for pronouncing a plain, sensible, and uniform sentence; and but one head, and one heart, for keeping a constant & uniform resolution, according to your apprehension: having two hands and two feet, with many fingers and toes for quick execution, in employing all instruments meet for effectuating your deliberations.  
But forget not to digest ever your passion, before ye determine upon any thing, since Ira furor brevis est: 
Hir. lib. 1. epist.  uttering only your anger according to the Apostles rule, Irascimini, sed ne peccetis: taking pleasure, not only to reward, 
Ephes. 4.  but to advance the good, which is a chief point of a King's glory (but make none overgreat, 
Arist. 5. pol. Dion. 52.  but according as the power of the country may bear) and punishing the evil; but every man according to his own offence: not punishing nor blaming the father for the son, 
Plat. 9 the leg.  nor the brother for the brother; much less generally to hate a whole race for the fault of one: for noxa caput sequitur.  
And above all, let the measure of your love to every one, be according to the measure of his virtue; letting your favour to be no longer tied to any, than the continuance of his virtuous disposition shall deserve: not admitting the excuse upon a just revenge, to procure oversight to an injury: For the first injury is committed against the party; but the parties revenging thereof at his own hand, is a wrong committed against you, in usurping your office, whom to only the sword belongeth, for revenging of all the injuries committed against any of your people.  
Thus hoping in the goodness of God, that your natural inclination shall have a happy sympathy with these pręcepts, making the wiseman's schoolmaster, which is the example of others, to be your teacher, according to that old verse, Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum; eschewing so the over-late repentance by your own experience, which is the schoolmaster of fools; I will for end of all, require you my Son, as ever ye think to deserve my fatherly blessing, to keep continually before the eyes of your mind, the greatness of your charge: 
Plat. in pol. Cic. 5. d● re●.  making the faithful and due discharge thereof, the principal butt ye shoot at in all your actions: counting it ever the principal, and all your other actions but as accessories, to be employed as middesses for the furthering of that principal. And being content to let others excel in other things, let it be your chiefest earthly glory, to excel in your own craft: according to the worthy counsel and charge of Anchises to his posterity, in that sublime and heroical Poet, wherein also my dicton is included; 
Virg 6. Aeu.  
Excudent alij spirantia molliùs aera,  
Credo equidem, & vivos ducent de marmore vultus,  
Orabunt causas meliùs, coelique meatus  
Describent radio, & surgentia sydera dicent.  
Tu, regere imperio populos, Roman, memento  
(Hae tibi erunt arts) pacique imponere morem,  
" Parcere subiectis, & debellare superbos.     

THE TRUE LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES: OR THE RECIPROQUE AND MUTVALL DVETIE BETWIXT A FREE KING, AND HIS natural Subjects.  

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.  
ACcept, I pray you (my dear countrymen) as thankfully this Pamphlet that I offer unto you, as lovingly it is written for your weal. I would be loath both to be faschious, and fectlesse: And therefore, if it be not sententious, at least it is short. It may be ye miss many things that ye look for in it: But for excuse thereof, consider rightly that I only lay down herein the true grounds, to teach you the right-way, without wasting time upon refuting the adversaries. And yet I trust, if ye will take narrow tent, ye shall find most of their great guns paid home again, either with contrary conclusions, or  objections, suppose in a dairned form, and indirectly: For my intention is to instruct, and not irritat, if I may eschew it. The profit I would wish you to make of it, is, as well so to frame all your actions according to these grounds, as may confirm you in the course of honest and obedient Subjects to your King in all times coming, as also, when ye shall fall in purpose with any that shall praise or excuse the bypassed rebellions that broke forth either in this country, or in any other, ye shall herewith be armed against their Siren songs, laying their particular examples to the square of these grounds. Whereby ye shall sound keep the course of righteous Judgement, decerning wisely of every action only according to the quality thereof, and not according to your prejudged conceits of the committers: So shall ye, by reaping profit to yourselves, turn my pain into pleasure. But least the whole Pamphlet run out at the gaping mouth of this Preface, if it were any more enlarged; I end, with committing you to God, and me to your charitable censures.  
C. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

THE TRUE LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES: OR The Reciproque and mutual duty betwixt a free King and his natural Subjects.  
AS there is not a thing so necessary to be known by the people of any land, next the knowledge of their God, as the right knowledge of their allegiance, according to the form of government established among them, especially in a Monarchy (which form of government, as resembling the Divinity, approacheth nearest to perfection, as all the learned and wise men from the beginning have agreed upon; Unity being the perfection of all things,) So hath the ignorance, and (which is worse) the seduced opinion of the multitude blinded by them, who think themselves able to teach and instruct the ignorants, procured the wrack and overthrow of sundry flourishing Commonwealths; and heaped heavy calamities, threatening utter destruction upon others. And the smiling success, that unlawful rebellions have oftentimes had against Princes in aages past (such hath been the misery, and iniquity of the time) hath by way of practice strengthened many in their error: albeit there cannot be a more deceivable argument; then to judge ay the justness of the cause by the event thereof; as hereafter shallbe proved more at length. And among others, no Commonwealth, that ever hath been since the beginning, hath had greater need of the true knowledge of this ground, than this our so long disordered, and distracted Commonwealth hath: the misknowledge hereof being the only spring, from whence have flowed so many endless calamities, miseries, and confusions, as is better felt by many, than the cause thereof well known, and deeply considered. The natural zeal therefore, that I bear to this my native country, with the great pity I have to see the so-long disturbance thereof for lack of the true knowledge of this ground (as I have said before) hath compelled me at last to break silence, to discharge my conscience to you my dear country men herein, that knowing the ground from whence these your many endless troubles have proceeded, as well as ye have already too-long tasted the bitter fruits thereof, ye may by knowledge, and eschewing of the cause escape, and divert the lamentable effects that ever necessarily follow thereupon. I have chosen then only to set down in this short Treatise, the true grounds of the mutual duty, and allegiance betwixt a free and absolute Monarch, and his people; not to trouble your patience with answering the contrary propositions, which some have not been ashamed to set down in writ, to the poisoning of infinite number of simple souls, and their own perpetual, and well deserved infamy: For by answering them, I could not have eschewed whiles to pick, and bite well saltly their persons; which would rather have bred contentiousness among the readers (as they had liked or misliked) then sound instruction of the truth: Which I protest to him that is the searcher of all hearts, is the only mark that I shoot at herein.  
First then, I will set down the true grounds, whereupon I am to build, out of the Scriptures, since Monarchy is the true pattern of Divinity, as I have already said: next, from the fundamental Laws of our own Kingdom, which nearest must concern us: thirdly, from the law of Nature, by divers similitudes drawn out of the same: and will conclude sign by answering the most weighty and appearing incommodities that can be objected.  
The Prince's duty to his Subjects is so clearly set down in many places of the Scriptures, and so openly confessed by all the good Princes, according to their oath in their Coronation, as not needing to be long therein, I shall as shortly as I can run through it.  
King's are called Gods by the prophetical King David, 
I sal. 82.6.  because they sit upon GOD his Throne in the earth, and have the count of their administration to give unto him. 
Psal. 101. Psal. 101. 2. King. 18. 2. Chron. 29. 2. King. 22. and 23.2. chro. 34. & 35. Psal. 72. 1. King 3.  Their office is, To minister justice and judgement to the people, as the same David saith: To advance the good, and punish the evil, as he likewise saith: To establish good Laws to his people, and procure obedience to the same, as divers good Kings of judah did: To procure the peace of the people, as the same David saith: To decide all controversies that can arise among them, as Solomon did: To be the Minister of God for the weal of them that do well, and as the minister of God, 
Rom. 13.  to take vengeance upon them that do evil, as S. Paul saith. And finally, 
1. Sam. 8.  As a good Pastor, to go out and in before his people as is said in the first of Samuel: 
jerem. 29.  That through the Prince's prosperity, the people's peace may be procured, as jeremy saith.  
And therefore in the Coronation of our own Kings, as well as of every Christian Monarch they give their Oath, first to maintain the Religion presently professed within their country, according to their laws, whereby it is established, and to punish all those that should press to alter, or disturb the profession thereof; And next to maintain all the lowable and good Laws made by their predecessors: to see them put in execution, and the breakers and violaters thereof, to be punished, according to the tenor of the same: And lastly, to maintain the whole country, and every state therein, in all their ancient Privileges and Liberties, as well against all foreign enemies, as among themselves: And shortly to procure the weal and flourishing of his people, not only in maintaining and putting to execution the old lowable laws of the country, and by establishing of new (as necessity and evil manners will require) but by all other means possible to foresee and prevent all dangers, that are likely to fall upon them, and to maintain concord, wealth, and civility among them, as a loving Father, and careful watchman, caring for them more than for himself, knowing himself to be ordained for them, and they not for him; and therefore countable to that great God, who placed him as his lieutenant over them, upon the peril of his soul to procure the weal of both souls and bodies, as far as in him lieth, of all them that are committed to his charge. And this oath in the Coronation is the clearest, civil, and fundamental Law, whereby the King's office is properly defined.  
By the Law of Nature the King becomes a natural Father to all his Liege's at his Coronation: And as the Father of his fatherly duty is bound to care for the nourishing, education, and virtuous government of his children; even so is the king bound to care for all his subjects. As all the toil and pain that the father can take for his children, will be thought light and well bestowed by him, so that the effect thereof redound to their profit and weal; so ought the Prince to do towards his people. As the kindly father ought to foresee all inconuenients and dangers that may arise towards his children, and though with the hazard of his own person press to prevent the same; so ought the King towards his people. As the father's wrath and correction upon any of his children that offendeth, aught to be by a fatherly chastisement seasoned with pity, as long as there is any hope of amendment in them; so ought the King towards any of his Liege's that offend in that measure. And shortly, as the Father's chief joy ought to be in procuring his children's welfare, rejoicing at their weal, sorrowing and pitying at their evil, to hazard for their safety, travel for their rest, wake for their sleep; and in a word, to think that his earthly felicity and life standeth and liveth more in them, nor in himself; so ought a good Prince think of his people.  
As to the other branch of this mutual and reciproque band, is the duty and allegiance that the Liege's own to their King: the ground whereof, I take out of the words of Samuel, dited by God's Spirit, when God had given him commandment to hear the people's voice in choosing and anointing them a King. And because that place of Scripture being well understood, is so pertinent for our purpose, I have insert herein the very words of the Text.  

9 NOw therefore hearken to their voice: howbeit yet testify unto them, and show them the manner of the King, that shall reign over them.  
10 So Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people that asked a King of him.  
11 And he said, This shall be the manner of the King that shall reign over you: he will take your sons, and appoint them to his Charets, and to be his horsemen, and some shall run before his Chariot.  
12 Also, he will make them his captains over thousands, and captains over fifties, and to ear his ground, and to reap his harvest, and to make instruments of war, and the things that serve for his charets:  
13 He will also take your daughters, and make them Apothicaries, and Cooks, and Bakers.  
14 And he will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your best Olive trees, and give them to his servants.  
15 And he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your Vineyards, and give it to his eunuchs, and to his servants.  
16 And he will take your men servants, and your maid servants, and the chief of your young men, and your asses, and put them to his work.  
17 He will take the tenth of your sheep: and ye shall be his servants.  
18 And ye shall cry out at that day, because of your King, whom ye have chosen you: and the Lord God will not bear you at that day.  
19 But the people would not hear the voice of Samuel, but did say: Nay, but there shallbe a King over us.  
20 And we also will be like all other Nations, and our King shall judge us, and go out before us, and fight our battles.   
That these words, and discourses of Samuel were dited by God's Spirit, it needs no further probation, but that it is a place of Scripture; since the whole Scripture is dited by that inspiration, as Paul saith: which ground no good Christian will, or dare deny. Whereupon it must necessarily follow, that these speeches proceeded not from any ambition in Samuel, as one loath to quite the reins that he so long had ruled, and therefore desirous, by making odious the government of a King, to dissuade the people from their farther importunate craving of one: For, as the text proveth it plainly, he then convened them to give them a resolute grant of their demand, as God by his own mouth commanded him, saying, Harken to the voice of the people. And to press to dissuade them from that, which he then came to grant unto them, were a thing very impertinent in a wise man; much more in the Prophet of the most high God. And likewise, it well appeared in all the course of his life after, that his so long refusing of their suit before came not of any ambition in him: which he well proved in praying, & as it were importuning God for the weal of Saul. Yea, after God had declared his reprobation unto him, yet he desisted not, while God himself was wrath at his praying, and discharged his father's suit in that errand. And that these words of Samuel were not uttered as a prophecy of Saul their first King's defection, it well appeareth, as well because we hear no mention made in the Scripture of any his tyranny and oppression, (which, if it had been, would not have been left unpainted out therein, as well as his other faults were, as in a true mirror of all the King's behaviours, whom it describeth) as likewise in respect that Saul was chosen by God for his virtue, and meet qualities to govern his people: whereas his defection sprung after-hand from the corruption of his own nature, & not through any default in God, whom they that think so, would make as a stepfather to his people, in making wilfully a choice of the unmeetest for governing them, since the election of that King lay absolutely and immediately in God's hand. But by the contrary it is plain, and evident, that this speech of Samuel to the people, was to prepare their hearts before the hand to the due obedience of that King, which God was to give unto them; and therefore opened up unto them, what might be the intolerable qualities that might fall in some of their kings, thereby preparing them to patience, not to resist to God's ordinance: but as he would have said; Since God hath granted your importunate suit in giving you a king, as ye have else committed an error in shaking off God's yoke, and overhasty seeking of a King; so beware ye fall not into the next, in casting off also rashly that yoke, which God at your earnest suit hath laid upon you, how hard that ever it seem to be: For as ye could not have obtained one without the permission and ordinance of God, so may ye no more, fro he be once set over you, shake him off without the same warrant. And therefore in time arm yourselves with patience and humility, since he that hath the only power to make him, hath the only power to unmake him, and ye only to obey, bearing with these straits that I now foreshow you, as with the finger of God, which lieth not in you to take off.  
And will ye consider the very words of the text in order, as they are set down, it shall plainly declare the obedience that the people own to their King in all respects.  
First, God commandeth Samuel to do two things: the one, to grant the people their suit in giving them a king; the other, to forewarn them, what some kings will do unto them, that they may not thereafter in their grudging and murmuring say, when they shall feel the snares here forespoken; We would never have had a king of God, in case when we craved him, he had let us know how we would have been used by him, as now we find but over-late. And this is meant by these words:  
Now therefore hearken unto their voice: howbeit yet testify unto them, and show them the manner of the King that shall rule over them.  
And next, Samuel in execution of this commandment of God, he likewise doth two things.  
First, he declares unto them, what points of justice and equity their king will break in his behaviour unto them: And next he putteth them out of hope, that weary as they will, they shall not have leave to shake off that yoke, which God through their importunity hath laid upon them. The points of equity that the King shall break unto them, are expressed in these words: 

11 He will take your sons, and appoint them to his Charets, and to be his horsemen, and some shall run before his Chariot.  
12 Also he will make them his captains over thousands, and captains over fifties, and to ear his ground, and to reap his harvest, and to make instruments of war, and the things that serve for his charets.  
13 He will also take your daughters, and make them Apothecaries, and Cooks, and Bakers.    
The points of justice, that he shall break unto them, are expressed in these words: 

14 He will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your best Olive trees, and give them to his servants.  
15 And he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your vineyards, and give it to his eunuchs and to his servants: and also the tenth of your sheep.    
As if he would say; The best and noblest of your blood shall be compelled in slavish and servile offices to serve him: And not content of his own patrimony, will make up a rent to his own use out of your best lands, vineyards, orchards, and store of cattle: So as inverting the Law of nature, and office of a King, your persons and the persons of your posterity, together with your lands, and all that ye possess shall serve his private use, and inordinate appetite.  
And as unto the next point (which is his forewarning them, that, weary as they will, they shall not have leave to shake off the yoke, which God thorough their importunity hath laid upon them) it is expressed in these words: 

18 And ye shall cry out at that day, because of your King whom ye have chosen you: and the Lord will not hear you at that day.    
As he would say; When ye shall find these things in proof that now I forewarn you of, although you shall grudge and murmur, yet it shall not be lawful to you to cast it off, in respect it is not only the ordinance of God, but also yourselves have chosen him unto you, thereby renouncing for ever all privileges, by your willing consent out of your hands, whereby in any time hereafter ye would claim, and call back unto yourselves again that power, which God shall not permit you to do. And for further taking away of all excuse, and retraction of this their contract, after their consent to under-lie this yoke with all the burdens that he hath declared unto them, he craves their answer, and consent to his proposition: which appeareth by their answer, as it is expressed in these words: 

19 Nay, but there shallbe a King over us.  
20 And we also will be like all other nations: and our king shall judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles.    
As if they would have said; All your speeches and hard conditions shall not scar us, but we will take the good and evil of it upon us, and we will be content to bear whatsoever burden it shall please our King to lay upon us, aswell as other nations do. And for the good we will get of him in fight our battles, we will more patiently bear any burden that shall please him to lay on us.  
Now then, since the erection of this Kingdom and Monarchy among the jews, and the law thereof may, and aught to be a pattern to all Christian and well founded Monarchies, as being founded by God himself, who by his Oracle, and out of his own mouth gave the law thereof: what liberty can broiling spirits, and rebellious minds claim justly to against any Christian Monarchy; since they can claim to no greater liberty on their part, nor the people of God might have done, and no greater tyranny was ever executed by any Prince or tyrant, whom they can object, nor was here forewarned to the people of God, (and yet all rebellion countermanded unto them) if tyrannising over men's persons, sons, daughters and servants; redacting noble houses, and men, and women of noble blood, to slavish and servile offices; and extortion, and spoil of their lands and goods to the princes own private use and commodity, and of his courteours, and servants, may be called a tyranny?  
And that this proposition grounded upon the Scripture, may the more clearly appear to be true by the practice often proved in the same book, we never read, that ever the Prophets persuaded the people to rebel against the Prince, how wicked soever he was.  
When Samuel by Gods command pronounced to the same king Saul, 
1. Sam. 15.  that his kingdom was rend from him, and given to another (which in effect was a degrading of him) yet his next action following that, was peaceably to turn home, and with floods of tears to pray to God to have some compassion upon him.  
And David, notwithstanding he was inaugurate in that same degraded Kings room, not only (when he was cruelly persecuted, for no offence; but good service done unto him) would not presume, having him in his power, scantly, but with great reverence, to touch the garment of the anointed of the Lord, and in his words blessed him: but likewise, 
1. Sam. 2 4. 2. Sam. 1.  when one came to him vaunting himself untruly to have slain Saul, he, without form of process, or trial of his guilt, caused only for guiltiness of his tongue, put him to sudden death.  
And although there was never a more monstrous persecutor, and tyrant nor Achab was: yet all the rebellion, that Elias ever raised against him, was to fly to the wilderness: where for fault of sustentation, he was fed with the Corbies'. And I think no man will doubt but Samuel, David, and Elias, had as great power to persuade the people, if they had liked to have employed their credit to uproars & rebellions against these wicked kings, as any of our seditious preachers in these days of whatsoever religion, either in this country or in France, had, that busied themselves most to stir up rebellion under cloak of religion. This far the only love of verity, I protest, without hatred at their persons, have moved me to be somewhat satyric.  
And if any will lean to the extraordinary examples of degrading or killing of kings in the Scriptures, thereby to cloak the people's rebellion, as by the deed of jehu, and such like extraordinaries: I answer, besides that they want the like warrant that they had, if extraordinary examples of the Scripture shall be drawn in daily practice; murder under traist as in the persons of Ahud, and jael; theft, as in the persons of the Israelites coming out of Egypt; lying to their parents to the hurt of their brother, as in the person of jacob, shall all be counted as lawful and allowable virtues, as rebellion against Princes. And to conclude, the practice through the whole Scripture proveth the people's obedience given to that sentence in the law of God: Thou shalt not rail upon the judges, neither speak evil of the ruler of thy people.  
To end then the ground of my proposition taken out of the Scripture, let two special, and notable examples, one under the law, another under the evangel, 
jer. 27.  conclude this part of my allegiance. Under the law, jeremy threateneth the people of God with utter destruction for rebellion to Nabuchadnezar the king of Babel: who although he was an idolatrous persecuter, a foreign King, a Tyrant, and usurper of their liberties; yet in respect they had once received and acknowledged him for their king, he not only commandeth them to obey him, 
jere. 29.  but even to pray for his prosperity, adjoining the reason to it; because in his prosperity stood their peace.  
And under the evangel, that king, whom Paul bids the Romans obey and serve for conscience sake, 
jere. 13.  was Nero that bloody tyrant, an infamy to his age, and a monster to the world, being also an idolatrous persecuter, as the King of Babel was. If then Idolatry and defection from God, tyranny over their people, and persecution of the Saints, for their profession sake, hindered not the Spirit of God to command his people under all highest pain to give them all due and hearty obedience for conscience sake, giving to Caesar that which was Caesar's, and to God that which was Gods, as Christ saith; and that this practice throughout the book of God agreeth with this law, which he made in the erection of that Monarchy (as is at length before deduced) what shameless presumption is it to any Christian people now adays to claim to that unlawful liberty, which God refused to his own peculiar and chosen people? Shortly then to take up in two or three sentences, grounded upon all these arguments, out of the law of God, the duty, and allegiance of the people to their lawful king, their obedience, I say, aught to be to him, as to God's Lieutenant in earth, obeying his commands in all things, except directly against God, as the commands of God's Minister, acknowledging him a judge set by GOD over them, having power to judge them, but to be judged only by GOD, whom to only he must give count of his judgement; fearing him as their judge; loving him as their father; praying for him as their protector; for his continuance, if he be good; for his amendment, if he be wicked; following and obeying his lawful commands, eschewing and flying his fury in his unlawful, without resistance, but by sobs and tears to God, according to that sentence used in the primitive Church in the time of the persecution.  Preces, & Lachrymae sunt arma Ecclesiae. 
Now, as for the describing the allegiance, that the liege's own to their native King, out of the fundamental and civil Law, especially of this country, as I promised, the ground must first be set down of the first manner of establishing the Laws and form of government among us; that the ground being first right laid, we may thereafter build rightly thereupon. Although it be true (according to the affirmation of those that pride themselves to be the scourges of Tyrants) that in the first beginning of Kings rising among Gentiles, in the time of the first age, divers commonwealths and societies of men choosed out one among themselves, who for his virtues and valour, being more eminent than the rest, was chosen out by them, and set up in that room, to maintain the weakest in their right, to throw down oppressors, and to foster and continue the society among men; which could not otherwise, but by virtue of that unity be well done: yet these examples are nothing pertinent to us; because our Kingdom and divers other Monarchies are not in that case, but had their beginning in a far contrary fashion.  
For as our Chronicles bear witness, this I'll, and especially our part of it, being scantly inhabited, but by very few, and they as barbarous and scant of civility, as number, there comes our first King Fergus, with a great number with him, out of Ireland, which was long inhabited before us, and making himself master of the country, by his own friendship, and force, as well of the Ireland-men that came with him, as of the countrymen that willingly fell to him, he made himself King and Lord, as well of the whole lands, as of the whole inhabitants within the same. Thereafter he and his successors, a long while after their being Kings, made and established their laws from time to time, and as the occasion required. So the truth is directly contrary in our state to the false affirmation of such seditious writers, as would persuade us, that the Laws and state of our country were established before the admitting of a king: where by the contrary ye see it plainly proved, that a wise king coming in among barbares, first established the estate and form of government, and thereafter made laws by himself, and his successors according thereto.  
The kings therefore in Scotland were before any estates or ranks of men within the same, before any Parliaments were holden, or laws made: and by them was the land distributed (which at the first was whole theirs) states erected and discerned, and forms of government devised and established: And so it follows of necessity, that the kings were the authors and makers of the Laws, and not the Laws of the kings. And to prove this my assertion more clearly, it is evident by the rolls of our Chancellery (which contain our eldest and fundamental Laws) that the King is Dominus omnium bonorum, and Dominus directus totius Dominij, the whole subjects being but his vassals, and from him holding all their lands as their over-lord, who according to good services done unto him, changeth their holdings from tack to few, from ward to blanche, erecteth new Baronies, and uniteth old, without advice or authority of either Parliament, or any other subalterin judicial seat: So as if wrong might be admitted in play (albeit I grant wrong should be wrong in all persons) the King might have a better colour for his pleasure, without further reason, to take the land from his liege's, as over-lord of the whole, and do with it as pleaseth him, since all that they hold is of him, then, as foolish writers say, the people might unmake the king, and put an other in his room: But either of them as unlawful, and against the ordinance of God, aught to be alike odious to be thought, much less put in practice.  
And according to these fundamental Laws already alleged, we daily see that in the Parliament (which is nothing else but the head Court of the king and his vassals) the laws are but craved by his subjects, and only made by him at their rogation, and with their advice: For albeit the king make daily statutes and ordinances, enjoining such pains thereto as he thinks meet, without any advice of Parliament or estates; yet it lies in the power of no Parliament, to make any kind of Law or Statute, without his Sceptre be to it, for giving it the force of a Law: And although divers changes have been in other countries of the blood Royal, and kingly house, the kingdom being reft by conquest from one to another, as in our neighbour country in England, (which was never in ours) yet the same ground of the kings right over all the land, and subjects thereof remaineth alike in all other free Monarchies, as well as in this: For when the Bastard of Normandy came into England, and made himself king, was it not by force, and with a mighty army? Where he gave the Law, and took none, changed the Laws, inverted the order of government, set down the strangers his followers in many of the old possessors rooms, as at this day well appeareth a great part of the Gentlemen in England, being come of the Norman blood, and their old Laws, which to this day they are ruled by, are written in his language, and not in theirs: And yet his successors have with great happiness enjoyed the Crown to this day; Whereof the like was also done by all them that conquested them before.  
And for conclusion of this point, that the king is over-lord over the whole lands, it is likewise daily proved by the Law of our hoards, of want of Heirs, and of Bastardies: For if a hoard be found under the earth, because it is no more in the keeping or use of any person, it of the law pertains to the king. If a person, inheritor of any lands or goods, die without any sort of heirs, all his lands and goods return to the king. And if a bastard die unrehabled without heirs of his body (which rehabling only lies in the king's hands) all that he hath likewise returns to the king. And as ye see it manifest, that the King is over-lord of the whole land: so is he Master over every person that inhabiteth the same, having power over the life and death of every one of them: For although a just Prince will not take the life of any of his subjects without a clear law; yet the same laws whereby he taketh them, are made by himself, or his predecessors; and so the power flows always from himself; as by daily experience we see, good and just Princes will from time to time make new laws and statutes, adjoining the penalties to the breakers thereof, which before the law was made, had been no crime to the subject to have committed. Not that I deny the old definition of a King, and of a law; which makes the king to be a speaking law, and the Law a dumb king: for certainly a king that governs not by his law, can neither be countable to God for his administration, nor have a happy and established reign: For albeit it be true that I have at length proved, that the King is above the law, as both the author and giver of strength thereto; yet a good king will not only delight to rule his subjects by the law, but even will conform himself in his own actions thereuneto, always keeping that ground, that the health of the commonwealth be his chief law: And where he sees the law doubtsome or rigorous, he may interpret or mitigate the same, lest otherwise Summum ius be summa iniuria: And therefore general laws, made publicly in Parliament, may upon known respects to the King by his authority be mitigated, and suspended upon causes only known to him.  
As likewise, although I have said, a good king will frame all his actions to be according to the Law; yet is he not bound thereto but of his good will, and for good example-giving to his subjects: For as in the law of abstaining from eating of flesh in Lenton, the king will, for example's sake, make his own house to observe the Law; yet no man will think he needs to take a licence to eat flesh. And although by our Laws, the bearing and wearing of hagbuts, and pistolets be forbidden, yet no man can find any fault in the King, for causing his train use them in any rayed upon the Borderers, or other malefactors or rebellious subjects. So as I have already said, a good King, although he be above the Law, will subject and frame his actions thereto, for example's sake to his subjects, and of his own freewill, but not as subject or bound thereto.  
Since I have so clearly proved then out of the fundamental laws and practice of this country, what right & power a king hath over his land and subjects, it is easy to be understood, what allegiance & obedience his liege's own unto him; I mean always of such free Monarchies as our king is, and not of elective kings, and much less of such sort of governors, as the dukes of Venice are, whose Aristocratick and limited government, is nothing like to free Monarchies; although the malice of some writers hath not been ashamed to mis-know any difference to be betwixt them. And if it be not lawful to any particular lords tenants or vassals, upon whatsoever pretext, to control and displace their Master, and over-lord (as is clearer nor the Sun by all Laws of the world) how much less may the subjects and vassals of the great over-lord the KING control or displace him? And since in all inferior judgements in the land, the people may not upon any respects displace their Magistrates, although but subaltern: for the people of a borough, cannot displace their Provost before the time of their election: nor in Ecclesiastical policy the flock can upon any pretence displace the Pastor, nor judge of him: yea even the poor Schoolmaster cannot be displaced by his scholars: If these, I say (whereof some are but inferior, subaltern, and temporal Magistrates, and none of them equal in any sort to the dignity of a King) cannot be displaced for any occasion or pretext by them that are ruled by them: how much less is it lawful upon any pretext to control or displace the great Provost, and great Schoolmaster of the whole land: except by inverting the order of all Law and reason, the commanded may be made to command their commander, the judged to judge their judge, and they that are governed, to govern their time about their Lord and governor.  
And the agreement of the Law of nature in this our ground with the Laws and constitutions of God, and man, already alleged, will by two similitudes easily appear. The King towards his people is rightly compared to a father of children, and to a head of a body composed of divers members: For as fathers, the good Princes, and Magistrates of the people of God acknowledged themselves to their subjects. And for all other well ruled Commonwealths, the style of Pater patriae was ever, and is commonly used to Kings. And the proper office of a King towards his Subjects, agrees very well with the office of the head towards the body, and all members thereof: For from the head, being the seat of judgement, proceedeth the care and foresight of guiding, and preventing all evil that may come to the body or any part thereof. The head cares for the body, so doth the King for his people. As the discourse and direction flows from the head, and the execution according thereunto belongs to the rest of the members, every one according to their office: so is it betwixt a wise Prince, and his people. As the judgement coming from the head may not only employ the members, every one in their own office, as long as they are able for it; but likewise in case any of them be affected with any infirmity must care and provide for their remedy, in-case it be curable, and if otherwise, gar cut them off for fear of infecting of the rest: even so is it betwixt the Prince, and his people. And as there is ever hope of curing any diseased member by the direction of the head, as long as it is whole; but by the contrary, if it be troubled, all the members are partakers of that pain, so is it betwixt the Prince and his people.  
And now first for the father's part (whose natural love to his children I described in the first part of this my discourse, speaking of the duty that Kings own to their Subjects) consider, I pray you what duty his children own to him, & whether upon any pretext whatsoever, it will not be thought monstrous and unnatural to his sons, to rise up against him, to control him at their appetite, and when they think good to slay him, or to cut him off, and adopt to themselves any other they please in his room: Or can any pretence of wickedness or rigour on his part be a just excuse for his children to put hand into him? And although we see by the course of nature, that love useth to descend more then to ascend, in case it were true, that the father hated and wronged the children never so much, will any man, endued with the least sponke of reason, think it lawful for them to meet him with the line? Yea, suppose the father were furiously following his sons with a drawn sword, is it lawful for them to turn and strike again, or make any resistance but by flight? I think surely, if there were no more but the example of bruit beasts & unreasonable creatures, it may serve well enough to qualify and prove this my argnment. We read often the piety that the Storks have to their old and decayed parents: And generally we know, that there are many sorts of beasts and fowls, that with violence and many bloody strokes will beat and banish their young ones from them, how soon they perceive them to be able to fend themselves; but we never read or heard of any resistance on their part, except among the vipers; which proves such persons, as aught to be reasonable creatures, and yet unnaturally follow this example, to be endued with their viperous nature.  
And for the similitude of the head and the body, it may very well fall out that the head will be forced to garre cut off some rotten member (as I have already said) to keep the rest of the body in integrity: but what state the body can be in, if the head, for any infirmity that can fall to it, be cut off, I leave it to the reader's judgement.  
So as (to conclude this part) if the children may upon any pretext that can be imagined, lawfully rise up against their Father, cut him off, & choose any other whom they please in his room; and if the body for the weal of it, may for any infirmity that can be in the head, strike it off, than I cannot deny that the people may rebel, control, and displace, or cut off their king at their own pleasure, and upon respects moving them. And whether these similitudes represent better the office of a King, or the offices of Masters or Deacons of crafts, or Doctors in Physic (which jolly comparisons are used by such writers as maintain the contrary proposition) I leave it also to the reader's discretion.  
And in case any doubts might arise in any part of this treatise, I will (according to my promise) with the solution of four principal and most weighty doubts, that the adversaries may object, conclude this discourse. And first it is casten up by divers, that employ their pens upon Apologies for rebellions and treasons that every man is borne to carry such a natural zeal and duty to his commonwealth, as to his mother; that seeing it so rend and deadly wounded, as whiles it will be by wicked and tyrannous Kings, good Citizens will be forced, for the natural zeal and duty they own to their own native country, to put their hand to work for freeing their commonwealth from such a pest.  
Whereunto I give two answers: First, it is a sure Axiom in Theology, that evil should not be done, that good may come of it: The wickedness therefore of the King can never make them that are ordained to be judged by him, to become his judges. And if it be not lawful to a private man to revenge his private injury upon his private adversary (since God hath only given the sword to the Magistrate) how much less is it lawful to the people, or any part of them (who all are but private men, the authority being always with the Magistrate, as I have already proved) to take upon them the use of the sword, whom to it belongs not, against the public Magistrate, whom to only it belongeth.  
Next, in place of relieving the commonwealth out of distress (which is their only excuse and colour) they shall heap double distress and desolation upon it; and so their rebellion shall procure the contrary effects that they pretend it for: For a king cannot be imagined to be so unruly and tyrannous, but the commonwealth will be kept in better order, notwithstanding thereof, by him, than it can be by his way-taking. For first, all sudden mutations are perilous in commonwealths, hope being thereby given to all bare men to set up themselves, and fly with other men's feathers, the reins being loosed to all the insolences that disordered people can commit by hope of impunity, because of the looseness of all things.  
And next, it is certain that a king can never be so monstrously vicious, but he will generally favour justice, and maintain some order, except in the particulars, wherein his inordinate lusts and passions carry him away; where by the contrary, no King being, nothing is unlawful to none: And so the old opinion of the Philosophers proves true, That better it is to live in a Commonwealth, where nothing is lawful, then where all things are lawful to all men; the Commonwealth at that time resembling an undaunted young horse that hath casten his rider: For as the divine Poet DV BARTAS saith, Better it were to suffer some disorder in the estate, and some spots in the Commonwealth, then in pretending to reform, utterly to overthrow the Republic.  
The second objection they ground upon the curse that hangs over the commonwealth, where a wicked king reigneth: and, say they, there cannot be a more acceptable deed in the sight of God, nor more dutiful to their commonweal, then to free the country of such a curse, and vindicate to them their liberty, which is natural to all creatures to crave.  
Whereunto for answer, I grant indeed, that a wicked king is sent by God for a curse to his people, and a plague for their sins: but that it is lawful to them to shake off that curse at their own hand, which God hath laid on them, that I deny, and may so do justly. Will any deny that the king of Babel was a curse to the people of God, as was plainly forespoken and threatened unto them in the prophecy of their captivity? And what was Nero to the Christian Church in his time? And yet jeremy and Paul (as ye have else heard) commanded them not only to obey them, but hearty to pray for their welfare.  
It is certain then (as I have already by the Law of God sufficiently proved) that patience, earnest prayers to God, and amendment of their lives, are the only lawful means to move God to relieve them of that heavy curse. As for vindicating to themselves their own liberty, what lawful power have they to revoke to themselves again those privileges, which by their own consent before were so fully put out of their hands? for if a Prince cannot justly bring back again to himself the privileges once bestowed by him or his predecessors upon any state or rank of his subjects; how much less may the subjects reave out of the prince's hand that superiority, which he and his Predecessors have so long brooked over them?  
But the unhappy iniquity of the time, which hath oft times given over good success to their treasonable attempts, furnisheth them the ground of their third objection: For, say they, the fortunate success that God hath so oft given to such enterprises, proveth plainly by the practice, that God favoured the justness of their quarrel.  
To the which I answer, that it is true indeed, that all the success of battles, as well as other worldly things, lieth only in God's hand: And therefore it is that in the Scripture he takes to himself the style of God of Hosts. But upon that general to conclude, that he ever gives victory to the just quarrel, would prove the Philistims, and divers other neighbour enemies of the people of God to have oft times had the just quarrel against the people of God, in respect of the many victories they obtained against them. And by that same argument they had also just quarrel against the Ark of God: For they won it in the field, and kept it long prisoner in their country. As likewise by all good Writers, as well Theologues, as other, the Duels and singular combats are disallowed; which are only made upon pretence, that GOD will kith thereby the justice of the quarrel: For we must consider that the innocent party is not innocent before God: And therefore God will make oft times them that have the wrong side revenge justly his quarrel; and when he hath done, cast his scourge in the fire; as he oft times did to his own people, stirring up and strengthening their enemies, while they were humbled in his sight, and then delivered them in their hands. So God, as the great judge may justly punish his Deputy, and for his rebellion against him, stir up his rebels to meet him with the like: And when it is done, the part of the instrument is no better than the devils part is in tempting and torturing such as God committeth to him as his hangman to do: Therefore, as I said in the beginning, it is oft times a very deceivable argument, to judge of the cause by the event.  
And the last objection is grounded upon the mutual paction and adstipulation (as they call it) betwixt the King and his people, at the time of his coronation: For there, say they, there is a mutual paction, and contract bound up, and sworn betwixt the king, and the people: Whereupon it followeth, that if the one part of the contract or the Indent be broken upon the King's side, the people are no longer bound to keep their part of it, but are thereby freed of their oath: For (say they) a contract betwixt two parties, of all Law frees the one party, if the other break unto him.  
As to this contract alleged made at the coronation of a King, although I deny any such contract to be made then, especially containing such a clause irritant as they allege; yet I confess, that a king at his coronation, or at the entry to his kingdom, willingly promiseth to his people, to discharge honourably and truly the office given him by God over them: But presuming that thereafter he break his promise unto them never so inexcusable; the question is, who should be judge of the break, giving unto them, this contractwere made unto them never so sicker, according to their allegiance. I think no man that hath but the smallest entrance into the civil Law, will doubt that of all Law, either civil or municipal of any nation, a contract cannot be thought broken by the one party, and so the other likewise to be freed therefrom, except that first a lawful trial and cognition be had by the ordinary judge of the breakers thereof: Or else every man may be both party and judge in his own cause; which is absurd once to be thought. Now in this contract (I say) betwixt the king and his people, God is doubtless the only judge, both because to him only the king must make count of his administration (as is oft said before) as likewise by the oath in the coronation, God is made judge and revenger of the breakers: For in his presence, as only judge of oaths, all oaths ought to be made. Then since God is the only judge betwixt the two parties contractors, the cognition and revenge must only appertain to him: It follows therefore of necessity, that God must first give sentence upon the King that breaketh, before the people can think themselves freed of their oath. What justice then is it, that the party shall be both judge and party, usurping upon himself the office of God, may by this argument easily appear: And shall it lie in the hands of headless multitude, when they please to weary off subjection, to cast off the yoke of government that God hath laid upon them; to judge and punish him, whomby they should be judged and punished; and in that case, wherein by their violence they kythe themselves to be most passionate parties, to use the office of an ungracious judge or Arbiter? Nay, to speak truly of that case, as it stands betwixt the king and his people, none of them ought to judge of the others break: For considering rightly the two parties at the time of their mutual promise, the king is the one party, and the whole people in one body are the other party. And therefore since it is certain, that a king, in case so it should fall out, that his people in one body had rebelled against him, he should not in that case, as thinking himself free of his promise and oath; become an utter enemy, and practise the wreak of his whole people and native country: although he ought justly to punish the principal authors and bellows of that universal rebellion: how much less than ought the people (that are always subject unto him, and naked of all authority on their part) press to judge and overthrow him? otherwise the people, as the one party contracters, shall no sooner challenge the king as breaker, but he assoon shall judge them as breakers: so as the victors making the tyners the traitors (as our proverb is) the party shall aye become both judge and party in his own particular, as I have already said.  
And it is here likewise to be noted, that the duty and allegiance, which the people sweareth to their prince, is not only bound to themselves, but likewise to their lawful heirs and posterity, the lineal succession of crowns being begun among the people of God, and happily continued in divers christian commonwealths: So as no objection either of heresy, or whatsoever private statute or law may free the people from their oath-giving to their king, and his succession, established by the old fundamental laws of the kingdom: For, as he is their heritable over-lord, and so by birth, not by any right in the coronation, cometh to his crown, it is a like unlawful (the crown ever standing full) to displace him that succeed thereto, as to eject the former: For at the very moment of the expiring of the king reigning, the nearest and lawful heir entereth in his place: And so to refuse him, or intrude another, is not to hold out uncomming in, but to expel and put out their righteous King. And I trust at this time whole France acknowledgeth the superstitious rebellion of the liguers, who upon pretence of heresy, by force of arms held so long out, to the great desolation of their whole country, their native and righteous king from possessing of his own crown and natural kingdom.  
Not that by all this former discourse of mine, and Apology for kings, I mean that whatsoever errors and intolerable abominations a sovereign prince commit, he ought to escape all punishment, as if thereby the world were only ordained for kings, & they without controlment to turn it upside down at their pleasure: but by the contrary, by remitting them to God (who is their only ordinary judge) I remit them to the soreit and sharpest schoolmaster that can be devised for them: for the further a king is preferred by God above all other ranks & degrees of men, and the higher that his seat is above theirs, the greater is his obligation to his maker. And therefore in case he forget himself (his unthankfulness being in the same measure of height) the sadder and sharper will his correction be; and according to the greatness of the height he is in, the weight of his fall will recompense the same: for the further that any person is obliged to God, his offence becomes and grows so much the greater, than it would be in any other. Ioues thunderclaps light oftener and sorer upon the high & stately oaks, then on the low and supple willow trees: and the highest bench is sliddriest to sit upon. Neither is it ever heard that any king forgets himself towards God, or in his vocation; but God with the greatness of the plague revengeth the greatness of his ingratitude: Neither think I by the force and argument of this my discourse so to persuade the people, that none will hereafter be raised up, and rebel against wicked Princes. But remitting to the justice and providence of God to stir up such scourges as pleaseth him, for punishment of wicked kings (who made the very vermin and filthy dust of the earth to bridle the insolency of proud Pharaoh) my only purpose and intention in this treatise is to persuade, as far as lieth in me, by these sure and infallible grounds, all such good Christian readers, as bear not only the naked name of a Christian, but kith the fruits thereof in their daily form of life, to keep their hearts and hands free from such monstrous and unnatural rebellions, whensoever the wickedness of a Prince shall procure the same at God's hands: that, when it shall please God to cast such scourges of princes, and instruments of his fury in the fire, ye may stand up with clean hands, and unspotted consciences, having proved yourselves in all your actions true Christians toward God, and dutiful subjects towards your King, having remitted the judgement and punishment of all his wrongs to him, whom to only of right it appertaineth.  
But craving at God, and hoping that God shall continue his blessing with us, in not sending such fearful desolation, I hearty wish our king's behaviour so to be, and continue among us, as our God in earth, and loving Father, endued with such properties as I described a King in the first part of this Treatise. And that ye (my dear countrymen, and charitable readers) may press by all means to procure the prosperity and welfare of your King; that as he must on the one part think all his earthly felicity and happiness grounded upon your weal, caring more for himself for your sake then for his own, thinking himself only ordained for your weal; such holy and happy emulation may arise betwixt him and you, as his care for your quietness, and your care for his honour and preservation, may in all your actions daily strive together, that the Land may think themselves blessed with such a King, and the king may think himself most happy in ruling over so loving and obedient subjects.   
FINIS.   

A COUNTERBLASTE TO TOBACCO.  

TO THE READER.  
AS every human body (dear Country men) how wholesome soever, is notwithstanding subject, or at least naturally inclined to some sorts of diseases, or infirmities: so is there no Commonwealth, or Body-politicke, how well governed, or peaceable soever it be, that lacks the own popular errors, and naturally inclined corruptions: and therefore is it no wonder, although this our Country and Commonwealth, though peaceable, though wealthy, though long flourishing in both, be amongst the rest, subject to the own natural infirmities. We are of all Nations the people most loving, and most reverently obedient to our Prince, yet are we (as time hath often borne witness) too easy to be seduced to make Rebellion upon very slight grounds. Our fortunate and oft proved valour in wars abroad, our hearty and reverent obedience to our Princes at home, hath bred us a long, and a thrice happy peace: Our peace hath bread wealth: And peace and wealth hath brought forth a general sluggishness, which makes us wallow in all sorts of idle delights, and soft delicacies, the first seeds of the subversion of all great Monarchies. Our Clergy are become negligent and lazy, Our Nobility and Gentry prodigal, and sold to their private delights, Our Lawyers covetous, Our Common people prodigal and curious; and generally all sorts of people more careful for their private ends, then for their mother the Commonwealth.  
For remedy whereof, it is the King's part (as the proper Physician of his Politicke-bodie) to purge it of all those diseases, by Medicines meet for the same: as by a certain mild, and yet just form of government, to maintain the Public quietness, and prevent all occasions of Commotion: by the example of his own Person and Court, to make us all ashamed of our sluggish delicacy, and to stir us up to the practice again of all honest exercises, and Martial shadows of War; As likewise by his, and his Court's moderateness in Apparel, to make us ashamed of our prodigality: By his quick admonitions and careful overseeing of the Clergy, to waken them up again, to be more diligent in their Offices: By the sharp trial, and severe punishment of the partial, covetous and bribing Lawyers, to reform their corruptions: And generally by the example of his own Person, and by the due execution of good Laws, to reform and abolish, piece and piece, these old and evil grounded abuses: For this will not be Opus unius diei, but as every one of these diseases, must from the King receive the own cure proper for it, so are there some sorts of abuses in Commonwealths, that though they be of so base and contemptible a condition, as they are too low for the Law to look on, and to mean for a King to interpone his authority, or bend his eye upon; yet are they corruptions, aswell as the greatest of them. So is an Ant an Animal, aswell as an Elephant: so is a Wren avis, aswell as a Swan, and so is a small dint of the Toothache, a disease aswell as the fearful Plague is. But for these base sorts of corruption in Commonwealths, not only the King, or any inferior Magistrate, but Quilibet è populo may serve to be a Physician, by discovering and impugning the error, and by persuading reformation thereof.  
And surely in my opinion, there cannot be a more base, and yet hurtful, corruption in a Country, then is the vile use (or rather abuse) of taking Tobacco in this Kingdom, which hath moved me, shortly to discover the abuses thereof in this following little Pamphlet.  
If any think it a light Argument, so is it but a toy that is bestowed upon it. And since the Subject is but of Smoke, I think the fume of an idle brain, may serve for a sufficient battery against so fumous and feeble an enemy. If my grounds be found true, it is all I look for; but if they carry the force of persuasion with them, it is all I can wish, and more than I can expect. My only care is, that you, my dear Countrymen, may rightly conceive even by this smallest trifle, of the sincerity of my meaning in greater matters, never to spare any pain, that may tend to the procuring of your weal and prosperity.   

A COUNTERBLASTE TO TOBACCO.  
THat the manifold abuses of this vile custom of Tobacco taking, may the better be espied, it is fit, that first you enter into consideration both of the first original thereof, and likewise of the reasons of the first entry thereof into this Country. For certainly as such customs, that have their first institution either from a godly, necessary, or honourable ground, and are first brought in, by the means of some worthy, virtuous, and great parsonage, are ever, and most justly, holden in great and reverent estimation and account, by all wise, virtuous, and temperate spirits: So should it by the contrary, justly bring a great disgrace into that sort of customs, which having their original from base corruption and barbarity, do in like sort, make their first entry into a Country, by an inconsiderate and childish affectation of Novelty, as is the true case of the first invention of Tobacco taking, and of the first entry thereof among us. For Tobacco being a common herb, which (though under divers names) grows almost every where, was first found out by some of the barbarous Indians, to be a preservative or Antidote against the Pocks, a filthy disease, whereunto these barbarous people are (as all men know) very much subject, what through the uncleanely and adust constitution of their bodies, and what through the intemperate heat of their Climate: so that as from them was first brought into Christendom, that most detestable disease; so from them likewise was brought this use of Tobacco, as a stinking and unsavoury Antidote, for so corrupted and execrable a malady, the stinking suffumigation whereof they yet use against that disease, making so one canker or venom to eat out another.  
And now good Countrymen, let us (I pray you) consider, what honour or policy can move us to imitate the barbarous and beastly manners of the wild, godless, and slavish Indians, especially in so vile and stinking a custom? Shall we that disdain to imitate the manners of our neighbour France (having the style of the first Christian Kingdom) and that cannot endure the spirit of the Spaniards (their King being now comparable in largeness of Dominions, to the great Emperor of Turkey) Shall we, I say, that have been so long civil and wealthy in Peace, famous and invincible in War, fortunate in both, we that have been ever able to aid any of our neighbours (but never deafed any of their ears with any of our supplications for assistance) shall we, I say, without blushing abase ourselves so far, as to imitate these beastly Indians, slaves to the Spaniards, refuse to the world, and as yet aliens from the holy Covenant of God? Why do we not as well imitate them in walking naked as they do? in preferring glasses, feathers, and such toys, to gold and precious stones, as they do? yea why do we not deny God and adore the devil, as they do?  
Now to the corrupted baseness of the first use of this Tobacco, doth very well agree the foolish and groundless first entry thereof into this Kingdom. It is not so long since the first entry of this abuse amongst us here, as this present age cannot yet very well remember, both the first Author, and the form of the first introduction of it amongst us. It was neither brought in by King, great Conqueror, nor learned doctor of Physic.  
With the report of a great discovery for a Conquest, some two or three Savage men, were brought in, together with this Savage custom. But the pity is, the poor wild barbarous men died, but that vile barbarous custom is yet alive, yea in fresh vigour: so as it seems a miracle to me, how a custom springing from so vile a ground, and brought in by a father so generally hated, should be welcomed upon so slender a warrant. For if they that first put it in practice here, had remembered for what respect it was used by them from whence it came, I am sure they would have been loath, to have taken so far the imputation of that disease upon them as they did, by using the cure thereof: For Sanis non est opus medico, and counterpoisons are never used, but where poison is thought to precede.  
But since it is true, that divers customs slightly grounded, and with no better warrant entered in a Commonwealth, may yet in the use of them thereafter, prove both necessary and profitable; it is therefore next to be examined, if there be not a full Sympathy and true Proportion, between the base ground and foolish entry, and the loathsome and hurtful use of this stinking Antidote.  
I am now therefore hearty to pray you to consider, first upon what false and erroneous grounds you have first built the general good liking thereof; and next, what sins towards God, and foolish vanities before the world you commit, in the detestable use of it.  
As for these deceitful grounds, that have specially moved you to take a good and great conceit thereof, I shall content myself to examine here only four of the principals of them; two founded upon the Theoric of a deceivable appearance of reason, and two of them upon the mistaken practic of general experience.  
First, it is thought by you a sure Aphorism in the Physics, That the brains of all men, being naturally cold and wet, all dry and hot things should be good for them; of which nature this stinking suffumigation is, and therefore of good use to them. Of this argument, both the proposition and assumption are false, and so the conclusion cannot but be void of itself. For as to the Proposition, That because the brains are cold and moist, therefore things that are hot and dry are best for them, it is an inept consequence: For man being compounded of the four Complexions, (whose fathers are the four Elements) although there be a mixture of them all in all the parts of his body, yet must the divers parts of our Microcosm or little world within ourselves, be diversly more inclined, some to one, some to another complexion, according to the diversity of their uses, that of these discords a perfect harmony may be made up for the maintenance of the whole body.  
The application then of a thing of a contrary nature, to any of these parts, is to interrupt them of their due function, and by consequence hurtful to the health of the whole body. As if a man, because the Liver is hot (as the fountain of blood) and as it were an oven to the stomach, would therefore apply and wear close upon his Liver and stomach a cake of lead; he might within a very short time (I hope) be sustained very good cheap at an Ordinary, beside the clearing of his conscience from that deadly sin of gluttony. And as if, because the Heart is full of vital spirits, and in perpetual motion, a man would therefore lay a heavy pound stone on his breast, for staying and holding down that wanton palpitation, I doubt not but his breast would be more bruised with the weight thereof, than the heart would be comforted with such a disagreeable and contrarious cure. And even so is it with the brains: For if a man, because the brains are cold and humid, would therefore use inwardly by smells, or outwardly by application, things of hot and dry quality, all the gain that he could make thereof would only be to put himself in a great forwardness for running mad, by overwatching himself, the coldness and moistness of our brain being the only ordinary means that procure our sleep and rest. Indeed I do not deny, but when it falls out that any of these, or any part of our body grows to be distempered, and to tend to an extremity, beyond the compass of Nature's temperate mixture, that in that case cures of contrary qualities, to the intemperate inclination of that part, being wisely prepared and discreetly ministered, may be both necessary and helpful for strengthening and assisting Nature in the expulsion of her enemies: for this is the true definition of all profitable Physic.  
But first these Cures ought not to be used, but where there is need of them, the contrary whereof, is daily practised in this general use of Tobacco by all sorts and complexions of people.  
And next, I deny the Minor of this argument, as I have already said, in regard that this Tobacco, is not simply of a dry and hot quality; but rather hath a certain venomous faculty joined with the heat thereof, which makes it have an Antipathy against nature, as by the hateful smell thereof doth well appear. For the nose being the proper Organ and convoy of the sense of smelling to the brains, which are the only fountain of that sense, doth ever serve us for an infallible witness, whether that odour which we smell, be healthful or hurtful to the brain, (except when it falls out that the senseit self is corrupted and abused through some infirmity, and distemper in the brain.) And that the suffumigation thereof cannot have a drying quality, it needs no further probation, then that it is a smoke, all smoke and vapour, being of itself humid, as drawing near to the nature of the air, and easy to be resolved again into water, whereof there needs no other proof but the Meteors, which being bred of nothing else but of the vapours and exhalations sucked up by the Sun out of the earth, the sea, and waters, yet are the same smoky vapours turned and transformed into rains, snows, dews, hoar frosts, and such like watery Meteors, as by the contrary the rainy clouds are often transformed and evaporated in blustering winds.  
The second Argument grounded on a show of reason is, That this filthy smoke, aswell through the heat and strength thereof, as by a natural force and quality, is able and fit to purge both the head and stomach of rheums and distillations, as experience teacheth, by the spitting & avoiding phlegm, immediately after the taking of it. But the fallacy of this Argument may easily appear, by my late preceding description of the Meteors. For even as the smoky vapours sucked up by the Sun, and stayed in the lowest and cold Region of the air, are there contracted into clouds, and turned into rain and such other watery Meteors: So this stinking smoke being sucked up by the nose, & imprisoned in the cold and moist brains, is by their cold and wet faculty, turned and cast forth again in watery distillations, and so are you made free and purged of nothing, but that wherewith you wilfully burdened yourselves: and therefore are you no wiser in taking Tobacco for purging you of distillations, then if for preventing the Colic you would take all kind of windy meats and drinks; and for preventing of the Stone, you would take all kind of meats and drinks that would breed gravel in the kidneys, and then when you were forced to avoid much wind out of your stomach, and much gravel in your Urine, that you should attribute the thank thereof to such nourishments, as bred those within you, that behoved either to be expelled by the force of Nature, or you to have burst at the broad side, as the Proverb is.  
As for the other two reasons founded upon experience, the first of which is, That the whole people would not have taken so general a good liking thereof, if they had not by experience found it very sovereign and good for them: For answer thereunto, how easily the minds of any people, wherewith God hath replenished this world may be drawn to the foolish affectation of any novelty, I leave it to the discreet judgement of any man that is reasonable.  
Do we not daily see, that a man can no sooner bring over from beyond the seas any new form of apparel, but that he cannot be thought a man of spirit, that would not presently imitate the same? And so from hand to hand it spreads, till it be practised by all, not for any commodity that is in it, but only because it is come to be the fashion. For such is the force of that natural self-love in every one of us, and such is the corruption of envy bred in the breast of every one, as we cannot be content unless we imitate every thing that our fellows do, and so prove ourselves capable of every thing whereof they are capable, like Apes, counterfeiting the manners of others, to our own destruction. For let one or two of the greatest Masters of Mathematics in any of the two famous Universities, but constantly affirm any clear day, that they seesome strange apparition in the skies; they will I warrant you be seconded by the greatest part of the students in that profession: So loath will they be, to be thought inferior to their fellows, either in depth of knowledge or sharpness of sight: And therefore the general good liking and embracing of this foolish custom, doth but only proceed from that affectation of novelty, and popular error, whereof I have already spoken.  
The other argument drawn from a mistaken experience, is but the more particular probation of this general, because it is alleged to be found true by proof, that by the taking of Tobacco divers and very many do find themselves cured of divers diseases; as on the other part, no man ever received harm thereby. In this argument there is first a great mistaking, and next a monstrous absurdity: For is it not a very great mistaking, to take non causam pro causa, as they say in the Logic's? because peradventure when a sick man hath had his disease at the height, he hath at that instant taken Tobacco, and afterward his disease taking the natural course of declining, and consequently the Patient of recovering his health, O then the Tobacco forsooth, was the worker of that miracle. Beside that, it is a thing well known to all Physicians, that the apprehension and conceit of the patiented, hath by wakening and uniting the vital spirits, and so strengthening nature, a great power and virtue to cure divers diseases. For an evident proof of mistaking in the like case, I pray you what foolish boy, what silly wench, what old doting wife, or ignorant country clown, is not a Physician for the toothache, for the colic, and divers such common diseases? Yea, will not every man you meet withal, teach you a sundry curefor the same, & swear by that mean either himself, or some of his nearest kinsmen and friends was cured? And yet I hope no man is so foolish as to believe them. And all these toys do only proceed fro the mistaking Non causam pro causa, as I have already said, and so if a man chance to recover one of any disease, after he hath taken Tobacco, that must have the thanks of all. But by the contrary, if a man smoke himself to death with it (and many have done) O then some other disease must bear the blame for that fault. So do old harlots thank their harlotry for their many years, that custom being healthful (say they) ad purgandos Renes, but never have mind how many die of the Pocks in the flower of their youth. And so do old drunkards think they prolong their days, by their swinelike diet, but never remember how many die drowned in drink before they be half old.  
And what greater absurdity can therebe, then to say that one cure shall serve for divers, nay, contrarious sorts of diseases? It is an undoubted ground among all Physicians, that there is almost no sort either of nourishment or medicine, that hath not some thing in it disagreeable to some part of man's body, because as I have already said, the nature of the temperature of every part, is so different from another, that according to the old proverb, That which is good for the head, is evil for the neck and the shoulders: For even as a strong enemy, that invades a town or fortress, although in his siege thereof, he do belay and compass it round about, yet he makes his breach and entry, at some one or few special parts thereof, which he hath tried and found to be weakest and least able to resist; so sickness doth make her particular assault, upon such part or parts of our body, as are weakest and easiest to be overcome by that sort of disease, which then doth assail us, although all the rest of the body by Sympathy feel itself to be as it were belayed, and besieged by the affliction of that special part, the grief and smart thereof being by the sense of feeling dispersed through all the rest of our members. And therefore the skilful Physician presses by such cures to purge and strengthen that part which is afflicted, as are only fit for that sort of disease, and do best agree with the nature of that infirm part; which being abused to a disease of another nature, would prove as hurtful for the one, as helpful for the other. Yea, not only will a skilful and wary Physician becarefull to use no cure but that which is fit for that sort of disease, but he will also consider all other circumstances, & make the remedies suitable thereunto; as the temperature of the clime where the Patient is, the constitution of the Planets, the time of the Moon, the season of the year, the age and complexion of the Patient, and the present state of his body, in strength or weakness: For one cure must not ever be used for the selfsame disease, but according to the varying of any of the foresaid circumstances, that sort of remedy must be used which is fittest for the same. Where by the contrary in this case, such is the miraculous omnipotency of our strong tasted Tobacco, as it cures all sorts of diseases (which never any drug could do before) in all persons, and at all times. It cures all manner of distillations, either in the head or stomach (if you believe their Axioms) although in very deed it do both corrupt the brain, and by causing over quick digestion, fill the stomach full of crudities. It cures the gout in the feet, and (which is miraculous) in that very instant when the smoke thereof, as light, flies up into the head, the virtue thereof, as heavy, runs down to the little toe. It helps all sorts of agues. It makes a man sober that was drunk. It refreshes a weary man, and yet makes a man hungry. Being taken when they go to bed, it makes one sleep sound, and yet being taken when a man is sleepy and drowsy, it will, as they say, awake his brain, and quicken his understanding. As for curing of the Pocks, it serves for that use but among the pocky Indian slaves. Here in England it is refined, and will not deign to cure here any other then cleanly and gentlemanly diseases. O omnipotent power of Tobacco! And if it could by the smoke thereof chase out devils, as the smoke of Tobias fish did (which I am sure could smell no stronglier) it would serve for a precious Relic, both for the superstitious Priests, and the insolent Puritans, to cast out devils withal.  
Admitting then, and not confessing, that the use thereof were healthful for some sorts of diseases; should it be used for all sicknesses? should it be used by all men? should it be used at all times? yea should it be used by able, young, strong, healthful men? Medicine hath that virtue, that it never leaves a man in that state wherein it finds him: it makes a sick man whole, but a whole man sick: And as Medicine helps nature being taken at times of necessity, so being ever and continually used, it doth but weaken, weary, and wear nature. What speak I of Medicine? Nay let a man every hour of the day, or as oft as many in this country use to take Tobacco, let a man I say, but take as oft the best sorts of nourishments in meat and drink that can be devised, he shall with the continual use thereof weaken both his head and his stomach: all his members shall becomefeeble, his spirits dull, and in the end, as a drowsy lazy belly-god, he shall vanish in a Lethargy.  
And from this weakness it proceeds, that many in this kingdom have had such a continual use of taking this unsavoury smoke, as now they are not able to forbear the same, no more than an old drunkard can abide to be long sober, without falling into an incurable weakness and evil constitution: for their continual custom hath made to them, habitum, alteram naturam: so to those that from their birth have been continually nourished upon poison and things venomous, wholesome meats are only poisonable.  
Thus having, as I trust, sufficiently answered the most principal arguments that are used in defence of this vile custom, it rests only to inform you what sins and vanities you commit in the filthy abuse thereof. First, are you not guilty of sinful and shameful lust? (for lust may be as well in any of the senses as in feeling) that although you be troubled with no disease, but in perfect health, yet can you neither be merry at an Ordinary, nor lascivious in the Stews, if you lack Tobacco to provoke your appetite to any of those sorts of recreation, lusting after it as the children of Israel did in the wilderness after Quails? Secondly it is, as you use or rather abuse it, a branch of the sin of drunkenness, which is the root of all sins: for as the only delight that drunkards take in wine is in the strength of the taste, and the force of the fume thereof that mounts up to the brain: for no drunkards love any weak, or sweet drink: so are not those (I mean the strong heat and the fume) the only qualities that make Tobacco so delectable to all the lovers of it? And as no man likes strong heady drink the first day (because nemo repentè fit turpissimus) but by custom is piece and piece alured, while in the end, a drunkard will have as great a thirst to be drunk, as a sober man to quench his thirst with a draft when he hath need of it: So is not this the very case of all the great takers of Tobacco? which therefore they themselves do attribute to a bewitching quality in it. Thirdly, is it not the greatest sin of all, that you the people of all sorts of this kingdom, who are created and ordained by God, to bestow both your persons and goods, for the maintenance both of the honour and safety of your King and Common wealth, should disable yourselves in both? In your persons having by this continual vile custom brought yourselves to this shameful imbecility, that you are not able to ride or walk the journey of a jews Sabbath, but you must have a reekie coal brought you from the next poor house to kindle your Tobacco with? whereas he cannot be thought able for any service in the wars, that cannot endure oftentimes the want of meat, drink, and sleep, much more than must he endure the want of Tobacco. In the times of the many glorious and victorious battles fought by this Nation, there was no word of Tobacco: but now if it were time of wars, and that you were to make some sudden Cavalcado upon your enemies, if any of you should seek leisure to stay behind his fellow for taking of Tobacco, for my part I should never be sorry for any evil chance that might befall him. To take a custom in any thing that cannot be left again, is most harmful to the people of any land. Mollicies and delicacy were the wrack and overthrow, first of the Persian, and next of the Roman Empire. And this very custom of taking Tobacco (whereof our present purpose is) is even at this day accounted so effeminate among the Indians themselves, as in the market they will offer no price for a slave to be sold, whom they find to be a great Tobacco taker.  
Now how you are by this custom disabled in your goods, let the Gentry of this land bear witness, some of them bestowing three, some four hundred pounds a year upon this precious stink, which I am sure might be bestowed upon many far better uses. I read indeed of a knavish Courtier, who for abusing the favour of the Emperor Alexander Severus his master, by taking bribes to intercede, for sundry persons in his master's ear, (for whom he never once opened his mouth) was justly choked with smoke, with this doom, Fumo pereat, qui fumum vendidit: but of so many smoke-buyers, as are at this present in this kingdom, I never read nor heard.  
And for the vanities committed in this filthy custom, is it not both great vanity and uncleanness, that at the table, a place of respect, of cleanliness, of modesty, men should not be ashamed, to sit tossing of Tobacco pipes, and puffing of the smoke of Tobacco one to another, making the filthy smoke and stink thereof, to exhale athwart the dishes, and infect the air, when very often, men that abhor it are at their repast? Surely smoke becomes a kitchen far better than a dining chamber, and yet it makes a kitchen also oftentimes in the inward parts of men, soiling and infecting them, with an unctuous and oily kind of soot, as hath been found in some great Tobacco takers, that after their death were opened. And not only meat time, but no other time nor action is exempted from the public use of this uncivil trick: so as if the wives of deep list to contest with this Nation for good manners, their worst manners would in all reason be found at least not so dishonest (as ours are) in this point. The public use whereof, at all times, and in all places, hath now so far prevailed, as divers men very sound both in judgement and complexion, have been at last forced to take it also without desire, partly because they were ashamed to seem singular, (like the two Philosophers that were forced to duck themselves in that rain water, and so become fools as well as the rest of the people) and partly to be as one that was content to eat Garlic (which he did not love) that he might not be troubled with the smell of it, in the breath of his fellows. And is it not a great vanity, that a man cannot hearty welcome his friend now, but strait they must be in hand with Tobacco: No it is become in place of a eure, a point of good fellowship, and he that will refuse to take a pipe of Tobacco among his fellows, (though by his own election he would rather feel the savour of a Sink) is accounted peevish and no good company, even as they do with tippling in the cold Eastern countries. Yea the Mistress cannot in a more mannerly kind, entertain her servant, then by giving him out of her fair hand a pipe of Tobacco. But herein is not only a great vanity, but a great contempt of God's good gifts, that the sweetness of man's breath, being a good gift of God, should be wilfully corrupted by this stinking smoke, wherein I must confess, it hath too strong a virtue; and so that which is an ornament of nature, & can neither by any artifice be at the first acquired, nor once lost be recovered again, shallbe filthily corrupted with an incurable stink, which vile quality is as directly contrary to that wrong opinion which is holden of the wholesomeness thereof, as the venom of putrefaction is contrary to the virtue preservative.  
Moreover, which is a great iniquity, and against all humanity, the husband shall not be ashamed, to reduce thereby his delicate, wholesome, & clean complexioned wife to that extremity, that either she must also corrupt her sweet breath therewith, or else resolve to live in a perpetual stinking torment.  
Have you not reason then to be ashamed, and to forbear this filthy novelty, so basely grounded, so foolishly received, and so grossly mistaken in the right use thereof? In your abuse thereof sinning against God, harming yourselves both in persons and goods, and raking also thereby the marks and notes of vanity upon you; by the custom thereof making yourselves to be wondered at by all foreign civil Nations, and by all strangers that come among you, to be scorned and contemned: A custom loathsome to the eye, hateful to the nose, harmful to the brain, dangerous to the lungs, and in the black stinking fume thereof, nearest resembling the horrible Stygian smoke of the pit that is bottomless.    

A DISCOURSE OF THE MANNER OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE POWDER-TREASON, JOINED WITH THE EXAMINATION OF SOME OF THE PRISONERS.  
THere is a time when no man ought to keep silence. For it hath ever been held as a general rule, and undoubted Maxim, in all well governed commonwealths (whether Christian, and so guided by the divine light of God's word; or Ethnic, and so led by the glimmering twilight of Nature) yet howsoever their profession was, upon this ground have they all agreed, That when either their Religion, their King, or their country was in any extreme hazard, no good countryman ought then to withhold either his tongue or his hand, according to his calling and faculty, from aiding to repel the injury, repress the violence, and avenge the guilt upon the authors thereof. But if ever any people had such an occasion ministered unto them, It is surely this people now, nay this whole Isle, and all the rest belonging to this great and glorious Monarchy. For if in any heathenish republic, no private man could think his life more happily and gloriously bestowed, then in the defence of any one of these three, That is, either pro Aris, pro Focis, or pro Patre patriae; And that the endangering of any one of these, would at once stir the whole body of the Commonwealth, not any more as divided members, but as a  and individual lump: How much more ought we the truly Christian people that inhabit this united and truly happy Isle, 
Insula fortunata.  under the wings of our gracious and religious Monarch? Nay, how infinitely greater cause have we to feel and ressent ourselves of the smart of that wound, not only intended and execrated (not consecrated) for the utter extinguishing of our true Christian profession, nor jointly therewith only for the cutting off of our Head and father Politic, Sed ut nefas istud & sacrilegiosum parricidium omnibus modis absolutum reddi possit? And that nothing might be wanting for making this sacrilegious parricide a pattern of mischief, and a crime (nay, a mother or storehouse of all crimes) without example, they should have joined the destruction of the body to the head, so as Grex cum Rege, Arae cum focis, Lares cum Penatibus, should all at one thunderclap have been sent to heaven together: The King our head, the Queen our fertile mother, and those young and hopeful Olive plants, not theirs but ours: Our reverend Clergy, our honourable Nobility, the faithful Councillors, the grave judges, the greatest part of the worthy Knights and Gentry, aswell as of the wisest Burgesses; The whole Clerks of the Crown, Counsel, Signet, Seals, or of any other principal judgement seat. All the learned Lawyers, together with an infinite number of the Common people: Nay, their furious rage should not only have lighted upon reasonable and sensible creatures without distinction either of degree, sex or age; But even the insensible stocks and stones should not have been free of their fury. The hall of justice; The house of Parliament, The Church used for the Coronation of our Kings; The Monuments of our former Princes; The Crown and other marks of Royalty; All the Records, aswell of Parliament, as of every particular man's right, with a great number of Charters and such like, should all have been comprehended under that fearful Chaos. And so the earth as it were opened, should have sent forth of the bottom of the Stygian lake such sulphured smoke, furious flames, and fearful thunder, as should have by their diabolical doomsday destroyed and defaced, in the twinkling of an eye, not only our present living Princes and people, but even our insensible Monuments reserved for future aages. So as not only ourselves that are mortal, but the immortal Monuments of our ancient Princes and Nobility, that have been so preciously preserved from age to age, as the remaining Trophies of their eternal glory, and have so long triumphed over envious time, should now have been all consumed together; and so not only we, but the memory of us and ours, should have been thus extinguished in an instant. The true horror therefore of this detestable device, hath stirred me up to bethink myself, wherein I may best discharge my conscience in a cause so general and common, if it were to bring but one stone to the building, or rather with the Widow one mite to the common box. But since to so hateful and unheard-of invention, there can be no greater enemy than the self, the simple truth thereof being once publicly known; and that there needs no stronger argument to bring such a plot in universal detestation, than the certainty that so monstrous a thing could once be devised, nay concluded upon, wrought in, in full readiness, and within twelve hours of the execution: My threefold zeal to those blessings, whereof they would have so violently made us all widows, hath made me resolve to set down here the true Narration of that monstrous and unnatural intended Tragedy, having better occasion by the means of my service and continual attendance in Court, to know the truth thereof, than others that peradventure have it only by relation at the third or fourth hand. So that whereas those worse than Catiline's, thought to have extirped us and our memories; Their infamous memory shall by these means remain to the end of the world, upon the one part: and upon the other, God's great and merciful deliverance of his Anointed and us all, shall remain in never-dying Records. And God grant that it may be in marble tables of Thankfulness engraven in our hearts.  
WHile this Land and whole Monarchy flourished in a most happy and plentiful PEACE, as well at home as abroad, sustained and conducted by these two main Pillars of all good Government, PIETY and JUSTICE, no foreign grudge, nor inward whispering of discontentment any way appearing; The King being upon his return from his hunting exercise at Royston, upon occasion of the drawing near of the Parliament time, which had been twice prorogued already, partly in regard of the season of the year, and partly of the Term; As the winds are ever stillest immediately before a storm; and as the Sun blenks often hottest to foretell a following shower: So at that time of greatest calm did this secretly-hatched thunder begin to cast forth the first flashes, and flaming lightnings of the approaching tempest. For the Saturday of the week immediately preceding the King's return, which was upon a Thursday (being but ten days before the Parliament) The Lord Mountegle, son and heir to the Lord Morley, 
A letter delivered to the Lord Mountegle.  being in his own lodging ready to go to supper at suen of the clock at night, one of his footmen (whom he had sent of an errand over the street) was met by an unknown man of a reasonable tall parsonage, who delivered him a Letter, charging him to put it in my Lord his master's hands: which my Lord no sooner received, but that having broken it up, and perceiving the same to be of an unknown and somewhat unlegible hand, and without either date or subscription; did call one of his men unto him for helping him to read it. But no sooner did he conceive the strange contents thereof, although he was somewhat perplexed what construction to make of it (as whether of a matter of consequence, as indeed it was, or whether some foolish devised Pasquil by some of his enemies, to scar him from his attendance at the Parliament) yet did he as a most dutiful and loyal Subject, conclude not to conceal it, what ever might come of it. Whereupon, notwithstauding the lateness and darkness of the night in that season of the year, he presently repaired to his majesties Palace at Whitehall, and there delivered the same to the Earl of Salisbury his majesties principal Secretary. 
Revealed to the Earl of Salisbury.  Whereupon the said Earl of Salisbury having read the Letter, and heard the manner of the coming of it to his hands, did greatly encourage and commend my Lord for his discretion, telling him plainly, that whatsoever the purpose of the Letter might prove hereafter, yet did this accident put him in mind of divers advertisements he had received from beyond the Seas, wherewith he had acquainted aswell the King himself, as divers of his Privy Counsellors, concerning some business the Papists were in, both at home and abroad, making preparations for some combination amongst them against this Parliament time, for enabling them to deliver at that time to the King some petition for toleration of Religion: 
Purpose of the Papists for delivering a petition to his Majesty, to crave toleration of Religion.  which should be delivered in some such order and so well backed, as the King should be loath to refuse their requests; like the sturdy beggars craving alms with one open hand, but carrying a stone in the other, in case of refusal. And therefore did the Earl of Salisbury conclude with the Lord Mountegle, that he would in regard of the King's absence impart the same Letter to some more of his majesties Council; whereof my L. Mountegle liked well: only adding this request by way of protestation, That whatsoever the event hereof might prove, it should not be imputed to him, as proceeding from too light and too sudden an apprehension, that he delivered this Letter, being only moved thereunto for demonstration of his ready devotion, and care for preservation of his Majesty and the State. And thus did the Earl of Salisbury presently acquaint the Lord Chamberlain with the said letter: 
The Lord Chamberlain made privy to the Letter by the Earl of Salubury.  Whereupon they two in presence of the Lord Mountegle, calling to mind the former intelligence already mentioned, which seemed to have some relation with this Letter; The tender care which they ever carried to the preservation of his majesties person, made them apprehend, that some perilous attempt did thereby appear to be intended against the same, which did the more nearly concern the said L. Chamberlain to have a care of, in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his Office to oversee as well all places of Assembly where his Majesty is to repair, as his Highness own private houses. And therefore did the said two Counsellors conclude, That they should join unto themselves three more of the Council, to wit, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester and Northampton, to be also particularly acquainted with this accident, who having all of them concurred together to the re-examination of the Contents of the said Letter, they did conclude, That how slight a matter it might at the first appear to be, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it behoved them to have of the preservation of his majesties person: But yet resolved for two reasons, 
Thought meet by the Councillors to acquaint the King with the Letter.  first to acquaint the King himself with the same before they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter, aswell for the expectation and experience they had of his majesties fortunate judgement in clearing and soluing of obscure riddles and doubtful mysteries; as also because the more time would in the mean while be given for the Practice to ripen, if any was, whereby the Discovery might be the more clear and evident, and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe, just, and easy. And so according to their determination did the said Earl of Salisbury repair to the King in his Gallery upon Friday, being Athallow day, in the afternoon, 
Upon Alhallow day the Earl of Sasuburie showed the Letter to the King.  which was the day after his majesties arrival, and none but himself being present with his Highness at that time, where without any other speech or judgement giving of the Letter, but only relating simply the form of the delivery thereof, he presented it to his Majesty. The contents whereof follow.  
MY Lord, Out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation. Therefore I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament. For God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not slightly of this Advertisement, but retire yourself into your Country, where you may expect the event in safety. For though there be no appearance of any stir, yet I say, they shall receive a terrible Blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who burts them. This counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm; for the danger is passed so soon as you have burnt the Letter. And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it: To whose holy protection I commend you.  
The King no sooner read the Letter, but after a little pause, 
His majesties judgement of the Letter.  and then reading it over again, he delivered his judgement of it in such sort, as he thought it was not to be contemned, for that the Style of it seemed to be more quick and pithy, then is usual to be in any Pasquil or libel (the superfluities of idle brains:) But the Earl of Salisbury perceiving the King to apprehend it deepelier than he looked for, knowing his nature, told him that he thought by one sentence in it, that it was like to be written by some fool or madman, reading to him this sentence in it, For the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the Letter; which he said, was likely to be the saying of a fool: for if the danger was passed so soon as the Letter was burnt, than the warning behoved to be of little avail, when the burning of the Letter might make the danger to be eschewed. But the King by the contrary considering the former sentence in the Letter, That they should receive a terrible Blow at this Parliament, and yet should not see who hurt them, joining it to the sentence immediately following, already alleged, did thereupon conjecture, That the danger mentioned, should be some sudden danger by blowing up of Powder: For no other Insurrection, Rebellion, or whatsoever other private and desperate Attempt could be committed or attempted in time of Parliament, and the Authors thereof unseen, except only it were by a blowing up of Powder, which might be performed by one base knave in a dark corner; whereupon he was moved to interpret and construe the latter Sentence in the Letter (alleged by the Earl of Salisbury) against all ordinary sense and construction in Grammar, as if by these words, For the danger is past as soon as you have burned the Letter, should be closely understood the suddenty and quickness of the danger, which should be as quickly performed and at an end, as that paper should be of bleasing up in the fire; turning that word of as soon, to the sense of, as quickly: And therefore wished, that before his going to the Parliament, 
His majesties opinion for searching of the under room: of the Parliament House.  the under rooms of the Parliament house might be well and narrowly searched. But the Earl of Salisbury wondering at this his majesties Commentary, which he knew to be so far contrary to his ordinary and natural disposition, who did rather ever sin upon the other side; in not apprehending nor trusting due Advertisements of Practices and Perils when he was truly informed of them, whereby he had many times drawn himself into many desperate dangers: and interpreting rightly this extraordinary Caution at this time to proceed from the vigilant care he had of the whole State, more than of his own Person, which could not but have all perished together, if this designment had succeeded: He thought good to dissemble still unto the King, that there had been any just cause of such apprehension: And ending the purpose with some merry jest upon this Subject, as his custom is, took his leave for that time.  
But though he seemed so to neglect it to his Majesty; yet his customable and watchful care of the King and the State still boiling within him, And having with the blessed Virgin Marie laid up in his heart the Kings so strange judgement and construction of it; He could not be at rest till he acquainted the foresaid Lords what had passed between the King and him in private: Whereupon they were all so earnest to renew again the memory of the same purpose to his Majesty, as it was agreed that he should the next day, being Saturday, repair to his Highness: which he did in the same privy Gallery, and renewed the memory thereof, the L. Chamberlain then being present with the King. 
The determination to search the Parliament house and the rooms under it.  At what time it was determined, that the said Lord Chamberlain should, according to his custom and Office, view all the Parliament Houses, both above and below, and consider what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them: But yet, as well for staying of idle rumours, as for being the more able to discern any mystery, the nearer that things were in readiness, his journey thither was ordained to be deferred till the afternoon before the sitting down of the Parliament, which was upon the Monday following. At what time he (according to this conclusion) went to the Parliament house accompanied with my Lord Mountegle, being in zeal to the King's service earnest and curious to see the event of that accident whereof he had the fortune to be the first discoverer: where, having viewed all the lower rooms, 
Wood and Coale found by the Lord Chamberlain in the Vault.  he found in the Vault under the upper House great store and provision of Billets, Faggots, and Coals: And inquiring of Whyneard Keeper of the Wardrobe, to what use he had put those lower rooms and cellars: he told him, That Thomas Percy had hired both the House, and part of the Cellar or Vault under the same, and that the Wood and Coale therein was the said Gentlemansowne provision: Whereupon the Lord Chamberlain, casting his eye aside, perceived a fellow standing in a corner there, calling himself the said Percies man, and keeper of that house for him, but indeed was Guido Fawkes, 
Guido Fawkes bearing the name of Percies man.  the owner of that hand which should have acted that monstrous Tragedy.  
The Lord Chamberlain looking upon all things with a heedful indeed, yet in outward appearance with but a careless and racklesses eye (as became so wise and diligent a minister) he presently addressed himself to the King in the said privy Gallery, wherein the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester, Northampton, and Salisbury, 
The Lord Chamberlains report and judgement of what he had observed in the search.  he made his report, what he had seen and observed there; noting that Mountegle had told him, That he no sooner heard Thomas Percy named to be the possessor of that house, but considering both his backwardness in Religion, and the old dearness in friendship between himself and the said Percy, he did greatly suspect the matter, and that the Letter should come from him. The said Lord Chamberlain also told, That he did not wonder a little at the extraordinary great provision of wood and coal in that house, where Thomas Percy had so seldom occasion to remain; As likewise it gave him in his mind that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow.  
This could not but increase the King's former apprehension and jealousy: whereupon he insisted (as before) that the House was narrowly to be searched, and that those Billets and Coals would be searched to the bottom, it being most suspicious that they were laid there only for covering of the powder. Of this same mind also were all the Counsellors then present: 
Disputation about the manner of the further search.  But upon the fashion of making of the search was it long debated: For upon the one side they were all so jealous of the King's safety, that they all agreed, that there could not be too much caution used for preventing his danger. And yet upon the other part they were all extreme loath and dainty, that in case this Letter should prove to be nothing but the evaporation of an idle brain; then a curious search being made, and nothing found, should not only turn to the general scandal of the King and the State, as being so suspicious of every light and frivolous toy, but likewise lay an ill favoured imputation upon the Earl of Northumberland one of his majesties greatest Subjects and Counsellors, this Tho. Percy being his kinsman, and most confident familiar. And the rather were they curious upon this point, knowing how far the King detested to be thought suspicious or jealous of any of his good Subjects, though of the meanest degree. And therefore though they all agreed upon the main ground, which was to provide for the security of the King's Person, yet did they much differ in the circumstances, by which this action might be best carried with least din and occasion of slander. But the King himself still persisting that there were divers shrewd appearances, and that a narrow search of those places could prejudge no man that was innocent, he at last plainly resolved them, That either must all the parts of those rooms be narrowly searched, and no possibility of danger left unexamined, or else he and they all must resolve not to meddle in it at all, but plainly to go the next day to the Parliament, and leave the success to Fortune, which he believed they would be loath to take upon their consciences: for in such a case as this, 
Agreed that the search should be under colour of seeking for Wardrobe stuff miss by Whynniard.  an half doing was worse than no doing at all. Whereupon it was at last concluded, That nothing should be left unsearched in those Houses: And yet for the better colour and stay of rumour, in case nothing were found, it was thought meet, that upon a pretence of Whyneards missing some of the King's stuff or Hang which he had in keeping, all those rooms should be narrowly ripped for them. And to this purpose was Sir Thomas Knevet (a Gentleman of his majesties privy Chamber) employed, being a justice of Peace in Westminster, and one, of whose ancient fidelity both the late Queen and our now Sovereign have had large proof: who according to the trust committed unto him, went about the midnight next after, to the , accompanied with such a small number as was fit for that errand. But before his entry in the house, 
Fawkes found at midnight without the house.  finding Thomas Percies alleged man standing without the doors, his clothes and boots on at so dead a time of the night, he resolved to apprehend him, as he did, and thereafter went forward to the searching of the house, where after he had caused to be overturned some of the Billets and Coals, he first found one of the small Barrels of Powder, and after all the rest, to the number of thirty six Barrels, great and small: And thereafter searching the fellow, whom he had taken, found three matches, and all other instruments fit for blowing up the Powder, ready upon him, which made him instantly confess his own guiltiness, declaring also unto him, That if he had happened to be within the house when he took him, as he was immediately before (at the ending of his work) he would not have failed to have blown him up, house and all.  
Thus after Sir Thomas had caused the wretch to be surely bound, and well guarded by the company he had brought with him, he himself returned back to the King's Palace, and gave warning of his success to the Lord Chamberlain, and Earl of Salisbury, who immediately warning the rest of the Council that lay in the house, as soon as they could get themselves ready, came, with their fellow Counsellors, to the King's Bedchamber, being at that time near four of the clock in the morning. And at the first entry of the King's Chamber door, 
Upon Sir Thomas Knevets' return the Council warned.  the Lord Chamberlain, being not any longer able to conceal his joy for the preventing of so great a danger, told the King in a confused haste, that all was found and discovered, and the Traitor in hands and fast bound.  
Then, order being first taken for sending for the rest of the Council that lay in the Town, The prisoner himself was brought into the house, where in respect of the strangeness of the accident, no man was stayed from the sight or speaking with him. And within a while after, the Council did examine him; Who seeming to put on a Roman resolution, did both to the Council, and to every other person that spoke with him that day, appear so constant and settled upon his grounds, as we all thought we had found some new Mutius Scaevola borne in England. For notwithstanding the horror of the fact, the guilt of his conscience, his sudden surprising, the terror which should have been strooken in him by coming into the presence of so grave a Council, and the restless and confused questions that every man all that day did vex him with; Yet was his countenance so far from being dejected, as he often smiled in scornful manner, not only avowing the Fact, but repenting only, with the said Scaevola, his failing in the execution thereof, whereof (he said) the devil and not God, was the discoverer: Answering quickly to every man's objection, scoffing at any idle questions which were propounded unto him, and jesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him. All that day could the Council get nothing out of him touching his Complices, refusing to answer to any such questions which he thought might discover the plot, and laying all the blame upon himself; Whereunto he said he was moved only for Religion and conscience sake, denying the King to be his lawful Sovereign, or the Anointed of God, in respect he was an heretic, and giving himself no other name than john johnson, servant to Thomas Percy. But the next morning being carried to the Tower, he did not there remain above two or three days, being twice or thrice in that space reexamined, and the Rack only offered and showed unto him, when the mask of his Roman fortitude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face; And then did he begin to confess part of the truth, and thereafter to open the whole matter, as doth appear by his depositions immediately following.  

THE TRUE COPY OF THE DECLARATION OF GVIDO FAWKES, TAKEN IN THE PRESENCE OF THE Counsellors, whose names are under written.  
I Confess, that a practice in general was first broken unto me, against his Majesty for relief of the Catholic cause, and not invented or propounded by myself. And this was first propounded unto me about Easter last was twelve month beyond the Seas, in the Low-countrieses of the Archdukes obeisance, by Thomas Winter, who came thereupon with me into England, and there we imparted our purpose to three other Gentlemen more, namely, Robert Catesby, Thomas Percy, and john Wright; who all five consulting together of the means how to execute the same, and taking a vow among ourselves for secrecy; Catesby propounded to have it performed by Gunpowder, and by making a Mine under the upper House of Parliament: which place we made choice of the rather, because Religion having been unjustly suppressed there, it was fittest that justice and punishment should be executed there.  
This being resolved amongst us, Thomas Percy hired an house at Westminster for that purpose, near adjoining to the Parliament House, and there we begun to make our Mine about the 11. of December 1604.  
The five that first entered into the work, were Thomas Percy, Robert Catesby, Thomas Winter, john Wright, and myself: and soon after we took another unto us, Christopher Wright, having sworn him also, and taken the Sacrament for secrecy.  
When we came to the very foundation of the wall of the House, which was about three yards thick, and found it a matter of great difficulty, we took unto us another Gentleman, Robert Winter, in like manner with oath and Sacrament as aforesaid.  
It was about Christmas when we brought our Mine unto the Wal, and about Candlemas we had wrought the Wall half through: And whilst they were in working, I stood as Sentinel to descry any man that came near, whereof I gave them warning, and so they ceased until I gave notice again to proceed.  
All we seven lay in the House, and had shot and powder, being resolved to die in that place before we should yield or be taken.  
As they were working upon the wall, they heard a rushing in a cellar of removing of coals, whereupon we feared we had been discovered: and they sent me to go to the cellar, who finding that the coals were a selling, and that the cellar was to be let, viewing the commodity thereof for our purpose, Percy went and hired the same for yearly rent.  
We had before this provided and brought into the House twenty barrels of powder, which we removed into the cellar, and covered the same with billets and faggots, which were provided for that purpose.  
About Easter, the Parliament being prorogued till October next, we dispersed ourselves, and I retired into the Low countries by advice and direction of the rest, aswell to acquaint Owen with the particulars of the plot, as also lest by my longer stay I might have grown suspicious, and so have come in question.  
In the mean time Percy having the key of the cellar, laid in more powder and wood into it. I returned about the beginning of September next, and then receiving the key again of Percy, we brought in more powder and billets to cover the same again, and so I went for a time into the country till the 30. of October.  
It was further resolved amongst us, that the same day that this act should have been performed, some other of our confederates should have surprised the person of the Lady ELIZABETH the King's eldest daughter, who was kept in Warwickshire at the Lord Haringtons' house, and presently have proclaimed her Queen, having a project of a Proclamation ready for that purpose, wherein we made no mention of altering of Religion, nor would have avowed the deed to be ours, until we should have had power enough to make our party good, and then we would have avowed both.  
Concerning duke CHARLES the King's second son, we had sundry consultations how to seize on his person: But because we found no means how to compass it (the duke being kept near London, where we had not forces enough) we resolved to serve our turn with the Lady ELIZABETH.  

THE NAMES OF OTHER PRINCIPAL PERSONS, THAT WERE MADE PRIVY AFTERwards to this horrible conspiracy.  
Euerard Digby knight.  
Ambrose Rookwood.  
Francis Tresham.  
John Grant.  
Robert keys.   
Commiss. 

Nottingham.  
Worcester.  
Suffolk. Devonshire.  
Northampton. Salisbury.  
Marre. Dunbar.  
Popham.   

Edw. Cook.  
William Waad.     
ANd in regard that before this discourse could be ready to go to the Press, Thomas Winter being apprehended, and brought to the Tower, made a confession in substance agreeing with this former of Fawkes, only larger in some circumstances: I have thought good to insert the same likewise in this place, for the further clearing of the matter, and greater benefit of the Reader.  

THOMAS WINTER'S CONFESSION, TAKEN THE XXIII. OF NOVEMBER 1605. IN THE PRESENCE OF the Counsellors, whose names are under-written.  
My most Honourable Lords,  
NOt out of hope to obtain pardon: for, speaking of my temporal part, I may say, The fault is greater than can be forgiven; nor affecting hereby the title of a good Subject; for I must redeem my country from as great a danger, as I have hazarded the bringing of her into, before I can purchase any such opinion, Only at your Honour's command I will briefly set down mine own accusation, and how far I have proceeded in this business; which I shall the faithfullier do, since I see such courses are not pleasing to Almighty God, and that all, or the most material parts have been already confessed.  
I remained with my brother in the country, from Alhallontyde until the beginning of Lent, in the year of our Lord 1603. the first year of the King's reign: about which time master Catesby sent thither, entreating me to come to London, where he and other my friends would be glad to see me. I desired him to excuse me: for I found myself not very well disposed; and (which had happened never to me before) returned the messenger without my company. Shortly I received another letter, in any wise to come. At the second summons I presently came up, and found him with master john Wright at Lambeth, where he broke with me, how necessary it was not to forsake our country (for he knew I had then a resolution to go over) but to deliver her from the servitude in which she remained, or at least to assist her with our uttermost endeavours. I answered, That I had often hazarded my life upon far lighter terms, and now would not refuse any good occasion, wherein I might do service to the Catholic cause; but for myself I knew no mean probable to succeed. He said that he had bethought him of a way at one instant to deliver us from all our bonds, and without any foreign help to replant again the Catholic Religion; and with all told me in a word, It was to blow up the Parliament house with Gunpowder; for, said he, in that place have they done us all the mischief, and perchance God hath desseigned that place for their punishment. I wondered at the strangeness of the conceit, and told him that true it was, this strake at the root, and would breed a confusion fit to beget new alterations; But if it should not take effect (as most of this nature miscarried) the scandal would be so great which Catholic Religion might hereby sustain, as not only our enemies, but our friends also would with good reason condemn us. He told me, The nature of the disease required so sharp a remedy, and asked me if I would give my consent. I told him, yes, in this or what else soever; if he resolved upon it, I would venture my life. But I proposed many difficulties, As want of an house, and of one to carry the Mine, noise in the working, and such like. His answer was, Let us give an attempt, and where it faileth, pass no further. But first, quoth he, Because we will leave no peaceable and quiet way untried, you shall go over, and inform the Constable of the state of the Catholics here in England, entreating him to solicit his Majesty at his coming hither, that the penal Laws may be recalled, and we admitted into the rank of his other Subjects; withal, you may bring over some confident Gentleman, such as you shall understand best able for this business, and named unto me master Fawkes. Shortly after, I passed the Sea, and found the Constable at Bergen near Dunkirk, where, by help of master Owen I delivered my message; Whose answer was, that he had strict command from his Master, to do all good Offices for the Catholics, and for his own part he thought himself bound in conscience so to do, and that no good occasion should be omitted, but spoke to him nothing of this matter.  
Returning to Dunkirck with master Owen, we had speech whether he thought the Constable would faithfully help us, or no. He said he believed nothing less, and that they sought only their own ends, holding small account of Catholics. I told him that there were many Gentlemen in England, who would not forsake their country until they had tried the uttermost, & rather venture their lives, then forsake her in this misery. And to add one more to our number, as a fit man both for counsel and execution of whatsoever we should resolve, wished for master Fawkes, whom I had heard good commendations of: he told me the Gentleman deserved no less, but was at Brussels, and that if he came not, as happily he might, before my departure, he would send him shortly after into England. I went soon after to Ostend, where sir William Stanley as then was not, but came two days after. I remained with him three or four days, in which time I asked him, if the Catholics in England should do any thing to help themselves, whether he thought the Archduke would second them? He answered, No, for all those parts were so desirous of peace with England, as they would endure no speech of other enterprise: neither were it fit, said he, to set any project afoot, now the Peace is upon concluding. I told him there was no such resolution, and so fell to discourse of other matters, until I came to speak of master Fawkes, whose company I wished over into England. I asked of his sufficiency in the wars, and told him we should need such as he, if occasion required; he gave very good commendations of him. And as we were thus discoursing, and I ready to departed for Newport, and taking my leave of Sir William, Master Fawkes came into our company, newly returned, and saluted us. This is the Gentleman, said Sir William, that you wished for, and so we embraced again. I told him some good friends of his wished his company in England, and that if he pleased to come to Dunkircke, we would have further conference, whither I was then going: so taking my leave of them both, I departed. About two days after came Master Fawkes to Dunkirck, where I told him that we were upon a resolution to do somewhat in England, if the Peace with Spain helped us not, but had as yet resolved upon nothing; such or the like talk we passed at graveling, where I lay for a wind, and when it served came both in one Passage to Greenwich, near which place we took a pair of Oars, and so came up to London, and came to Master Catesby whom we found in his lodging; he welcomed us into England, and asked me what news from the Constable. I told him, good words, but I feared the deeds would not answer: This was the beginning of Easter Term, and about the midst of the same Term, (whether sent for by Master Catesby, or upon some business of his own) up came Master Thomas Percy. The first word he spoke (after he came into our company) was, Shall we always (Gentlemen) talk, and never do any thing? Master Catesby took him aside, and had speech about somewhat to be done, so as first we might all take an oath of secrecy, which we resolved within two or three days to do: so as there we met behind S. Clement's, Master Catesby, Master Percy, Master Wright, Master Guy Fawkes, and myself; and having upon a Primer given each other the oath of secrecy, in a chamber where no other body was, we went after into the next room and heard Mass, and received the blessed Sacrament upon the same. Then did Master Catesby disclose to Master Percy, and I together with jacke Wright, tell to Master Fawkes the business for which we took this oath, which they both approved. And then was M. Percy sent to take the house, which M. Catesby in mine absence, had learned did belong to one Ferris, which with some difficulty in the end he obtained, and became, as Ferris before was, Tenant to Whynniard. M. Fawkes underwent the name of M. Percies man, calling himself johnson, because his face was the most unknown, and received the keys of the house, until we heard that the Parliament was adjourned to the seventh of February: At which time we all departed several ways into the country, to meet again at the beginning of Michaelmas Term. Before this time also it was thought convenient to have a house that might answer to M. Percies, where we might make provision of powder and wood for the Mine, which being there made ready, should in a night be conveyed by boat to the house by the Parliament, because we were loath to foil that with often going in and out. There was none that we could devise so fit as Lambeth, where Master Catesby often lay, and to be keeper thereof (by M. Catesbies' choice) we received into the number, Keys, as a trusty honest man: this was about a month before Michaelmas.  
Some fortnight after towards the beginning of the Term, M. Fawkes and I came to M. Catesby at Morecrofts, where we agreed that now was time to begin and set things in order for the Mine. So as Master Fawkes went to London, and the next day sent for me to come over to him: when I came, the cause was, for that the Scottish Lords were appointed to sit in conference of the Union in Master Percies house. This hindered our beginning until a fortnight before Christmas, by which time both Master Percy and Master Wright were come to London, and we against their coming had provided a good part of the powder: so as we all five entered with tools fit to begin our work, having provided ourselves of Baked-meates, the less to need sending abroad. We entered late in the night, and were never seen save only Master Percies man, until Christmas Eve, In which time we wrought under a little Entry to the wall of the Parliament house, and underpropped it, as we went, with wood.  
Whilst we were together, we began to fashion our business, and discoursed what we should do after this deed was done. The first question was how we might surprise the next heir, the Prince haply would be at the Parliament with the King his Father, how should we then be able to seize on the Duke? This burden Master Percy undertook, that by his acquaintance, he, with another Gentleman would enter the Chamber without suspicion, and having some dozen others at several doors to expect his coming, and two or three on horseback at the Court gate to receive him, he would undertake (the blow being given, until which he would attend in the Duke's Chamber) to carry him safe away: for he supposed most of the Court would be absent, and such as were there not suspecting, or unprovided for any such matter. For the Lady ELIZABETH, it were easy to surprise her in the Country, by drawing friends together at an hunting near the Lord harington's, and Ashbie, M. Catesbies' house, being not far off was a fit place for preparation.  
The next was for money and horses, which if we could provide in any reasonable measure (having the Heir apparent) and the first knowledge by four or five days, was odds sufficient.  
Then what Lords we should save from the Parliament, which was first agreed in general as many as we could that were Catholics, or so disposed: but after we descended to speak of particulars.  
Next, what foreign Princes we should acquaint with this before, or join with after. For this point we agreed, that first we could not enjoin Princes to that secrecy, nor oblige them by oath, so to be secure of their promise: beside, we knew not whether they will approve the project or dislike it: And if they do allow thereof, to prepare before, might beget suspicion, and not to provide until the business were acted, the same letter that carried news of the thing done, might as well entreat their help and furtherance. Spain is too slow in his preparations to hope any good from in the first extremities, and France too near and too dangerous, who with the shipping of Holland, we feared of all the world might make away with us.  
But while we were in the middle of these discourses, we heard that the Parliament should be anew adjourned until after Michaelmas, upon which tidings we broke off both discourse and working until after Christmas. About Candlemas we brought over in a boat the powder, which we had provided at Lambeth, and laid it in M. Percies house, because we were willing to have all our danger in one place.  
We wrought also another fortnight in the Mine against the stone wall, which was very hard to beat thorough; at which time we called in Kit Wright, and near to Easter, as we wrought the third time, opportunity was given to hire the Cellar, in which we resolved to lay the powder, and leave the Mine.  
Now by reason that the charge of maintaining us all so long together, besides the number of several houses, which for several uses had been hired, and buying of powder etc. had lain heavy on M. Catesby alone to support; it was necessary for him to call in some others to ease his charge, and to that end desired leave, that he, with M. Percy, and a third, whom they should call, might acquaint whom they thought fit and willing to the business: for many, said he, may be content that I should know, who would not therefore that all the company should be acquainted with their names: to this we all agreed.  
After this Master Fawkes laid into the Cellar (which he had newly taken) a thousand of Billets, and five hundred of Faggots, and with that covered the Powder, because we might have the House free, to suffer any one to enter that would. Master Catesby wished us to consider, whether it were not now necessary to send M. Fawkes over, both to absent himself for a time, as also to acquaint Sir William Stanley and M. Owen with this matter. We agreed that he should (provided that he gave it them with the same oath that we had taken it before) videlicet, to keep it secret from all the world. The reason why we desired Sir William Stanley should be acquainted herewith was, to have him with us so soon as he could: And for M. Owen, he might hold good correspondency after with foreign Princes. So M. Fawkes departed about Easter for Flanders, and returned the latter end of August. He told me that when he arrived at Brussels, Sir William Stanley was not returned from Spain, so as he uttered the matter only to Owen, who seemed well pleased with the business, but told him that surely Sir William would not be acquainted with any plot, as having business now afoot in the Court of England; but he himself would be always ready to tell it him, and send him away so soon as it were done.  
About this time did M. Percy and M. Catesby meet at the , where they agreed that the company being yet but few, M. Catesby should have the others authority to call in whom he thought best; By which authority he called in after, Sir Euerard Digby, though at what time I know not, and last of all M. Francis Tresham. The first promised, as I heard M. Catesby say, fifteen hundred pounds; the second two thousand pounds; M. Percy himself promised all that he could get of the Earl of Northumberlands rents, which was about four thousand pounds, and to provide many galloping horses to the number of ten.  
Mean while M. Fawkes and myself alone bought some new Powder, as suspecting the first to be dank, and conveyed it into the Cellar, and set it in order, as we resolved it should stand. Then was the Parliament anew prorogued until the fift of November, so as we all went down until some ten days before, when M. Catesby came up with M. Fawkes to an house by Enfield Chase called White-webbes, whither I came to them, and M. Catesby willed me to inquire whether the young Prince came to the Parliament: I told him that I heard that his Grace thought not to be there. Then must we have our Horses said M. Catesby beyond the water, and provision of more company to surprise the Prince, and leave the Duke alone.  
Two days after being Sunday at night, in came one to my chamber, and told me that a letter had been given to my L. Mountegle to this effect, That he wished his Lordship's absence from the Parliament, because a blow would there be given; which letter he presently carried to my L. of Salisbury.  
On the morrow I went to White-webbes, and told it M. Catesby, assuring him withal that the matter was disclosed; and wishing him in any case to forsake his Country. He told me he would see further as yet, and resolved to send M. Fawkes to try the uttermost, protesting if the part belonged to himself, he would try the same adventure.  
On Wednesday Master Fawkes went and returned at night, of which we were very glad.  
Thursday I came to London, and Friday Master Catesby, Master Tresham and I met at Barnet, where we questioned how this Letter should be sent to my L. Mountegle, but could not conceive, for Master Tresham forswore it, whom we only suspected.  
On Saturday night I met M. Tresham again in Lincoln's Inn walks: wherein he told such speeches, that my Lord of Salisbury should use to the King, as I gave it lost the second time, and repeated the same to M. Catesby, who hereupon was resolved to be gone, but stayed to have M. Percy come up, whose consent herein we wanted. On Sunday M. Percy being dealt with to that end, would needs abide the uttermost trial.  
This suspicion of all hands put us into such confusion, as M. Catesby resolved to go down into the country the Monday that M. Percy went to Zion, and M. Percy resolved to follow the same night, or early the next morning. About five of the clock being Tuesday, came the younger Wright to my Chamber, and told me that a Nobleman called the L. Mountegle, saying, Arise, and come along to Essex house, for I am going to call up my L. of Northumberland, saying withal, The matter is discovered Go back M. Wright (quoth I) and learn what you can about Essex gate. Shortly he returned and said, Surely all is lost: for Lepton is got on horseback at Essex door, and as he parted, he asked if their Lordships would have any more with him: and being answered No, is road fast up Fleetstreet as he can ride. Go you then (quoth I) to M. Percy, for sure it is for him they seek, and bid him be gone, I will stay and see the uttermost. Then I went to the Court gates, and found them straightly guarded, so as no body could enter. From thence I went down towards the Parliament house, and in the middle of Kings-street, found the Guard standing that would not let me pass. And as I returned I heard one say, There is a Treason discovered, in which the King and the Lords should have been blown up. So then I was fully satisfied that all was known, and went to the Stable where my gelding stood, and road into the country. Master Catesby had appointed our meeting at Dunchurch, but I could not overtake them until I came to my brothers, which was Wednesday night. On Thursday we took the Armour at my Lord Windsores, and went that night to one Stephen Littleton's house, where the next day (being Friday) as I was early abroad to discover, my man came to me, and said, that an heavy mischance had severed all the company, for that M. Catesby, M. Rookwood, and M. Grant, were burned with Gunpowder upon which sight the rest dispersed. Master Littleton wished me to fly, and so would he. I told him I would first see the body of my friend and bury him, whatsoever befell me. When I came, I found M. Catesby reasonable well, Master Percy, both the wright's, M. Rookwood, and Master Grant. I asked them what they resolved to do: they answered, We mean here to die. I said again, I would take such part as they did. About eleven of the clock came the company to beset the house, and as I walked into the court, I was shot into the shoulder, which lost me the use of mine arm: the next shot was the elder Wright stricken dead, after him the younger M. Wright, and four Ambrose Rookwood shot. Then said M. Catesby to me, (standing before the door they were to enter) Stand by me Tom, and we will die together. Sir (quoth I) I have lost the use of my right arm, and I fear that will cause me to be taken. So as we stood close together, M. Catesby, M. Percy, and myself, they two were shot (as far as I could guess with one Bullet) and then the company entered upon me, hurt me in the Belly with a Pike, and gave me other wounds, until one came behind, and caught hold of both mine arms.  
And so I remain yours, etc. Commiss. 

Nottingham, Suffolk, Worcester,  
Devonshire, Northampton, Salisbury,  
mar, Dunbar,  
Popham.   

Ed. Coke.  
W. Waad.    
The names of those that were first in the Treason, and laboured in the Mine.  

Esquires. 

Robert Catesby.  
Robert Winter.    
Gentlemen. 

Thomas Percy.  
Thomas Winter.  
John Wright.  
Christopher Wright.  
Guido Fawkes.    
And Bates, Catesbyes' man.   

Those that were made acquainted with it, though not personally labouring in the Mine, nor in the Cellar.  
Euerard Digby. Knight.  
Esquires. 

Ambrose Rookewood.  
Francis Tresham.    
John Grant. Gent.  
Robert keys.    
But here let us leave Fawkes in a lodging fit for such a guest, and taking time to advise upon his conscience; and turn ourselves to that part of the History, which concerns the fortune of the rest of his partakers in that abominable Treason. The news was no sooner spread abroad that morning, which was upon a Tuesday, the 5. of November, and the first day designed for that Session of Parliament; The news (I say) of this so strange and unlooked for accident, was no sooner divulged, but some of those Conspirators, namely Winter, and the two brothers of wright's thought it high time for them to hasten out of the town (for Catesby was gone the night before, and Percy at four of the clock in the morning the same day of the Discovery) and all of them held their course, with more haste then good speed to Warwick Shire toward Coventry, where the next day morning being Wednesday, and about the same hour that Fawks was taken in Westminster, one Grant a gentleman having associated unto him some others of his opinion, all violent Papists and strong Recusants, came to a Stable of one Benocke a rider of great Horses, 
The taking of the horses out of the stable at Warwick by Granut and others.  and having violently broken up the same, carried along with them all the great Horses that were therein, to the number of seven or eight, belonging to divers Noblemen and Gentlemen of that Country, who had put them into the Rider's hands to be made fit for their service. And so both that company of them which fled out of London, as also Grant and his complices met all together at Dunchurch at Sir Euerard Digby his lodging the Tuesday at night, after the discovery of this treacherous Attempt: The which Digby had likewise for his part appointed a match of hunting to have been hunted the next day, 
The hunting match appointed by Sir Euerard Digby.  which was Wednesday, though his mind was Nimrod-like upon a far other manner of hunting, more bend upon the blood of reasonable men than bruit beasts.  
This company and hellish society thus convened, finding their purpose discovered, 
Their going into arms after the Plot discovered.  and their treachery prevented, did resolve to run a desperate course, and since they could not prevail by so private a Blow, to practise by a public rebellion, either to attain to their Intents, or at least to save themselves in the throng of others. And therefore gathering all the company they could unto them, and pretending the quarrel of Religion, having intercepted such provision of Armour, Horses, and Powder, as the time could permit, thought by running up and down the Country both to augment piece and piece their number (dreaming to themselves that they had the virtue of a Snowball, which being little at the first, and tumbling down from a great hill groweth to a great quantity, by increasing itself with the Snow that it meeteth by the way) and also that they beginning first this brave show in one part of the Country, should by their Sympathy and example stir up and encourage the rest of their Religion in other parts of England to rise, as they had done there. But when they had gathered their force to the greatest, 
Their number never above fourscore.  they came not to the number of fourscore, and yet were they troubled all the hours of the day to keep and contain their own servants from stealing from them; who (notwithstanding of all their care) daily left them, being far inferior to Gedeons' host in number, but far more in faith or justness of quarrel.  
And so after that this Catholic troop had wandered a while through Warwickshire to Worcester-shire, and from thence to the edge and borders of Stafford-shire, this gallantly armed band had not the honour at the last to be beaten with a King's Lieutenant or extraordinary Commissioner sent down for the purpose, 
Their flight.  but only by the ordinary Sheriff of Worcester-shire were they all beaten, killed, taken and dispersed. Wherein ye have to note this following circumstance so admirable, and so lively displaying the greatness of God's justice, as it could not be concealed without betraying in a manner the glory due to the Almighty for the same.  
Although divers of the King's Proclamations were posted down after these Traitors with all the speed possible, declaring the odiousness of that bloody attempt, the necessity to have had Percy preserved alive, if it had been possible, and the assembly together of that rightly-damned crew, now no more darned Conspirators, but open and avowed Rebels: yet the far distance of the way (which was above an hundred miles) together with the extreme deepness thereof, joined also with the shortness of the day, was the cause that the hearty and loving affections of the King's good Subjects in those parts prevented the speed of his Proclamations: For upon the third day after the flying down of these Rebels, 
Overtaken at Holbeech, in Stafford shire, Stephen Littleton's house.  which was upon the Friday next after the discovery of their Plot, they were most of them all surprised by the Sheriff of Worcester-shire at Holbeach, about the noon of the day, and that in manner following.  
Grant, of whom I have made mention before for taking the great horses, who had not all the preceding time stirred from his own house till the next morning after the attempt should have been put in execution, he then laying his account without his Host (as the proverb is) that their Plot had, without failing, received the day before their hoped-for success; took, or rather stole out those horses (as I said before) for enabling him, and so many of that soulless society that had still remained in the Country near about him, to make a sudden surprise upon the King's elder daughter, the Lady ELIZABETH, having her residence near by that place, 
Grant attempt to surprise the Lady Elizabeth.  whom they thought to have used for the colour of their treacherous design (His Majesty her father, her mother, and male children being all destroyed above.) And to this purpose also had that Nimrod, Digby, provided his hunting match against that same time, that numbers of people being flocked together upon the pretence thereof, they might the easilier have brought to pass the sudden surprise of her person.  
Now the violent taking away of those horses long before day, did seem to be so great a riot in the eyes of the Common-people, that knew of no greater mystery: And the bold attempting thereof did engender such a suspicion of some following Rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort, as both great and small began to stir and arm themselves, upon this unlooked-for accident: Among whom Sir Fulke Grevill the Elder, Knight, as became one both so ancient in years and good reputation, and by his Office, being Deputy Lieutenant of Warwickshire, though unable in his body, yet by the zeal and true fervency of his mind, did first apprehend this foresaid Riot to be nothing but the sparkles and sure indices of a following Rebellion; whereupon both stoutly and honestly he took order to get into his own hands, the Munition and Armour of all such Gentlemen about him, as were either absent from their own houses, or in doubtful guard; and also sent such direction to the Towns about him, as thereupon did follow the striking of Winter by a poor Smith, who had likewise been taken by those vulgar people, but that he was rescued by the rest of his company, who perceiving that the Country before them had notice of them, hastened away with loss in their own sight, sixteen of their followers being taken by the townsmen, and sent presently to the Sheriff at Warwick, and from thence to London.  
But before twelve or sixteen hours past, Catesby, Percy, the Winters, wright's, Rookewood and the rest, bringing then the assurance that their main Plot was failed and bewrayed, whereupon they had builded the golden mountains of their glorious hopes: They than took their last desperate resolution to flock together in a troop, and wander, as they did, for the reasons aforetold. But as upon the one part, the zealous duty to their God and their Sovereign was so deeply imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people (although then knowing of no further mystery than such public misbehaviours, as their own eyes taught them) as notwithstanding of their fair shows and pretence of their Catholic cause, no creature, man or woman through all the Country, would once so much as give them willingly a cup of drink, or any sort of comfort or support, but with execrations detested them: So on the other part, the Sheriffs of the Shires, wherethrough they wandered, convening their people with all speed possible, hunted as hotly after them, as the evilness of the way, and the unprovidedness of their people upon that sudden could permit them. And so at last after Sir Richard Verney, Sheriff of Warwickshire, had carefully and straightly been in chase of them to the confines of his County, part of the meaner sort being also apprehended by him: Sir Richard Walsh Sheriff of Worcester-shire did likewise dutifully and hotly pursue them thorough his Shire; And having gotten sure trial of their taking harbour at the house abovenamed, he did send Trumpeters and Messengers to them, commanding them in the King's name to render unto him, his majesties minister; and knowing no more at that time of their guilt then was publicly visible, did promise upon their dutiful and obedient rendering unto him, to intercede at the King's hands for the sparing of their lives: who received only from them this scornful answer (they being better witnesses to themselves of their inward evil consciences) That he had need of better assistance, then of those few numbers that were with him, before he could be able to command or control them.  
But here fell the wondrous work of God's justice, 
The preparation to assault the house.  That while this message passed between the Sheriff and them, The sheriffs and his people's zeal being justly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answer, and so they preparing themselves to give a furious assault; and the other party making themselves ready within the house to perform their promise by a defence as resolute; It pleased God that in the mending of the fire in their chamber, one small spark should fly out, and light among less than two pound weight of Powder, which was drying a little from the chimney; which being thereby blown up, so maimed the faces of some of the principal Rebels, and the hands and sides of others of them (blowing up with it also a great bag full of Powder, which notwithstanding never took fire) as they were not only disabled and discouraged hereby from any further resistance, in respect Catesby himself, Rookwood, Grant, and divers others of greatest account among them, 
Catesby who was the first inventor of this Treason in general, and of the manner of working the same by powder, in special, himself now first maimed with the blowing up of powder, and next he and Percy both killed with one shot proceeding from powder.  were thereby made unable for defence: but also wonderfully strooken with amazement in their guilty consciences, calling to memory how God had justly punished them with that same Instrument, which they should have used for the effectuating of so great a sin, according to the old Latin, saying, In quo peccamus, in eodem plectimur; as they presently (see the wonderful power of God's justice upon guilty consciences) did all fall down upon their knees, praying GOD to pardon them for their bloody enterprise; And thereafter giving over any further debate, opened the gate, suffered the sheriffs people to rush in furiously among them, and desperately sought their own present destruction; The three specials of them joining backs together, Catesby, Percy, and Winter, whereof two with one shot, Catesby and Percy were slain, and the third, Winter, taken and saved alive.  
And thus these resolute and high aspiring Catholics, who dreamt of no less than the destruction of Kings and kingdoms, and promised to themselves no lower estate than the government of great and ancient Monarchies, were miserably defeated, and quite overthrown in an instant, falling in the pit which they had prepared for others; and so fulfilling that sentence which his Majesty did in a manner prophecy of them in his Oration to the Parliament: some presently slain, others deadly wounded, stripped of their clothes, left lying miserably naked, and so dying rather of cold, then of the danger of their wounds; and the rest that either were whole, or but lightly hurt, taken and led prisoners by the Sheriff the ordinary minister of justice, to the jail, the ordinary place even of the basest malefactors, where they remained till their sending up to London, being met with a huge confluence of people of all sorts, desirous to see them as the rarest sort of Monsters; fools to laugh at them, women and children to wonder, all the common people to gaze, the wiser sort to satisfy their curiosity in seeing the outward cases of so unheard of a villainy: & generally all sorts of people to satiate and fill their eyes with the sight of them, whom in their hearts they so far admired and detested: serving so for a fearful and public spectacle of God's fierce wrath and just indignation.  
What hereafter will be done with them, is to be left to the justice of his Majesty and the State: Which as no good Subject needs to doubt will be performed in the own due time by a public and an exemplary punishment: So have we all that are faithful and humble Subjects, great cause to pray earnestly to the Almighty, that it will please him who hath the hearts of all Princes in his hands, to put it in his majesties heart to make such a conclusion of this Tragedy to the Traitors, but tragicomedy to the King and all his true Subjects; as thereby the glory of God and his true Religion may be advanced, the future security of the King and his estate procured and provided for, all hollow and unhonest hearts discovered & prevented, & this horrible attempt (lacking due epitheres) to be so justly avenged, That where they thought by one Catholic indeed & universal blow to accomplish the wish of that Roman tyrant, who wished all the bodies in Rome to have but one neck, and so by the violent force of Powder to break up as with a Pettard our triple locked peaceful gates of janus, which (God be thanked) they could not compass by any other means; they may justly be so recompensed for their truly viperous intended parricide, 
As Aeneas Syl●●●● doth notably write concerning the murder of K. james the first of Scotland, and the following punishment of the traitors, whereof himself was an eye witness. Hist. de Europa, cap. 46.  as the shame and infamy that otherwise would light upon this whole Nation, for having unfortunately hatched such cockatrice eggs, may be repaired by the execution of famous and honourable justice upon the offenders; and so the kingdom purged of them, may hereafter perpetually flourish in peace and prosperity, by the happy conjunction of the hearts of all honest and true Subjects, with their just and religious Sovereign.  
And thus whereas they thought to have effaced our memories, the memory of them shall remain (but to their perpetual infamy) and we (as I said in the beginning) shall with all thankfulness eternally preserve the memory of so great a benefit. To which let every good Subject say AMEN.   

Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus. OR AN APOLOGY FOR THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.  
AGAINST THE TWO BREVES OF POPE PAULUS QVINTUS, AND THE late Letter of Cardinal BELLARMINE to G. BLACKWEL the Archpriest.  
WHat a monstrous, rare, nay never heardof Treacherous attempt, was plotted within these few years here in England, for the destruction of Me, my bedfellow, and our posterity, the whole house of Parliament, and a great number of good Subjects of all sorts and degrees; is so famous already through the whole world by the infamy thereof, as it is needless to be repeated or published any more; the horror of the sin itself doth so loudly proclaim it. For if those 
* Gen. 4.10.  crying sins, (whereof mention is made in the Scripture) have that epithet given them for their public infamy, and for procuring as it were with a loud cry from heaven a just vengeance and recompense, and yet those sins are both old and too common, neither the world, nor any one Country being ever at any time clean void of them: If those sins (I say) are said in the Scripture to cry so loud; What then must this sin do, plotted without cause, infinite in cruelty, and singular from all examples? What proceeded hereupon is likewise notorious to the whole world; our justice only taking hold upon the offenders, and that in as honourable and public a form of Trial, as ever was used in this Kingdom.  
2. For although the only reason they gave for plotting so heinous an attempt, was the zeal they carried to the Romish Religion; yet were never any other of that profession the worse used for that cause, as by our gracious Proclamation immediately after the discovery of the said fact doth plainly appear: only at the next sitting down again of the Parliament, there were Laws made, setting down some such orders as were thought fit for preventing the like mischief in time to come. Amongst which a form of OATH was framed to be taken by my Subjects, whereby they should make a clear profession of their resolution, faithfully to persist in their obedience unto me, according to their natural allegiance; To the end that I might hereby make a separation, not only between all my good Subjects in general, and unfaithful Traitors, that intended to withdraw themselves from my obedience; But specially to make a separation between so many of my Subjects, who although they were otherwise Popishly affected, yet retained in their hearts the print of their natural duty to their Sovereign; and those who being carried away with the like fanatical zeal that the Powder-Traitors were, could not contain themselves within the bounds of their natural Allegiance, but thought diversity of religion a safe pretext for all kind of treasons, and rebellions against their Sovereign. Which godly and wise intent, God did bless with success accordingly: For very many of my Subjects that were Popishly affected, aswell Priests, as Layicks, did freely take the same Oath: whereby they both gave me occasion to think the better of their fidelity, and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander, that although they were fellow professors of one Religion with the powder-Traitors, yet were they not joined with them in treasonable courses against their Sovereign; whereby all quietly minded Papists were put out of despair, and I gave a good proof that I intended no persecution against them for conscience cause, but only desired to be secured of them for civil obedience, which for conscience cause they were bound to perform.  
3. But the devil could not have devised a more malicious trick for interrupting this so calm and clement a course, than fell out by the sending hither, and publishing a Breve of the Popes, countermanding all them of his profession to take this Oath; Thereby sowing new seeds of jealousy between me and my Popish Subjects, by stirring them up to disobey that lawful commandment of their Sovereign, which was ordained to be taken of them as a pledge of their fidelity; And so by their refusal of so just a charge, to give me so great and just a ground for punishment of them, without touching any matter of conscience: throwing themselves needlessly into one of these desperate straits; either with the loss of their lives and goods to renounce their Allegiance to their natural Sovereign; or else to procure the condemnation of their souls by renouncing the Catholic faith, as he allegeth.  
4. And on the other part, although disparity of Religion (the Pope being head of the contrary part) can permit no intelligence nor intercourse of messengers between me and the Pope: yet there being no denounced war between us, he hath by this action broken the rules of common civility and justice between Christian Princes, in thus condemning me unheard, both by accounting me a persecutor, which cannot be but implied by exhorting the Papists to endure Martyrdom; as likewise by so straightly commanding all those of his profession in England, to refuse the taking of this Oath; thereby refusing to profess their natural obedience to me their Sovereign. For if he think himself my lawful judge, wherefore hath he condemned me unheard? And, if he have nothing to do with me and my government (as indeed he hath not) why doth he mittere falcem in alienam messem, to meddle between me and my Subjects, especially in matters that merely and only concern civil obedience? And yet could Pius Quintus in his greatest fury and avowed quarrel against the late Queen, do no more injury unto her; then he hath in this case offered unto me, without so much as a pretended or an alleged cause. For what difference there is, between the commanding Subjects to rebel, and losing them from their Oath of Allegiance as Pius Quintus did; and the commanding of Subjects not to obey in making profession of their Oath of their dutiful Allegiance, as this Pope hath now done: no man can easily discern.  
5. But to draw near unto his Brene, wherein certainly he hath taken more pains than he needed, by setting down in the said Breve the whole body of the Oath at length; whereas the only naming of the Title thereof might as well have served, for any answer he hath made thereunto (making una litura, that is, the flat and general condemnation of the whole Oath to serve for all his refutation.) Therein having as well in this respect as in the former, dealt both undiscreetly with me, and injuriously with his own Catholics. With me; in not refuting particularly what special words he quarreled in that Oath; which if he had done, it might have been that for the fatherly care I have not to put any of my Subjects to a needless extremity, I might have been contented in some sort to have reform or interpreted those words. With his own Catholics: for either if I had so done, they had been thereby fully eased in that business; or at least if I would not have condescended to have altered any thing in the said Oath, yet would thereby some appearance or shadow of excuse have been left unto them for refusing the same not as seeming thereby to serve from their Obedience and Allegiance unto me, but only being stayed from taking the same upon the scrupulous tenderness of their consciences, in regard of those particular words which the Pope had noted and condemned therein.  
And now let us hear the words of his thunder.  

POPE PAULUS THE FIFT, to the ENGLISH Catholics.  
Well-beloved Sons, 
The Pope his first Breve.  Salutation and Apostolical Benediction. The tribulations and calamities, which ye have continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholic Faith, have always afflicted us with great grief of mind. But for as much as we understand that at this time all things are more grievous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased. For we have heard how you are compelled, by most grievous punishments set before you, to go to the Churches of Heretics, to frequent their assemblies, to be present at their Sermons. Truly we do undoubtedly believe, that they which with so great constancy and fortitude, have hitherto endured most cruel persecutions and almost infinite miseries, that they may walk without spot in the Law of the Lord; will never suffer themselves to be defiled with the communion of those that have forsaken the divine Law. Yet notwithstanding, being compelled by the zeal of our Pastoral Office, and by our Fatherly care which we do continually take for the salvation of your souls, we are enforced to admonish and desire you, that by no means you come unto the Churches of the Heretics, or hear their Sermons, or communicate with them in their Rites, lest you incur the wrath of God: For these things may ye not do without indamaging the worship of God, and your own salvation. As likewise you cannot, without most evident and grievous wronging of God's Honour, bind yourselves by the Oath, which in like manner we have heard with very great grief of our heart is administered unto you, of the tenor under-written. viz.  
I A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledge, 
The Oath.  profess, testify and declare in my conscience before God and the world, That our Sovereign Lord King JAMES, is lawful King of this Realm, and of all other his majesties Dominions and Countries: And that the Pope neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church or Sea of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath any power or authority to depose the King, or to dispose of any of his majesties Kingdoms or Dominions, or to authorize any foreign Prince to invade or annoy him or his Countries, or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and obedience to his Majesty, or to give Licence or leave to any of them to bear Arms, raise tumults, or to offer any violence or hurt to his majesties Royal Person, State or Government, or to any of his majesties subjects within his majesties Dominions. Also I do swear from my heart, that, notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of Excommunication, or deprivation made or granted, or to be made or granted, by the Pope or his successors, or by any Authority derived, or pretended to be derived from him or his Sea, against the said King, his heirs or successors, or any absolution of the said subjects from their obedience; I will bear faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shallbe made against his or their Persons, their Crown and dignity, by reason or colour of any such sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty, his heirs and successors, all Treasons and traitorous conspiracies, which I shall know or hear of, to be against him or any of them. And I do further swear, That I do from my heart abhor, detest and abjure as impious and Heretical, this damnable doctrine and position, That Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever. And I do believe, and in conscience am resolved, that neither the Pope nor any person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof; which I acknowledge by good and full authority to be lawfully ministered unto me, and do renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according to these express words by me spoken, and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any Equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I do make this Recognition and acknowledgement hearty, willingly, and truly, upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me GOD.  
Which things since they are thus; it must evidently appear unto you by the words themselves, That such an Oath cannot be taken without hurting of the Catholic Faith, and the salvation of your souls; seeing it contains many things which are flat contrary to Faith and salvation. Wherefore we do admonish you, that you do utterly abstain from taking this and the like Oaths: which thing we do the more earnestly require of you, because we have experience of the constancy of your faith, which is tried like gold in the fire of perpetual tribulation. We do well know, that you will cheerfully undergo all kind of cruel torments whatsoever, yea and constantly endure death itself, rather than you will in any thing offend the Majesty of GOD. And this our confidence is confirmed by those things, which are daily reported unto us, of the singular virtue, valour, and fortitude which in these last times doth no less shine in your Martyrs, than it did in the first beginning of the Church. Stand therefore, your loins being girt about with verity, and having on the breastplate of righteousness, taking the shield of Faith, be ye strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might; And let nothing hinder you. He which will crown you, and doth in Heaven behold your conflicts, will finish the good work which he hath begun in you. You know how he hath promised his disciples, that he will never leave them Orphans: for he is faithful which hath promised. Hold fast therefore his correction, that is, being rooted and grounded in Charity, whatsoever ye do, whatsoever ye endeavour, do it with one accord, in simplicity of heart, in meekness of Spirit, without murmuring or doubting. For by this do all men know that we are the disciples of CHRIST, if we have love one to another. Which charity, as it is very greatly to be desired of all faithful Christians; So certainly is it altogether necessary for you, most blessed sons. For by this your charity, the power of the devil is weakened, who doth so much assail you, since that power of his is especially upheld by the contentions and disagreement of our sons. We exhort you therefore by the bowels of our Lord JESUS CHRIST, by whose love we are taken out of the jaws of eternal death; That above all things, you would have mutual charity among you. Surely Pope Clement the eight of happy memory, hath given you most profitable precepts of practising brotherly charity one to another, in his Letters in form of a Breve, to our well-beloved son M. George Arch priest of the Kingdom of England, dated the 5. day of the month of October 1602. Put them therefore diligently in practice, and be not hindered by any difficulty or doubtfulness. We command you that ye do exactly observe the words of those letters, and that ye take and understand them simply as they sound, and as they lie; all power to interpret them otherwise, being taken away. In the mean while, we will never cease to pray to the Father of Mercies, that he would with pity behold your afflictions and your pains; And that he would keep and defend you with his continual protection: whom we do gently greet with our Apostolical Benediction. Dated at Rome at S. Mark, under the Signet of the Fisherman, the tenth of the Calends of October, 1606. the second year of our Popedom.  

THE ANSWER TO THE FIRST BREVE.  
FIrst, the Pope expresseth herein his sorrow, for that persecution which the Catholics sustain for the faith's sake. Wherein, besides the main untruth whereby I am so injuriously used, I must ever avow and maintain, as the truth is according to mine own knowledge, that the late Queen of famous memory, never punished any Papist for Religion, but that their own punishment was ever extorted out of her hands against her will, by their own misbehaviour, which both the time and circumstances of her actions will manifestly make proof of. For before Pius Quintus his excommunication giving her over for a prey, and setting her Subjects at liberty to rebel, it is well known she never meddled with the blood or hard punishment of any Catholic, nor made any rigorous Laws against them. And since that time, who list to compare with an indifferent eye, the manifold intended invasions against her whole Kingdom, the foreign practices, the internal public rebellions, the private plots and machinations, poisonings, murders, and all sorts of devices, & quid non? daily set abroach; and all these wares continually fostered and fomented from Rome; together with the continual corrupting of her Subjects, as well by temporal bribes, as by fair and specious promises of eternal felicity; and nothing but book upon book publicly set forth by her fugitives, for approbation of so holy designs: who list, I say, with an indifferent eye, to look on the one part, upon those infinite and intolerable temptations, and on the other part upon the just, yet moderate punishment of a part of these heinous offenders; shall easily see that that blessed defunct LADY was as free from persecution, as they shall free these hellish Instruments from the honour of martyrdom.  
5. But now having sacrificed (if I may so say) to the Manes of my late Predecessor, I may next with Saint PAUL justly vindicate mine own fame, from those innumerable calumnies spread against me, in testifying the truth of my behaviour toward the Papists: wherein I may truly affirm, That whatsoever was her just and merciful Government over the Papists in her time, my Government over them since hath so far exceeded hers, in Mercy and Clemency, as not only the Papists themselves grew to that height of pride, in confidence of my mildness, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to themselves liberty of Conscience, and equality with other of my Subjects in all things; but even a number of the best and faithfulliest of my said Subjects, were cast in great fear and amazement of my course and proceed, ever prognosticating and justly suspecting that sour fruit to come of it, which showed itself clearly in the Powder-Treason. How many did I honour with Knighthood, of known and open Recusants? How indifferently did I give audience, and access to both sides, bestowing equally all favours and honours on both professions? How free and continual access, had all ranks and degrees of Papists in my Court and company? And above all, how frankly and freely did I free Recusants of their ordinary payments? Besides, it is cuident what straight order was given out of my own mouth to the judges, to spare the execution of all Priests, (notwithstanding their conviction,) joining thereunto a gracious Proclamation, whereby all Priests, that were at liberty, and not taken, might go out of the country by such a day: my general Pardon having been extended to all convicted Priests in prison: whereupon they were set at liberty as good Subjects: and all Priests that were taken after, sent over and set at liberty there. But time and paper will fail me to make enumeration of all the benefits and favours that I bestowed in general and particular upon Papists: in recounting whereof, every scrape of my pen would serve but for a blot of the Pope's ingratitude and injustice, in meating me with so hard a measure for the same. So as I think I have sufficiently, or at least with good reason wiped the 
* Magno cum anims moerore, etc.  tears from the Pope's eyes, for complaining upon such persecution, who if he had been but politickely wise, although he had had no respect to justice and Verity, would have in this complaint of his, made a difference between my present time, and the time of the late Queen: And so by his commending of my moderation, in regard of former times, might have had hope to have moved me to have continued in the same clement course: For it is a true saying, that alleged kindness upon noble minds, doth ever work much. And for the main untruth of any persecution in my time, it can never be proved, that any were, or are put to death since I came to the Crown for cause of Conscience; except that now this discharge given by the Pope to all Catholics to take their Oath of Allegiance to me, be the cause of the due punishment of many: which if it fall out to be, let the blood light upon the Pope's head, who is the only cause thereof.  
As for the next point contained in his Breve concerning his discharge of all Papists to come to our Church, or frequent our rites and ceremonies, I am not to meddle at this time with that matter, because my errand now only is to publish to the world the Injury and Injustice done unto me, in discharging my subjects to make profession of their obedience unto me. 
The intendment of this discourse.  Now as to the point where the Oath is quarreled, it is set down in few, but very weighty words; to wit, That it ought to be clear unto all Catholics, that this Oath cannot be taken with safety of the Catholic Faith, and of their soul's health, since it containeth many things that are plainly and directly contrary to their faith and salvation. To this, the old saying fathered upon the Philosopher, may very fitly be applied, Multa dicit, sed pauca probat; nay indeed, Nihil omnino probat: For how the profession of the natural Allegiance of Subjects to their Prince can be directly opposite to the faith and salvation of souls, is so far beyond my simple reading in Divinity, as I must think it a strange and new Assertion, to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended general Pastor of all Christian souls. I read indeed, and not in one, or two, or three places of Scripture, that Subjects are bound to obey their Princes for conscience sake, whether they were good or wicked Princes. So said the people to 
1 josh. 1.17.  joshua, As we obeyed Moses in all things, so will we obey thee. So the 
2 jere. 27.12.  Prophet commanded the people to obey the King of Babel, saying, Put your necks under the yoke of the King of Babel, and serve him and his people, that ye may live. So were the children of Israel, unto 
3 Exod. 5.1.  Pharaoh, desiring him to let them go: so to 
4 Ezra 1.3.  Cyrus, obtaining leave of him to return to build the Temple: and in a word, the Apostle willed all men 
5 Rom. 13 5.  to be subject to the higher powers for conscience sake. Agreeable to the Scriptures did the Fathers teach. 
6 August. in Psalm. 124.  Augustine speaking of julian, saith, julian was an unbelieving Emperor: was he not an Apostata, an Oppressor, and an Idolater? Christian Soldiers served that unbelieving Emperor: when they came to the cause of CHRIST, they would acknowledge no Lord, but him that is in heaven. When he would have them to worship Idols and to sacrifice, they preferred GOD before him: But when he said, Go forth to fight, invade such a nation, they presently obeyed. They distinguished their eternal Lord from their temporal, and yet were they subject even unto their temporal Lord, for his sake that was their eternal Lord and Master. 
1 Tertull. ad Scap.  Tertullian saith, A Christian is enemy to no man, much less to the Prince, whom he knoweth to be appointed of God; and so of necessity must love, reverence and honour him, and wish him safe with the whole Roman Empire, so long as the world shall last: for so long shall it endure. We honour therefore the Emperor in such sort, as is lawful for us, and expedient for him, as a man, the next unto God, and obtaining from God whatsoever he hath, and only inferior unto God. This the Emperor himself would: for so is he greater than all, while he is inferior only to the true God. 
2 Iust. Martyr. Apol. 2. ad. Ant. Imperat.  justine Martyr; We only adore the Lord, and in all other things cheerfully perform service to you, professing that you are Emperors and Princes of men. 
3 Amb. in oratcont. Auxentium, de basilicis traden. habetur lib. 5. epist. Ambr.  Ambrose; I may lament, weep, and sigh: My tears are my weapons against their arms, soldiers, and the Goths also such are the weapons of a Priest: Ocherwise neither ought I, neither can Iresist. 
4 Optat. contra Parmen. lib. 3.  Optatus; Over the Emperor, there is none but only God, that made the Emperor. And 
5 Greg. Mag. Epist. lib. 2. indict. 11. Epist. 61.  Gregory writing to Mauritius about a certain Law, that a Soldier should not be received into a Monastery, nondum expleta militia, The Almighty God, saith he, holds him guilty, that is not upright to the most excellent Emperor in all things that he doth or speaketh. And then calling himself the unworthy servant of his Godliness, goeth on in the whole Epistle to show the injustice of that Law, as he pretendeth: and in the end concludes his Epistle with these words; I being subject to your command, have caused the same Law to be sent through divers parts of your Dominions: and because the Law itself doth not agree to the Law of the Almighty God, I have signified the same by my Letters to your most excellent Lordship: so that on both parts I have paid what I ought; because I have yielded obedience to the Emperor, and have not holden my peace, in what I thought for God. Now how great a contrariety there is, betwixt this ancient Pope's action in obeying an Emperor by the publication of his Decree, which in his own conscience he thought unlawful, and this present Pope's prohibition to a King's Subjects from obedience unto him in things most lawful and mere temporal; I remit it to the Readers indifferency. And answerably to the Fathers, spoke the Counsels in their Decrees. As the Council of 
6 Council Arelatense sub Carolo Mag. Can. 26.  Arles, submitting the whole Council to the Emperor in these words; These things we have decreed to be presented to our Lord the Emperor, beseeching his Clemency, that if we have done less than we ought, it may be supplied by his wisdom: if any thing otherwise then reason requireth, it may be corrected by his judgement: if any thing be found fault with by us with reason, it may be perfected by his aid with GOD'S favourable assistance.  
But why should I speak of Charles the great, to whom not one Council, but six several Counsels, Frankfurt, Arles, Tours, Chalons, Ments and Rheims did wholly submit themselves? and not rather speak of all the general Counsels, that of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the four other commonly so reputed, which did submit themselves to the emperors wisdom and piety in all things? Insomuch as that of Ephesus repeated it four several times, That they were summoned by the emperors Oracle, beck, charge and command, and betook themselves to his Godliness: 
1 Vide Epistola●● general●● Conc. Ephes. ad August.  beseeching him, that the Decrees made against Nestorius and his followers, might by his power have their full force and validity, as appeareth manifestly in the Epistle of the general Council of Ephesus written ad Augustos. I also read that Christsaid, His 
2 2 john 18 36.  kingdom was not of this world, bidding, Give to 
3 3 Matt. 22.21.  Cesar what was Caesar's, and to God what was Gods. And I ever held it for an infallible Maxim in Divinity, That temporal obedience to a temporal Magistrate, did nothing repugn to matters of faith or salvation of souls: But that ever temporal obedience was against faith and salvation of souls, as in this Breve is alleged, was never before heard nor read of in the Christian Church. And therefore I would have wished the Pope, before he had set down this commandment to all Papists here, That, since in him is the power by the infabillity of his spirit, to make new Articles of Faith when ever it shall please him, he had first set it down for an Article of Faith, before he had commanded all Catholics to believe and obey it. I will then conclude the answer to this point in a Dilemma.  
Either it is lawful to obey the Sovereign in temporal things, 
Question.  or not.  
If it be lawful (as I never heard nor read it doubted of) then why is the Pope so unjust, and so cruel towards his own Catholics, as to command them to disobey their Sovereign's lawful commandment?  
If it be unlawful, why hath he neither expressed any one cause or reason thereof, nor yet will give them leave (nay rather he should command and persuade them in plain terms) not to live under a King whom unto they ought no obedience?  
And as for the vehement exhortation unto them to persevere in constancy, 
Answer to the Pope's exhortation.  and to suffer Martyrdom and all tribulation for this cause; it requireth no other answer then only this, That if the ground be good whereupon he hath commanded them to stand, than exhortation to constancy is necessary: but if the ground be unjust and nought (as indeed it is, and I have in part already proved) then this exhortation of his can work no other effect, then to make him guilty of the blood of so many of his sheep, whom he doth thus wilfully cast away; not only to the needless loss of their lives, and ruin of their families, but even to the laying on of a perpetual slander upon all Papists; as if no zealous Papist could be a true subject to his Prince; and that the profession of that Religion, and the Temporal obedience to the Civil Magistrate, were two things repugnant and incompatible in themselves. 
Famae vires acquirit eundo.  But evil information, and untrue reports (which being carried so far as between this and Rome, cannot but increase by the way) might have abused the Pope, and made him dispatch this Breve so rashly: For that great City, Queen of the World, and as themselves confess, 
1 Eusebius, Oecumenius and Leo hold, that by Babylon, in 1. Pet. 5.13. Rome is meant, as the Rhemists themselves confess.  mystically Babylon, cannot but be so full of all sorts of Intelligencies. Besides, all complainers (as the Catholics here are) be naturally given to exaggerate their own griefs, and multiply thereupon: So that it is no wonder, that even a just judge sitting there, should upon wrong information, give an unrighteous sentence; as some of their own party do not stick to confess, That Pius Quintus was too rashly carried upon wrong information, to pronounce his thunder of Excommunication upon the late Queen. And it may be, the like excuse shall hereafter be made for the two Breves, which 
2 See the Relation of the whole proceed against the Traitors, Garnet and his confederates.  Clemens Octaws sent to ENGLAND immediately before her death, for debarring me of the Crown, or any other that either would profess, or any ways tolerate the professors of our Religion; contrary to his manifold vows and protestations, simul & eodem tempore, and as it were, delivered uno & eodem spiritu, to divers of my ministers abroad, professing such kindness, and showing such forwardness to advance me to this Crown. 
The Catholics opinion of the Brene.  Nay, the most part of Catholics here, finding this Breve when it came to their hands to be so far against Divinity, Policy, or natural sense, were firmly persuaded that it was but a counterfeit Libel, devised in hatred of the Pope; or at the farthest, a thing hastily done upon wrong information, as was before said. Of which opinion were not only the simpler sort of Papists, but even some amongst them of best account, both for learning and experience; whereof the Archpriest himself was one: But for soluing of this objection, the Pope himself hath taken new pains by sending forth a second Breve, only for giving faith and confirmation to the former; That whereas before, his sin might have been thought to have proceeded from rashness and misinformation, he will now wilfully and willingly double the same; whereof the Copy followeth.    

The second Breve.  

TO OUR BELOVED SONS the English Catholics, Paulus P. P.V tus.  
Beloved sons, Salutation and Apostolical Benediction.  
It is reported unto us, that there are found certain amongst you, who when as we have sufficiently declared by our Letters, dated the last year on the tenth of the Calends of October in the form of a Breve, that ye cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath, which was then required of you; and when as we have further straightly commanded you, that by no means ye should take it: yet there are some, I say, among you, which dare now affirm, that such Letters concerning the forbidding of the Oath were not written of our own accord, or of our own proper will, but rather for the respect and at the instigation of other men. And for that cause the same men do go about to persuade you, that our commands in the said Letters are not to be regarded. Surely this news did trouble us; and that so much the more, because having had experience of your obedience (most dearly beloved sons) who to the end ye might obey this holy Sea, have godlily and valiantly contemned your riches wealth, honour, liberty, yea and life itself; we should never have suspected that the truth of our Apostolic Letters could once be called into question among you, that by this pretence ye might exempt yourselves from our Commandments. But we do herein perceive the subtlety and craft of the enemy of man's salvation, and we do attribute this your backwardness rather to him, then to your own will. And for this cause, we have thought good to write the second time unto you, and to signify unto you again, That our Apostolic Letters dated the last year on the tenth of the Calends of October, concerning the prohibition of the Oath, were written not only upon our proper motion, and of our certain knowledge, but also after long and weighty deliberation used concerning all those things, which are contained in them; and that for that cause ye are bound fully to observe them, rejecting all interpretation persuading to the contrary. And this is our mere, pure, and perfect will, being always careful of your salvation, and always minding those things, which are most profitable unto you. And we do pray without ceasing, that he that hath appointed our lowliness to the keeping of the flock of Christ, would enlighten our thoughts and our counsels: whom we do also continually desire, that he would increase in you (our beloved Sons) faith, constancy, and mutual charity and peace one to another. All whom, we do most lovingly bless with all charitable affection.  
Dated at Rome at Saint Marks under the Signet of the Fisherman, the x. of the Calends of September, 1607. the third year of our Popedom.   

THE ANSWER TO THE second BREVE.  
NOw for this Breve, I may justly reflect his own phrase upon him, in terming it to be The craft of the Devil. For if the Devil had studied a thousand years, for to find out a mischief for our Catholics here, he hath found it in this; that now when many Catholics have taken their Oath, and some Priests also; yea, the Archpriest himself, without compunction or sticking, they shall not now only be bound to refuse the profession of their natural Allegiance to their Sovereign, which might yet have been some way coloured upon divers scruples conceived upon the words of the Oath; but they must now renounce and forswear their profession of obedience already sworn, and so must as it were at the third instance forswear their former two Oaths, first closely sworn, by their birth in their natural Allegiance; and next, clearly confirmed by this Oath, which doth nothing but express the same: so as no man can now hold the faith, or procure the salvation of his soul in ENGLAND, that must not abjure and renounce his borne and sworn Allegiance to his natural Sovereign.  
And yet it is not sufficient to ratify the last years Breve, by a new one come forth this year; but (that not only every year, but every month may produce a new monster) the great and famous Writer of the Controversies, the late un-iesuited Cardinal Bellarmine, must add his talon to this good work, by blowing the bellows of sedition, and sharpening the spur to rebellion, by sending such a Letter of his to the Archpriest here, as it is a wonder how passion, and an ambitious desire of maintaining that Monarchy, should charm the wits of so famously learned a man.  
The Copy whereof here followeth.    

TO THE VERY REVEREND Mr. GEORGE BLACKWELL, ARCHPRIEST of the ENGLISH: ROBERT BELLARMINE Cardinal of the holy Church of Rome, Greeting.  
Reverend Sir, and brother in CHRIST; It is almost forty years since we did see one the other: but yet I have never been unmindful of our ancient acquaintance, neither have I ceased, seeing I could do you no other good, to commend your labouring most painfully in the Lord's Vineyard, in my prayers to God. And I doubt not, but that I have lived all this while in your memory, and have had some place in your prayers at the Lords Altar. So therefore even unto this time we have abidden, as S. john speaketh, in the mutual love one of the other, not by word or letter, but in deed and truth. But o'late message which was brought unto us within these few days, of your bonds and imprisonment, hath enforced me to break off this silence; which message, although it seemed heavy in regard of the loss which that Church hath received, by their being thus deprived of the comfort of your pastoral function amongst them, yet withal it seemed joyous, because you drew near unto the glory of Martyrdom, than the which gift of God there is none more happy; That you, who have fed your flock so many years with the word and doctrine, should now feed it more gloriously by the example of your patience. But another heavy tidings did not a little disquiet and almost take away this joy, which immediately followed, of the adversaries assault, and peradventure of the slip and fall of your constancy in refusing an unlawful Oath. Neither truly (most dear brother) could that Oath therefore be lawful, because it was offered in sort tempered and modified: for you know that those kind of modifications are nothing else, but sleights and subtleties of Satan, that the Catholic faith touching the Primacy of the Sea Apostolic, might either secretly or openly be shot at; for the which faith so many worthy Martyrs even in that very England itself, have resisted unto blood. For most certain it is, that in whatsoever words the Oath is conceived by the adversaries of the faith in that Kingdom, it tends to this end, that the Authority of the head of the Church in England, may be transferred from the successor of S. Peter, to the successor of King Henry the eight: For that which is pretended of the danger of the King's life, if the high Priest should have the same power in England, which he hath in all other Christian Kingdoms, it is altogether idle, as all that have any understanding, may easily perceive. For it was never heard of from the Church's infancy until this day, that ever any Pope did command, that any Prince, though an Heretic, though an Ethnic, though a persecutor, should be murdered; or did approve of the fact, when it was done by any other. And why, I pray you, doth only the King of England sear that, which none of all other the Princes in Christendom either doth fear, or ever did fear?  
But, as I said, these vain pretexts are but the traps and stratagems of Satan: Of which kind I could produce not a few out of ancient Stories, if I went about to write a Book and not an Epistle. One only for example sake, I will call to your memory. S. Gregorius Nazianzenus in his first Oration against julian the Emperor, reporteth, That he, the more easily to beguile the simple Christians, did insert the Images of the false gods into the pictures of the Emperor, which the Romans did use to bow down unto with a civil kind of reverence: so that no man could do reverence to the emperors picture, but withal he must adore the Images of the false gods; whereupon it came to pass that many were deceived. And if there were any that found out the emperors craft and refused to worship his picture, those were most grievously punished, as men that had contemned the Emperor in his Image. Some such like thing, me thinks, I see in the Oath that is offered to you; which is so craftily composed, that no man can detest Treason against the King and make profession of his Civil subjection, but he must be constramed perfidiously to deny the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea. But the servants of Christ, and especially the chief Priests of the Lord, aught to be so far from taking an unlawful Oath, where they may endamage the Faith, that they ought to beware that they give not the least suspicion of dissimulation that they have taken it, lest they might seem to have left any example of prevarication to faithful people. Which thing that worthy Eleazar did most notably perform, who would neither eat swine's flesh, nor so much as feign to have eaten it, although he saw the great torments that did hang over his head; lest, as himself speaketh in the second Book of the Maccabees, many young men might be brought through that simulation, to prevaricate with the Law. Neither did Basil the Great by his example, which is more fit for our purpose, carry himself less worthily toward Valens the Emperor. For as Theodoret writeth in his History, when the Deputy of that heretical Emperor did persuade Saint Basil, that he would not resist the Emperor for a little subtlety of a few points of doctrine; that most holy and prudent man made answer, That it was not to be endured, that the least syllable of God's word should be corrupted, but rather all kind of torment was to be embraced, for the maintenance of the Truth thereof. Now I suppose, that there wants not amongst you, who say that they are but subtleties of Opinions that are contained in the Oath that is offered to the Catholics, and that you are not to strius against the King's Authority for such a little matter. But there are not wanting also amongst you holy men like unto Basil the Great, which will openly avow, that the very lest syllable of God's divine Truth is not to be corrupted, though many torments were to be endured, and death itself set before you: Amongst whom it is meet, that you should be one, or rather the Standard bearer, and General to the rest. And whatsoever hath been the cause, that your Constancy hath quailed, whether it be the suddenness of your apprehension, or the bitterness of your persecution, or the imbecility of your old age: yet we trust in the goodness of God, and in your own long continued virtue, that it will come to pass, that as you seem in some part to have imitated the fall of Peter and Marcellinus, so you shall happily imitate their valour in recovering your strength, and maintaining the Truth: For if you will diligently weigh the whole matter with yourself, truly you shall see, it is no small matter that is called in question by this Oath, but one of the principal heads of our Faith, and foundations of Catholic Religion. For hear what your Apostle Saint Gregory the Great hath written in his 24. Epistle of his 11. Book. Let not the reverence due to the Apostolic Sea, be troubled by any man's presumption; for then the state of the members doth remain entire, when the Head of the Faith is not bruised by any injury: Therefore by Saint Gregory's testimony, when they are busy about disturbing or diminishing, or taking away of the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea; then are they busy about cutting off the very head of the faith, and dissolving of the state of the whole body, and of all the members. Which self same thing S. Le●● ●●th confirm in his third Sermon of his Assumption to the Popedom, when he saith; Our Lord had a special care of Peter, & prayed properly for Peter's faith, as though the state of others were more stable, when their Prince's mind was not to be overcome. Whereupon himself in his Epistle to the bishops of the province of Vienna, doth not doubt to affirm, that he is not partaker of the divine Mystery, that dare departed from the solidity of Peter; who also saith, That who thinketh the Primacy to be denied to that Sea, he can in no sort lessen the authority of it; but by being puffed up with the spirit of his own pride, doth cast himself headlong into hell. These and many other of this kind, I am very sure are most familiar to you: who besides many other books, have diligently read over the visible Monarchy of your own , a most diligent writer, and one who hath worthily deserved of the Church of England. Neither can you be ignorant, that these most holy and learned men, john bishop of Rochester, and Tho. Moor, within our memory, for this one most weighty head of doctrine, led the way to Martyrdom to many others, to the exceeding glory of the English nation. But I would put you in remembrance that you should take heart, and considering the weightiness of the cause, not to trust too much to your own judgement, neither be wise above that is meet to be wise: and if peradventure your fall have proceeded not upon want of consideration, but through human infirmity, & for fear of punishment and imprisonment, yet do not prefer a temporal liberty to the liberty of the glory of the Sons of God: neither for escaping a light & momentany tribulation, lose an eternal weight of glory, which tribulation itself doth work in you. You have fought a good fight a long time, you have well-near finished your course; so many years have you kept the faith: do not therefore lose the reward of such labours; do not deprive yourself of that crown of righteousness, which so long agone is prepared for you; Do not make the faces of so many yours both brethren and children ashamed. Upon you at this time are fixed the eyes of all the Church: yea also, you are made a spectacle to the world, to Angels, to men; Do not so carry yourself in this your last act, that you leave nothing but laments to your friends, and joy to your enemies. But rather on the contrary, which we assuredly hope, and for which we continually power forth prayers to God, display gloriously the banner of faith, and make to rejoice the Church, which you have made heavy; so shall you not only merit pardon at God's hands, but a Crown. Farewell. Quite you like a man, and let your heart be strengthened. From Rome the 28. day of September 1607.  
Your very Reverendships' brother and servant in Christ, Robert Bellarmine Cardinal.  

THE ANSWER TO THE CARDINAL'S LETTER.  
ANd now that I am to enter into the field against him by refuting his Letter, I must first use this protestation; That no desire of vainglory by matching with so learned a man, maketh me to undertake this task; but only the care and conscience I have, that such smooth Circe's charms and guilded pills, as full of exterior eloquence, as of inward untrewths, may not have that public passage through the world without an answer: whereby my reputation might unjustly be darkened, by such cloudy and foggy mists of untrewths and false imputations, the hearts of unstaid and simple men be misled, and the truth itself smothered.  
But before I come to the particular answer of this Letter, 
A great mistaking of the state of the Question, and case in hand.  I must here desire the world to wonder with me, at the committing of so gross an error by so learned a man as that he should have pained himself to have set down so elaborate a Letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken question: For it appeareth, that our English Fugitives, of whose inward society with him he so greatly vaunteth, have so fast hammered in his head the Oath of Supremacy, which hath ever been so great a scar unto them, as he thinking by his Letter to have refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof only paid the Oath of Supremacy, which was most in his head; as a man that being earnestly carried in his thoughts upon another matter, than he is presently in doing, will often name the matter or person he is thinking of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand.  
For as the Oath of Supremacy was devised for putting a difference between Papists, and them of our profession: so was this Oath, 
The difference between the Oath of Supremacy, and this of Allegiance.  which he would seem to impugn, ordained for making a difference between the civilly obedient Papists, and the perverse disciples of the Powder-Treason. Yet doth all his Letter run upon an invective against the compulsion of Catholics to deny the authority of S. Peter's successors, and in place thereof to acknowledge the Successors of King Henry the eight: For in K. Henry the eights time, was the Oath of Supremacy first made: By him were Thomas Moor and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it: From his time till now, have all the Princes of this land professing this Religion, successively in effect maintained the same: and in that Oath only is contained the King's absolute power, to be judge over all persons, aswell Civil as Ecclesiastical, excluding all foreign powers and Potentates to be judges within his dominions; whereas this last made Oath containeth no such matter, only meddling with the civil obedience of Subjects to their Sovereign, in mere temporal causes.  
And that it may the better appear, that whereas by name he seemeth to condemn the last Oath; yet indeed his whole Letter runneth upon nothing, but upon the condemnation of the Oath of Supremacy: I have here thought good to set down the said Oath, leaving it then to the discretion of every indifferent reader to judge, whether he doth not in substance only answer to the Oath of Supremacy, but that he gives the child a wrong name.  
I A B. do utterly testify and declare in my conscience, that the King's Highness is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm, and all other his highness Dominions and Countries, aswell in all Spiritual, or Ecclesiastical things or causes, as Temporal: And that no foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Potentate, hath or aught to have any jurisdiction, Power, Superiority, pre-eminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm. And therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, Powers, Superiorities and Authorities; and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highness, his Heirs and lawful Successors: and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, Privileges, pre-eminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the King's Highness, his Heirs and Successors, or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of the Realm: So help me God; and by the Contents of this book.  
And that the injustice, as well as the error of his gross mistaking in this point, may yet be more clearly discovered; I have also thought good to insert here immediately after the Oath of Supremacy, the contrary conclusions to all the points and Articles, whereof this other late Oath doth consist: whereby it may appear, what unreasonable and rebellious points he would drive my Subjects unto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is conceived: For he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of necessity hold all, or some of these propositions following.  
That I King JAMES, am not the lawful King of this Kingdom, and of all other my Dominions.  
That the Pope by his own authority may depose me: If not by his own authority, yet by some other authority of the Church, or of the Sea of Rome: If not by some other authority of the Church and Sea of Rome, yet by other means with others help, he may depose me.  
That the Pope may dispose of my Kingdoms and Dominions.  
That the Pope may give authority to some foreign Prince to invade my Dominions.  
That the Pope may discharge my Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to me.  
That the Pope may give licence to one, or more of my Subjects to bear arms against me.  
That the Pope may give leave to my Subjects to offer violence to my Person, or to my government, or to some of my Subjects.  
That if the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose me, my Subjects are not to bear Faith and Allegiance to me.  
If the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose me, my Subjects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crown.  
If the Pope shall give out any Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation against me, my Subjects by reason o● that Sentence, are not bound to reveal all Conspiracies and Treasons against me, which shall come to their hearing and knowledge.  
That it is not heretical and detestable to hold, that Princes being excommunicated by the Pope, may be either deposed or killed by their Subjects, or any other.  
That the Pope hath power to absolve my Subjects from this Oath, or from some part thereof.  
That this Oath is not administered to my Subjects, by a full and lawful authority.  
That this Oath is to be taken with Equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation; and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the true faith of a Christian man.  
These are the true and natural branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmative of all which negatives, 
Touching the pretended Council of Lateran. See Plat. In vita Innocen. III.  do neither concern in any case the Pope's Supremacy in Spiritual causes: nor yet were ever concluded, and defined by any complete general Council to belong to the Pope's authority; and their own school Doctors are at irreconcilable odds and jars about them.  
And that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole States setting down of this Oath, 
The Oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authority of ancient Counsels.  did not proceed from any new invention of our own, but as it is warranted by the word of GOD: so doth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand years agone, which a famous Council then, together with divers other Counsels, were so far from condemning (as the Pope now hath done this Oath) as I have thought good to set down their own words here in that purpose▪ whereby it may appear that I crave nothing now of my Subjects in this Oath, which was not expressly and carefully commanded then, by the Counsels to be obeyed without exception of persons. Nay not in the very particular point of Equivocation, 
The ancient Counsels provided for Equivocation. The difference between the ancient Counsels, and the Pope counseling of the Catholics.  which I in this Oath was so careful to have eschewed: but you shall here see the said Counsels in their Decrees, as careful to provide for the eschewing of the same; so as almost every point of that action, & this of ours shallbe found to have relation & agreeance one with the other, save only in this, that those old Counsels were careful and straight in commanding the taking of the same: whereas by the contrary, he that now vaunteth himself to be head of all Counsels, is as careful & straight in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance.  
The words of the Council be these:  
Hear our Sentence.  
Whosoever of us, 
Concil. Tolet. 4 can. 47. Anno 633.  or of all the people throughout all Spain, shall go about by any means of conspiracy or practice, to violate the Oath of his fidelity, which he hath taken for the preservation of his Country, or of the King's life; or who shall attempt to put violent hands upon the King; or to deprive him of his kingly power; or that by tyrannical presumption would usurp the Sovereignty of the Kingdom: Let him be accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels; and let him be made and declared a stranger from the Catholic Church, which he hath profaned by his perjury; and an alien from the company of all Christian people, together with all the complices of his impiety; because it behoveth all those that be guilty of the like offence, to under-lie the like punishment. Which sentence is three several times together, and almost in the same words, repeated in the same Canon. After this, the Synod desired, That this Sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed, might be confirmed by the voice and consent of all that were present. Then the whole Clergy and people answered, Whosoever shall carry himself presumptuously against this your definitive sentence, let them be Anathema maranatha, that is, let them be utterly destroyed at the Lords coming, and let them and their complices have their portion with judas Iscarioth. Amen.  
And in the fifth 
1 Concil. Tolet. 5. Can. 7. anno 636.  Council, there it is decreed, That this Act touching the Oath of Allegiance, shall be repeated in every Council of the Bishops of Spain. The Decree is in these words: In consideration that the minds of men are easily inclined to evil and forgetfulness, therefore this most holy Synod hath ordained; and doth enact, That in every Council of the Bishops of Spain, the Decree of the general 
2 Synod. Tolet 4. universalis, & magna Synodus dicta, Synod Tolet. 5. cap 2.  Council which was made for the safety of our Princes, shall be with an audible voice proclaimed and pronounced, after the conclusion of all other things in the Synod: That so it being often sounded into their ears, at least by continual remembrance, the minds of wicked men being terrified, might be reform, which by oblivion and facility [too evil] are brought to prevaricate.  
And in the sixth 
3 Concil. Tolet. 6. Can. 18. Anno 638.  Council, We do protest before God, and all the orders of Angels, in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles, and all the company of Martyrs, and before all the Catholic Church, and assemblies of the Christians; That no man shall go about to seek the destruction of the King: No man shall touch the life of the Prince: No man shall deprive him of the Kingdom: No man by any tyrannical presumption shall usurp to himself the Sovereignty of the Kingdom: No man by any Machination shall in his adversity associate to himself any pack of Conspirators against him: And that if any of us shall be presumptuous by rashness in any of these cases, let him be stricken with the anatheme of God, and reputed as condemned in eternal judgement without any hope of recovery.  
And in the tenth 
4 Concil. Tolet. 10. Can. 2. Aera 694.  Council (to omit divers others held also at Toledo) it is said: That if any religious man, even from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the Churchmen or Monks, shall be found to have violated the general Oaths made for the preservation of the King's Person, or of the Nation and Country with a profane mind; forth with let him be deprived of all dignity, and excluded from all place and Honour. The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath, was, That the Christians were suspected for want of fidelity to their Kings; and did either equivocate in taking their Oath, or make no conscience to keep it, when they had given it; as may appear by sundry speeches in the 
1 Concil. Tolet. 4. cap. 74.  Council, saying, There is a general report, that there is that perfidiousness in the minds of many people of divers Nations, that they make no conscience to keep the Oath and fidelity that they have sworn unto their Kings: but do dissemble a profession of fidelity in their mouths, when they hold an impious perfidiousness in their minds. And 
2 Concil. Tolet. 4. cap. 74.  again, They swear to their Kings, and yet do they prevaricate in the fidelity which they have promised: Neither do they fear the Volume of God's judgement, by the which the curse of God is brought upon them, with great threatening of punishments, which do swear lyingly in the Name of God. To the like effect spoke they in the Council of 
3 Concil. Aquisgran. sub Ludo Pio, & Greg. 4. Can. 12. anno 836.  Aquisgran: If any of the Bishops, or other Churchman of inferior degree, hereafter thorough fear or covetousness, or any other persuasion, shall make defection from our Lord the Orthodox Emperor Lodowicke, or shall violate the Oath of fidelity made unto him, or shall with their perverse intention adhere to his enemies; let him by this Canonical and synodal sentence be deprived of whatsoever place he is possessed of.  
And now to come to a particular answer of his Letter. First, as concerning the sweet memory he hath of his old acquaintance with the Archpriest; it may indeed be pleasing for him to recount: but sure I am, his acquaintance with him and the rest of his society, our Fugitives (whereof he also vaunteth himself in his Preface to the Reader in his Book of Controversies) hath proved sour to us and our State: For some of such Priests and jesuits, as were the greatest Traitors and fomenters of the greatest conspiracies against the late Queen, gave up Father Rob: 
Campian and Hart. See the conference in the Tower.  Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles: And therefore I do not envy the great honour he can win, by his vaunt of his inward familiarity with an other Prince's traitors & fugitives; whom unto if he teach no better manners than hitherto he hath done, I think his fellowship are little beholding unto him.  
And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the Altar of the Lord: if the Archpriests prayers prove no more profitable to his soul, than Bellarmine's counsel is like to prove profitable, both to the soul and body of Blackwell (if he would follow it) the author of this Letter might very well be without his prayers.  
Now the first messenger that I can find which brought joyful news of the Archpriest to Bellarmine, was he that brought the news of the Archpriests taking, and first appearance of Martyrdom. A great sign surely of the Cardinal's mortification, that he was so rejoiced to hear of the apprehension, imprisonment and appearance of putting to death of so old and dear a friend of his. But yet apparently he should first have been sure, that he was only to be punished for cause of Religion, before he had so triumphed upon the expectation of his Martyrdom. For first, by what rule of charity was it lawful for him to judge me a persecutor, 
The Cardinal's charity.  before proof had been made of it by the said Archpriests condemnation and death? What could he know, that the said Archpriest was not taken upon suspicion of his guiltiness in the Powder-Treason? What certain information had he then received upon the particulars, whereupon he was to be accused? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon he was to be accused? For at that time there was yet nothing laid to his charge. And if charity should not be suspicious, what warrant had he absolutely to condemn me of using persecution and tyranny, which could not be but implied upon me, if Blackwel was to be a Martyr? But surely it may justly be said of Bellarmine in this case, that our Saviour CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnal men, who think it enough to love their 
1 Mar. 5.43.  friends, and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinal's charity extending no farther, then to them of his own profession. For what ever he added in superfluous charity to Blackwel, in rejoicing in the speculation of his future Martyrdom; he detracted as much unjustly and uncharitably from me, in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody Persecutor. And whereas this joy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the news of the said Archpriest his failing in his constancy, by taking of this Oath; he needed never to have been troubled, either with his former joy or his second sorrow, both being alike falsely grounded. For as it was never my intention to lay any thing unto the said Archpriests charge, as I have never done to any for cause of conscience; so was Blackwels' constancy never brangled by taking of this Oath; It being a thing which he ever thought lawful before his apprehension, and whereunto he persuaded all Catholics to give obedience; like as after his apprehension, he never made doubt or stop in it; but at the first offering it unto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawful; neither means of threatening, or flattery being ever used unto him, as himself can yet bear witness.  
And as for the temperature and modification of this Oath, except that a reasonable and lawful matter is there set down in reasonable and temperate words, agreeing thereunto; I know not what he can mean, by quarreling it for that fault: For no temperateness nor modifications in words therein, can justly be called the devils craft; when the thing itself is so plain, and so plainly interpreted to all them that take it; as the only troublesome thing in it all, be the words used in the end thereof, for eschewing equivocation and Mental reservation. Which new Catholic doctrine, may far justlier be called the devils craft, than any plain and temperate words, in so plain and clear a matter. But what shall we say of these strange country clowns, whom of with the Satire we may justly complain, that they blow both hot & cold out of one mouth? For Luther and all our bold and free-speaking Writers are mightily railed upon by them, as hote-brained fellows, and speakers by the devils instinct: and now if we speak moderately and temperately of them, it must be termed the devils craft: And therefore we may justly complain with CHRIST, that when we 
1 Mat. 11.17.  mourn, they will not lament: and when we pipe, they will not dance. But neither john Baptist his severity, nor CHRIST his meekness and lenity can please them, who build but to their own Monarchy upon the ground of their own Traditions; and not to CHRIST upon the ground of his word and infallible truth.  
But what can be meant by alleging, that the craft of the Devil herein, is only used for subversion of the Catholic Faith, and eversion of Saint Peter's Primacy; had need be commented anew by Bellarmine himself: For in all this Letter of his, never one word is used, to prove that by any part of this Oath the Primacy of Saint Peter is any way meddled with, except Master Bellarmine his bare alleging; which without proving it by more clear demonstration, can never satisfy the conscience of any reasonable man. For (for aught that I know) heaven and earth are no farther asunder, than the profession of a temporal obedience to a temporal King, is different from any thing belonging to the Catholic Faith, or Supremacy of Saint Peter: For as for the Catholic Faith; 
No decision of any point of Religion in the Oath of Allegiance.  can there be one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion? Doth he that taketh it, promise there to believe, or not to believe any article of Religion? Or doth he so much as name a true or false Church there? And as for Saint Peter's Primacy; I know no Apostles name that is therein named, except the name of JAMES, it being my Christian name: though it please him not to deign to name me in all the Letter; albeit, the contents thereof concern me in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either disertis verbis, or by any other indirect means, either of the Hierarchy of the Church, of Saint Peter's succession, of the Sea Apostolic, or of any such matter: but that the Author of our Letter doth bravely make mention of Saint Peter's succession, bringing it in comparison with the succession of Henry the eight. Of which unapt and unmannerly similitude, I wonder he should not be much ashamed: For as to King Henry's Successor (which he meaneth by me) as I, I say, never did, nor will presume to create any Article of Faith, or to be judge thereof; but to submit my exemplary obedience unto them, in as great humility as the meanest of the land: so if the Pope could be as well able to prove his either Personal or Doctrinal Succession from Saint Peter, as I am able to prove my lineal descent from the Kings of England and Scotland; there had never been so long ado, nor so much stir kept about this question in Christendom; neither had 
2 Bellar. de Rom. Pont. li. 4. cap. 6. Ibid. l 2. ca 12.  Master Bellarmine himself needed to have bestowed so many sheets of paper De summo Pontifice, in his great books of Controversies: And when all is done, to conclude with a moral certitude, and a piè credendum; bringing in the 
3 Idem ibid. lib. 2. cap. 14.  Popes, that are parties in this cause, to be his witnesses: and yet their historical narration must be no article of Faith. And I am without vanterie sure, that I do far more nearly imitate the worthy actions of my Predecessors, than the Popes in our age can be well proved to be similes Petro, especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subjects from their Allegiance unto them.  
But now we come to his strongest argument, which is, That he would allege upon me a Panic terror, as if I were possessed with a needless fear: 
The Cardinal's weightiest Argument.  For, saith the Cardinal, from the beginning of the Churches first infancy, even to this day, where was it ever heard, that ever a Pope either commanded to be killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoever, whether he were an Heretic, an Ethnic, or Persecutor? But first, wherefore doth he here wilfully, and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing; degrading, stirring up of arms, or rebelling against them, which are as well mentioned in that Oath, as the kill of them? as being all of one consequence against a King, no Subject being so scrupulous, as that he will attempt the one, and leave the other unperformed if he can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it over, since he could not otherwise have eschewed the direct belying of himself in terms, which he now doth but in substance and effect: For 
1 Bellarm. de Rom Pont. lib. 5. cap. 8. et lib. 3. cap. 16.  as for the Pope's deposing and degrading of Kings, he maketh so brave vaunts and brags of it in his former books, as he could never with civil honesty have denied it here.  
But to return to the Pope's allowing of killing of Kings, I know not with what face he can set so stout a denial upon it against his own knowledge. How many Emperors did the Pope raise war against in their own bowels? Who as they were overcome in battle, were subject to have been killed therein, which I hope the Pope could not but have allowed, when he was so far enraged at 
2 Gotfrid. Viterb. Helmod. Cuspinian.  Henry the fifth for giving burial to his father's dead corpses, after the 
3 Paschal. 2.  Pope had stirred him up to rebel against his father, and procured his ruin. But leaving these old Histories to Bellarmine's own books, that do most authentically cite them, as I have already said, let us turn our eyes upon our own time, and therein remember what a panegyric 
4 See the Oration of S●xtus Quintus, made in the Consistory upon the death of Henry the 3.  Oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Friar and his fact, that murdered king Henry the third of France, who was so far from either being Heretic, Ethnic, or Persecutor in their account, that the said Popes own words in that Oration are, That a true Friar hath killed a counterfeit Friar. And besides that vehement Oration and congratulation for that fact, how near it scaped, that the said Friar was not canonised for that glorious act, is better known to Bellarmine and his followers, then to us here.  
But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not been more wise and circumspect in that errand, than the Pope himself was, the Popes own Calendar of his Saints would have sufficiently proved Bellarmin a liar in this case. And to draw yet nearer unto ourselves; how many practices and attempts were made against the late Queen's life, which were directly enjoined to those Traitors by their Confessors, and plainly authorized by the Pope's allowance? For verification whereof, there needs no more proof, then that never Pope either then or since, called any Churchman in question for meddling in any those treasonable conspiracies; nay, the Cardinals own S. Sanderus mentioned in his Letter, could well verify this truth, if he were alive; and who will look his books, will find them filled with no other doctrine than this. And what difference there is between the kill, or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring up and approbation of practices to kill them; I remit to Bellarmine's own judgement. It may then very clearly appear, how strangely this Author's passion hath made him forget himself, by implicating himself in so strong a contradiction against his own knowledge and conscience, against the witness of his former books, and against the practice of our own times. But who can wonder at this contradiction of himself in this point, when his own great Volumes are so filled with contradictions? which when either he, or any other shall ever be able to reconcile, I will then believe that he may easily reconcile this impudent strong denial of his in his Letter, of any Pope's meddling against Kings, with his own former books, as I have already said.  
And that I may not seem to imitate him in affirming boldly that which I no ways prove; I will therefore send the Reader to look for witnesses of his contradictions, in such places here mentioned in his own book. In his books of 
1 Bellar. de justif. lib. 5. cap. 7.  justification, there he affirmeth, That for the uncertainty of our own proper righteousness, and for avoiding of vainglory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodness of God; 
2 Contrary to all his five books the justificatione.  Which proposition of his, is directly contrary to the discourse, and current of all his five books the justificatione, wherein the same is contained.  
God doth not incline a man to evil, either 
3 Bellar. de amiss gra. & stat. pecca. li. 2. c. 13.  naturally or morally.  
Presently after, he affirmeth the contrary, That God doth not incline to evil naturally, but 
4 Ibidem paulò pòst.  morally.  
All the Fathers teach constantly, That 
5 Bellar. declericis, lib. 1. c. 14.  Bishops do succeed the Apostles, and Priests the seventy disciples.  
Elsewhere he affirmeth the contrary, That 
6 Bellar. de Pont. l. 4. c. 25.  Bishops do not properly succeed the Apostles.  
That 
7 Bellar. de Pont. lib. 1. c 12.  judas did not believe.  
Contrary, That 
8 Bellar. de justif. lib. 3. c. 14.  judas was just and certainly good.  
The keeping of the 
9 Bellar. de gra. & lib arbit. lib. 5. cap. 5.  Law according to the substance of the work, doth require that the Commandment be so kept, that sin be not committed, and the man be not guilty for having not kept the Commandment.  
Contrary, 
10 Eodem lib. cap. 9  It is to be known, that it is not all one, to do a good moral work, and to keep the Commandment according to the substance of the work: For the Commandment may be kept according to the substance of the work, even with sin; as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust, to the end that thieves might afterward take it from him.  

1 Bellar. de Pont. lib 4 c. 3.  Peter did not lose that faith, whereby the heart believeth unto justification.  
Contrary, 
2 Bell. de Iust. lib. 3. cap. 14.  Peter's sin was deadly.  

3 3 Bell. de Rom Pontif. lib 3. cap. 14.  Antichrist shall be a Magician, and after the manner of other Magicians shall secretly worship the devil.  

4 Ibid. ex sentent. Hypol. & Cyril & cap. 12. eiusdem libri.  Contrary, He shall not admit of idolatry: he shall hate idols, and re-edify the Temple.  
By the words of 
5 Bell. lib. 1. de missa. cap. 17.  Consecration the true and solemn oblation is made.  
Contrary, The sacrifice doth not consist in the words: but in the 
6 Bellar. de miss lib. 2. cap. 12.  oblation of the thing itself.  

7 Bellar. de anim. Christ. lib. 4. cap. 5.  That the end of the world cannot be known.  

8 Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 17.  Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall be but five and forty days till the end of the world.  

9 Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 13.  That the ten Kings shall burn the scarlet Whore, that is, Rome.  

10 Bellar. ibid.  Contrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burn it.  

11 Bellar. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31.  The name of universal Bishop may be understood two ways; one way, that he which is said to be universal Bishop, may be thought to be the only Bishop of all Christian Cities; so that all others are not indeed Bishops, but only Vicars to him, who is called universal Bishop: in which sense, the Pope is not univershall Bishop.  
Contrary, All ordinary 
12 Bellar. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 24.  jurisdiction of Bishops doth descend immediately from the Pope; and is in him, and from him is derived to others. Which few places I have only selected amongst many the like, that the discreet and judicious Reader may discern ex ungue Leonem: For when ever he is pressed with a weighty objection, he never careth, nor remembreth how his solution and answer to that, may make him gainsay his own doctrine in some other places, so it serve him for a shift to put off the present storm withal.  
But now to return to our matter again: Since Popes, sayeth he, have never at any time meddled against Kings, wherefore, I pray you, should only the King of ENGLAND be afraid of that, whereof never Christian King is, or was afraid? Was never Christian Emperor or King afraid of the Popes? How then were these miserable Emperors tossed and turmoiled, and in the end utterly ruined by the Popes: for proof whereof I have already cited Bellarmine's own books? Was not the 
13 Henry 4.  Emperor afraid, who 
14 Abbas V●spergen. Lamb Scaff. Anno 1077. Plat. in vit. Greg. 7.  waited barefooted in the frost and snow three days at the Pope's gate, before he could get entry? Was not the 
15 Frederick Barbarosia.  Emperor also afraid, 
16 Naucler. gener, 40. jacob. Bergom. in Supplem. chron. Alfons. Clacon. in vit. Alex. 3.  who was driven to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread upon his neck? And was not another 
17 Henry 6.  Emperor afraid, 
18 R. Hoveden in Rich 1 Ranulph in Polycronico. lib. 7.  who was constrained in like manner to endure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Imperial Crown with his foot? Was not 
19 Abbas Vrsper. ad Ann. 1191. Nanc. gen. 40. Cuspin. in Philippo.  Philip afraid, being made Emperor against Pope Innocentius the thirds good liking, when he broke out into these words, Either the Pope shall take the Crown from Philip, or Philip shall take the Mitre from the Pope? whereupon the Pope stirred up Ottho against him, who caused him to be slain; and presently went to Rome, and was crowned Emperor by the Pope, though afterward the Pope 
1 Abbas Vrsper.  deposed him too. Was not the Emperor 
2 Math. Paris. in Henr. 3. Petr de Vineis, Epist. li. 1. & 2. Cuspin in Freder. 2.  Frederick afraid, when Innocentius the fourth excommunicated him, deprived him of his crown, absolved Princes of their Oath of fidelity to him, and in Apulia corrupted one to give him poison? whereof the Emperor recovering, he hired his bastard son Manfredus to poison him; whereof he died. What did 
3 Vita Frederici Germanicè conscripta.  Alexander the third write to the Sultan? That if he would live quietly, he should by some slight murder the 
4 Frederick Barbarossa.  Emperor; and to that end sent him the emperors picture. And did not 
5 Paul. iovius, Hist. lib. 2. Cuspinian. in Bajazet. 11. Guicc●ard. lib 2.  Alexander the sixth take of the Turk Baiazetes two hundred thousand crowns to kill his brother Gemen; or as some call him, Sisimus, whom he held captive at Rome? Did he not accept of the conditions to poison the man, and had his pay? Was not our 
6 Hoveden, pag. 308. Matth. Paris. in Henric 2. Walsinga. in Hypodig. Neustriae. joan. Capgrave.  Henry the second afraid after the slaughter of Thomas Becket; that besides his going barefooted in Pilgrimage, was whipped up and down the Chapterhouse like a schoolboy, and glad to escape so to? Had not this French King his great grandfather King john reason to be afraid, when the 
7 Gomecius de rebus gest. Fran. Ximenij Archiepis. Tolet. lib. 5.  Pope gave away his kingdom of Navarre to the King of Spain, whereof he yet possesseth the best half? Had not this King, his Successor reason to be afraid, when he was forced to beg so submissively the relaxation of his Excommunication, as he was content likewise to suffer his Ambassador to be whipped at Rome for penance? And had not the late Queen reason to look to herself, when she was excommunicated by Pius Quintus, her Subjects loosed from their fidelity and Allegiance toward her, her Kingdom of Ireland given to the King of Spain, and that famous fugitive divine, honoured with the like degree of a red Hat as Bellarmine is, was not ashamed to publish in Printan 
8 Card. Allens Answer to Stan. letter, Anno 1587.  Apology for Stanleys' treason, maintaining, that by reason of her excommunication and heresy, it was not only lawful for any of her Subjects, but even they were bound in conscience to deprive her of any strength, which lay in their power to do? And whether it were armies, towns, or fortresses of hers which they had in their hands, they were obliged to put them in the King of Spain her enemy's hands, she no more being the right owner of anything? But albeit it be true, that wise men are moved by the examples of others dangers to use providence and caution, according to the old Proverb, Tumtuares agitur, paries cùm proximus ardet: yet was I much neerlier summoned to use this caution, by the practice of it in mine own person.  
First, by the sending forth of these Bulls whereof I made mention already, for debarring me from entry unto this Crown, and Kingdom. And next after my entry, and full possession thereof, by the horrible Powder-treason, which should have bereft both me and mine, both of crown and life. And howsoever the Pope will seem to clear himself of any allowance of the said Powder-treason, yet can it not be denied, that his principal ministers here, and his chief Mancipia the jesuits, were the plain practisers thereof: for which the principal of them hath died confessing it, and other have fled the Country for the crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: and yet neither these that fled out of this Country for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Low-countrieses, was of counsel in it, were ever called to account for it by the Pope; much less punished for meddling in so scandalous and enormous business. And now what needs so great wonder and exclamation, that the only King of England feareth: And what other Christian King doth, or ever did fear but he? As if by the force of his rhetoric he could make me and my good Subjects to mistrust our senses, deny the Sun to shine at midday, and not with the serpent to stop our cares to his charming, but to the plain and visible verity itself. And yet for all this wonder, he can never prove me to be troubled with such a Panic terror. Have I ever importuned the Pope with any request for my security? Or have I either troubled other Christian Princes my friends and allies, to entreat for me at the Pope's hand? Or yet have I begged from them any aid or assistance for my farther security? No. All this wondredat fear of mine, stretcheth no further, then wisely to make distinction between the sheep and goats in my own pasture. For since, what ever the Pope's part hath been in the Powder-treason; yet certain it is, that all these caitiff monsters did to their death maintain, that only zeal of Religion moved them to that horrible attempt: yea, some of them at their death, would not crave pardon at God or King for their offence; exhorting other of their followers to the like constancy. Had not we then, and our Parliament great reason, by this Oath to set a mark of distinction between good Subjects, and bad? Yea, between Papists, though peradventure zealous in their religion, yet otherwise civilly honest and good Subjects, and such terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintain the like maxims, which these Powder-men did? Nay, could there be a more gracious part in a King, suppose I say it, towards Subjects of a contrary Religion, then by making them to take this Oath, to publish their honest fidelity in temporal things to me their Sovereign, and thereby to wipe off that imputation and great slander which was laid upon the whole professors of that Religion, by the furious enterprise of these Powder-men?  
And whereas for illustration of this strong argument of his, he hath brought in for a similitude the history of 
1 Nazianzen. in julian. ●●ectiuâ primâ.  julian the Apostata his dealing with the Christians, when as he straited them either to commit idolatry, or to come within the compass of treason: I would wish the author to remember, that although a similitude may be permitted claudicare uno pede; 
The disproportion of the Cardinal's similitude.  yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of feet and hands, and every member of the body: For I shall in few words prove, that it agreeth in no one point save one, with our purpose, which is, that julian was an Emperor, and I a King. First, julian was an Apostata, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which he had once professed, and became an Ethnic again, or rather an Atheist: whereas I am a Christian, who never changed that Religion, that I drank in with my milk: nor ever, I thank GOD, was ashamed of my profession. julian dealt against Christians only for the profession of CHRIST'S cause: I deal in this cause with my Subjects, only to make a distinction between true Subjects, and falese-hearted traitors. julians' end was the overthrow of the Christians: my only end is, to maintain Christianity in a peaceable government. julians' drift was to make them commit Idolatry: my purpose is, to cause my Subjects to make open profession of their natural Allegiance, and civil Obedience. julians' means whereby he went about it, was by craft, and ensnaring them before they were aware: my course in this is plain, clear, and void of all obscurity; never refusing leave to any that are required to take this Oath, to study it at leisure, and giving them all the interpretation of it they can crave. But the greatest dissimilitude of all, is in this: that julian pressed them to commit idolatry to Idols and Images: but as well I, as all the Subjects of my profession are so far from guilt in this point, as we are counted heretics by you, because we will not commit idolatry. So as in the main point of all, is the greatest contrariety. For, julian persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatry; and ye count me a persecutor, because I will not admit idolatry: So as to conclude this point, this old sentence may well be applied to Bellarmine, in using so unapt a similitude,  Perdere quos vult jupiter, hos dementat. 
And therefore his uncharitable conclusion doth not rightly follow: That it seemeth unto him, that some such thing should be subtly or fraudulently included in this Oath; as if no man can detest Treason against the King, or profess civil subjection, except he renounce the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea. But how he hath sucked this apprehension out at his finger's ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I have oft said, he never goeth about to prove it: and to answer an improbable imagination, is to fight against a vanishing shadow. It cannot be denied indeed, that many servants of CHRIST, as well Priests, as others, have endured constantly all sorts of torments, and death, for the profession of CHRIST: and therefore to all such his examples, as he bringeth in for verifying the same, I need not to give him any other answer, save only to remember him, that he playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constancy of Martyrs; ever taking Controversum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature.  
But yet that the Reader may the better discover, not only how unaptly his similitudes are applied, but likewise how dishonestly he useth himself in all his citations: I have thought good to set down the very places themselves cited by him, together with a short deduction of the true state of those particular cases: whereby, how little these examples can touch our case; nay, by the contrary, how rightly their true sense may be used, as our own weapons to be thrown back upon him that allegeth them, shall easily appear. And first, for 
1 2. Maccab. chap. 6. ver. 18.  Eleazar: If the Archpriest his ground of refusing the Oath, were as good as Eleazar's was, to forbear to eat the swine's flesh, it might not unfitly be applied by the Cardinal to this purpose: 
An answer to the Card example of Eleazar.  For as Eleazar was a principal Scribe, so is he a principal Priest: As Eleazar's example had a great force in it, to animate the younger Scribes to keep the Law, or in his colourable eating it, to have taught them to dissemble: so hath the Archpriests, either to make the inferior Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground failing, the building cannot stand: For what example is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedience to the Oath of the King, or want of Allegiance is allowed? If the Cardinal would remember, that when the Church maketh a Law (suppose to forbidden flesh on certain days) he that refuseth to obey it, incurreth the just censure of the Church: If a man then ought to die rather than to break the least of God's Ceremonial Laws, and to pine and starve his body, rather than to violate the Church his positive Law: will he not give leave to a man to redeem his soul from sin, and to keep his body from punishment, by keeping a King's politic Law, and by giving good example in his Person, raise up a good opinion in me of like Allegiance in the inferior of his order? This application, as I take it, would have better fitted this example.  
But let me remember the Cardinal of another 
2 1. Sam. 14.25.  Oath enjoined by a King to his people, whereby he endangered his own life, and hazarded the safety of the whole army, when he made the people swear in the morning, not to taste of any meat until night: which Oath he exacted so strictly, that his eldest son, and heir apparent, jonathan, for breaking of it, by tasting a little honey of the top of his rod, though he heard not when the King gave that Oath, had well-nigh died for it. And shall an Oath given upon so urgent an occasion as this was, for the apparent safety of me and my posterity, forbidding my people to drink so deeply in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornications, but that they may keep so much honey in their hearts, as may argue them still espoused to me their Sovereign in the main knot of true Allegiance; shall this Law, I say, by him be condemned to hell for a stratagem of Satan? I say no more, but God's lot in the Oath of saul's, and Bellarmine's verdict upon this Oath of ours, seem not to be cast out of one lap.  
Now to this example of 
3 Theodoret. lib. 4. cap. 19 An answer to the Card. example of S. Basil.  Basill, which is (as he saith) so fit for his purpose: First, I must observe, that if the Cardinal would leave a common and ordinary trick of his in all his Citations, which is to take what makes for him, and leave out what makes against him; and cite the Authors sense, as well as his Sentence, we should not be so much troubled with answering the Ancients which he allegeth. To instance it in this very place: if he had continued his allegation one line further, he should have found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to have moved Blackwell to take the Oath, then to have dissuaded him from it: For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris quidem amicitiam magnise pendere, cum pietaet; quâremotâ, perniciosam esse dicere. But that it may appear, whether of us have greatest right to this place, I will in few words show the Authors drift.  
The Emperor Valens being an Arrian, at the persuasion of his wife, when he had deprived all the Churches of their Pastors, came to Caesarea, where 
1 Theodoret. lib. 4 cap. 19  S. Basil was then Bishop, who, as the history reporteth, was accounted the Light of the world. Before he came, he sent his 
2 Mode●●●● as Nazia●z●● upon the dë●t. of Basill calleth him in his oration  deputy to work it, that S. Basil should hold fellowship with Eudoxius (which 
3 Look cap. 12. eiusd●m libri.  Eudoxius was bishop of Constantinople, and the principal of the Arrian faction) or if he would not, that he should put him to banishment. Now when the emperors Deputy came to Caesarea, he sent for Basil, entreated him honourably, spoke pleasingly unto him, desired he would give way to the time, neither that he would hazard the good of so many Churches tenui exquisitione dogmatis: promised him the emperors favour, and himself to be mediator for his good. But S. Basill answered, These enticing speeches were fit to be used to children, that use to gape after such things: but for them that were thoroughly instructed in God's word, they could never suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted: Nay, if need required, they would for the maintenance thereof refuse no kind of death. Indeed the love of the Emperor ought to be greatly esteemed with piety; but piety taken away, it was pernicious.  
This is the truth of the history. Now compare the case of Basill with the Archpriests: Basill was solicited to become an Arrian: the Arch priest not once touched for any article of faith. Basill would have obeyed the Emperor, but that the word of GOD forbade him: this man is willed to obey, because the word of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the emperors favour, if it might have stood with piety: the Archpriest is exhorted to reject it, though it stand with true godliness in deed, to embrace it. But that he may lay load upon the Archpriest, 
The Cardinal assimilating of the Archpr. case to S. Peter's, and Marcellinus, considered.  it is not sufficient to exhort him to courage and constancy by Eleazarus and Basils' examples; but he must be utterly cast down with the comparing his fall to S. Peter, and Marcellinus: which two men's cases were the most fearful, considering their persons and places, that are to be found, or read of, either in all the books of divine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiastical histories; the one denying the only true GOD, the other our Lord and Saviour JESUS CHRIST; the one sacrificing to Idols, with the profane heathen: the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hardhearted jews. Unless the Cardinal would drive the Archpriest to some horror of conscience, and pit of despair, I know not what he can mean by this comparison: For sure I am, all that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but wonder to hear of an Oath of Allegiance to a natural Sovereign, to be likened to an apostates denying of God, and forswearing of his Saviour.  
But to let pass the Disdiapason of the cases (as his ill-favoured coupling S. Peter the head of their Church, with an apostate Pope) I marvel he would remember this example of 
1 Look Platina in vita Marcellini.  Marcellinus, since his brother Cardinal Baronius, and the late Edition of the Counsels by 
2 Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 222. Look Baronius, Ann. 302. num. 96.  Binnius seem to call the credit of the whole history into question, saying, That it might plainly be refuted, and that it is probably to be showed, that the story is but obreptious, but that he would not serve from the common received opinion.  
And if a man might have leave to conjecture; so would his Cardinalship too, if it were not for one or two sentences in that Council of Sinuessa, 
See Tom. 1. Concil. in Act. Concil. Sinuess.  which served for his purpose; namely, that Prima sedes à nemine judicatur: And, judica causam tuam: nostrâ sententiâ non condemnaberis. But to what purpose a great Council (as he terms it) of three hundred Bishops and others, should meet together, who before they met, knew they could do nothing; when they were there, did nothing, but like Cuckoos, sing over and over the same song: that, Prima sedes à nemine judicatur; and so after three days sitting (along time indeed for a great and grave Council) broke so bluntly up: and yet, that there should be seventy two witnesses brought against him, and that they should subscribe his excommunication, and that at his own mouth he took the Anathema maranatha: how these untoward contradictions shall be made to agree, I must send the Cardinal to Venice, to Padre Paulo, who in his 
3 Apol. Pat. Paul. adversus opposite. Card. Bellar.  Apology against the Cardinal's oppositions, hath handled them very learnedly.  
But from one Pope, 
An answer to the place alleged out of S. Gregory.  let us pass to another: (for, what a principal article of Faith and Religion this Oath is, I have already sufficiently proved.) Why he called S. 
4 Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42.  Gregory our Apostle, I know not, unless perhaps it be, for that he sent 
5 Beda Ecclesi Hist. gen. Ang. lib. 1 cap. 25.  Augustine the Monk and others with him into England, to convert us to the faith of Christ, wherein I wish the Popes his successors would follow his pattern: For albeit he sent them by divine revelation (as he said) into England unto King Ethelbert; yet when they came, they exercised no part of their function, but by the King's leave and permission. So did King 
6 Beda Ecclesi. Hist gen. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 4.  Lucius send to Eleutherius his predecessor, and he sent him divers Bishops, who were all placed by the King's authority. These converted men to the faith, and taught them to obey the King. And if the Popes in these days would but insist in these steps of their forefathers; then would they not entertain Prince's fugitives abroad, nor send them home, not only without my leave, but directly against the Laws, with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion, to draw Subjects from their obedience to me their natural King: nor be so cruel to their own Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in jealousy of them; or them in hazard of their own lives. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinal will have him so called) I persuade myself I should do a good service to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reap this one fruit of it, to move the Cardinal to deal faithfully with the Fathers, & never to allege their opinions against their own purpose: For, this letter of Gregorius was written to john Bishop of 
7 Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42.  Palermo in Sicily, to whom he granted usum pallij, to be worn in such times, and in such order as the Priests in the I'll of Sicily, and his predecessors were wont to use: and withal giveth him a caveat, That the reverence to the Apostolic Sea, be not disturbed by the presumption of any: for then the state of the members doth remain sound, when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any injury, and the authority of the Canons always remain safe and sound.  
Now let us examine the words. The Epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to grant him the use of the Pall; a ceremony and matter indifferent. As it appeareth, the Bishop of Rome took it well at his hands, that he would not presume to take it upon him without leave from the Apostolic Sea, giving him that admonition which followeth in the words alleged out of him: which doctrine we are so far from impugning, that we altogether approve and allow of the same, that whatsoever ceremony for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrate, and the Church, the same ought inviolably to be kept: and where the head and governor in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needs run to hellish confusion: But that Gregory by that term, caput fidei, held himself the head of our faith, and the head of all religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings: For first, when an 
1 john of Constantinople. See Greg. lib. 4. Ep●st●. 2  other would have had this style to be called universalis Episcopus, he said, 
2 Lib. 6. Epist. 30.  I do confidently avouch, that whosoever calleth himself, or desireth to be called Universal Bishop, in this advancing of himself, is the forerunner of the Antichrist: which notwithstanding was a style far inferior to that of Caput fidei. And when it was offered to himself, the words of S. Gregory be these, refusing that Title: 
3 Greg. lib. 4. epist. 32. & 36.  None of my predecessors [Bishop's of Rome,] ever consented to use this profane name [of universal Bishop.] None of my predecessors ever took upon him this name of singularity, neither consented to use it, We the Bishops of Rome do not seek, nor yet accept this glorious title, being offered unto us. And now, I pray you, would he that refused to be called Universal Bishop, be styled Caput fidei, unless it were in that sense, as I have expressed? which sense if he will not admit, give me leave to say that of Gregory, which himself saith of 
4 Bellar. de Rom Pont lib. 2. cap. 10.  Lyra, Minus cautè locutus est: or which he elsewhere saith of Chrysostome, 
5 Idem lib. 2. de Missa, cap. 10.  Locutus est per excessum. To redeem therefore our Apostle out of his hands, and to let him remain ours, and not his in this case; it is very true that he saith in that sense he spoke it. When ye go about to disturb, diminish, or take away the authority or supremacy of the Church, which resteth on the head of the King, within his dominions, ye cut off the head and chief governor thereof, and disturb the state and members of the whole body. And for a conclusion of this point, I pray him to think, that we are so well persuaded of the good mind of our Apostle S. Gregory to us, that we desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals, than our Apostle S. Gregory desired 
6 Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1.  Sabinian to suggest unto the Emperor and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is, of which I would have you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and Master: That if I his servant would have had my hand in slaying of the Lombard's, at this day the Nation of the Lombard's had neither had King, nor Dukes, nor Earls, and had been divided asunder in utter confusion; but because I fear God, I dread to have my hand in the blood of any man.  
And thus having answered to S. Gregory, 
An answer to the authority out of Leo.  I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that he may see, I have not in the former citations, quarreled him like a Sophister for contention sake, but for finding out of the truth, I do grant, that the authorities out of 
1 Leo primus in die assump. suae ad Pont. serm. 3. Leo Epist. 89. ad Episc. Vien. Idem ibid. ca 2.  Leo, are rightly alleged all three, the words truly set down, together with his true intent and purpose: but withal, let me tell him, and I appeal unto his own conscience, whether I speak not truly, that what Tully said to 
2 Cic. in Hort.  Hortensius, when he did immoderately praise eloquence, that he would have lift her up to Heaven, that himself might have gone up with her; So his S. Leo lift up S. Peter with praises to the sky, that he being his 
3 For so he calleth himself in serm. 1. in die assum.  heir, might have gone up with him: For his S. Leo was a great Orator, who by the power of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both 
4 Ex breniario Romano.  Attilas' and Gensericus would have burnt it.  
Some fruits of this rhetoric he bestowed upon S. Peter, saying, The Lord 
5 Epist. 89.  did take Peter into the fellowship of the indivisible unity: which words being coupled to the sentence alleged by the Cardinal (that he hath no part in the divine Mystery, that dare departed from the solidity of Peter) should have given him, I think, such a scar, as he should never have dared to have taken any advantage by the words immediately preceding, for the benefit of the Church of Rome, and the head thereof; since those which immediately follow, are so much derogatory to the divine Majesty. And again, My 
6 Epist. 52.  writings be strengthened by the authority and merit of my Lord, most blessed S. Peter. We 
7 Epist. 89.  beseech you to keep the things decreed by us through the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed S. Peter. If 
8 In serm. 2. in die anniver. assum. suae.  any thing be well done, or decreed by us; If any thing be obtained of God's mercy by daily prayers, it is to be ascribed to S. Peter's works and merits, whose power doth live, and authority excel in his own Sea. He 
9 Serm. 3. in die anniver. assump. suae.  was so plentifully watered of the very fountain of all graces, that whereas he received many things alone, yet nothing passeth over to any other, but he was partaker of it. And in a word, he was so desirous to extol Saint Peter, that a messenger from him was an 
10 Epist. 24.  embassage from Saint Peter: 
11 Epist. 4.  any thing done in his presence, was in S. Peter's presence. Neither did he use all this Rhetoric without purpose: for at that time the Patriarch of Constantinople contended with him for Primacy. And in the Council of 
12 Concil. Chalceden. Act. 16. & Can. 28.  Chalcedon, the Bishops, six hundred and more, gave equal authority to the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not admit any Privilege to the Sea of Rome above him; but went against him. And yet he that gave so much to Peter, took nothing from Caesar; but gave him both his Titles and due, giving the power of calling a Council to the Emperor; as it may appear by these one or two places following of many. If it may please your 
13 Epist 9 Theodosie.  godliness to vouchsafe at our supplication to condescend, that you will command a Council of Bishops to be holden within Italy. And writing unto the Bishop of Constantinople: Because the most clement 
1 Epist. 16. Flan.  Emperor, careful of the peace of the Church, will have a Council to be holden; albeit it evidently appear, the matter to be handled doth in no case stand in need of a Council. And again, Albeit 
2 Epist. 17. Theodosie.  my occasions will not permit me to be present upon the day of the Council of Bishops, which your godliness hath appointed. So as by this it may well appear, that he that gave so much to Peter, gave also to Caesar his due and prerogative. But yet he playeth not fair play in this, that even in all these his wrong applied arguments and examples, he produceth no other witnesses, but the parties themselves; bringing ever the Pope's sentences for approbation of their own authority.  
Now indeed for one word of his in the midst of his examples, I cannot but greatly commend him; that is, that Martyrs ought to endure all sorts of tortures and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God. Which lesson, if he and all the rest of his own profession would apply to themselves, than would not the Sacrament be administered sub unâ specie, directly contrary to Christ's institution, the practice of the Apostles and of the whole Primitive Church for many hundred years: then would not the private Masses be in place of the lords Supper: then would not the words of the 
3 Bellar. de sacra Encharist. lib. 4. cap. 14.  Canon of the Mass be opposed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke, as our Adversary himself confesseth, and cannot reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundreths other traditions of men be set up in their Church, not only as equal, but even preferred to the word of God. But sure in this point I fear I have mistaken him: for I think he doth not mean by his Divina Dogmata, the word of the God of heaven, but only the Canons and Laws of his Dominus Deus Papa: otherwise all his Primacy of the Apostolic Sea would not be so much sticken upon, having so slender ground in the word of God.  
And for the great fear he hath, that the suddenness of the apprehension, the bitterness of the persecution, the weakness of his age, and other such infirmities might have been the cause of the Archpriests fall; in this, I have already sufficiently answered him; having declared, as the truth is, and as the said Blackwell himself will yet testify, that he took this Oath freely of himself, without any inducement thereunto, either Precibus or Minis.  
But amongst all his citations, 
Some of Sanders his worthy sayings remembered.  he must not forget holy Sanderus and his visibilis Monarchia, whose person and actions I did already a little touch. And surely who will with unpartial eyes read his books, they may well think, that he hath deserved well of his English Romane-Church; but they can never think, but that he deserved very ill of his English Sovereign and State: Witness his own books; whereout I have made choice to set down here these few sentences following, as flowers picked out of so worthy a garland. 
4 Sand de visib. Monar. lib. 6. cap. 4.  Elizabeth Queen of ENGLAND, doth exercise the Priestly act of teaching and preaching the Gospel in ENGLAND, with no less authority than Christ himself, or Moses ever did. The supremacy of a 
5 Sand de clau. David. li. 6. c. 1.  woman in Church matters is from no other, then from the Devil. And of all things in general thus he speaketh, The 
1 Sand. de visib. Monar. lib. 2. cap. 4.  King that will not enthrall himself to the Pope's authority, be ought not to be tolerated; but his Subjects ought to give all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoon as may be. A King that is an 
2 Ibidem.  Heretic, aught to be removed from the Kingdom that he holdeth over Christians; and the Bishops ought to endeavour to set up another, assoon as possibly they can. We do constantly 
3 Ibidem.  affirm, that all Christian Kings are so far under Bishops and Priests in all matters appertaining to faith, that if they shall continue in a fault against Christian Religion, after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may and aught to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporal authority they hold over Christians. 
4 Ibidem.  Bishops are set over temporal kingdoms, if those kingdoms do submit themselves to the faith of Christ. We do justly 
5 Sand. de clan. David. li. 5. c. 2.  affirm, that all Secular power, whether Regal, or any other, is of men. The 
6 Ibidem.  anointing which is powered upon the head of the King by the Priest, doth declare that he is inferior to the Priest. It is altogether against the will of 
7 Sand. de clan. David. li. 5. c. 4.  Christ, that Christian kings should have supremacy in the Church.  
And whereas for the crown and conclusion of all his examples, 
The Cardinal's pair of Martyrs weighed.  he reckoneth his two English Martyrs, Moor and Roffensis, who died for that one most weighty head of doctrine, as he allegeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacy; I must tell him, that he hath not been well informed in some material points, which do very nearly concern his two said Martyrs: For it is clear and apparently to be proved by divers Records, that they were both of them committed to the Tower about a year before either of them was called in question upon their lives, for the Pope's Supremacy; And that partly for their backwardness in the point of the establishment of the King's succession, whereunto the whole Realm had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the matter of the holy 
8 Called Elizabeth Barton. See the Act of Parliament.  maid of Kent; he being for his concealment of that false prophets abuse, found guilty of misprision of Treason. And as these were the principal causes of their imprisonment (the King resting secure of his Supremacy, as the Realm stood then affected, but especially troubled for settling the Crown upon the issue of his second marriage) so was it easily to be conceived, that being thereupon discontented, their humours were thereby made apt to draw them by degrees, to further opposition against the King and his authority, as indeed it fell out: For in the time of their being in prison, the King's lawful authority in cases Ecclesiastical being published and promulged, as well by a general decree of the Clergy in their Synod, as by an Act of Parliament made thereupon; they behaved themselves so peevishly therein, as the old coals of the King's anger being thereby raked up of new, they were again brought in question; as well for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his supremacy, as for the matter of the King's marriage and succession, as by the confession of one of themselves, even Thomas Moor, is evident: For being condemned, he used these words at the bar before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaveritis; videlicet ob id, 
Histor. aliquet Martyrum nostri seculi, Anno 1550.  quòd nunquam voluerim assentiri in negotio matrimonij Regis. That is, I am not ignorant why you have adjudged me to death: to wit, for that I would never consent in the business of the new marriage of the King. By which his own confession it is plain, that this great martyr himself took the cause of his own death, to be only for his being refractory to the King in this said matter of Marriage and Succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of Martyrdom, as I conceive.  
And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr (who could have been content to have taken the Oath of the King's Supremacy, with a certain modification, which Moor refused) as his imprisonment was neither only, nor principally for the cause of Supremacy, so died he but a halting and a singular Martyr or witness for that most weighty head of doctrine; the whole Church of England going at that time, in one current and stream as it were against him in that Argument, divers of them being of far greater reputation for learning and sound judgement, than ever he was. So as in this point we may well arm ourselves with the Cardinals own reason, where he giveth amongst other notes of the true Church, Universality for one, we having the general and Catholic conclusion of the whole Church of England, on our side in this case, as appeareth by their book set out by the whole Convocation of England, called, The Institution of a Christian man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by divers particular learned men of our Church, as by Steven Gardiner in his book De vera obedientia, with a Preface of Bishop Boners adjoining to it, De summo & absoluto Regis Imperio, published by M. Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesiasticae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop longland's Sermon, the letter of Tonstall to Cardinal Poole, and divers other both in English and Latin. And if the bitterness of Fisher's discontentment had not been fed with his daily ambitious expectation of the Cardinal's hat, which came so near as Calis before he lost his head to fill it with, I have great reason to doubt, if he would have constantly persevered in enduring his Martyrdom for that one most weighty head of doctrine.  
And surely these two Captains and ringleaders to Martyrdom were but ill followed by the rest of their countrymen: for I can never read of any after them, being of any great account, and that not many, that ever sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the true causes of their first falling in trouble (whereof I have already made mention) being rightly considered upon the one part, and upon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed it, (a point so greatly accounted of by our Cardinal) there can but small glory redound thereby to our English nation, these only two, Enoch and Elias, serving for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine.  
And I am sure the Supremacy of Kings may, 
The Supremacy of Kings sufficiently warranted by the Scriptures.  & will ever be better maintained by the word of God (which must ever be the true rule to discern all weighty heads of doctrine by) to be the true and proper office of Christian Kings in their own dominions, than he will be ever able to maintain his annihilating Kings, and their authorities, together with his base and unreverend speeches of them, wherewith both his former great Volumes, and his late Books against Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were directly 
1 2. Chron. 19.4.  Governors over the Church within their Dominions, 
2 2. Sam. 5.6.  purged their corruptions; reform their abuses, brought the 
3 1. Chron. 13.12.  Ark to her resting place, the King 
4 2. Sam. 6.16  dancing before it; 
5 1. Chron. 28.6.  built the Temple; 
6 2. Chron. 6.  dedicated the same, assisting in their own persons to the sanctification thereof; 
7 2. King. 22.11.  made the Book of the Law newfound, to be read to the people; 
8 Nehe. 9.38. David. Solomon.  renewed the Covenant between God and his people; 
9 2. King. 18.4  bruised the brazen serpent in pieces, which was set up by the express commandment of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed 
10 1. King. 15.12. 2. king. 13.4.  all Idols, and false gods; made 
11 2. Chron. 17.8.  a public reformation, by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that purpose; deposed 
12 1. King. 2.27  the high Priest, and set up another in his place: and generally, ordered every thing belonging to the Church-government, their Titles and Prerogatives given them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the 
13 2. Sam. 7.14  Sons of the most High, nay, Gods 
14 Psal. 82.6. & exod. 22.8.  themselves; The 
15 1. Sam. 24.11.  Lords anointed, Sitting 
16 2. Chro. 9.8.  in God's throne; His 
17 2. Chro. 6.15.  servants; The Angels 
18 2. Sam. 14.20.  of God; According to his 
19 1. Sam. 13.14.  hearts desire; The light 
20 2. Sam. 21.17.  of Israel; The 
21 Isa. 49.23.  nursing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such styles of honour, wherewith the old Testament is filled; whereof our adversary can pretend no ignorance. And as to the new Testament, Every soul is commanded to be subject unto them, even for 
22 Rom. 13.5.  conscience sake. All men 
23 1. Tim. 2.2.  must be prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authority, that under them we may lead a godly, peaceable, and an honest life.  
The 
24 Rom. 13.4.  Magistrate is the minister of God, to do vengeance on him that doth evil, and reward him that doth well. Ye must obey all higher powers, but 
25 1. Pet. 2.13.  especially Princes, and those that are supereminent. Give every man his due, fear 
26 Rom. 13.7.  to whom fear belongeth, and honour to whom honour. Give 
27 Mat. 22.21.  unto Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is Gods. 
28 john 18.36.  Regnum meum non est huius mundi. 
29 Luk. 12.14.  Quis me constituit judicem super vos? 
30 Luk. 22.25.  Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. If these examples, sentences, titles, and prerogatives, and innumerable other in the Old and New Testament do not warrant Christian Kings, within their own dominions, to govern their Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custodes utriusque Tabulae, not by making new Articles of Faith, (which is the Pope's office, as I said before) but by commanding obedience to be given to the word of God, by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the spiritual power with the temporal sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by judging, and cutting off all frivolous questions and schisms, as 
31 Euseb. lib. 3. de vita Constantini.  Constantine did; and finally, by making decorum to be observed in every thing, and establishing orders to be observed in all indifferent things for that purpose, which is the only intent of our Oath of Supremacy: If this Office of a King, I say, do not agree with the power given him by God's word, let any indifferent man void of passion, judge. But how these honourable offices, styles, and prerogatives given by God to Kings in the Old and New Testament, as I have now cited, can agree with the brave styles and titles that Bellarmine giveth them, I can hardly conceive.  

1 De laicis cap. 7.  That Kings are rather slaves than Lords.  

2 De Pent. li. 1. cap. 7.  That they are not only subjects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but even to Deacons.  

3 Ibidem.  That an Emperor must content himself to drink, not only after a Bishop, but after a Bishop's Chaplain.  

4 Ibid. & de Cler. cap. 28.  That Kings have not their Authority nor Office immediately from God, nor his Law, but only from the Law of Nations.  

5 De Pont. lib. 3. cap. 16.  That Popes have degraded many Emperors, but never Emperor degraded the Pope; nay, even 
* De Rom. pontiff. lib. 5. cap 8.  Bishops, that are but the Pope's vassals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their laws.  

6 De laicis cap. 8.  That Churchmen are so far above Kings, as the soul is above the body.  

7 De Pont. li. 5. cap. 18.  That Kings may be deposed by their people, for divers respects.  

8 De Pon. lib. 2. cap. 26.  But Popes can by no means be deposed: for no flesh hath power to judge of them.  

9 De Pont. lib. 4. cap. 15.  That obedience due to the Pope, is for conscience sake.  

10 De Clericis, cap. 28.  But the obedience due to Kings, is only for certain respects of order and policy.  

11 Ibidem.  That these very Churchmen that are borne, and inhabit in Sovereign Prince's countries, are notwithstanding not their Subjects, and cannot be judged by them, although they may judge them.  

12 Ibidem.  And, that the obedience that Churchmen give to Princes, even in the meanest and mere temporal things, is not by way of any necessary subjection, but only out of discretion, and for observation of good order and custom.  
These contrarieties between the Book of God, and Bellarmine's books, have I here set in opposition each to other,  ex contrariis juxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus far I dare boldly affirm, that whosoever will indifferently weigh these irreconcilable contradictions here set down, will easily confess, that CHRIST is no more contrary to Belial, light to darkness, and heaven to hell, than Bellarmine's estimation of Kings, is to Gods.  
Now as to the conclusion of his letter, which is only filled with strong and pithy exhortations, to persuade and confirm Blackwell to the patiented and constant enduring of martyrdom, I have nothing to answer, save by way of regrate; that so many good sentences drawn out of the Scripture, so well and so handsomely packed up together, should be so ill and untruly applied: But an evil cause is never the better for so good a cloak; and an ill matter never amended by good words: And therefore I may justly turn over that craft of the devil upon himself, in using so holy-like an exhortation to so evil a purpose. Only I could have wished him, that he had a little better observed his decorum herein, in not letting slip two or three profane words amongst so many godly mortified Scripture sentences. For in all the Scripture, especially in the New Testament, I never read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that style to succeed according to the Law and institution of Numa Pompilius, and not to S. Peter, who never heard nor dreamt of such an Office.  
And for his Caput fidei, which I remembered before, the Apostles (I am sure) never gave that style to any, but to CHRIST: So as these styles, whereof some were never found in Scripture, and some were never applied but to CHRIST in that sense, as he apply it, had been better to have been left out of so holy and mortified a letter.  
To conclude then this present Discourse, I hearty wish all indifferent readers of the Breves and Letter, not to judge by the speciousness of the words, but by the weight of the matter; not looking to that which is strongly alleged, but judiciously to consider what is justly proved. And for all my own good and natural Subjects, that their hearts may remain established in the truth; that these foreign enticements may not seduce them from their natal and natural duty; and that all, aswell strangers, as natural subjects, to whose eyes this Discourse shall come, may wisely and unpartially judge of the Verity, as it is nakedly here set down, for clearing these mists and clouds of calumnies, which were injustly heaped upon me; for which end only I hearty pray the courteous Reader to be persuaded, that I took occasion to publish this Discourse.     

A PREMONITION TO ALL MOST MIGHTY monarchs, KINGS, FREE PRINCES, AND STATE'S OF CHRISTENDOM.  
TO THE MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE PRINCE, RODOLPHE THE II. by GOD'S Clemency Elect Emperor of the ROMANS; KING OF GERMANY, HUNGARY, BOHEME, DALMATIE, CROATIE, SCLAVONIE, etc. ARCHDUKE OF AUSTRIA, DUKE OF BURGUNDY, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, CARNIOLA, and WIRTEMBERG, etc. Earl of TYROLIS, etc.  
AND TO ALL OTHER RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTY KINGS; And Right Excellent free Princes and States of CHRISTENDOM: Our loving BRETHREN, COUSINS, ALLIES, CONFEDERATES and FRIENDS;  
JAMES by the Grace of GOD, King of GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE and IRELAND; Professor, Maintainer and Defender of the True, Christian, Catholic and Apostolic FAITH, Professed by the ancient and Primitive CHURCH, and sealed with the blood of so many Holy Bishops, and other faithful crowned with the glory of MARTYRDOM; WISHES everlasting felicity in CHRIST our SAVIOUR. TO YOU MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE EMPEROR; RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTY KINGS; RIGHT EXCELLENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES, MY LOVING BRETHREN AND COUSINS:  
To you, I say, as of right belongeth, do I consecrate and direct this Warning of mine, or rather Preamble to my reprinted Apology for the Oath of Allegiance: For the cause is general, and concerneth the Authority and privilege of Kings in general, and all supereminent Temporal powers. And if in whatsoever Society, or Corporation of men, either in Corporations of Cities, or in the Corporation of any mechanic craft or handie-worke, every man is careful to maintain the privileges of that Society whereunto he is sworn; nay, they will rather cluster all in one, making it a common cause, exposing themselves to all sorts of peril, then suffer the least breach in their Liberties; If those of the base sort of people, I say, be so curious and zealous for the preservation of their common privileges and liberties, as if the meanest amongst them be touched in any such point, they think it concerneth them all: Then what should we do in such a case, whom GOD hath placed in the highest thrones upon earth, made his Lieutenants and vicegerents, and even seated us upon his own Throne to execute his judgements? The consideration hereof hath now moved me to expone a Case unto you, which doth not so nearly touch me in my particular, as it doth open a breach against our Authority, (I speak in the plural of all Kings) and privilege in general. And since not only all ranks and sorts of people in all Nations do inviolably observe this Maxim, but even the Civil Law, by which the greatest part of Christendom is governed, doth give them an interest, qui fovent consimilem causam; How much more than have ye interest in this cause, not being similis or par causa to yours, but eadem with yours? and indeed ye all fovetis, or at lest fovere debetis eandem causam mecum. And since this cause is common to us all; both the Civil Laws, and the municipal Laws of all Nations, permit and warn them, that have a common interest, to concur in one for the defence of their common cause; yea, common sense teacheth us with the Poet, Ecquid 
Ad te pòst paulò ventura pericula sentis?  
Nam tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.   
A wake then while it is time, and suffer not, by your longer sleep, the strings of your Authority to be cut in singulis, and one and one to your general ruin, which by your united forces, would rather make a strong rope for the enemy to hang himself in, with Achitophel, then that he should ever be able to break it. As for this Apology of mine, it is true, that I thought good to set it first out without putting my name unto it; but never so, as I thought to deny it, remembering well mine own words, but taken out of the Scripture, in the beginning of the Preface to the Reader, in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that nothing is so bid, which shall not be opened, etc. promising there, which with GOD his grace I shall ever perform, never to do that in secret, which I shall need to be ashamed of, when it shall come to be proclaimed in public.  
In deed I thought it fit, for two respects, that this my Apology should first visit the world without having my name written in the forehead thereof. First because of the matter, and next of the persons that I meddled with. The matter, it being a Treatise, which I was to write, containing reasons and discourses in Divinity, for the defence of the Oath of Allegiance, and refutation of the condemners thereof; I thought it not comely for one of my place, to put my name to books concerning Scholastic Disputations; whose calling is to set forth Decrees in the Imperative mood: for I think myself as good a man as the Pope, by his reverence, for whom these my Answerers make the like excuse; for that his Breves are so summary without yielding any reason unto them. My next reason was the respect of the persons whom with I meddled. Wherein, although I shortly answered the Pope's Breves; yet the point I most laboured, being the refutation of Bellarmine's Letter, I was never the man, I confess, that could think a Cardinal a meet match for a King: especially, having many hundredth thousands of my subjects of as good birth as he. As for his Church dignity, his Cardinalship I mean, I know not how to rank or value it, either by the warrant of God his word, or by the ordinance of Emperors or Kings, it being indeed only a new Papal erection, tolerated by the sleeping connivence of our Predecessors (I mean still by the plural of Kings) But notwithstanding of this my forbearing to put my name unto it, some Ambassadors of some of you (my loving Brethren and Cousins) whom this cause did neereliest concern, can witness, that I made Presents of some of those books, at their first printing, unto them, and that avowedly in my own name. As also the English Paragraphist, or rather perverse Pamphleter Parsons, since all his description must run upon a P. hath truly observed, that my Arms are affixed in the frontispiece thereof, which useth not to be in books of other men's doing; whereby his malice in pretending his ignorane, that he might pay me the soundlier, is the more inexcusable. But now that I find my sparing to put my name unto it hath not procured my sparing by these answerers, who have neither spared my Person directly in naming me, nor indirectly by railing upon the Author of the Book: it is now high time for me no longer to conceal nor disavow myself, as if I were ashamed of my own deed. And therefore that ye may the better understand the nature of the cause, I will begin at the first ground thereof.  
The never enough wondered at and abhorred POWDER-TREASON (though the repetition thereof grieveth, I know, the gentle hearted jesuite Parsons) this Treason, I say, being not only intended a 'gainst me and my Posterity, but even against the whole house of Parliament, plotted only by Papists, and they only led thereto by a preposterous zeal for the advancement of their Religion; some of them continuing so obstinate, that even at their death they would not acknowledge their fault; but in their last words, immediately before the expiring of their breath, refused to condemn themselves and crave pardon for their deed, except the Romish Church should first condemn it; And soon after, it being discovered, that a great number of my Popish Subjects of all ranks and sexes, both men and women, as well within as without the Country; had a confused notion and an obscure knowledge, that some great thing was to be done in that Parliament for the weal of the Church; although, for secrecies cause, they were not acquainted with the particulars; certain forms of prayer having likewise been set down and used for the good success of that great errand; adding hereunto, that divers times, and from divers Priests, the Archtraitours themselves received the Sacrament for confirmation of their heart, and observation of secrecy; Some of the principal jesuits likewise being found guilty of the foreknowledge of the Treason itself; of which number some fled from their trial, others were apprehended (as holy Garnet himself and Owldcorne were) and justly executed upon their own plain confession of their guilt: If this Treason now, clad with these circumstances, did not minister a just occasion to that Parliament house, whom they thought to have destroyed, courageously and zealously at their next sitting down, to use all means of trial, whether any more of that mind were yet left in the Country; I leave it to you to judge, whom God hath appointed his highest Depute judges upon earth: And amongst other things for this purpose, This Oath of Allegiance, so unjustly impugned, was then devised and enacted. And in case any sharper Laws were then made against the Papists, that were not obedient to the former Laws of the Country; if ye will consider the Time, Place and Persons, it will be thought no wonder, seeing that occasion did so justly exasperate them to make severer Laws, than otherwise they would have done. The Time, I say, being the very next sitting down of the Parliament, after the discovery of that abominable Treason: the Place being the same, where they should all have been blown up, and so bringing it freshly to their memory again: the Persons being the very Parliament men whom they thought to have destroyed. And yet so far hath both my heart and government been from any bitterness, as almost never one of those sharp additions to the former Laws have ever yet been put in execution.  
And that ye may yet know further, for the more convincing these Libelers of wilful malice, who impudently affirm, That this Oath of Allegiance was devised for deceiving and entrapping of Papists in points of Conscience; The truth is, that the Lower house of Parliament at the first framing of this Oath, made it to contain, That the Pope had no power to excommunicate me, which I caused them to reform, only making it to conclude, That no excommunication of the Popes, can warrant my Subjects to practise against my Person or State; denying the deposition of Kings to be in the Pope's lawful power; as indeed I take any such temporal violence, to be far without the limits of such a Spiritual censure as Excommunication is. So careful was I that nothing should be contained in this Oath, except the profession of natural Allegiance, and civil and temporal obedience, with a promise to resist to all contrary uncivil violence.  
This Oath now grounded upon so great and just an occasion, set forth in so reasonable terms, and ordained only for making of a true distinction between Papists of quiet disposition, and in all other things good subjects, and such other Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maxims, that the Powder-Traitours did: This Oath, I say, being published and put in practice, bred such evil blood in the Pope's head and his Clergy, as Breve after Breve cometh forth, ut undam unda sequitur; prohibiting all Catholics from taking the same, as a thing clean contrary to the Catholic faith; and that the taking thereof cannot stand with the salvation of their souls.  
There cometh likewise a letter of Cardinal Bellarmine's to Blackwell to the same purpose; but discoursing more at length upon the said Oath. Whereupon, after I had entered in consideration of their unjust impugning that so just and lawful an Oath; and fearing that by their untrue calumnies and Sophistry the hearts of a number of the most simple and ignorant of my people should be misled, under that fair and deceitful cloak of Conscience; I thought good to set forth an Apology for the said Oath: wherein I proved, that as this Oath contained nothing but matter of civil and temporal Obedience, due by Subjects to their Sovereign Prince; so this quarreling therewith was nothing but a late usurpation of Popes (against the warrant of all Scriptures, ancient Counsels and Fathers) upon the Temporal power of Kings, wherewith only my Apology doth meddle. But the publishing of this Book of mine hath brought such two Answerers, or rather Railers upon me, as all the world may wonder at: For my Book being first written in English, an English Oath being the subject thereof, and the use of it properly belonging to my Subjects of England; and immediately thereafter being translated into Latin, upon a desire that some had of further publishing it abroad; it cometh home to me now answered in both the Languages. And, I think, if it had been set forth in all the tongues that were at the confusion of Babel, it would have been returned answered in them all again. Thus may a man see how busy a Bishop the Devil is, and how he omitteth no diligence for venting of his poisoned wares. But herein their malice doth clearly appear, that they pay me so quickly with a double answer; and yet have never answered their own Archpriest, who hath written a book for the maintenance of the same Oath, and of the temporal authority of Kings, alleging a cloud of their own Schoolmen against them.  
As for the English Answerer, my unnatural and fugitive Subject; I will neither defile my pen, nor your sacred eyes or ears with the describing of him, who ashames, nay, abhors not to rail, nay, to rage and spew forth blasphemies against the late Queen of famous memory. A Subject to rail against his natural Sovereign by birth; A man to rail against a Lady by sex; A holy man (in outward profession) to insult upon the dead; nay to take Radamanthus' office over his head, and to sit down and play the judge in hell, And all his quarrel is, that either her Successor, or any of her servants should speak honourably of her. Cursed be he that curseth the Anointed of God: and destroyed mought he be with the destruction of Korah, that hath sinned in the contradiction of Korah. Without mought such dogs and swine be cast forth, I say, out of the Spiritual jerusalem.  
As for my Latin Answerer, I have nothing to say to his person; he is not my Subject; he standeth or falleth unto his own Lord: But sure I am, they two have casten lots upon my Book, since they could not divide it: the one of them, my fugitive, to rail upon my late Predecessor, (but a rope is the fittest answer for such an Historian;) the other, a stranger, thinketh he may be boldest both to pay my person and my Book, as indeed he doth; which how justly either in matter or manner, we are now to examine.  
But first, who should be the true Author of this book, I can but guess. He calleth himself Mattheus Tortus, Cardinal Beauties' Chaplain. A 
1 Being a proper word to express the true meaning of Tortus.  thrown Evangelist indeed, full of throward Divinity; an obscure Author, utterly unknown to me, being yet little known to the world for any other of his works: and therefore must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his apprentisage, not only to refute, but to rail upon a King. But who will consider the carriage of the whole book, shall find that he writeth with such authority, or at the least tam elato stylo, so little sparing either Kings in general, or my person in particular; and with such a greatness, 
1 P. 46.  Habemus enim exemplaria Brevium illorum in manibus, and 
2 P. 63.  Decernimus: as it shall appear, or at least be very probable, that it is the Masters, and not the man's labour; especially in one place, where he quarreleth me for casting up his moralis certitudo and pie credi unto him; 
Pag. 69.  he there grossly forgetting himself, saith, malâ fide nobiscum agit, thereby making this Author to be one person with Bellarmine. But let it be the work of a Tortus indeed, and not of a personated Cardinal; yet must it be the Cardinal's deed, since Master Tortus is the Cardinal's man, and doth it in his Master's defence. The errand then being the Cardinals, and done by his own man, it cannot but be accounted as his own deed; especially since the English Answerer doth four times promise, that Bellarmine, or one by his appointment, shall sufficiently answer it.  
And now to come to his matter and manner of Answer: Surely if there were no more but his unmannerly manner, it is enough to disgrace the whole matter thereof. For first, to show his pride, in his Printers preface of the Politan edition of this elegans libellus, he must equal the Cardinal's greatness with mine in every thing. For though he confesseth this Master Tortus to be an obscure man; yet being the Cardinal's Chaplain, he is sufficient enough forsooth to answer an English book, that lacketh the name of an Author; as if a personated obscure name for Author of a Cardinal's book, were a meet match for answering a KING'S Book, that lacketh the name of an Author; and a Cardinal's Chaplain to meet with the Dean of the King's Chapel, whom Parsons with the Cardinal, have (as it seemeth) agreed upon to entitle to be the Author of my Apology. And not only in the Preface, but also through the whole book doth he keep this comparative greatness. He must be as short in his answer, as I am in my Book, he must refute all that I have said against the Popes second Breve, with equal brevity, and upon one page almost, as I have done mine: and because I have set down the substance of the Oath in fourteen Articles; in just as many Articles must he set down that Act of Parliament of mine, wherein the Oath is contained: And yet, had he contented himself with his own pride, by the demonstration of his own greatness, without further wronging of me, it had been the more tolerable. But what cause gave I him to farce his whole book with injuries, both against my Person and Book? For whereas in all my Apology I have never given him a foul word, and especially never gave him the Lie: he by the contrary giveth me nine times the Lie in express terms, and seven times chargeth me with falsehood, which phrase is equivalent with a lie. And as for all other words of reproach, as nugae, convitia, temeritas, vanitas, impudentia, blasphemiae, sermonis barbaries, cum eadem felicitate scribendi, cavillationes, applicatio inepta, fingere historias, audacia quae in hominem sanae mentis cadere non potest, vel sensu communi caret, imperitia & levitas, omnem omnino pudorem & conscientiam exuisse, malâ fide nobiscum agit, ut lectoribus per fas & nefas imponat: of such like reproaches, I say, I doubt if there be a page in all his Book free, except where he idly sets down the Pope's Breves, and his own Letter. And in case this might only seem to touch the unknown Author of the Book, whom notwithstanding he knew well enough, as I show before; he spareth not my Person with my own name: sometimes saying, 
Pag. 47.  that Pope Clement thought me to be inclined to their Religion: Sometimes, that I was a Puritan in Scotland, 
Pag. 98.  and a persecutor of Protestants. In one place he concludeth, 
Pag. 87.  Quia jacobus non est Catholicus, hoc ipso Haereticus est. In another place, 
Pag. 98.  Ex Christiano Caluinistam fecerunt. In another place he sayeth, Neque omnino verum est, 
Ibid.  jacobum nunquam deseruisse Religionem quam primò susceperat. And in another place, after that he hath compared and ranked me with julian the Apostate, he concludeth, Cùm Catholicus not sit, 
Pag. 97.  neque Christianus est. If this now be mannerly dealing with a King, I leave it to you to judge, who cannot but resent such indignities done to one of your quality.  
And as for the Matter of his Book, it well fits indeed the Manner thereof: for he never answereth directly to the main question in my Book. For whereas my Apology handleth only two points, as I told you before; One, to prove that the Oath of Allegiance doth only meddle with the civil and temporal Obedience, due by Subjects to their natural Sovereigns: The other, that this late usurpation of Popes over the temporal power of Princes, is against the rule of all Scriptures, ancient Counsels and Fathers: he never improoues the first, but by a false inference; that the Oath denieth the Pope's power of Excommunication directly, since it denieth his authority in deposing of Kings. And for the second point, he bringeth no proof to the contrary, but, Pasce oves meas: and, Tibi dabo claves regni Coelorum: and, That no Catholic ever doubted of it. So as I may truly say of him, that he either understandeth not, or at least will not seem to understand my Book, in never directly answering the main question, as I have already said; and so may I justly turn over upon himself that doom of ignorance, which in the beginning of his Book he rashly pronounceth upon me; saying, that I neither understand the Pope's Breves, his Letter, nor the Oath itself: And as he delighteth to repeat over and over, I know not how oft, and triumpheth in this wrong inference of his; That to deny the Pope's power to depose Kings, is to deny the Pope's Primacy, and his spiritual power of Excommunication: So doth he, upon that ground of Pasce oves meas, give the Pope so ample a power over Kings, to throne or dethrone them at his pleasure (and yet only subjecting Christian Kings to that slavery) as I doubt not but in your own Honours ye will resent you of such indignities; the rather since it concerns so many of you as profess the Romish religion, far more than me: For since he accounteth me an heretic, and like julian the Apostate; I am consequently extra caulam, and none of the Pope's flock, and so am in the case of Ethnic Princes, over whom he confesseth the Pope hath no power. But ye are in the Pope's fold; and you, that great Pastor may lead as sheep to the slaughter, when it shall please him. And as the Ass' ears must be horns, if the Lion list so to interpret it; so must ye be removed as scabbed sheep from the flock, if so the Pope think you to be, though your skin be indeed never so sound.  
Thus hath he set such a new goodly interpretation upon the words of CHRIST, Pasce, oves meas, as if it were as much to say, as, depose Christian Kings; and that Quodcunque solueris gave the Pope power to dispense with all sorts of Oaths, Vows, Penalties, Censures and Laws, even with the natural obedience of Subjects to their Sovereign Lords; much like to that new coined gloss that his brother 
1 Senten. Card. Baron. super excom. Venet.  Baronius made upon the words in Saint Peter's vision, Surge Petre, occide & manduca; That is (said he to the Pope) Go kill and confound the Venetians.  
And because I have in my Book (by citing a place in his controversies) discovered him to be a small friend to Kings, he is much commoved: For whereas in his said Controversies, 
Lib. de Cler. cap. 28.  speaking the Clericis, he is so bold as to affirm, that Churchmen are exempted from the power of earthly Kings; and that they ought them no subjection even in temporal matters, but only vi rationis and in their own discretion, for the preservation of peace and good order, because, I say, citing this place of his in my Book, I tell with admiration, that he freeth all Churchmen from any subjection to Kings, even those that are their born Subjects: he is angry with this phrase, and saith it is an addition for breeding envy unto him, and raising of hatred against him: For, saith he, although Bellarmine affirmed generally, that Churchmen were not subject to earthly Kings; yet did he not insert that particular clause [though they were borne and dwelling in their Dominions] as if the words of Churchmen and earthly Kings in general imported not as much: for Layickes as well as Churchmen are subject to none but to their natural Sovereign: And yet doth he not stick to confess, that he meant it, though it was not fit (he saith) to be expressed.  
And thus quarrels he me for revealing his Printed secret. But whose hatred did he fear in this? was it not yours? Who have interest, but KINGS, in withdrawing of due subjection from KINGS? And when the greatest monarchs amongst you will remember, that almost the third part of your Subjects and of your Territories, is Churchmen, and Church-livings; I hope, ye will then consider and weigh, what a feather he pulls out of your wings, when he denudeth you of so many Subjects and their possessions, in the Pope's favour: nay, what briers and thorns are left within the heart of your dominions, when so populous and potent a party shall have their birth, education and livelihood in your Countries, and yet own you no subjection, nor acknowledge you for their SOVEREIGNS? So as where the Churchmen of old were content with their tithe of every man's goods; the Pope now will have little less than the third part of every King's Subjects and Dominions. And as in this place, so throughout all the rest of his book, he doth nothing but amplify the Pope's power over Kings, and exaggerate my unreasonable rigour for pressing this Oath; which he will needs have to be nothing but a renewed Oath of Supremacy in more subtle and crafty terms, only to rob the Pope of his Primacy and spiritual power: making his temporal power and authority over Princes, to be one of the chief Articles of the Catholic Faith.  
But that it may the better appear unto you, that all my labour and intention in this errand, was only to meddle with that due temporal Obedience which my Subjects own unto me; and not to entrap or enthrall their Consciences, as he most falsely affirms: Ye shall first see how far other Godly and Christian Emperors and Kings were from acknowledging the Pope's temporal Supremacy over them; nay, have created, controlled and deposed Popes: and next, what a number of my Predecessors in this Kingdom have at all occasions, even in the times of the greatest Greatness of Popes, resisted and plainly withstood them in this point.  
And first, all Christian Emperors were for a long time so far from acknowledging the Pope's Superiority over them, as by the contrary the Popes acknowledged themselves for their Vassals, reverencing and obeying the Emperors as their Lords, for proof whereof, I remit you to my Apology.  
And for the creating of Popes; the Emperors were in so long and continual possession thereof, as I will use for my first witness a Pope himself; who (in a 
1 Sigebert. ad ann. 773. Walthram. Naumburg. lib. 〈◊〉 Episc. investiturae. Mart. Polon. ad ann. 780. Theod. a Niem. de privileg & jurib. Imperij & dist. 63. C. Hadrian.  Synod of an hundredth fifty and three Bishops and Abbots) did ordain, That the Emperor CHARLES the Great should have the Right of choosing the Pope, and ordaining the Apostolical Seat, and the Dignity of the Roman Principality: nay, farther he ordained; That all Archbishops and Bishops should receive their investiture from the Emperor, or else be of no avail; And, that a Bishop wanting it, should not be consecrate, pronouncing an Anathema against all that should disobey this Sentence.  
And that the emperors assent to the Pope's Election was a thing ordinary for a long time, 
2 See Platin. in vit. Pelag. 2. Gregor. 1. & Severini.  Platina, and a number of the Popes own writers bear witness: And 
3 Lib. de Clericis.  Bellarmine himself, in his book of Controversies, cannot get it handsomely denied. Nay, the Popes were even forced then to pay a certain sum of money to the Emperors for their Confirmation: And this lasted almost seven hundredth years after CHRIST; witness 
4 In Chron. ad ann. 680.  Sigebert and 
5 In vit. Agathen. & Anast. in vit. eiusd Agath. & Herm. Contract. ad ann. 678. edit. poster. & dist. 63. c. Agathe.  Luitprandus, with other Popish Historians.  
And for emperors deposing of Popes, there are likewise divers examples. The Emperor 
1 Luitpr Hist. lib 6. ca 10.11. Rhegino ad an. 963. & Platin. in vit. joan. 13.  Ottho deposed Pope john the twelfth of that name, for divers crimes and vices; especially of Lechery. The Emperor 
2 Marianus Scot Sigeb. Abbas Vrsp. ad ann. 1046 & Plate in vit. Greg. 6.  Henry the third in a short time deposed three Popes; Benedict the ninth, Silvester the third, and Gregory the sixth, as well for the sin of Avarice, as for abusing their extraordinary authority against Kings and Princes.  
And as for KINGS that have denied this Temporal Superiority of Popes; First, we have the unanime testimony of divers famous HISTORIOGRAPHERS for the general of many CHRISTIAN Kingdoms. As 
3 Walthram. Naumburz. in lib. de invest. Episc. Vixit circa ann. 1110.  Walthram testifieth, That the Bishops of Spain, Scotland, England, Hungary, from ancient institution till this modern novelty, had their investiture by KINGS, with peaceable enjoining of their Temporalities wholly and entirely; and whosoever (sayeth he) is peaceably solicitous, let him peruse the lives of the Ancients, and read the Histories, and he shall understand thus much. And for verification of this general Assertion; we will first begin at the practice of the KINGS of France, though not named by Walthram in this his enumeration of Kingdoms: amongst whom my first witness shall be that vulgarly known letter of 
4 See annal Franciae Nicolai Gillij in Phil. Pulchro.  Philip le Bel King of France, to Pope Boniface the eighth, the beginning whereof, after a scornful salutation, is, Sciat tua maxima fatuitas, nos in temporalibus nemini subesse.  
And likewise after that 
5 Anno 1268. ex Arrestis Senatus Parifiens.  Lewes the ninth, surnamed Sanctus, had by a public instrument (called Pragmatica sanctio) forbidden all the exactions of the Pope's Court within his Realm: Pope Pius 
6 joan. Maierius. lib. de Scismat & Concil.  the second, in the beginning of Lewes the eleventh his time, greatly misseliking this Decree so long before made, sent his Legate to the said King Lewes, with Letters-patents, urging his promise which he had made when he was Dolphin of France, to repeal that Sanction if ever he came to be King. The King referreth the Legate over with his Letters-patents to the Council of Paris: where the matter being propounded, was impugned by johannes Romanus, the King's Attorney; with whose opinion the University of Paris concurring, an Appeal was made from the attempts of the Pope to the next general Council; the Cardinal departing with indignation.  
But that the King of France and Church thereof have ever stoken to their Gallican immunity, in denying the Pope any Temporal power over them, and in resisting the Popes as oft as ever they priest to meddle with their Temporal power, even in the donation of Benefices; the Histories are so full of them, as the only examples thereof would make up a big Volume by itself. And so far were the Sorbonistes for the Kings and French Churches privilege in this point, as they were wont to maintain; That if the Pope fell a quarreling the King for that cause, the Gallican Church might elect a Patriarch of their own, renouncing any obedience to the Pope. And Gerson was so far from giving the Pope that temporal authority over Kings (who otherwise was a devout Roman Catholic) as he wrote a Book de Auferibilitate Papae; not only from the power over Kings, but even over the Church.  
And now pretermitting all further examples of foreign King's actions, I will only content me at this time with some of my own Predecessors examples of this kingdom of England; that it may thereby the more clearly appear, that even in those times when the world was fullest of darkened blindness and ignorance, the Kings of England have oftentimes, not only repined, but even strongly resisted and withstood this temporal usurpation and encrochment of ambitious Popes.  
And I will first begin at 
1 Matth. Paris. in Henr. 1. anno 1100.  King Henry the first of that name, after the Conquest; who after he was crowned gave the Bishopric of Winchester to William Gifford, and forthwith invested him into all the possessions belonging to the Bishopric, contrary to the Canons of the new Synod. 
2 Idem ibid. anno 1113.  King Henry also gave the archbishopric of Canterbury to Radulph Bishop of London; and gave him investiture by a Ring and a Crosiers staff.  
Also Pope 
3 Idem ibid. anno 1119.  Calixtus held a Council at RHEIMS, whither King Henry had appointed certain Bishops of ENGLAND and NORMANDY to go; Thurstan also, elected Archbishop of YORK, got leave of the King to go thither, giving his faith that he would not receive Consecration of the Pope; And coming to the Synod, by his liberal gifts (as the fashion is) wan the ROMANS favour, and by their means obtained to be consecrated at the Pope's hand: Which assoon as the King of ENGLAND knew, he forbade him to come within his Dominions.  
Moreover King Edward the first prohibited the Abbot of 
4 Ex Archivis Regni.  Waltham and Deane of Paul's, to collect a tenth of every man's goods for a supply to the holy Land, which the Pope by three Bulls had committed to their charge; and the said Dean of Paul's compeering before the King and his Council, promised for the reverence he did bear unto the King, not to meddle any more in that matter, without the King's good leave and permission. Here (I hope) a Churchman disobeyed the Pope for obedience to his Prince even in Church matters: but this new jesuited Divinity was not then known in the world.  
The same Edward I. impleaded the Dean of the Chapel of Vuluerhampton, because the said Deane had, against the privileges of the Kingdom, given a Prebend of the same Chapel to one at the Pope's command: whereupon the said Deane compeered, and put himself in the Kings will for his offence.  
The said Edward I. deprived also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties, for disobeying a prohibition of the Kings. So as it appeareth, the Kings in those days thought the Churchmen their Subjects, though now we be taught other Seraphical doctrine.  
For further proof whereof john of Ibstocke was committed to the goal by the said King, for having a suit in the Court of Rome seven years for the rectory of Newchurch.  
And Edward II. following the footsteps of his Father; after giving out a Summons against the Abbot of Walden, for citing the Abbot of Saint Albon and others in the Court of Rome, gave out letters for his apprehension.  
And likewise, because a certain Prebend of Banburie had drawn one Bevercoat by a Plea to Rome without the King's Dominions, therefore were letters of Caption sent forth against the said Prebend.  
And Edward III following likewise the example of his Predecessors; Because a Parson of Liche had summoned the Prior of S. Oswalds before the Pope at Auinion; for having before the judges in England recovered the arrearage of a pension; directed a Precept, for seizing upon all the goods both Spiritual and Temporal of the said Parson, because he had done this in prejudice of the King and Crown. The said King also made one Harwoden to be declared culpable and worthy to be punished, for procuring the Pope's Bulls against a judgement that was given by the King's judges.  
And likewise; Because one entered upon the Priory of Barnewell by the Pope's Bull, the said Intrant was committed to the Tower of London, there to remain during the King's pleasure.  
So as my Predecessors (ye see) of this Kingdom, even when the Popes triumphed in their greatness, spared not to punish any of their Subjects, that would prefer the Pope's Obedience to theirs, even in Church-matters: So far were they then from either acknowledging the Pope for their temporal Superior, or yet from doubting that their own Churchmen were not their Subjects. And now I will close up all these examples with an Act of Parliament in King Richard II. his time; whereby it was prohibited, That none should procure a Benefice from Rome, under pain to be put out of the King's protection. And thus may ye see, that what those Kings successively one to another by four generations have acted in private, the same was also maintained by a public Law.  
By these few examples now (I hope) I have sufficiently cleared myself from the imputation, that any ambition or desire of Novelty in me should have stirred me, either to rob the Pope of any thing due unto him, or to assume unto myself any farther authority, then that which other Christian Emperors and Kings through the world, and my own Predecessors of England in especial, have long agone maintained. Neither is it enough to say (as Parsons doth in his Answer to the Lord Coke) That far more Kings of this Country have given many more examples of acknowledging, or not resisting the Pope's usurped Authorities; some perchance lacking the occasion; and some the ability of resisting them: for even by the Civil Law, in the case of violent intrusion and long and wrongful possession against me, it is enough if I prove that I have made lawful interruption upon convenient occasions.  
But the Cardinal thinks the Oath, not only unlawful for the substance thereof, but also in regard of the Person whom unto it is to be sworn: For (saith he) The King is not a Catholic; And in two or three other places of his book, he sticketh not to call me by my name very broadly, an Heretic, as I have already told. But yet before I be publicly declared an Heretic; by the Pope's own Law my people ought not to refuse their Obedience unto me. And (I trust) if I were but a subject, and accused by the Pope in his Conclave before his Cardinals, he would have hard proving me an Heretic, if he judged me by their own ancient Orders.  
For first, I am no Apostate, as the Cardinal would make me; not only having ever been brought up in that Religion which I presently profess, but even my Father and Grandfather on that side professing the same: and so cannot be properly an Heretic, by their own doctrine, since I never was of their Church. And as for the Queen my Mother of worthy memory; although she continued in that Religion wherein she was nourished, yet was she so far from being superstitious or jesuited therein, that at my Baptism (although I was baptised by a Popish Archbishop) she sent him word to forbear to use the spittle in my Baptism; which was obeyed, being indeed a filthy and an apish trick, rather in scorn then imitation of CHRIST. And her own very words were, That she would not have a pocky priest to spit in her child's mouth. As also the Font wherein I was Christened, was sent from the late Queen here of famous memory, who was my Godmother; and what her Religion was, Pius V was not ignorant. And for further proof, that that renowned Queen my Mother was not superstitious; as in all her Letters (whereof I received many) she never made mention of Religion, nor laboured to persuade me in it; so at her last words, she commanded her Master-houshold, a Scottish Gentleman my servant and yet alive, she commanded him (I say) to tell me; That although she was of another Religion then that wherein I was brought up; yet she would not press me to change, except my own Conscience forced me to it: For so that I led a good life, and were careful to do justice and govern well; she doubted not but I would be in a good case with the profession of my own Religion. Thus am I no Apostate, nor yet a deborder from that Religion which one part of my Parents professed, and an other part gave me good allowance of. Neither can my Baptism in the rites of their Religion make me an Apostate, or Heretic in respect of my present profession, since we all agree in the substance thereof, being all Baptized In the Name of the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost: upon which head there is no variance amongst us.  
And now for the point of Heretic; I will never be ashamed to render an account of my profession, and of that hope that is in me, as the Apostle prescribeth. I am such a CATHOLIC CHRISTIAN, as believeth the three Creeds; That of the Apostles, that of the Council of Nice, and that of Athanasius; the two latter being Paraphrases to the former: And I believe them in that sense, as the ancient Fathers and Counsels that made them did understand them: To which three Creeds all the Ministers of England do subscribe at their Ordination. And I also acknowledge for Orthodox all those other forms of Creeds, that either were devised by Counsels or particular Fathers, against such particular Heresies as most reigned in their times.  
I reverence and admit the four first general Counsels as Catholic and Orthodox: And the said four general Counsels are acknowledged by our Acts of Parliament, and received for Orthodox by our Church.  
As for the Fathers; I reverence them as much and more than the je suits do, and as much as themselves ever craved. For what ever the Fathers for the first five hundredth years did with an unanime consent agree upon, to be believed as a necessary point of salvation, I either will believe it also, or at least will be humbly silent; not taking upon me to condemn the same: But for every private Father's opinion, it binds not my conscience more than Bellarmine's; every one of the Fathers usually contradicting others. I will therefore in that case follow 
1 Lib. 2. cont. Cresconium. cap. 32.  S. Augustine's rule in judging of their opinions, as I find them agree with the Scriptures: what I find agreeable thereunto I will gladly embrace; what is otherwise I will (with their reverence) reject.  
As for the Scriptures; no man doubteth I will believe them: But even for the Apocrypha; I hold them in the same account that the Ancients did: They are still printed and bound with our Bibles, and publicly read in our Churches: I reverence them as the writings of holy and good men: but since they are not found in the Canon, we account them to be secundae lectionis, or 
2 Lib. 1. de verb. Vei. c. 4.  ordinis (which is Bellarmine's own distinction) and therefore not sufficient whereupon alone to ground any article of Faith, except it be confirmed by some other place of Canonical Scripture; Concluding this point with Ruffinus (who is no Novelist, I hope) That the Apocryphal books were by the Fathers permitted to be read; not for confirmation of Doctrine, but only for instruction of the people.  
As for the Saints departed, I honour their memory, and in honour of them do we in our Church observe the days of so many of them, as the Scripture doth canonize for Saints; but I am loath to believe all the tales of the Legended saints.  
And first for the blessed Virgin MARIE, I yield her that which the Angel Gabriel pronounced of her, and which in her Canticle she prophesied of herself: that is, That 
3 Luk. 1.28.  she is blessed amongst women, and 
4 Ibid. ver. 48.  That all generations shall call her blessed. I reverence her as the Mother of CHRIST, whom of our Saviour took his flesh, and so the Mother of GOD, since the Divinity and Humanity of CHRIST are inseparable. And I freely confess, that she is in glory both above Angels and men, her own Son (that is both GOD and man) only excepted. But I dare not mock her and blaspheme against GOD, calling her not only Diva but Dea, and praying her to command and control her Son, who is her GOD; and her SAVIOUR: Nor yet not I think, that she hath no other thing to do in heaven, then to hear every idle man's suit, and busy herself in their errands; whiles requesting, whiles commanding her Son, whiles coming down to kiss and make love with Priests, and whiles disputing and brawling with Devils. In heaven she is in eternal glory and joy, never to be interrupted with any worldly business; and there I leave her with her blessed Son our SAVIOUR and hers in eternal felicity.  
As for Prayer to Saints; 
Mart. 11.28.  CHRIST (I am sure) hath commanded us to Come all to him that are loaden with sin, and he will relieve us: and Saint Paul hath forbidden us to worship Angels; 
Coloss. 2.8, 23.  or to use any such voluntary worship, that hath a show of humility in that it spareth not the flesh. But what warrant we have to have recourse unto these Dij Penates or Tutelares, these Courtiers of GOD, I know not; I remit that to these Philosophical Neoterike Divines. It satisfieth me to pray to GOD through CHRIST as I am commanded, which I am sure must be the safest way; and I am sure the safest way is the best way in points of salvation. But if the Romish Church hath coined new Articles of Faith, never heard of in the first 500 years after CHRIST, I hope I shall never be condemned for an Heretic, for not being a Novelist. Such are the private Masses, where the Priest playeth the part both of the Priest and of the people; And such are the Amputation of the one half of the Sacrament from the people; The Transubstantiation, Elevation for Adoration, and Circumportation in Procession of the Sacrament; the works of Supererogation, rightly named Thesaurus Ecclesiae; the Baptising of Bells, and a thousand other tricks: But above all, the worshipping of Images. If my faith beeweake in these, I confess I had rather believe too little then too much: And yet since I believe as much as the Scriptures do warrant, the Creeds do persuade, and the ancient Counsels decreed, I may well be a Schismatic from Rome, but I am sure I am no Heretic.  
For Relics of Saints; If I had any such that I were assured were members of their bodies, I would honourably bury them, and not give them the reward of condemned men's members, which are only ordained to be deprived of burial. But for worshipping either them or Images, I must account it damnable Idolatry.  
I am no Iconomachus; I quarrel not the making of Images, either for public decoration, or for men's private uses: But that they should be worshipped, be prayed to, or any holiness attributed unto them, was never known of the Ancients: And the Scriptures are so directly, vehemently and punctually against it, as I wonder what brain of man, or suggestion of Satan durst offer it to Christians; and all must be salved with nice Philosophical distinctions: As, Idolum nihilest: and, They worship (forsooth) the Images of things in being, and the Image of the true GOD. But the Scripture forbiddeth to worship the Image of any thing that GOD created. It was not a nibil then that God forbade only to be worshipped, neither was the brazen Serpent, nor the body of Moses a nihil; and yet the one was destroyed, and the other hidden for eschewing of Idolatry. Yea, the Image of GOD himself is not only expressly forbidden to be worshipped, but even to be made. The reason is given, That no eye ever saw GOD; and how can we paint his face, when Moses (the man that ever was most familiar with GOD) never saw but his back parts? Surely, since he cannot be drawn to the vive, it is a thankless labour to mar it with a false representation; which no Prince, nor scarce any other man will be contented with in their own pictures. Let them therefore that maintain this doctrine, answer it to CHRIST at the latter day, when he shall accuse them of Idolatry; And then I doubt if he will be paid with such nice sophistical Distinctions.  
But CHRIST'S Cross must have a particular privilege (say they) and be worshipped ratione contactus. But first we must know what kind of touching of CHRIST'S body drew a virtue from it; whether every touching, or only touching by faith? That every touching of his body drew not virtue from it, is more than manifest. When 
1 Luke 8.  the woman in the bloody flux touched him, she was healed of her faith: But Peter then told him that a crowd and throng of many people than touched him; and yet none of them received any benefit or virtue from him. judas touched him many and many a time, besides his last kiss; so did the villains that buffeted and crucified him; and yet I may safely pronounce them accursed, that would bestow any worship upon their relics: yea we cannot deny but the land of Canaan itself (whereupon our Lord did daily tread) is so visibly accursed, being governed by faithless Turks, full of innumerable sects of heretical Christians, and the very fertility thereof so far degenerated into a pitiful sterility, as he must be accursed that accounteth it blessed. Nay, when a certain 
2 Luk. 11.28.  woman blessed the belly that bare CHRIST, and the breasts that gave him suck; Nay, rather (saith he) Blessed are those that hear the Word of God, and keep it. Except than they could first prove that CHRIST had resolved to bless that tree of the Cross whereupon he was nailed; they can never prove that his touching it could give it any virtue. And put the case it had a virtue of doing miracles, as Peter's shadow had; yet doth it not follow, that it is lawful to worship it, which Peter would never accept of. Surely the Prophets that in so many places curse those that worship Images, that have eyes and see not, that have ears and hear not, would much more have cursed them that worship a piece of a stick, that hath not so much as any resemblance or representation of eyes or ears.  
As for Purgatory and all the 
* jubilees, Indulgences, satisfactions for the dead, etc.  trash depending thereupon, it is not worth the talking of; Bellarmine cannot find any ground for it in all the Scriptures. Only I would pray him to tell me; If that fair green Meadow that is in Purgatory, have a brook running thorough it; 
Lib. 2 de Purgat. cap 7.  that in case I come there, I may have hawking upon it. But as for me; I am sure there is a Heaven and a Hell, praemium & poena, for the Elect and reprobate: How many other rooms there be, I am not on God his counsel. 
john 14.  Multae sunt mansiones in domo Patris mei, saith CHRIST, who is the true Purgatory for our sins: But how many chambers and anti-chambers the devil hath, they can best tell that go to him: But in case there were more places for souls to go to then we know of, yet let us content us with that which in his Word he hath revealed unto us, and not inquire further into his secrets. Heaven and Hell are there revealed to be the eternal home of all mankind: let us endeavour to win the one and eschew the other; and there is an end.  
Now in all this discourse have I yet left out the main Article of the Romish faith; and that is the Head of the Church or Peter's Primacy; for who denieth this, denieth fidem Catholicam, saith Bellarmine. That Bishops ought to be in the Church, I ever maintained it, as an Apostolic institution, and so the ordinance of God; contrary to the Puritans, and likewise to 
1 Boll. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25.  Bellarmine; who denies that Bishops have their jurisdiction immediately from God (But it is no wonder he takes the Puritans part, since jesuits are nothing but Puritan-papists.) And as I ever maintained the state of Bishops, and the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy for order sake; so was I ever an enemy to the confused Anarchy or parity of the Puritans, as well appeareth in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Heaven is governed by order, and all the good Angels there; nay, Hell itself could not subsist without some order; And the very devils are divided into Legions, and have their chieftains: how can any society then upon earth, subsist without order and degrees? And therefore I cannot enough wonder with what brazen face this Answerer could say, That I was a Puritan in Scotland, and an enemy to Protestants: 
Page 98.  I that was persecuted by Puritans there, not from my birth only, but even since four months before my birth? I that in the year of God 84 erected Bishops, and depressed all their popular Parity, I then being not 18. years of age? I that in my said Book to my Son, do speak ten times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists; having in my second Edition thereof, affixed a long Apologetike Preface, only in odium Puritanorum? and I that for the space of six years before my coming into England, laboured nothing so much as to depress their Parity, and re-erect Bishops again? Nay, if the daily Commentaries of my life and actions in Scotland, were written (as julius Caesar's were) there would scarcely a month pass in all my life, since my entering into the 13. year of my age, wherein someaccident or other would not convince the Cardinal of a Lie in this point. And surely I give a fair commendation to the Puritans in that place of my book, Where I affirm that I have found greater honesty with the highland and border thieves, then with that sort of people. But leaving him to his own impudence, I return to my purpose.  
Of Bishops and Church Hierarchy I very well allow (as I said before) and likewise of Ranks and Degrees amongst Bishops. patriarchs (I know) were in the time of the Primitive Church, and I likewise reverence that Institution for order sake: and amongst them was a contention for the first place. And for myself (if that were yet the question) I would with all my heart give my consent that the Bishop of Rome should have the first Seat: I being a western King would go with the Patriarch of the West. And for his temporal Principality over the Signory of Rome, I do not quarrel it neither; let him in God his Name be Primus Episcopus inter omnes Episcopos, and Princeps Episcoporum; so it be no otherwise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum. But as I well allow of the Hierarchy of the Church for distinction of orders (for so I understand it) so I utterly deny that there is an earthly Monarch thereof, whose word must be a Law, and who cannot err in his Sentence, by an infallibility of Spirit. Because carthly Kingdoms must have earthly monarchs; it doth not follow, that the Church must have a visible Monarch too: for the world hath not ONE earthly temporal Monarch. CHRIST is his Church's Monarch, and the holy Ghost his Deputy: 
Luke 22.25.  Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. CHRIST did not promise before his ascension, to leave Peter with them to direct and instruct them in all things; 
john 14.26.  but he promised to send the holy Ghost unto them for that end.  
And as for these two before cited places, whereby Bellarmine maketh the Pope to triumph over Kings: 
Matth. 18.18.  I mean Pasce oves, and Tibi dobo claves: the Cardinal knows well enough, that the same words of Tibi dabo, are in another place spoken by Christ in the plural number. And he likewise knows what reason the Ancients do give, why Christ bade Pater pascere oves and also what a cloud of witnesses there is, both of Ancients, and even of late Popish writers, yea divers Cardinals, that do all agree that both these speeches used to Peter, were meant to all the Apostles represenred in his person: 
1. Cor. 5.4.  Otherwise how could Paul direct the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person cum spiritu suo, whereas he should then have said, cum spiritu Petri? And how could all the Apostles have otherwise used all their censures, only in Christ's Name, and never a word of his Vicar▪ Peter (we read) did in all the Apostles meetings sit amongst them as one of their number: And when chosen men were sent to Antiochia from that great Apostolic Council at jerusalem (Acts 15.) 
Act. 15.22, 23.  The text saith, It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church, to send chosen men, but no mention made of the Head thereof; and so in their Letters no mention is made of Peter, but only of the Apostles, Elders and Brethren. And it is a wonder, why Paul rebuketh the Church of Corinth for making exception of Persons, because some followed Paul, some Apollo's, some Cephas, if Peter was their visible Head! 
1. Cor. 1.12.  for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas, renounced the Catholic faith. But it appeareth well that Paul knew little of our new doctrine, since he handleth Peter so rudely, 
Galat. 2.  as he not only compareth but preferreth himself unto him. But our Cardinal proves Peter's superiority, 
Galat. 1.18.  by Paul's going to visit him. Indeed Paul saith, he went to jerusalem to visit Peter, and confer with him; but he should have added, and to kiss his feet.  
To conclude then, The trueth is that Peter was both in age, and in the time of CHRIST'S calling him, one of the first of the Apostles; In order the principal of the first twelve, and one of the three whom CHRIST for order sake preferred to all the rest. And no further did the Bishop of Rome claim for three hundred years after CHRIST: Subject they were to the general Counsels, and even but of late did the Council of Constance depose three Popes, and set up the fourth. And until Phocas days (that murdered his master) were they subject to Emperors. But how they are now come to be Christ's Vicars, nay, Gods on earth, triple-crowned, Kings of heaven, earth and hell, judges of all the world, and none to judge them; Heads of the faith, Absolute deciders of all Controversies by the infallibility of their spirit, having all power both Spiritual and Temporal in their hands; the high Bishops, monarchs of the whole earth, Superiors to all Emperors and Kings; yea, Supreme Vice-gods, who whether they will or not cannot err: how they are now come (I say) to the top of greatness, I know not: but sure I am, We that are KINGS have greatest need to look unto it. As for me, Paul and Peter I know, but these men I know not: And yet to doubt of this, is to deny the Catholic faith; Nay, the world itself must be turned upside down, 
Bellar. de Rom. Pont. li. 1. cap. 17.  and the order of Nature inverted (making the left hand to have the place before the Right, and the last named to be the first in honour) that this primacy may be maintained.  
Thus have I now made a free Confession of my Faith: And (I hope) I have fully cleared myself from being an Apostate, and as far from being an Heretic, as one may be that believeth the Scriptures, and the three Creeds, and acknowledgeth the four first general Counsels. If I be loath to believe too much, especially of Novelties, men of greater knowledge may well pity my weakness; but I am sure none will condemn me for an Heretic, save such as make the Pope their God; and think him such aspeaking Scripture, as they can define Heresy no otherwise, but to be whatsoever Opinion is maintained against the Pope's definition of faith. And I will sincerely promise, that when ever any point of the Religion I profess, shallbe proved to be new, and not Ancient, Catholic, and Apostolic (I mean for matter of Faith) I will as soon renounce it; closing up this head with the Maxim of Vincentius Lirinensis, 
Libello adnersus harese.  that I will never refuse to embrace any opinion in Divinity necessary to salvation, which the whole Catholic Church With an unanime consent, have constantly taught and believed even from the Apostles days, for the space of many aages thereafter without any interruption. But in the Cardinal's opinion, I have showed myself an Heretic (I am sure) in playing with the name of Babylon, and the Town upon seven hills; as if I would insinuate Rome at this present to be spiritually Babylon. And yet that Rome is called Babylon, 
1. Pet. 5.13.  both in Saint Peter's Epistle, and in the Apocalyps, our Answerer freely confesseth. As for the definition of the Antichrist, I will not urge so obscure a point, as a matter of Faith to be necessarily believed of all Christians; but what I think herein, I will simply declare.  
That there must be an Antichrist, and in his time a general Defection; we all agree. But the Time, Seat, and Person of this Antichrist, are the chief Questions whereupon we differ: and for that we must search the Scriptures for our resolution. 
2. Thes. 2.  As for my opinion; I think S. Paul in the 2. to the Thessalonians doth utter more clearly that which Saint john speaketh more mystically of the Antichrist.  
First, that in that place he meaneth the Antichrist, it is plain, since he saith, 
Verse 3.  There must be first a Defection; and that in the Antichrists time only that eclipse of Defection must fall upon the Church, all the Romish Catholics are strong enough: otherwise their Church must be daily subject to err, 
Verse 3, 4.  which is clean contrary to their main doctrine. Then describing him (he saith) that The man of Sin, Filius perditionis, shall exalt himself above all that is called God. But who these be whom of the Psalmist saith Dixi vos Dij estis, 
Psal. 82.6.  Bellarmine can tell. In old Divinity it was wont to be Kings; Bellarmine will add Churchmen; Let it be both. It is well enough known, who now exalteth himself above both the swords.  
And after that S. Paul hath thus described the Person, he next describeth the Seat, 
2. Thess. 2.4.  and telleth that He shall sit in the Temple of God, that is, the bosom of the Church; yea, in the very heart thereof. Now where this Apostolic Seat is, I leave to be guessed: And likewise who it is that sitting there, showeth himself to be GOD; pardoning sins, redeeming souls, and defining Faith, controlling and judging all men, and to be judged of none.  
Anent the Time, S. Paul is plainest of all: For he calleth the Thessalonians to memory, 
Verse 5.  That when he was with them, he told them these things; and therefore they know (saith he) what the impediment was, 
Verse 6.  and who did withbold that the man of Sin was not revealed, 
Verse 7.  although the mystery of iniquity was already working. That the Roman Emperors in Saint Paul's time needed no revealing to the Christians to be men of Sin or sinful men, no child doubteth: but the revelation he speaketh of was a mystery, a secret; It should therefore seem that he durst not publish in his Epistle what that impediment was. It may be he meant by the translating of the Seat of the Roman Empire, and that the translation thereof should leave a room for the man of Sin to sit down in. And that he meant not that man of Sin of these Ethnic Emperors in his time, his introduction to this discourse maketh it more than manifest. For he saith (fearing they should be deceived, thinking the day of the Lords second coming to be at hand) he hath therefore thought good to forewarn them that this general Defection must first come: Whereby it well appeareth that he could not mean by the present time but by a future, and that a good long time; otherwise he proved ill his argument, that the Lords coming was not at hand. Neither can the form of the Destruction of this man of Sin agree with that manner of spoil, that the Goths and Vandals made of 
* For so doth Tortus call Rome when it was spoiled by them, though it was Christian many years before.  Ethnic Rome: For our Apostle saith, 
1 Verse 8.  That this wicked man shall be consumed by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, and abolished by his coming. Now I would think that the word of God and the Preaching thereof, should be meant by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, which should piece and piece consume and diminish the power of that man of Sin, till the brightness of the Lords second coming should utterly abolish him. And by his expressing the means of his working, he doth likewise (in my opinion) explain his meaning very much: For he saith, It shall be by a strong delusion, 
Verse. 8.9.  by lying wonders, etc. Well, what Church it is that vaunteth them of their innumerable miracles, and yet most of them contrary to their own doctrine; Bellarmine can best tell you with his hungry Mare, 
Bellar lib. 3. the Eucharist. cap. 8  that turned her tail to her provender and kneeled to the Sacrament: And yet (I am sure) he will be ashamed to say, that the holy Sacrament is ordained to be worshipped by Oues & Boves, & caetera pecora campi.  
Thus have I proved out of S. Paul now, that the time of the Antichrists coming, and the general Defection was not to be till long after the time that he wrote in; That his Seat was to be in the Temple and Church of God; and, That his Action (which can best point at his Person) should be to Exalt himself above all that were called Gods. S. john indeed doth more amply, though mystically describe this Antichrist, which under the figure of a monstrous Beast, with seven heads and ten horns, he sets forth in the xiii. chap. and then interpreteth in the xvij. where he calls her a Whore sitting upon many waters, and riding upon the said monstrous Beast; 
revel. 17. v. 1. Vers. 3.  concluding that chapter with calling that Woman, that great City which reigneth over the Kings of the earth. And both in that Chapter, 
Verse 18.  and in the beginning of the next he calls that great City, Babylon. 
Vers. 5. Cap. 18. v. 2.   
So as to continue herein my formerly purposed Method, of the Time, Seat, and Person of Antichrist; this place doth clearly and undeniably declare that Rome is, or shallbe the Seat of that Antichrist. For first, no Papist now denieth that by Babylon here Rome is directly meant; and that this Woman is the Antichrist, doth clearly appear by the time of his working (described by 42. months in the xiii. Chap.) 
Vers. 5.  which doth justly agree with that three years and a halves time, which all the Papists give to the Reign of Antichrist. Besides that, the Beast itself with seven heads and ten horns, having one of her heads wounded and healed again, is described just alike in the xiii. and xvij. Chap. being in the former proved to be the Antichrist by the time of her reign; and in the latter Rome by the name of Babylon, by the confession of all the Papists, So as one point is now clear, that Rome is the Seat of the Antichrist.  
Neither will that place in the eleventh Chapter serve to shift off this point, and prove the Antichrists Seat to be in jerusalem; where it is said; 
Chap. 11.8.  That the Corpses of the Witnesses shall lie in the great City, spiritually Sodom and Egypt, where our Lord also was crucified. For the word spiritually is applied both to Sodom, Egypt and jerusalem in that place; And when he hath named Sodom and Egypt, he doth not subioyne jerusalem with a single ubi; but with an ubi &, as if he would say; and this Antichrists abomination shall be so great, as his Seat shall be as full of Spiritual whoredoms and Idolatries, as Sodom and Egypt was; nay, and so bloody in the persecution of the Saints, as our Lord shall be crucified again in his members. And who hath so meanly read the Scriptures (if he have ever read them at all) that knoweth it not to be a common phrase in them, 
Matt. 25.40.  to call CHRIST persecuted and slain, when his Saints are so used? 
Acts 9.4.  So did CHRIST say, speaking of the latter day; and in the same style did he speak to S. Paul at his conversion. And that Babylon, or Rome (since Bellarmine is contented it be so called) is that great City where our Lord was crucified, 
revel. 18.24.  the last verse of the xviij. Chap. doth also clearly prove it: For there it is said, That in that City was found the blood of the Prophets, and of the Saints, and of all that were slain upon the earth; and I hope CHRIST was one of them that were slain upon the earth. And besides that it may well be said that he was slain in that great City Babylon, since by the Roman authority he was put to death, under a Roman judge, and for a Roman quarrel: for he could not be a friend to Caesar, that was not his enemy.  
This point now being cleared of the Antichrists Seat, as I have already said; we are next to find out the Time when the Antichrist shall reign, if it be not already come. 
Cham 13.3.  In the xiii. Chapter. S. john saith, that this Beast with the seven heads and ten horns, 
Chap. 17.10.  had one of his heads wounded and healed again; and interpreting that in the xvij. he saith, that these seven heads are also seven Kings, whereof five are fallen, one is, and an other is not yet come, and when he cometh he shall continue a short space. 
Verse 11.  And the Beast that was and is not, is the eight, and yet one of the seven. By which Beast he meaneth the Antichrist, who was not then come, I mean in the Apostles days, but was to come after. So as between the time of the Apostles and the end of the world, must the Time of the Antichrists coming be; and with this the Papists do also agree. Whereby it appeareth that Babylon, which is Rome, shall be the Seat of the Antichrist; 
revel. 1.1. & chap. 4.1.  but not that Ethnic Rome which was in the Apostles days (for john himself professeth that he is to write of nothing, but that which is to come after his time.) Nor yet that turning Christian Rome while she was in the converting, which immediately followed the Apostles time, glorious by the Martyrdom of so many godly Bishops: But that Antichristian Rome, when as the Antichrist shall set down his seat there, after that by the working of that Mystery of iniquity, Christian Rome shall become to be corrupted; and so that deadly wound, which the Goths and Vandals gave Rome, shall be cured in that Head or King, the Antichrist, who thereafter shall arise and reign for a long space.  
But here it may be objected, that the Antichrist cannot reign a long space; since S. john saith in two or three sundry places, that the Antichrist shall work but the space of three years and a half. Surely who will but a little acquaint himself with the phrases and Style of S. john in his Apocalyps, shall find that he doth ordinarily set down numerum certum pro incerto. 
Chap. 7. Chap. 9.16, 18.  So doth he in his twelve thousand of every Tribe that will be safe; so doth he in his Army of two hundred thousand, that were sent to kill the third part of the men; and so doth he in divers other places. And therefore who will but remember that in all his Visions in the said Book, he directly imitates the fashions of the Prophet Ezekiels', daniel's, and Zacharies' Visions (borrowing their phrases that prophesied before CHRIST, to utter his Prophecies in, that was to speak of the last days) shall find it very probable that in these three days and a half, he imitated daniel's Weeks, accounting for his Week the time between CHRIST'S first and second coming, and making Antichrist to triumph the half of that time or spiritual Week. For as to that literal interpretation (as all the Papists make it) of three years and a half, and that time to shall out directly the very last days, save five and forty, before CHRIST his second coming, it is directly repugnant to the whole New TESTAMENT. For CHRIST saith, That in the latter days men shall be feasting, marrying, and at all such worldly business, when the last hour shall come in a clap upon them; One shall be at the Mill; One upon the top of the house, 
Matth. 24.41.  and so forth. CHRIST telleth a Parable of the five foolish Virgins, 
Matth. 25.  to show the unlooked-for coming of this hour, Nay, he saith, the Son of man, nor the Angels in heaven know not this time. S. Peter biddeth us WATCH AND PRAY, ever awaiting upon that hour. And S. john in this same Apocalyps doth 
1 revel. 3.3. and 16. ●5.  twice tell us, that CHRIST will come as a thief in the night; And so doth CHRIST say in the 
2 Matth. 24.44.  evangel Whereas if the Antichrist shall reign three years and a half before the Latter day, and that there shall be but just forty five days of time after his destruction; then shall not the just day and hour of the Latter day, be unknown to them that shall be alive in the world, at the time of antichrist's destruction. For first according to the Papists doctrine, all the world shall know him to be the Antichrist, both by the two Witnesses doctrine, and his sudden destruction; And consequently they cannot be ignorant, that the Latter day shall come just forty five days after: and so CHRIST shall not come as a thief, nor the world be taken at unawares; contrary to all the Scriptures before alleged, and many more. And thus have we proved Rome to be the Seat of the Antichrist, and the second half of that spiritual Week between the first and second coming of CHRIST, to be the time of his Reign: For in the first half thereof the mystery of iniquity began to work; but the man of Sin was not yet revealed.  
But who these Witnesses should be, is a great question. The general conceit of the Papists is, that it must be Enoch and Elias. And herein is Bellarmine so strong, as he thinketh him in a great error (if not an Heretic) that doubteth of it. But the vanity of the jewish fable I will in few words discover.  
The Cardinal, 
Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 6.  in his book of Controversies, bringeth four places of Scripture for probation of this idle dream: two in the Old Testament, Malachi and Ecclesiasticus, and two in the New, CHRIST in Matthew (he might have added Mark too) and john in the xj. of the Apocalyps. First, for the general of all those places, I dare boldly affirm, That there is not a word in them, nor in all the rest of the Scriptures that saith, that either Enoch or Elias shall return to fight against Antichrist, and shall be slain by him, nor any such like matter. Next as to every place in particular, to begin with Malachi, I know not who can better interpret him then CHRIST, 
Matt. 11.14. and 17.12. Mar. 9.13.  who twice in Matthew, Chap. xj. and xvij. and once in Mark, tells both the multitude, and his own Disciples, that john Baptist was that promised Elias. And herein doth Bellarmine deal most unfaithfully with CHRIST: for in his demonstration that Antichrist is not yet come, because Enoch and Elias are not yet returned; he, for his probation thereof, citeth these words of CHRIST in the xvij of Matthew, Elias shall indeed come, and restore all things; but omits his very next words interpreting the same, That be is already come, in the person of john Baptist. Nay, whereby he taketh upon him to answer Biblianders' objection, that CHRIST did by john the Baptist, understand the prophecy of Elias coming to be accomplished, he picketh out the words, Qui habet aures, audiat, in the xj. of Matthew, immediately following that purpose of Elias, making of them a great mystery: and never taketh knowledge, that in the xvij. by himself before alleged, CHRIST doth interpret Malachi in the same manner without any subjoining of these words, Qui habet aures, audiat; adjoining shamelessly hereunto a foul Paraphrase of his own, telling us what CHRIST would have said; nay, in my conscience, he meant what CHRIST should and ought to have said, if he had been a good Catholic, setting down there a gloss of Orleans that destroys the Text. Thus ye see: how shamefully he abuseth CHRIST'S words, who in three sundry places (as I have said) interpreteth the second coming of Elias to be meant by john the Baptist. He likewise cavils most dishonestly upon that word Venturus. For CHRIST useth that word but in the repeating their opinion: but interpreting it that he was already come, in the person of john Baptist. 
Matt. 17.11.  As if he had said, The prophecy is indeed true that Elias shall come; but I say unto you, that Elias iam venit, meaning of john Baptist: and so he first repeats the words of the prophecy in the future time, as the Prophet spoke them, and next showeth them to be now accomplished in the person of john, in the present time. 
Malach. 4.5. Matth. 27.  Neither can these words of Malachi [Dies magnus & borribilis] falsify CHRIST'S Commentary upon him. For if that day whereupon the Saviour of the world suffered, when the 
1 This obscuring of the Sun was so extraordinary and fearful, that Dionysius, only led by the light of Nature and human learning, cried out at the sight thereof, Aut Deus patitur, aut vices patientis dolet. Mala. 4.6.  Sun was totally obscured from the sixth hour to the ninth; the vail of the Temple rend asunder from the top to the bottom; and the earth did quake, the stones were cloven, the graves did open themselves, and the dead arose● If that day (I say) was not a great and horrible day, I know not what to call a horrible day. Which day no doubt had destroyed the whole nation of the jews without exception by a just Anatheme, if the said john the forerunner had not first converted many by the doctrine of Repentance and by Baptism. But why should I presume any more to interpret Malachi, since it is sufficient that CHRIST himself hath interpreted him so? And since Ipse dixit; nay, ter dixit, per quem facta sunt omnia, what mortal man dare interpret him otherwise; nay, directly contrary?  
Now for that place of Ecclesiasticus; 
Ecclus. 48.8.  as the son of Sirach only borroweth it from Malachi (as appeareth by these words of his, 
Mala. 4.6.  of converting the sons hearts to their fathers, which are Malachies' own words) so doth CHRIST'S Commentary serve as well to interpret the one as the other: it being no shame for that mortal jesus, to be commented & interpreted by the immortal and true JESUS, though to the shame & confusion of the jesuits heresies herein.  
But Enoch must be joined to Elias in this errand, only to bear up the couples, as I think. For no place of Scripture speaketh of his returning again, only it is said in Ecclesiasticus the 44. that Enoch pleased GOD, and was translated to Paradise, ut daret Gentibus sapientiam, or poenitentiam; 
Ecclus. 44.16.  since they will have it so. And what is this to say? marry that Enoch shall return again to this world, and fight against the Antichrist. A pretty large Comment indeed, but no right Commentary upon that Text. When Bellarmine was talking of Elias; he insisted, That Elias must come to convert the jews principally, restituere tribus jacob. But when he speaketh here of Enoch, he must dare Gentibus paenitentiam, and not a word of jews. Belike they shall come for sundry errands, and not both for one: Or like Paul and Peter, the one shall be Apostle for the jews, and the other for the Gentiles. What need such wild racked Commentaries for such three words? Will not the sense stand well and clearly enough, that Enoch pleased GOD, and was translated to Paradise; that by the example of his reward, the Nations might repent and imitate his Holy footsteps? For what could more mightily persuade the Nations to repent; then by letting them see that holy Man carried quick up to Heaven, for reward of his uprightness; whereas all the rest of the people died and went to corruption? And where Scripture faileth, the Cardinal must help himself with the Fathers, to prove both that Enoch and Elias are yet alive, and that they shall hereafter die; but with the like felicity, as in his alleging of Scriptures; to use his own words of me in his 
2 Pag. 27.  pamphlet: For which purpose he citeth five Fathers; Irenaeus, Tertullian, Epiphanius, Hierome and Augustine. Upon this they all agree in deed, that Enoch and Elias are still alive both, which no Christian (I hope) will deny: For Abraham, Isaac, and jacob are all still alive, 
Mart. 22, 32.  as CHRIST telleth us; for God is Deus viventium, non mortuorum. Much more than are Enoch and Elias alive, who never tasted of death after the manner of other men. But as to the next point, that they should die hereafter, 
Lib. 5.  his first two witnesses, Irenaeus and Tertullian say the direct contrary: For Irenaeus saith, that they shall remain in Paradise, till the consummation, conspicantes incorruptionem. Now to remain there till the consummation, and to see incorruption is directly contrary to their returning to the world again and suffering of death. 
Lib cont. judeos. cap. 2.  Tertullian likewise agreeing hereunto, saith most clearly, That Enoch hath never tasted of death, ut aeternitatis candidatus: now he is ill privileged with eternity, if he must die again. As for his places cited out of the other three Fathers, they all confirm that first point, That they are still alive but that they must die again, they make no mention.  
But he speaking of the Ancient Fathers, let me take this occasion to forewarn you concerning them: That though they mistake and understand not rightly many mysteries in the Apocalyps, it is no wonder: For the book thereof, 
2. Thess. 2.  was still sealed in their days. And though the mystery of iniquity was already working, yet was not the man of Sin yet revealed. And it is a certain rule in all dark prophecies; That they are never clearly understood, till they be accomplished.  
And thus having answered his two places, in the Old Testament, by his third in the New Testament, containing Christ's own words: which being luce clariora, I need speak no more of them. I am now to speak of the fourth place of Scripture, which is in the xj. of the Apocalyps: For the two Witnesses (forsooth) there mentioned, 
Revelat. 11.  must be Enoch and Elias. But how this can stand with any point of Divinity or likelihood of reason, that these two glorified Bodies shall come down out of heaven or Paradise, (make it what you will) preach, and fight against the Antichrist, be slain by him after many thousand years exempted from the natural course of death, rise again the third day in imitation of CHRIST, and then (having wrought many wonders) to go up again to Heaven, making an ordinary Post betwixt Heaven and Earth: how this (I say) can agree either with Divinity or good Reason, I confess it passeth my capacity. And especially that they must be clad in Sackcloth, whose bodies (I hope) have been so long agone free from sin, as I think they shall need no more such maceration for sin: For they must be now either in Heaven or Paradise: If in heaven, (as doubtless they are) their bodies must be glorified; for no corruptible thing can enter there; 
revel. 21.27.  and consequently they can no more be subject to the sensible things of this world, especially to death: But if they be in earthly Paradise, we must first know where it is.  
Bellarmine indeed in his Controversies is much troubled to find out the place where Paradise is, 
Lib de Grat. primi hominis.  and whether it be in the earth, or in the air. But these are all vanities. The Scriptures tell us, 
Gen. 2.  that Paradise and the garden of Eden therein, was a certain place upon the earth, which GOD chose out to set Adam into, and having thereafter for his sin banished him from the same, it is a blasphemy to think that any of Adam's posterity came ever there again. For in Adam were all his posterity accursed, and banished from the earthly Paradise: like as all the earth in general, and Paradise in special were accursed in him; the second Adam having by grace, called a certain number of them to be Coheritours with him of the heavenly Paradise and jerusalem. And doubtlessly, the earthly Paradise was defaced at the Flood, if not before: and so lost all that exquisite fertility and pleasantness, wherein it once surpassed all the rest of the earth. And that it should be lifted up in the air, is like one of the dreams of the Alcoran. Surely no such miracle is mentioned in the Scriptures, and hath no ground but from the curious fancies of some boiling brains, who cannot be content, Sapere ad sobrietatem. 
Rom. 12.3.   
In heaven then for certain are Enoch and Elias: 
Gen 5.24. 2. King. 2.10, 11.  for Enoch (saith the Text) walked with GOD, and was taken up, and Elias was seen catied up to heaven in a fiery chariot. And that they who have been the Indwellers of Heaven these many thousand years, and are freed from the Laws of mortality; that these glorious and incorruptible bodies (I say) shall come in the world again, preach and work miracles, and fight against the Antichrist be slain by him, whom natural death could not before take hold of: as it is a fabulous invention, so is it quite contrary to the nature of such sanctified creatures. Especially I wonder, why Enoch should be thought to be one of these two Witnesses for CHRIST: For it was Moses and Elias that were with CHRIST, at the transsiguration; signifying the Law and the Prophets: which would be the fittest witnesses for convincing of Antichrist. But why they have exempted Moses, and put enoch's head in the yoke, I cannot conceive. So as I have too much laboured in the refuting of this foolish, and indeed childish fable; which I am so far from believing in any sort, as I protest in GOD'S presence, I cannot hold any learned Divine (in our age now) to be a Christian, that will believe it; but worthy to be ranked with the Scribes and Pharises, that raved and dreamt upon the coming again of Elias, though CHRIST told them the contrary. As for some of the Ancients that mistook this matter, I do not censure them so hardly; for the reason that I have already alleged concerning them.  
And having now refuted that idle fable; that those two Witnesses were Enoch and Elias: it falleth me next to guess, what in my opinion should be meant by them. I confess, it is far easier to refute such a groundless fable as this is, contrary to all grounds of Divinity and Reason; then to set down a true interpretation of so high and dark a Mystery. And therefore as I will not presume to bind any other man to my opinion herein, if his own reason lead him not thereunto; so shall I propone such probable conjectures, as (I hope) shall be free from Heresy, or unlawful curiosity.  
In two divers fashions may the Mystery of these Witnesses be lawfully and probably interpreted, in my opinion. Whereof the one is, that by these two Witnesses should be meant the Old and New Testaments: For as the Antichrist cannot choose but be an adversary to the Word of GOD above all things; so will he omit no endeavour to disgrace, corrupt, suppress and destroy the same. And now whether this Book of the two Testaments, or two Witnesses of CHRIST, have suffered any violence by the Babylonian Monarchy or not; I need say nothing; Res ipsaloquitur. I will not weary you with recounting those Common Places used for disgracing it: as calling it a Nose of wax, a dead Letter, a leaden Rule, a hundredth such like phrases of reproach. But how far the Traditions of men, and authority of the Church are preferred to these Witnesses, doth sufficiently appear in the Babylonian doctrine. And if there were no more but that little book, 
Cardinal Pe●on.  with that pretty Inscription, De l'Insuffisance de l'Escriture saint, it is enough to prove it.  
And as to the corrupting thereof; the corruptions of the old Latin transltion must not be corrected, 
Luke 15.8.  though it bid evertere domum in stead of everrere, 
john 21.22, 23.  for seeking of a penny; and though it say of john, Sic eum volo manner donec veniam, in place of Si, though it be known a plain Lie, and that the very next words of the Text disprove the same. Nay, so far must we be from correcting it, as that the Vulgar Translation must be preferred by Catholics, to the Bible in the own Original tongue. And is it a small corrupting of Scriptures to make all, or the most part of the Apocrypha of equal faith with the Canonical Scriptures, contrary to the Father's opinions and Decrees of ancient Counsels? And what blasphemous corrupting of Scripture is it, to turn Dominus into Domina throughout the whole Psalms? 
Made by Boneventura Doctor Seraphicus.  And thus our Lady's Psalter was lately reprinted in Paris. Is not this to confound CHRIST'S person with hers? And as for suppressing of the Scriptures; how many hundredth years were the people kept in such blindness, as these Witnesses were almost unknown? for the Layicks durst not, being forbidden, and the most part of the Clergy, either would or could not meddle with them.  
Thus were these two Witnesses of CHRIST, (whom of himself saith, Scrutamini Scriptur as, 
john 5.39.  illae enim testimonium perhibent de me) These 
1 revel. 11.4.  two Olives bringing peace to all the believers, even peace of Conscience: These 
2 Ibid.  two Candlesticks standing in the sight of GOD, and giving light to the Nations; represented by Candlesticks even in the very order of the Roman Mass: 
See Expositio Missae, annexed to Ordo Romanus, set forth by G. Cassander.  Thus were these two Witnesses (I say) disgraced, corrupted and suppressed (nay, so suppressed and silenced, as he was brent for an Heretic that durst presume to look upon them) kept close in a strange tongue, that they might not be understood, Legends and lying wonders supplying their place in the Pulpits. 
Verse 8.  And so did their Bodies lie in the streets of the great City, spiritually Sodom, 
Coloss. 2.20.  for spiritual fornication which is idolatry; spiritually Egypt, for bringing the Saints of God in bondage of human traditions [Quare oneramini ritibus.] So did their bodies (I say) lie 3. days and a half; that is, 
Verse 8.  the half of that spiritual Week between CHRIST his first and second coming; and as dead carcases indeed did the Scriptures than lie without a monument, being laid open to all contempt, cared for almost by none, understood by as few; nay, no man durst call for them for fear of punishment, as I have already said. And thus lying dead, as it were, 
2. Chro. 34.14. Verse 10.  without life or vigour (as the Law of GOD did till it was revived in josias time) The Inhabitants of the earth, that is, worldly men rejoiced and sent gifts to other, for joy that their fleshly liberty was now no more awed, nor kerbed by that two edged sword, for they were now sure, that do what they would, their purse would procure them pardons from Babylon. Omnia Vaenalia Romae; so as men needed no more to look up to heaven, but down to their purses to find Pardons. Nay, what needed any more suing to heaven, or taking it by violence and fervency of zeal; when the Pardons came and offered themselves at every man's doors? And divers spiritual men vaunted themselves, that they neither understood Old Testament nor New.  
Thus were these 2. Witnesses used in the second half of this spiritual week; 
Verse 3.  who in the first half thereof were clad in sackcloth; that is, preached repentance to all nations, for the space of 500 or 600. years after Christ: 
revel. 6.2.  God making his Word or Witness so triumph, riding upon the white horse in the time of the Primitive Church, as that they overcame all that opposed themselves unto it, beating down every high thing, as Paul saith; 
2. Cor. 10.4.  excluding from heaven all that believe not therein: as strongly with the spiritual fire thereof, convincing the stiffnecked pride of unbelievers, as ever Moses or Elias did, by the plagues of Egypt and famine, convince the rebellious Egyptians and stiffnecked Israelites.  
Neither shall it be enough to disgrace, corrupt and suppress them; 
revel. 11.7.  but Killed must they be at the last. To which purpose cometh forth 
1 Printed at Venice. Anno 562.  Censura generalis, ut mucrone censorio iugulare eas possit; and cutteth their throats indeed: For the author ordaineth all translations, but their own to be burnt, which is yet commonly practised: nay he professeth, he cometh not to correct but to destroy them, controlling and calling every place of Scripture Heretical, that disagreeth from their Traditions (with almost as many foul words and railing epithets, as the Cardinal bestoweth on my Apology) not ruling, nor interpreting Scripture by Scripture, but making their Traditions to be such a touchstone for it, as he condemneth of Heresy, not only those places of Scripture that he citeth, but layeth the same general condemnation upon all other the like places wheresoever they be written in the Scriptures. And yet (praised be God) we begin now with our eyes, as our predecessors have done in some aages before, to see these Witnesses rise again, 
Verse 11.12.  and shine in their former glory: GOD, as it were, setting them up again upon their feet, and raising them to the Heavens in a triumphal cloud of glory, like Elias his fiery chariot. Which exalting of the Gospel again, 
13.  hath bred such an earthquake and alteration amongst many Nations; as a tenth part, or a good portion of these that were in subjection to that Great City, to wit, Babylon, are fallen from her; seven thousand, that is, many thousands having been killed upon the occasion of that great alteration; and many other converted to the fear of GOD, and giving glory to the God of heaven. This now is one of the ways, by which (I think) this place of Scripture may be lawfully and probably interpreted.  
The other is more common, and seemeth more literally to agree with the Text. And this is to interpret, not the word of God, but the Preachers thereof to be meant by these Witnesses. Few they were that first began to reveal the man of Sin, and discover his corruptions; and therefore well described by the number of two Witnesses: 
Deut. 19.15.  Name in ore duorum aut trium testium stabit omne verbum. And in no greater number were they that began this work, 
revel. 11.3.  than the greatness of the errand did necessarily require. They prophesied in sackcloth, for they preached repentance. That divers of them were put to cruel deaths, is notorious to the world: And likewise that (in the persons of their Successors in doctrine) 
1 Sanguis Martyrum est semen Eccl-siae. Verse 11.  they rose again; and that in such power and efficacy, as is more than miraculous: For where it is accounted in the Scriptures a miraculous work of GOD wrought by his holy Spirit, 
Acts 2.41.  When the Apostle Saint Peter converted about three thousand in one day; these Witnesses I speak of, by the force of the same Spirit, converted many mighty Nations in few years, who still continue praising GOD, that he hath delivered us from the tyranny of Antichrist, that reigneth over that great City; and with a full cry proclaiming, Go out of her my people, 
revel. 18.4.  lest ye be partaker of her sins and of her plagues. Let therefore these Miracle-mongers that surfeit the world, and raise the price of paper daily, with setting forth old, though new gilded Miracles and Legends of lies; Let such (I say) consider of this great and wonderful Miracle indeed, and to their shame, compare it with their paltry wares. Thus having in two fashions delivered my conjecture, what I take to be meant by these two Witnesses in the xj. of the Apocalyps, there being no great difference between them: In the one, taking it to be the Word of GOD itself; In the other, the Word of God too, but in the mouths of his Preachers: It resteth now that I come to the third point of the description of Antichrist; which is anent his Person.  
That by the Whore of Babylon that rideth upon the Beast, is meant a Seat of an Empire, and a successive number of men sitting thereupon, and not any one man; doth well appear by the form of the description of the Antichrist throughout all the said Book. 
Cap. xvij.  For in the last verse of the xvij. 
Verse 18.  Chapter, the Woman is expounded to be, That great City that reigneth over the Kings of the earth; which cannot signify the only Person of one man, 
Verse. 9  but a successive number of men (as I have already said) whose Seat that great City must be: like as in the same Chapter, The seven heads of the Beast are two ways expounded. First, they are called seven Hills, which is plain; and next they are called seven Kings, which cannot be meant by the Kings that shall give their power to the Beast, 
Verse 13.  and be subject unto her, which is immediately after expressed by the ten horns: 
Verse 12.  But rather appeareth to be those seven forms of government of that Seat: five of which had already been and fallen; As Kings, Consuls, Dictator's, Decemuiri and Tribuni militum. The sixth was in the time of S. john his writing of this book, which was the Government of the Emperor. The seventh which was not yet come, and was to last but for a short space, was the 
1 From the time of Constantine the Great, his removing of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople, till the time of Bonifacius the third, to wit, about 276. veeres.  Ecclesiastical government by Bishops, which was not come upon the translation of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople; though their government was in a manner substitute to the Emperors: For though that form of Government lasted about the space of 276. years; yet was it but short in comparison of the long time of the reign of the Antichrist (not yet expired) which succeeded immediately thereunto. And the eight, which is the Beast that was and is not, and is to go to perdition, is the ANTICHRIST: the eight form of Government indeed by his absoluteness, and yet the 
Verse 11.  and yet the seventh, because he seemeth but to succeed to the Bishop in an Ecclesiastical form of Government, though by his greatness he shall make Babylon's Empire in glory, like to that magnificence wherein that great City triumphed, when it most flourished: which in Saint john's time was much decayed, by the factions of the great men, the mutinies of the armies, and the unworthiness of the Emperors. And so that flourishing state of that great City or Beast, which it was in before S. john's time, and being much 
2 Not in respect of the extent, and limits of the Empire: but in regard of the government thereof, and glory of the Citre. Revel. 18. Ver. 9 & 11. Ver 10.16, 19 Vers. 9  decayed was but in a manner in his time, should be restored unto it again by Antichrist: who as he ascendeth out of the bottomless pit, so must he go to Destruction. And likewise by that great lamentation that is made for the destruction of Babylon in the eighteenth Chapter, both by the Kings, and by the Merchants of the earth; where it is thrice repeated for aggravating the pity of her desolation, that That great City fell in an hour: By that great lamentation (I say) it well appeareth, That the reign of Antichrist must continue longer than three years and a half, or any one man's time: For the Kings that had committed fornication with her, & in delicijs vixerant; behoved to have had a longer time for contracting of that great acquaintance: 
Vers. 12.  And the Merchants of the earth set her forth and describe her at great length, as the very staple of all their riches; which could not be so soon gathered as in one man's time. And to conclude now this description of the Antichrist; I will set down unto you all that is spoken of him in the Apocalyps in a short method, for the further explaining of these three points that I have already handled.  
The Antichrist is four times (in my opinion) described by john in the Apocalyps, in four sundry visions; and a short Compendium of him repeated again in the xx. Chapter. 
1 Description of Antichrist. Revel. cap. 6. Verse 2.  He is first described by a pale Horse in the vision of the Seals in the sixth Chapter: For after that CHRIST had triumphed upon a white Horse in the first Seal, by the propagation of the Gospel; and that the red Horse in the second Seal, is as busy in persecution, 
Verse 4.  as CHRIST is in overcoming by the constancy of his Martyrs; and that famine and other plague's signified by the black Horse in the third Seal, 
Verse 5.  
Verse 8.  have succeeded to these former persecutions: Then cometh forth the Antichrist upon a pale horse in the 4. Seal, having Death for his rider, and Hell for his convoy; which rider fitted well his colour of paleness: and be had power given 
1 Or them, after other Translations, whereby is jointly understood the said pale horse, together with his rider and convoy, Death and Hell.  him over the fourth part of the earth (which is Europe) to kill with the sword, and use great persecution; as Ethnic Rome did, figured by the red horse: and to kill with spiritual hunger or famine of the true word of God; as the black horse did by corporal famine & with death, whereby spiritual death is meant. For the Antichrist, signified by this pale horse, shall afflict the Church both by persecution and temporal death; as also by alluring the Nations to idolatry, and so to spiritual death: and by the beast of the earth shall he procure their spiritual death; for he shall send out the Locusts (over whom he is King) mentioned in the 9 Chap. of this book; and the 3. frogs, mentioned in the 16. of the same; for enticing of all Kings and nations to drink of the cup of her abominations. 
Verse 9  That that description now of Antichrist endeth there, it is more than plain: for at the opening of the first Seal, the souls and blood of the murdered Saints cry for vengeance and hasting of judgement; 
Verse 10.  
Verse 12.  which in the sixth Seal is granted unto them by CHRIST'S coming at the Latter day; signified by heavens departing away, like a scroll when it is rolled: with a number of other sentences to the same purpose.  
But because this might seem a short and obscure description of the Antichrist, 
The second. description.  he describeth him much more largely and specifikely, especially in the vision of the Trumpets in the 9 
Reu. Chap. 9 Verse 1.  Chapter. For there he saith, at the blowing of the sift Trumpet, Heresies being first spread abroad in three of the four former blasts; to wit, in the first, third, and fourth blast (for I take temporal persecution to be only signified by the second blast) he then saw a star fall from Heaven, 
Verse 2.  to whom was given the key of the bottomless pit; which being opened by him, 
Verse 3.  with the smoke thereof came forth a number of Locusts, whom he largely describeth, both by their craft & their strength; and then telleth the name of this their king, who brought them out of the bottomless pit, which is, 
Verse 11.  Destroyer. By this star fallen from heaven, being signified, as I take it, some person of great dignity in the Church, whose duty being to give light to the word (as CHRIST saith) doth contrary thereunto fall away like Lucifer, 
Matth. 5.14.  and set up a kingdom, by the sending forth of that noisome pack of crafty cruel vermin, described by Locusts: and so is the Seat of the Antichrist begun to be erected, whose doctrine is at length declared in the second woe, after the blast of the sixth Trumpet; 
Verse 13. Verse 20.  where it is said, That the remnant of men which were not killed by the plagues, repent not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship devils, and idols of gold, and of silver & of brass and of stone, and of wood, which neither can see, 
Lib de Cultu Adoratio. lib. 3 disp. 1. cap 5. Vers. 21.  hear, nor go. (As for worshipping of devils; look your great jesuited doctor, Vasques: and as for all the rest, it is the main doctrine of the Roman Church.) And then it is subjoined in this Text, that they repent not of their murder, their sorcery, their fornications, nor their theft.  
By their murder, their persecution is meant, and bloody massacres: For their Sorcery consider of their Agnus Dei, that will slocken fire; of the hallowed shirts, and divers sorts of Relics; and also of Prayers that will preserve men from the violence of shot, of fire, of sword, of thunder, and such like dangers; And judge, if this be not very like to Sorcery and incantation of charms.  
By their Fornication is meant both their spiritual fornication of Idolatry, and also their corporal fornication; which doth the more abound amongst them, as well by reason of the restraint of their Churchmen from marriage, as also because of the many Orders of idle Monastike lives amongst them, as well for men as women: And continual experience proveth, that idleness is ever the greatest spur to lechery. And they are guilty of Theft, in stealing from GOD the titles and greatness of power due to him, and bestowing it upon their head, the Antichrist: As also by heaping up their treasure with their juggling wares and merchandise of the souls of men, by jubiles, Pardons, Relics and such like strong delusions.  
That he endeth this description of Antichrist in the same ninth Chapter may likewise well appear, 
Cap. 10. ver. 6.  by the Oath that that Mighty Angel sweareth in the sixth verse of the tenth Chapter: And after the blast of the sixth Trumpet, that time shall be no more, 
Verse 7.  and that when the seventh Angel shall blow his Trumpet, the mystery of GOD shallbe finished, as he had declared it to his servants the Prophets. 
Cap. 11.  Only in the eleventh Chapter he describeth the means whereby the Antichrist was overcome, whose reign he had before described in the ix. Chapter; and telleth us that the two witnesses; 
Verse 3.  after that they have been persecuted by the Antichrist shall in the end procure his destruction. And in case any should think, that the Antichrist is only spoken of in the xj. Chapter, and that the Beast spoken of in the xiii. and xvij. Chapters doth only signify Ethnic Room; there needeth no other refutation of that conceit, then to remember them, that the Antichrist is never named in all that xj. Chapter, 
Cap. 11.  but where he is called in the seventh verse thereof the Beast that cometh forth of the bottomless pit: 
Verse 7.  which by the description of the place he cometh out of, proveth it to be the same Beast which hath the same original in the xvij. Chapter, and in the very same words; so as it is ever but the same Antichrist repeated, and diversly described in divers visions.  
Now in the xii. and xiii. Chapters and so forth till the xvij. 
The third description.  he maketh a more large and ample prophetical description of the state of the Church, and reign of the Antichrist: For in the xii. Chap. he figureth the Church by a Woman flying from the Dragon (the Devil) to the wilderness; 
Chap xii. Verse 6.  And when the Dragon seethe he cannot otherwise overreach her, 
Verse 15.  he speweth forth waters like floods to carry her away; which signifieth many Nations, that were let lose to persecute and vex the Church. And in the xiii. Chapter, out of that Sea of Nations that persecuted her, 
Chap. xiii.  ariseth that great City (Queen of all the Nations, and head of that persecution) figured by a Beast with seven heads and ten horns, 
verse 1. Verse 2.  like a Leopard; as well for the colour because it was full of spots, that is, defiled with corruptions; as also using a bastard form of government, in show spiritual, but in deed temporal over the Kings of the earth; like the Leopard that is a bastard beast betwixt a Lion and a Pard: having feet like a Bear, to signify his great strength, and the mouth of a Lion, to show his ravenous and cruel disposition.  
This Beast who had his power from the Dragon, 
Verse 3.  and had gotten a deadly wound in one of his heads, or forms of government (by the Goths and Vandals) and yet was healed again; 
Verse 6. Verse 7.  opened his mouth to blasphemies, and made war against the Saints: nay, all the world must worship him; which worship Ethnic Rome never craved of any, being contented to call their neighbour Kings Amici & socij populi Romani. And whether worship or adoration, even with that same title, he used to Popes at their creation, our Cardinal can best tell you.  
But than cometh another beast up out of the earth, 
Verse 11.  having indeed a more firm and settled original: for she doth visibly and outwardly succeed to the true Church, and therefore she hath two horns like the Lamb, in outward show representing the spouse of CHRIST, and pretending CHRIST to be her defence: But she speaketh like the Dragon, teaching damnable and devilish doctrine. And this Apostatike (I should say Apostolic) Church, after that she hath made her great power manifest to the world, by doing all that the first Beast could do, 
Verse 12.  In conspectu eius; that is, by showing the greatness of her power, to be nothing inferior to the greatness of the former Ethnic Empire: she than is moved with so great a desire to advance this Beast, now become Antichrist, as she causeth the earth and all that dwell therein, to worship this former Beast or Roman Monarch; transferring so, as it were, her own power in his person. Yea, even Emperors and Kings shall be feign to kiss his feet. And for this purpose shall she work great Miracles, wherein she greatly prides herself, deceiving men with lying wonders and efficacy of lies, 
2. Thes. 2.9.  as S. Paul saith. And amongst the rest of her wonders, 
Verse 13.  she must bring Fire out of heaven, Fulmen excommunications, which can dethrone Princes: 
Verse 15.  So that all that will not worship the image of the Beast, that is, his unlimited Supremacy, must be killed and burnt as Heretics. Yea, so peremptory will this Beast or false Prophet be (so called in the xuj. Chapter of this book) for the advancement of the other Beast or Antichrist; 
Verse 17.  as all sorts and ranks of people must receive the mark or name of that Beast in their right hand, 
Verse 16.  or in their forehead; without the which it should be lawful to none to buy, or sell: by the Mark in the forehead, signifying their outward profession and acknowledgement of their subjection unto her; and by the Mark in their right hand, signifying their actual implicit obedience unto her, who they think cannot err, though she should command them to rebel against their natural princes; like that Caeca obedientia whereunto all the jesuits are sworn: and like those Romish Priests in this Country, that have renounced and forsworn again that Oath of Allegiance, grounded upon their natural Oath; which though at their taking it, they confessed they did it out of conscience, and as obliged thereunto by their natural duty; yet now must they forswear it again, for obedience to the Pope's command; to whose will their conscience and reason must be blindly captivated. And who ever denied this absolute power, might neither buy nor sell; for no man was bound to keep any faith, or observe any civil contracts with Heretics: yea, to aequiuocate and commit perjury towards them, is a lawful thing in a Catholic.  
Now as to the Mystery anent the Number of his name; whether it shallbe understood by the number composed of the Letters in that Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which word well suits with the Romish Church, 
Irenaeus adversus Haeres. lib. 5.  Romish Faith, and Latin Service: Or whether in respect that in the Text it is called the number of the man, ye will take it for the number or date of the year of GOD, wherein that first man lived, that firstooke the title of the Antichrist upon him; I leave it to the Readers choice. By that first Man, I mean Bonifacius tertius, who first called himself Universal Bishop; which S. Gregory, that lived till within three years of his time, 
1 Epist. lib. 6. cap. 30.  foretold would be the style of the Antichrist, or his Praecursor: for though he died threescore years before the 666. of CHRIST; yet was that Title but fully settled upon his Successors, sixty years after his time. Or if ye list to count it from Pompey his spoiling of the Temple, to this same Man's time; it will go very near to make just up the said number 666.  
Now the reign of the Antichrist being thus prophetically described in the xiii. Chapter, his fall is prophesied in the xiv. 
Chap. xiv. Verse 3.  First by the joyful and triumphal New song of the Saints in heaven: And next by the proclamation of three Angels; 
Verse 6.  whereof the first having an everlasting Gospel in his hand to preach to all Nations (the true armour indeed wherewith the Witnesses fought against the Antichrist;) The first Angel, I say, 
Verse 7.  proclaimed Fear and glory to GOD, since the hour of his judgement was come. 
Verse 8.  And the second proclaimed the fall of Babylon, which is the destruction of the Antichrist. 
Verse 9  And the third prohibited under great pains, even the pain of eternal damnation, that none should worship the Beast, or receive his Mark. But though that in the rest of this Chapter the Latter day be again prophesied, as a thing that shall come shortly after the revealing of the man of Sin: yet in the xv. Chap. he telleth of seven plagues, under the name of Vials, 
Chap. xv. Verse 1.  that shall first fall upon the Antichrist and his kingdom; which, being particularly set down in the xuj. Chapter, he reckoneth among the rest. 
Chap. xvi.  In the fift vial, the plague of darkness; yea, 
Verse 10.  such darkness as the kingdom of Antichrist shall be obscured. Whereby at the pouring forth of the sixth Vial, the way of the Kings of the East shall be prepared; 
Verse 12.  the man of Sin being begun to be revealed, and so all impediments removed that might let the invasion of that Monarchy: even as that great river Euphrates that runneth by the literal Babylon, guarded it from the Kings of the East, the Medes and Persians, the time of the Babylonian Monarchy, till by the drying thereof, or unexpected passage made through it by Cyrus, 
Dan. 5.3 . Babylon was won, and balthasar destroyed, and his Monarchy overthrown, even while he was sitting in that literal Babylon, corporally drunken and quaffing in the vessels ordained for GOD'S Service; and so sitting as it were in the Temple of GOD, and abusing the holy Mysteries thereof.  
For remedy whereof, 
Verse 13.  at the pouring forth of the sixth Vial, three unclean spirits, like frogs, shall then come forth out of the mouth of the Dragon, that beast, and of the false prophet; which I take to be as much to say, as that how soon as the kingdom of Antichrist shall be so obscured, with such a gross and a palpable ignorance, as learning shall be almost lost out of the world, and that few of the very Priests themselves shall be able to read Latin, much less to understand it; and so a plain way made for the Destruction of Babylon: Then shall a new sect of Spirits arise for the defence of that falling Throne, called three in number, by reason of their threefold direction; being raised and inspired by the Dragon Satan, authorized and maintained by the Beast the Antichrist, and instructed by the false prophet the Apostatike Church, that hath the horns like the Lamb, but speaketh like the Dragon. These Spirits indeed, thus sent forth by this threefold authority for the defence of their Triple-crowned Monarch, are well likened to frogs; for they are Amphibions, and can live in either Element, earth or water: for though they be Churchmen by profession, yet can they use the trade of politic Statesmen; 
Verse 14.  going to the Kings of the earth, to gather them to the battle of that Great day of GOD Almighty. What Massacres have by their persuasion been wrought through many parts of Christendom, and how evilly Kings have sped that have been counseled by them; all the unpartial Histories of our time do bear record. And whatsoever King or State will not receive them, and follow their advise, rooted out must that King or State be, even with Gunpowder ere it fail. And these frogs had reason indeed to labour to become learned, thereby to dissipate that gross mist of ignorance, wherewith the reign of Antichrist was plagued before their coming forth. 
Verse 17.  Then doth this Chapter conclude with the last plague that is powered out of the seventh Vial upon the Antichrist, 
Verse 19  which is the day of judgement: for then Babylon (saith he) came in remembrance before God.  
But in the 17. 
The fourth description. Chap. 17. Verse 3.  Chapter is the former Vision interpreted and expounded; and there is the Antichrist represented by a Woman, sitting upon that many-headed Beast; because as CHRIST his true Spouse and Church is represented by a Woman in the twelfth Chapter, so here is the Head of his adulterous spouse or false Church represented also by a woman, but having a cup full of abominations in her hand: 
Verse 4.  as herself is called a Whore, for her spiritual adultery, 
Verse 1.  having seduced the Kings of the earth to be partakers of her Spiritual fornication: 
Verse 2.  And yet wonderful gorgeous and glorious was she in outward show; but drunken with the blood of the Saints, 
Verse 6.  by a violent persecution of them. And that she may the better be known, he writeth her name upon her forehead agreeable to her qualities: A Mystery, that great Babylon, the Mother of whoredoms and abominations of the earth. A Mystery is a name that belongeth unto her two manner of ways: 
Verse 5.  One, as she taketh it to herself; another, as she deserveth indeed. To herself she taketh it, in calling herself the visible Head of the mystical Body of CHRIST, in professing herself to be the dispenser of the mysteries of GOD, and by her only must they be expounded: This great God in earth and Head of the Faith, being a Mists by his profession; that is, a Priest. And if the observation of one be true, that he had of old the word Mystery written on his Mitre; then is this Prophecy very plainly accomplished. Now that indeed she deserves that name, the rest of her Title doth bear witness that showeth her to be the Mother of all the whoredoms and abominations of the earth: 
Verse 5.  and so is she under the pretext of holiness, a Mystery indeed of all iniquity and abominations; under the mask of pretended feeding of Souls, devouring Kingdoms, and making Christendom swim in blood.  
Now after that this scarlet or bloody Beast and her Rider are described, by their shape, garments name and qualities: the Angel doth next interpret this vision unto john, expounding unto him what is signified both by the Beast and her Rider; telling him, 
Verse 9  the seven heads of the Beast are seven Hills, meaning by the situation of that City or seat of Empire; and that they are also seven Kings or forms of government in the said City, whereof I have told you my conceit already. As for the ten Horns, 
Verse 12.  which he showeth to be ten Kings, that shall at one hour receive their power and kingdom with the Beast, I take that number of ten to be Numerus certus pro incerto; even as the number of seven heads and ten horns upon the Dragon the Devil, cannot but be an uncertain number. And that he also imitates in those ten horns, the ten horns of the seven headed Beast in the seventh of Daniel: and therefore I take these ten Kings to signify, all the Christian Kings, and free Princes and States in general, even you whom to I consecrate these my Labours, and that of us all he prophesieth, that although our first becoming absolute and free Princes, should be in one hour with the Beast; (for great Christian Kingdoms and monarchs did but rise, and receive their liberty by the ruins of the Ethnic Roman Empire, and at the destruction thereof) and at the very time of the beginning of the planting of the Antichrist there; 
Verse 13.  and that we should for a long time continue to worship the Beast, having one Catholic or common consenting mind in obeying her, yielding our power and authority unto her, and kissing her feet, drinking with her in her cup of Idolatry, 
Verse 14.  and fight with the Lamb, in the persecution of his Saints, at her command that governeth so many Nations and people: yet notwithstanding all this, we shall in the time appointed by GOD, 
Verse 16.  having thus fought with the Lamb, 
Verse 16.  but being overcome by him, that is, converted by his Word; we shall then (I say) hate the Whore, and make her desolate, and make her naked, by discovering her hypocrisy and false pretence of zeal; and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire. And thus shall the way of the Kings of the east be prepared, 
revel. 16.12.  as ye heard in the sixteenth Chapter. And then doth he subioyne the reason of this strange change in us: for (saith he) GOD hath put it in their hearts to fulfil his will, 
Verse 17.  and with one consent to give their Kingdoms to the Beast, till the words of GOD be fulfilled, according to that sentence of Solomon; That the hearts of Kings are in the hands of GOD, 
Prou. 21.1.  to be turned at his pleasure. And having thus interpreted the Beast or Empire; he in a word expounds, 
Verse 18.  that by the Woman that road upon her, or Monarch that governed her, was meant that great City that reigned over the Kings of the earth: by the Scate of the Empire pointing out the quality of the persons that should sit and domine there.  
Then is the greatness of her fall, 
Chap. 18.  and the great lamentation that both the Kings and Merchants of the earth shall make for the same, proclaimed by an other Angel in the eighteenth Chapter. 
Verse 9.10.  The Kings lamenting her fall, because they lived in pleasure with her; which no Kings could do with Ethnic Rome, who conquered them by her sword: for she honoured them with Titles, and dispensed with their lusts and unlawful marriages. 
Verse 11, 15, 16, 17, 18.  And the Merchants of the earth, and all Shipmasters, and traffikers upon the Sea, shall lament the fall of that great City, which never had a fellow, for the loss of their riches and traffic, which they enjoyed by her means. 
Verse 12, 13.  And there he describeth all sorts of rich wares, whereof that great City was the Staple: for indeed she hath a necessary use for all such rich and glorious wares, as well for ornaments to her Churches and princely Prelates, as for garments and ornaments to her wooden Saints; for the blessed Virgin must be daily clothed and decked in the newest and most curious fashion, though it should resemble the habit of a Curtizane. And of all those rich wares, 
Verse 13.  the most precious is last named, which is the Souls of men: for so much bestowed upon Masses, and so much doted to this or that Cloister of Monks or Friars, but most of all now to that irregular and incomprehensible order of jesuits; shall both redeem his own Soul, and all his parents to the hundredth generation, from broiling in the fire of Purgatory. And (I hope) it is no small merchandise of Souls, when men are so highly deluded by the hopes and promise of Salvation, as to make a Friar murder his 
1 Henry 3. K. of France.  Sovereign; a young knave attempt the murder of his next 
2 Henry 4.  Successor; many one to conspire and attempt the like against the late Queen; and in my time, to attempt the destruction of a whole Kingdom and State by a blast of Powder: and hereby to play bankrupt with both the souls mentioned in the Scriptures, Animus & Anima.  
But notwithstanding of this their great Lamentation, they are commanded by a voice from heaven to do two things: 
Verse 4.  One, to flee from Babylon, lest they be partakers of her sins, and consequently of her punishment Which warning I pray God that ye all, my Beloved Brethren and Cousins, would take heed unto in time, humbly beseeching him to open your eyes for this purpose. The other command is, 
Verse 6.  to reward her as she hath rewarded you; yea, even to the double. For as she did fly but with your feathers, borrowing as well her Titles of greatness and forms of honouring her from you; as also enjoying all her Temporal living by your liberalities; so if every man do but take his own again, she will stand up 
* Cornicula Aesopica. Verse 7.  naked; and the reason is given, because of her pride: For she glorifieth herself living in pleasure, and in her heart saith, she sitteth as a Queen (outward prosperity being one of their notes of a true Church) and is no Widow; for her Spouse CHRIST is bound to her by an inviolable knot (for he hath sworn never to forsake her) and she shall see no mourning: for she cannot err, nor the gates of Hell shall not prevail against her.  
But though the earth and worldly men lament thus for the fall of Babylon in this eighteenth Chapter, yet in the nineteenth, 
Cap. nineteen. Verse 1. Verse 2.  Heaven and all the Angels and Saints therein do sing a triumphal Cantique for joy of her fall, praising God for the fall of that great Whore: Great indeed, for our 
* Bellar. in Res. ad Gerson. confid. 11.  Cardinal confesseth, that it is hard to describe what the Pope is, such is his greatness. 
Verse 19 Verse 20.  And in the end of that Chapter is the obstinacy of that Whore described, who even fought to the uttermost against him that sat on the white Horse, and his army; till the Beast or Antichrist was taken, and the false Prophet, or false Church with him; who by Miracles, and lying wonders deceived them that received the mark of the Beast; and both were cast quick into the burning lake of fire and brimstone; unde nulla redemptio. Like as in the end of the former Chapter, to describe the fullness of the Antichristes fall (not like to that reparable wound that Ethnic Rome gate) it is first compared to a Millstone cast into the sea, that can never rise and fleet again: 
Cap 18.21. Ibidem. Vers. 22, 32.  And next it is expressed by a number of joyful things that shall never be heard there again, where nothing shall inhabit but desolation. But that the patience and constancy of Saints on earth, and God his Elected may the better be strengthened and confirmed; their persecution in the latter days, is shortly prophesied and repeated again, 
Cap. 11. Verse 2.  after that Satan hath been bound, or his fury restrained, by the world's enjoying of peace for a thousand years, or a great indefinite time; their persecutors being named Gog and Magog, the secret and revealed enemies of CHRIST. 
Verse 8.  Whether this be meant of the Pope and the Turk, or not; (who both began to rise to their greatness about one time) I leave to be guessed; 
Verse 9  always their utter confusion is there assuredly promised: and it is said; that the Dragon, the Beast, and the false Prophet, 
Verse 10.  shall all three be cast in that lake of fire and brimstone, to be tormented for ever. 
Verse 11, 12, 13. Matth. 24.22.  And thereafter is the latter day described again (which must be hastened for the Elects sake) and then for the further comfort of the Elect, and that they may the more constantly and patiently endure these temporal and finite troubles, limited but to a short space; in the last two Chapters are the joys of the eternal jerusalem largely described. 
Cap. xxj. xxij.   
Thus hath the Cardinal's shameless wresting of those two places of Scripture, Pasce oves meas, and Tibi dabo claves, for proving of the Pope's supreme Temporal authority over Princes; animated me to prove the Pope to be THE ANTICHRIST, out of this foresaid book of Scripture; so to pay him in his own money again. And this opinion no Pope can ever make me to recant; except they first renounce any further meddling with Princes, in any thing belonging to their Temporal jurisdiction. And my only wish shall be, that if any man shall have a fancy to refute this my conjecture of the Antichrist; that he answer me orderly to every point of my discourse; not contenting him to disprove my opinion, except he set down some other Method after his form for interpretation of that Book of the Apocalyps, which may not contradict no part of the Text, nor contain no absurdities: Otherwise, it is an easy thing for Momus to pick quarrels in another man's tale, and tell it worse himself; it being a more easy practice to find faults, then amend them.  
Having now made this digression anent the Antichrist, which I am sure I can better fasten upon the Pope, than Bellarmine can do his pretended Temporal Superiority over Kings: I will return again to speak of this Answerer; who (as I have already told you) so fitteth his matter with his manner of answering, that as his Style is nothing but a Satire and heap full of injurious and reproachful speeches, as well against my Person, as my Book; so is his matter as full of lies and falsities indeed, as he unjustly layeth to my charge: For three lies he maketh against the Oath of Allegiance, contained and maintained in my Book; besides that ordinary repeated lie against my Book, of his omitting to answer my lies, trattles, injurious speeches and blasphemies. One gross lie he maketh even of the Pope's first Breve. One lie of the Puritans, whom he would gladly have to be of his party. And one also of the Powder-Traitours, anent the occasion that moved them to undertake that treasonable practice. Three lies he makes of that Act of Parliament wherein this Oath of Allegiance is contained. He also maketh one notable lie against his own Catholic Writers. And two, of the causes for which two jesuits have been put to death in England. And he either falsifies, denies or wrists five sundry Histories and a printed Pamphlet: besides that impudent lie that he maketh of my Person; that I was a Puritan in Scotland, which I have already refuted. And for the better filling up of his book with such good stuff; he hath also five so strange and new principles of Divinity therein, as they are either new, or at least allowed by very few of his own Religion. All which lies, with divers others, and five strange, and (as I think) erroneous points of Doctrine, with sundry falsifications of Histories; are set down in a Table by themselves in the end of this my Epistle, having their Refutation annexed to every one of them.  
But as for the particular answering of his book; it is both unnecessary and uncomely for me to make a Reply. Unnecessary, because (as I have already told you) my Book is never yet answered, so far as belongeth to the main question anent the Oath of Allegiance: the picking of advantages upon the wrong placing of the figures in the citations, or such errors in the Print by casual addition, or omission of words that make nothing to the Argument; being the greatest weapons wherewith he assaults my Book. And uncomely it must needs be (in my opinion) for a King to fall in altercation with a Cardinal, at least with one no more nobly descended than he is: That Ecclesiastical dignity, though by the sloth of Princes (as I said before) it be now come to that height of usurped honour, yet being in the true original and foundation thereof nothing else, but the title of the Priests and Deacons of the Parish Churches in the town of Rome; at the first, the style of Cardinals being generally given to all Priests and Deacons of any Cathedral Church, though the multitude of such Cardinal Priests and Deacons resorting to Rome, was the cause that after bred the restraining of that title of Cardinal Priests and Deacons, only to the Parish-priests and Deacons of Rome. And since that it is S. Gregory, who in his Epistles six hundredth years after CHRIST, maketh the first mention of Cardinals (and so these now electors of the Apostolic Sea, being long and many hundredth years unknown or unheard of, after the Apostolic age; and yet doth he speak of them but in this sense as I have now described) I hope the Cardinal, who calleth him the Apostle of England, cannot blame me that am King thereof, to acknowledge the Cardinal in no other degree of honour, than our said Apostle did. But how they should now become to be so strangely exalted above their first original institution, that from Parish-priests and Deacons (Priests inferiors) they should now come to be Princes and Peers to Kings; and from a degree under Bishops (as both 
1 Lib. de Clericis, cap. 16.  Bellarmine and 
2 Lib. de Episcopatibus, Titulis & Diaconijs Cardinalium.  Onuphrius confess) to be now the Pope's sole electors, supplying with him the place of a General Council; whereby the convening of General Counsels is now utterly antiquated and abolished; nay, out of their number only, the Pope to be elected; who claimeth the absolute Superiority over all Kings: how this their strange usurped exaltation (I say) should thus creep in and be suffered, it belongeth to all them in our place and calling to look unto it; who being GOD his Lieutenants in earth, have good reason to be jealous of such upstart Princes, mean in their original, come to that height by their own creation, and now accounting themselves Kings fellows. But the special harm they do us, is by their defrauding us of our common & Christian interest in General Counsels; they having (as I said) utterly abolished the same, by rolling it up, & making as it were a Monopoly thereof, in their Conclave with the Pope. Whereas, if ever there were a possibility to be expected of reducing all Christians to an uniformity of Religion, it mustcome by the means of a General Council: the place of their meeting being chosen so indifferent, as all Christian Princes, either in their own Persons, or their Deputy Commissioners, and all Churchmen of Christian profession that believe and profess all the ancient grounds of the true, ancient, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith, might have tutum accessum thereunto; All the incendiaries and Novelist firebrands on either side being debarred from the same, as well jesuits as Puritans.  
And therefore having resolved not to pain myself with making a Reply for these reasons here specified, grounded as well upon the consideration of the matter, as of the person of the Answerer; I have thought good to content myself with the reprinting of my Apology: having in a manner corrected nothing but the Copiers or Printers faults therein, and prefixed this my Epistle of Dedication and Warning thereunto; that I may yet see, if any thing will be justly said against it: Not doubting but enough of my Subjects will reply upon these Libelers, and answer them sufficiently; wishing YOU deeply to consider, and weigh your common interest in this Cause. For neither in all my Apology, nor in his pretended Refutation thereof, is there any question made anent the Pope's power over me in particular, for the excommunicating or deposing of me: For in my particular; the Cardinal doth me that grace, that he saith, The Pope thought it not expedient at this time to excommunicate me by name; our question being only general, Whether the Pope may lawfully pretend any temporal power over Kings, or no?  
That no Churchmen can by his rule be subject to any Temporal Prince, I have already showed you; And what Obedience any of you may look for of any of them de facto, he plainly forewarneth you of, by the example of Gregory the Great his obedience to the Emperor Mauritius: not being ashamed to slander that great Personages Christian humility and Obedience to the Emperor, with the title of a constrained and forced obedience, because he might, or durst do no otherwise. Whereby he not only wrongs the said Gregory in particular, but even doth by that means lay on an heavy slander and reproach upon the Christian humility and patience of the whole Primitive Church, especially in the time of persecution: if the whole glory of their Martyrdom and Christian patience shall be thus blotted with that vile gloss of their coacted and constrained suffering, because they could or durst do no otherwise; like the patience and obedience of the jews or Turkish slaves in our time, clean contrary to Saint Paul and Saint Peter's doctrine of obedience for conscience sake; 
Rom. 13.5. 1. Pet. 2.13.  and as contrary to Tertullians' Apology for Christians, and all the protestations of the ancient Fathers in that case. But it was good luck for the ancient Christians in the days of Ethnic Emperors, that this profane and new conceit was then unknown among them: otherwise they would have been utterly destroyed and rooted out in that time, and no man to have pitied them, as most dangerous members in a Commonwealth; who would no longer be obedient, then till they were furnished with sufficient ability and power to resist and rebel.  
Thus may ye see, how upon the one part our Cardinal will have all Kings and Monarches to be the Pope's Vassals; and yet will not on the other side, allow the meanest of the Pope his vassals, to be subject to any Christian Prince. But he not thinking it enough to make the Pope our Superior, hath in a late Treatise of his (called the Recognition of his books of Controversies) made the people and Subjects of every one of us, our Superiors. For having taken occasion to revisit again his books of Controversies, and to correct or explain what he findeth amiss or mistaketh in them; in imitation of S. Augustine his retractions (for so he saith in his Preface) he doth in place of retracting any of his former errors, or any matter of substance; not retract, but recant indeed, I mean sing over again, and obstinately confirm a number of the grossest of them: Among the which, the exempting of all Churchmen from subjection to any Temporal Prince, and the setting up not only of the Pope, but even of the People above their natural King; are two of his main points.  
As for the exemption of the clerics; he is so greedy there to prove that point, as he denieth Caesar to have been Paul's lawful judge: 
Acts. 25.10.  contrary to the express Text, and Paul's plain Appellation, and acknowledging him his judge; besides his many times claiming to the Roman privileges, 
Acts 22.28.  and avowing himself a Roman by freedom; and therefore of necessity a Subject to the Roman Emperor. But it is a wonder that these Roman Catholics, who vaunt themselves of the ancienty both of their doctrine and Church, and reproach us so bitterly of our Novelties, should not be ashamed to make such a new inept gloss as this upon S. Paul's Text; which as it is directly contrary to the Apostles words, so is it without any warrant, either of any ancient Council, or of so much as any one particular Father that ever interprets that place in this sort: Neither was it ever doubted by any Christian in the Primitive Church, that the Apostles, or any other degree of Christians, were subject to the Emperor.  
And as for the setting up of the People above their own natural King, he bringeth in that principle of Sedition, that he may thereby prove, that Kings have not their power and authority immediately from God, as the Pope hath his: For every King (saith he) is made and chosen by his people; nay, they do but so transfer their power in the King's person, as they do notwithstanding retain their habitual power in their own hands, which upon certain occasions they may actually take to themselves again. This, I am sure, is an excellent ground in Divinity for all Rebels and rebellious people, who are hereby allowed to rebel against their Princes; and assume liberty unto themselves, when in their discretions they shall think it convenient.  
And amongst his other Testimonies for probation, that all Kings are made and created by the People; he allegeth the Creation of three Kings in the Scripture, Saul, David and jeroboam; and though he be compelled by the express words of the Text, to confess, that God by his Prophet Samuel anointed both 1. 
1 Sam. 10.1  Saul and 
2 1. Sam. 16.12.13.  David; yet will he, by the post-consent of the people, prove that those Kings were not immediately made by God, but mediately by the people; though he repeat thrice that word of lot, by the casting whereof he confesseth that Saul was chosen. And if the Election by lot be not an immediate Election from God; then was not Mathias, 
Acts 1.  who was so chosen and made an Apostle, immediately chosen by GOD: and consequently, he that sitteth in the Apostolic Sea cannot for shame claim to be immediately chosen by God, if Mathias (that was one of the twelve Apostles, supplying judas his place) was not so chosen. But as it were a blasphemous impiety, to doubt that Mathias was immediately chosen by GOD, and yet was he chosen by the casting of Lots, as Saul was: so is it well enough known to some of you (my loving Brethren) by what holy Spirit or casting of Lots the Pope's use to be elected; the College of Cardinals, his electors, having been divided in two mighty factions ever since long before my time; and in place of casting of Lots, great fat pensions being cast into some of their greedy mouths for the election of the Pope, according to the partial humours of Princes. But I do most of all wonder at the weakness of his memory: for in this place he maketh the post-consent of the people to be the thing that made both these Kings, notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anointment by the Prophet at GOD'S commandment; forgetting that in the beginning of this same little book of his, answering one that allegeth a sentence of S. Cyprian, to prove that the Bishops were judged by the people in Cyprians time, he there confesseth, that by these words, the consent of the people to the Bishop's Election must be only understood. Nor will he there any ways be moved to grant, that the people's power, in consenting to or refusing the Election of a Bishop, should be so understood, as that thereby they have power to elect Bishops: And yet do these words of Cyprian seem to be far stronger, for granting the people's power to elect Churchmen, than any words that he allegeth out of the Scripture are for the people's power in electing a King. For the very words of Cyprian by himself there cited, 
Cyprian. lib. 1. Epist. 4.  are, That the very people have principally the power, either to choose such Priests as are worthy, or to refuse such as are unworthy: And, I hope, he can never prove by the Scripture, that it had been lawful to the people of Israel, or that it was left in their choice, to have admitted or refused Saul or David at their pleasure, after that the Prophet had anointed them, and persented them unto them.  
Thus ye see how little he careth (even in so little a volume) to contradict himself, so it may make for his purpose; making the consent of the people to signify their power of Election in the making of Kings: though in the making of Bishops, by the people's consent, their approbation of a deed done by others must only be understood. And as for his example of jeroboams election to be King; 
1 King. 12.20.  he knoweth well enough, that jeroboam was made King in a popular mutinous tumult and rebellion; only permitted by God, and that in his wrath, both against these two Kings and their people. But if he will needs help himself, against all rules of Divinity, with such an extraordinary example for proof of a general Rule; why is it not as lawful for us Kings to oppose hereunto the example of jehu his Inauguration to the Kingdom; 
2. King. 9.2, 3.  who upon the Prophet's private anointment of him, and that in most secret manner, took presently the King's office upon him, without ever craving any sort of approbation from the people?  
And thus may ye now clearly see, how deep the claim of the Babylonian Monarch toucheth us in all our common interest: for (as I have already told) the Pope, nor any of his Vassals, I mean Churchmen must be subject to no Kings nor Princes: and yet all Kings and their Vassals must not only be subject to the Pope, but even to their own people. And now, what a large liberty is by this doctrine left to Churchmen, to hatch or foster any treasonable attempts against Princes; I leave it to your considerations, since do what they will, they are accountable to none of us: nay, all their treasonable practices must be accounted works of piety, and they (being justly punished for the same) must be presently enrolled in the list of Martyrs and Saints; like as our new printed martyrology hath put Garnet and Ouldcorne in the Register of English Martyrs abroad, that were hanged at home for Treason against the Crown and whole State of England: so as I may justly with Isaiah, pronounce a Woe to them that speak good of evil, 
Isai 5.20.  and evil of good; which put light for darkness, and darkness for light; 
Verse 23.  which justify the wicked for are ward, and take away the righteousness of the righteous from him. For even as in the time of the greatest blindness in Popery, though a man should find his wife or his daughter lying a bed in her Confessors arms; yet was it not lawful for him so much as to suspect that the Friar had any errand there, but to Confess and instruct her: Even so, though jesuits practising in Treason be sufficiently verified, and that themselves cannot but confess it; yet must they be accounted to suffer Martyrdom for the Faith, and their blood work miracles, and frame a stramineum argumentum upon straws; when their heads are standing aloft, withered by the Sun and the wind, a public spectacle for the eternal commemoration of their treachery. Yea, one of the reasons, that is given in the Printers Epistle of the Colonian edition of the Cardinal or his Chaplains pamphlet, why he doth the more willingly print it, is; because that the innocency of that most holy and constant man Henry Garnet, is declared and set forth in that book; against whom, some (he knew not who) had scattered a false rumour of his guiltiness of the English treason.  
But, Lord, what an impudency or wilful ignorance is this, that he, who was so publicly and solemnly convicted and executed, upon his own so clear, unforced and often repeated confession, of his knowledge and concealing of that horrible Treason, should now be said to have a certain rumour spread upon him of his guiltiness, by I know not who? with so many attributes of godliness, constancy and innocency bestowed upon him, as if public Sentences and Executions of justice, were rumours of I know not who. Indeed, I must confess, the book itself showeth a great affection to perform, what is thus promised in the Preface thereof: for in two or three places therein, is there most honourable lying mention made of that straw-Saint; wherein, though he confess that Garnet was upon the foreknowledge of the Powder-Treason, yet in regard it was (as he saith) only under the Seal of Confession, he sticketh not to praise him for his concealing thereof, and would gladly give him the crown of glory for the same: not being ashamed to proclaim it as a principal head of Catholic doctrine; That the secret of Sacramental confession ought not to be revealed, not for the eschewing of whatsoever evil. But how damnable this doctrine is, and how dangerously prejudicial to all Princes and States; I leave it to you to judge, whom all it most highly concerneth. For although it be true, that when the Schoolmen came to be Doctors in the Church, and to mar the old grounds in Divinity by sowing in among them their Philosophical distinctions; though they (I say) do maintain, That whatsoever thing is told a Confessor under the vail of confession, how dangerous soever the matter be, yet he is bound to conceal the party's name: yet do none of them, I mean of the old Schoolmen, deny; that if a matter be revealed unto them, the concealing whereof may breed a great or public danger; but that in that case the Confessor may disclose the matter, though not the person, and by some indirect means make it come to light, that the danger thereof may be prevented. But that no treason nor devilish plot, though it should tend to the ruin or exterminion of a whole Kingdom, must be revealed, if it be told under Confession, no not the matter so far indirectly disclosed, as may give occasion for preventing the danger thereof: though it agree with the conceit of some three or four new jesuited Doctors, it is such a new and dangerous head of doctrine, as no King nor State can live in security where that Position is maintained.  
And now, that I may as well prove him a liar in facto, in his narration of this particular History; as I have showed him to be in iure, by this his damnable and false ground in Divinity: I will truly inform you of Garnets' case, which is far otherwise then this Answerer allegeth. For first, it can never be accounted a thing under Confession, which he that reveals it doth not discover with a remorse, accounting it a sin whereof he repenteth him; but by the contrary, discovers it as a good motion, and is therein not dissuaded by his Confessor, nor any penance enjoined him for the same: and in this form was this Treason revealed to Garnet, as himself confessed. And next, though he stood long upon it, that it was revealed unto him under the vail of Confession, in respect it was done in that time, while as the party was making his Confession unto him; Yet at the last he did freely confess, that the party revealed it unto him as they were walking, and not in the time of Confession: But (he said) he delivered it unto him under the greatest Seal that might be, and so he took that he meant by the Seal of Confession; And it had (as he thought) a relation to Confession, in regard that he was that party's Confessor, and had taken his Confession sometimes before, and was to take it again within few days thereafter. He also said, that he pretended to the party, that he would not conceal it from his Superior. And further it is to be noted, that he confessed, that two divers persons conferred with him anent this Treason; and that when the one of them which was Catesby, conferred with him thereupon, it was in the other party's presence and hearing: and what a Confession can this be in the hearing of a third person? And how far his last words (whereof our Answerer so much vaunts him) did disprove it to have been under Confession, the Earl of Northamptons' book doth bear witness.  
Now as to the other party's name, that revealed the Powder-Treason unto him, it was Greenewell the jesuite; and so a jesuite revealed to a jesuite this Treasonable plot, the jesuite revealer not showing any remorse, and the jesuite whom-to it was revealed not so much as enjoining him any penance for the same. And that ye may know that more jesuits were also upon the party, Owldcorne the other Powder-Martyr, after the misgiving and discovery of that Treason, preached consolatory doctrine to his Catholic auditory; exhorting them not to faint for the misgiving of this enterprise, nor to think the worse thereof that it succeeded not; alleging divers Precedents of such godly enterprises that misgave in like manner: especially, one of S. Lewes' King of France, who in his second journey to the Holy-land died by the way, the greatest part of his army being destroyed by the plague; his first journey having likewise misgiven him by the Sultan's taking of him: exhorting them thereupon not to give over, but still to hope that GOD would bless their enterprise at some other time, though this did fail.  
Thus see ye now, with what boldness and impudency he hath belied the publicly known verity in this errand; both in avowing generally that no jesuite was any ways guilty of that Treason, for so he affirmeth in his book; and also that Garnet knew nothing thereof, but under the Seal of Confession. But if this were the first lie of the affairs of this State, which my fugitive Priests and jesuits have coined and spread abroad, I could charm them of it, as the proverb is. But as well the walls of divers Monasteries and jesuits Colleges abroad, are filled with the painting of such lying Histories, as also the books of our said fugitives are farced with such sort of shameless stuff; such are the innumerable sorts of torments and cruel deaths, that they record their Martyrs to have suffered here, some torn at four Horses; some sowed in Bears skins, and then killed with Dogs; nay, women have not been spared (they say) and a thousand other strange fictions; the vanities of all which I will in two words discover unto you.  
First, as for the cause of their punishment, I do constantly maintain that which I have said in my Apology: That no man, either in my time, or in the late Queens, ever died here for his conscience. For let him be never so devout a Papist, nay, though he profess the same never so constantly, his life is in no danger by the Law, if he break not out into some outward act expressly against the words of the Law; or plot not some unlawful or dangerous practice or attempt; Priests and Popish Churchmen only excepted, that receive Orders beyond the Seas; who for the manifold treasonable practices that they have kindled and plotted in this country, are discharged to come home again under pain of Treason, after their receiving of the said Orders abroad; and yet, without some other guilt in them then their bare home-comming, have none of them been ever put to death. And next, for the cruel torments and strange sorts of death that they say so many of them have been put unto; if there were no more but the Law and continually observed custom of England, these many hundred years, in all criminal matters, it will sufficiently serve to refute all these monstrous lies: for no tortures are ever used here, but the Manacles or the Rack, and these never but in cases of high Treason; and all sorts of Traitors die but one manner of death here, whether they be Papist or Protestant Traitors; Queen Mary's time only excepted. For then indeed no sorts of cruel deaths were spared unexecuted upon men, women and children professing our Religion: yea, even against the Laws of God and Nature, women with child were put to cruel death for their profession; and a living child falling out of the mother's belly, was thrown in the same fire again that consumed the mother. But these tyrannous persecutions were done by the Bishops of that time, under the warrant of the Pope's authority; and therefore were not subject to that constant order and forms of execution, which as they are here established by our Laws and customs, so are they accordingly observed in the punishment of all criminals: For all Priests and Popish Traitors here receive their judgements in the temporal Courts, and so do never exceed those forms of execution which are prescribed by the Law, or approved by continual custom. One thing is also to be marked in this case that strangers are never called in question here for their religion, which is far otherwise (I hope) in any place where the Inquisition domines.  
But having now too much wearied you with this long discourse, whereby I have made you plainly see, that the wrong done unto me in particular first by the Pope's Breves, and then by these Libelers, doth as deeply interest you all in general, that are Kings, free Princes, or States as it doth me in particular: I will now conclude, with my humble prayers to God, that he will waken us up all out of that Lethargike slumber of Security, wherein our Predecessors and we have lain so long; and that we may first gravely consider, what we are bound in conscience to do for the planting and spreading of the true worship of God, according to his revealed will, in all our Dominions; therein hearing the voice of our only Pastor (for his Sheep will know his Voice, 
john 10.27.  as himself sayeth) and not following the vain, corrupt and changeable traditions of men. And next, that we may providently look to the security of our own States, and not suffer this encroaching Babylonian Monarch to win still ground upon us. And if GOD hath so mercifully dealt with us, that are his Lieutenants upon earth, as that he hath joined his cause with our interest, the spiritual liberty of the Gospel with our temporal freedom: with what zeal and courage may we then embrace this work: for our labours herein being assured, to receive at the last the eternal and inestimable reward of felicity in the kingdom of Heaven; and in the mean time to procure unto ourselves a temporal security, in our temporal Kingdoms in this world.  
As for so many of you as are already persuaded of that Truth which I profess, though differing among yourselves in some particular points; I think little persuasion should move you to this holy and wise Resolution: Our Greatness, nor our number, praised be GOD, being not so contemptible, but that we may show good example to our neighbours; since almost the half of all Christian people and of all sorts and degrees, are of our profession; I mean, all gone out of Babylon, even from Kings and free Princes, to the meanest sort of People. But above all (my loving Brethren and Cousins) keep fast the unity of Faith among yourselves; Reject 
1 1. Tim. 1.4.  questions of Genealogies and 
2 Ibid c. 4.7.  Aniles fabulas, as Paul saith; Let not the foolish heat of your Preachers for idle Controversies or indifferent things, tear asunder that Mystical Body, whereof ye are a part, since the very coat of him whose members we are was without a seam: And let not our division breed a slander of our faith, and be a word of reproach in the mouths of our adversaries, who make Unity to be one of the special notes of the true Church.  
And as for you (my loving Brethren and Cousins) whom it hath not yet pleased GOD to illuminate with the light of his truth; I can but humbly pray with Elizeus, that it would please GOD to open your eyes, that ye might see what innumerable and invincible armies of Angels are ever prepared and ready to defend the truth of GOD: 
Acts. 26.29.  and with S. Paul I wish, that ye were as I am in this case; especially that ye would search the Scriptures, and ground your Faith upon your own certain knowledge, and not upon the report of others; 
Abac. 2.4.  since every Man must be safe by his own faith. But, leaving this to GOD his merciful providence in his due time, I have good reason to remember you, to maintain the ancient liberties of your Crowns and commonwealths, not suffering any under GOD to set himself up above you; and therein to imitate your own noble predecessors, who (even in the days of greatest blindness) did divers times courageously oppose themselves to the encroaching ambition of Popes. Yea, some of your Kingdoms have in all aages maintained, and without any interruption enjoyed your liberty, against the most ambitious Popes. And some have of very late had an evident proof of the Pope's ambitious aspiring over your Temporal power; wherein ye have constantly maintained and defended your lawful freedom, to your immortal honour. And therefore I hearty wish you all, to do in this case the Office of godly and just Kings and earthly judges: which consisteth not only in not wronging or invading the Liberties of any other person (for to that will I never press to persuade you) but also in defending and maintaining these lawful Liberties wherewith GOD hath endued you: For ye, whom GOD hath ordained to protect your people from injuries, should be ashamed to suffer yourselves to be wronged by any. And thus, assuring myself, that ye will with a settled judgement, free of prejudice, weigh the reasons of this my Discourse, and accept my plainness in good part, gracing this my Apology with your favours, and yet no longer then till it shall be justly and worthily refuted; I end, with my earnest prayers to the ALMIGHTY for your prosperities, and that after your happy Temporal Reigns in earth, ye may live and reign in Heaven with him for ever.   

A catalogue OF THE LIES OF TORTUS, TOGETHER WITH A BRIEF Confutation of them.  
TORTUS. Edit. Politan. pag. 9 IN the Oath of Allegiance the Pope's power to excommunicate even Heretical Kings, is expressly denied.  
CONFUTATION. The point touching the Pope's power in excommunicating Kings, is neither treated of, nor defined in the Oath of Allegiance, but was purposely declined. See the words of the Oath, and the Praemonition. pag. 292.  
TORTUS. pag. 10. 2 For all Catholic writers do collect from the words of Christ, Whatsoever thou shalt lose upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven, that there appertaineth to the Pope's authority, not only a power to absolve from sins, but also from penalties, Censures, Laws, Vows, and Oaths.  
CONFUTATION. That all Roman-catholic writers do not concur with this Libeler, in thus collecting from CHRIST'S words, Matth. 16. To omit other reasons, it may appear by this that many of them do write, that what CHRIST promised there, that he did actually exhibit to his Disciples, john 20. when he said, Whose sins ye remit, they shall be remitted, thereby restraining this power of losing formerly promised, unto losing from sins, not mentioning any absolution from Laws, Vows and Oaths in this place. So do Theophylact, Anselme, Hugo Cardin. & Ferus in Matt. 16. So do the principal Schoolmen, Alexand. Hales in Summa. part. 4. q. 79. memb. 5. & 6. art. 3. Thom. in 4. dist. 24. q. 3. art. 2. Scotus in 4. dist. 19 art. 1. Pope Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. q. 2. the clavib. pag. 302. edit. Parisien. anno 1530. who also allegeth for this interpretation, Augustine and the interlinear Gloss.  
TORTUS. Pag. 18. 3 I abhor all Parricide, I detest all conspiracies: yet it cannot be denied but occasions of despair were given [to the Powder-plotters.]  
CONFUTATION. That it was not any just occasion of despair given to the Powder-Traitours, as this Libeler would bear us in hand, but the instructions which they had from the jesuits, that caused them to attempt this bloody design: See the Premonition, pag. 291. & 335. and the book entitled, The proceed against the late Traitors.  
TORTUS. Pap. 26. 4 For not only the Catholics, but also the Caluinist puritanes detest the taking of this Oath.  
CONFUTATION. The Puritans do not decline the Oath of Supremacy, but daily do take it, neither ever refused it. And the same Supremacy is defended by Caluin himself, Instit. lib. 4. cap. 20.  
TORTUS. Pag. 28. 5 First of all the Pope writeth not, that he was grieved at the calamities which the Catholics did suffer for the keeping of the Orthodox faith in the time of the late Queen, or in the beginning of King james his reign in England, but for the calamities which they suffer at this present time.  
CONFUTATION. The only recital of the words of the Breve will sufficiently confute this lie. For thus writeth the Pope, The tribulations and calamities which ye have continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholic faith, have always afflicted us with great grief of mind. But for as much as we understand, that at this time all things are more grievous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased.  
TORTUS. Pag. 28. 6 In the first article [of the Statute] the Laws of Queen Elizabeth are confirmed.  
CONFUTATION. There is no mention at all made of confirming the Laws of Queen Elizabeth, in the first article of that Statute.  
TORTUS. Pag. 29. 7 In the 10. Article [of the said Statute] it is added, that if the [Catholics] refuse the third time to take the Oath being tendered unto them, they shall incur the danger of losing their lives.  
CONFUTATION. There is no mention in this whole Statute either of offering the Oath the third time, or any endangering of their lives.  
TORTUS. Pag. 30. 8 In the 12. Article, it is enacted, that whosoever goeth out of the land to serve in the wars under foreign Princes, they shall first of all take this Oath, or else be accounted for Traitors.  
CONFUTATION. It is no where said in that Statute, that they which shall thus serve in the wars under foreign Princes, before they have taken this Oath, shall be accounted for Traitors, but only for Felons.  
TORTUS. Pag. 35. 9 We have already declared, that the [Pope's] Apostolic power in binding and losing is denied in that [Oath of Allegiance.]  
CONFUTATION. There is no Assertory sentence in that Oath, nor any word but only conditional, touching the power of the Pope in binding and losing.  
TORTUS. Pag. 37. 10 The Popes themselves, even will they, nill they, were constrained to subject themselves to Nero and Diocletian.  
CONFUTATION. That Christians without exception, not upon constraint but willingly and for conscience sake, did subject themselves to the Ethnic Emperors, it may appear by our Apology, pag. 255, 256. and the Apologetickes of the ancient Fathers.  
TORTUS. Pag. 47. 11 In which words [of the Breves of Clement the 8.] not only james King of Scotland, was not excluded, but included rather.  
CONFUTATION. If the Breves [of Clement] did not exclude me from the Kingdom, but rather did include me, why did Garnet burn them? why would he not reserve them that I might have seen them, that so he might have obtained more favour at my hands for him and his Catholics?  
TORTUS. Pag. 60. 12 Of those 14. Articles [contained in the Oath of Allegiance] eleven of them concern the Primacy of the Pope in matters Spiritual.  
CONFUTATION. No one Article of that Oath doth meddle with the Primacy of the Pope in matter Spiritual: for to what end should that have been, since we have an express Oath elsewhere against the Pope's Primacy in matters Spiritual?  
TORTUS. Pag. 64. 13 Amongst other calumnies this is mentioned, that Bellarmine was privy to sundry conspiracies against Q. Elizabeth, if not the author.  
CONFUTATION. It is no where said [in the Apology] that Bellarmine was either the Author, or privy to any conspiracies against Queen Elizabeth; but that he was their principal instructor and teacher, who corrupted their judgement with such dangerous positions and principles, that it was an easy matter to reduce the generals into particulars, and to apply the dictates which he gave out of his chair, as opporunitie served, to their several designs.  
TORTUS. Pag. 64. 14 For he [Bellarmine] knoweth, that Campian only conspired against Heretical impiety.  
CONFUTATION. That the true and proper cause of Campians execution, was not for his conspiring against Heretical impiety, but for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth and the State of this Kingdom, it was most evident by the judicial proceed against him.  
TORTUS. Pag. 65. 15 Why was H. Garnet, a man incomparable for learning in all kinds, and holiness of life, put to death, but because he would not reveal that which he could not do with a safe conscience.  
CONFUTATION. That Garnet came to the knowledge of this horrible Plot not only in confession as this Libeler would have it, but by other means, neither by the relation of one alone, but by divers, so as he might with safe-conscience have disclosed it; See the Premonition, pag. 334, 335, etc. and the Earl of Northamptons' book.  
TORTUS. Pag. 71. 16 Pope Sixtus 5. neither commanded the French King to be murdered, neither approved that fact, as it was done by a private person.  
CONFUTATION. The falsehood of this doth easily appear by the Oration of Sixtus 5.  
TORTUS. Pag. 91. 17 That which is added concerning Stanley his Treason, is neither faithfully nor truly related: for the Apologer (as his manner is) doth miserably deprave it, by adding many lies.  
CONFUTATION. That which the Apology relateth concerning Stanley his Treason, is word for word recited out of Cardinal Allens Apology for Stanleys' treason: as it is to be seen there.  
TORTUS. Pag. 93. 18 It is very certain that H. Garnet at his arraignment, did always constantly avouch, that neither he nor any jesuite either were authors, or compartners, or advisers, or consenting any way [to the Powder-Treason.] And a little after. The same thing he protested at his death in a large speech, in the presence of innumerable people.  
CONFUTATION. The book of the proceed against the late Traitors, and our Premonition, pag. 334, 335, etc. do clearly prove the contrary of this to be true.  
TORTUS. Pag. 97. 19 King james since he is no Catholic, neither is he a Christian.  
CONFUTATION. Contrary: I am a true Catholic, a professor of the truly ancient, Catholic, and Apostolic Faith: and therefore am a true Christian. See the confession of my faith in the Premonition, pag. 302. 303, etc.  
TORTUS. Pag. 98. 20 And if the reports of them which knew him most inwardly, be true, when he was in Scotland, he was a Puritan, and an enemy to Protestants: Now in England he professeth himself a Protestant, and an enemy to the Puritans.  
CONFUTATION. Contrary; and what a Puritan I was in Scotland: See my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and this my Premonition, pag. 305, 306.  

HIS FALSIFICATIONS IN HIS ALLEGING OF HISTORIES, together with a brief declaration of their falsehood  
THE WORDS OF TORTUS. Pag. 70. 1 IT was certain that he [Henry 4. the Emperor] died a natural death.  
CONFUTATION. It was not certain: since sundry Historians writ otherwise, that he died upon his imprisonment by his son Henry 5. either with the noisomeness and loathsomeness of the prison, or being pined to death by hunger. Read Fasciculus temporum at the year 1094. Laziardus epitome. universal. Histor. c. 198. Paulus Langius in Chronico Citizensi at the year 1105. and jacobus Wimphelingus epitome Rerum Germanic. c. 28.  
TORTUS. Pag. 83. 2 Henry 4. The Emperor feared indeed, but not any corporal death, but the censure of Excommunication, from the which that he might procure absolution, of his own accord, he did thus demissely humble himself [before Gregory 7.]  
CONFUTATION. That Henry 4. thus dejected himself before the Pope, it was neither of his own accord, neither upon any fear of the Pope's Excommunication, which [in this particular] he esteemed of no force, but upon fear of the loss of his Kingdom and life, as the records of antiquity do evidently testify. See Lambertus Schafnaburg at the year 1077. Abbas Vrspergen. at the year 1075. The Author of the life of Henry 4. Bruno in his History of the Saxon war. Laziard in epitome. universal. Histor. c. 193. Cuspinian. in Henr. 4. Sigonius de Regno Italiae lib. 9  
TORTUS. Pag. 83. 3 The truth of the History [of Alexander 3 treading upon the neck of Frederick Barbarossa with his foot] may beaustly doubted of.  
CONFUTATION. But no Historian doubteth of it; and many do avouch it, as Hieronym. Bard. in victor. Naval. ex Bessarion. Chronico apud Baron. ad an. 1177. num. 5. Gerson de potestate Ecclesiae consid. 1. jacob Bergom. in supplem. Chronic. ad an. 1160. Nauclerus Gener. 40 Petrus justinian lib. 2. Rerum Venetar. Papirius Masson. lib. 5. the Episcop. urbis. who allegeth for this Gennadius Patriarch of Constantinople. Besides Alphonsus Ciacconius de vit. Pontif. in Alexand. 3. and Azorius the jesuite: Instit. Moral. part. lib. 5. c. 43.  
TORTUS. Pag. 83. 4 What other thing feared Frederick Barbarossa but excommunication?  
CONFUTATION. That Frederick feared only Pope Alexander his Excommunication, no ancient Historian doth testify. But many do write, that this submission of his was principally for fear of losing his Empire and Dominions. See for this, Martin Polon. ad an. 1166. Platina in vita Alexan. 3. Laziard. in epitome. Historiae universal. c. 212. Naucler. Generate 40. jacobus Wimphelingus in epitome. Rerum Germanic. c. 32.  
TORTUS. Pag. 88 5 Add hereunto, that Cuspinian. [in relating the history of the Turks brother who was poisoned by Alexander 6.] hath not the consent of other writers to witness the truth of this History.  
CONFUTATION. The same History, which is reported by Cuspinian, is recorded also by sundry other famous Historians. See Francis Guicciardin. lib. 2. Histor. Ital. Paulus iovius lib. 2. Hist. sui temporis. Sabellic. Ennead. 10. lib. 9 Continuator Palmerij, at the year. 1494.   

THE NOVEL DOCTRINES, WITH A BRIEF DECLARATION of their Novelty.  
NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 9 1 IT is agreed upon amongst all, that the Pope may lawfully depose Heretical Princes, and free their Subjects from yielding obedience unto them.  
CONFUTATION. Nay, all are so far from consenting in this point, that it may much more truly be avouched, that none entertained that conceit before Hildebrand: since he was the first broacher of this new doctrine never before heard of, as many learned men of that age, and the age next following (to omit others of succeeding aages) have expressly testified. See for this point, the Epistle of the whole Clergy of Liege to Pope Paschal the second. See the judgement of many Bishops of those times, recorded by Aventine in his history, lib. 5. fol. 579. Also the speech uttered by Conrade bishop of Vtretcht, in the said fifth book of Aventine, fol. 582. And another by Eberhardus, Archbishop of Saltzburge. Ibid. lib. 7. p. 684. Also the judgement of the Archbishop of Triers, in constitut. Imperialib. à M. Haimensfeldio editis. pag. 47. The Epistle of Walthram Bishop of Megburgh which is extant in Dodechine his Appendix to the Chronicle of Marianus Scotus, at the year 1090. Benno in the life of Hildebrand. The author of the book De unitate Ecclesiae, or the Apology for Henry the fourth. Sigebert in his Chronicle, at the year 1088. Godfrey of Viterbio in his History entitled Pantheon, part. 17. Ottho Frisingensis, lib. 6. c. 35. & praefat. in lib. 7. Frederick Barbarossa. lib. 6. Gunther. Ligurin. de gestis Frederici. and lib. 1. c. 10. of Raduicus de gestis eiusdem Frederici. Vincentius in speculo historiali lib. 15. c. 84. with sundry others.  
NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 51. 2 In our supernatural birth in Baptism we are to conceive of a secret and implied oath, which we take at our new birth, to yield obedience to the spiritual Prince, which is Christ's Vicar.  
CONFUTATION. It is to be wondered at, whence this fellow had this strange new Divinity, which surely was first framed in his own fantastical brain. Else let him make us a Catalogue of his Authors, that hold and teach, that all Christians, whether infants or of age, are by virtue of an oath taken in their Baptism, bound to yield absolute obedience to CHRIST'S Vicar the Pope, or baptised in any but in CHRIST.  
NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 94. 3 But since that Catholic doctrine doth not permit for the avoidance of any mischief whatsoever, to discover the secret of Sacramental confession, he [Garnet] rather chose to suffer most bitter death, then to violate the seal of so great a Sacrament.  
CONFUTATION. That the secret of Sacramental confession is by no means to be disclosed, no not indirectly, or in general, so the person confessing be concealed, for avoidance and prevention of no mischief, how great soever: Besides that it is a position most dangerous to all Princes and Commonwealths, as I show in my Praemonition, pag. 333, 334. It is also a Novel Assertion, not heard of till of late days in the Christian world: Since the common opinion even of the Schoolmen and Canonists both old and new, is unto the contrary; witness these Authors following: Alexander Hales part. 4. qu. 78. mem. 2. art. 2. Thom. 4. dist. 21. qu. 3. art. 1. ad 1. Scotus in 4. dist. 21. qu. 2. Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. ubi de Sacramen. Confess. edit. Paris. 1530. pag. 289. Dominic. Sot. in 4. dist. 18. q. 4. art. 5. Francis. de victor. sum. de Sacram. n. 189. Navar. in Enchirid. c. 8. joseph. Angles in Florib. part. 1. pag. 247. edit. Antuerp. Petrus Soto lect. 11. the confess. The jesuits also accord hereunto, Suarez. Tom. 4. disp. in 3. part. Thom. disp. 33. § 3. Gregor. de Valentia. Tom. 4. disp. 7. q. 13. punct. 3. who saith the common opinion of the Schoolmen is so.  
NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 102. 4 I dare boldly avow, that the Catholics have better reason to refuse the Oath [of Allegiance] then Eleazar had to refuse the eating of Swine's flesh.  
CONFUTATION. This assertion implieth a strange doctrine indeed, that the Pope's Breves are to be preferred before Moses Law: And that Papists are more bound to obey the Pope's decree, than the jews were to obey the Law of God pronounced by Moses.  
NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 135. 5 Churchmen are exempted from the jurisdiction of secular Princes, and therefore are no subjects to Kings: yet ought they to observe their Laws concerning matters temporal, not by virtue of any Law, but by enforcement of reason, that is to say, not for that they are their Subjects, but because reason will give it, that such Laws are to be kept for the public good, and the quiet of the Commonwealth.  
CONFUTATION. How true friends the Cardinal and his Chaplain are to Kings that would have so many Subjects exempted from their power: See my Praemonition, Pag. 296, 297. Also, Pag, 330. 331. etc. But as for this and the like new Aphorisms, I would have these cunning Merchants to cease to vent such stuff for ancient and Catholic wares in the Christian world, till they have disproved their own Venetians, who charge them with Novelty and forgery in this point.    

A DECLARATION CONCERNING THE PROCEED WITH THE STATE'S GENERAL, OF THE UNITED PROVINCES OF THE LOW COUNTRIES, In the cause of D. CONRADUS VORSTIUS.  

TO THE HONOUR OF OUR LORD AND SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST, THE ETERNAL SON OF THE ETERNAL FATHER, THE ONLY ΘΕΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΣ, MEDIATOUR, AND RECONCILER OF MANKIND, IN SIGN OF THANKFULNESS, HIS MOST HUMBLE, AND MOST OBLIGED SERVANT, JAMES BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE AND IRELAND, Defender of the FAITH, Doth DEDICATE, and CONSECRATE this his DECLARATION.   

THat it is one of the principal parts of that duty which appertains unto a Christian King, to protect the true Church within his own Dominions, and to extirpate heresies, is a Maxim without all controversy; in which respect those honourable Titles of Custos & Vindex utriusque Tabulae, Keeper and Avenger of both the Tables of the Law, and Nutritius Ecclesiae, Nursing Father of the Church, do rightly belong unto every Emperor, King, and Christian Monarch. But what interest a Christian King may justly pretend to meddle in alienâ Repub. within another State or Common wealth in matters of this nature (where Strangers are not allowed to be too curious) is the point in question, and whereof we mean at this time to treat.  
For our zeal to the glory of God, being the only motive that induced us (as he who is the searcher of the heart and reins can witness) to make sundry Instances and Requests unto the State's General of the United Provinces, for the banishment of a wretched Heretic, or rather Atheist, out of their Dominions, named D. Conradus Vorstius, hath been so ill interpreted, or rather wrested to a perverse sense, by a sort of people, whose corrupted stomach turns all good nourishment into bad and pernicious humours, (as if it had been some vanity and desire of vain glory in us, or else an Ambition to encroach by little and little upon the liberty of their State, which had carried us headlong into the business) As both to clear our own honour from the dark mists of these false and scandalous imputations, as also to make it truly appear unto the Christian world, in what sort we have proceeded herein; We have thought good to publish this present Declaration, containing as well the discourse of our whole Negotiation hitherto with the States in this cause, as also the reasons which have moved us to take it so to heart, and to persevere therein as we have done, and will do (God willing) until it please him, to bring it to some good and happy end.  
In Autumn last, about the end of August, being in our hunting Progress, there came to our hands two books of the said Vorstius, the one entitled Tractatus Theologicus de Deo, dedicated to the Landgrave of Hessen, imprinted in the year 1610. the other his Exegesis Apologetica upon that book, dedicated to the States, and printed in the year 1611. Which books, assoon as we had received, and (not without much horror and detestation) cast our eye only upon some of the principal Articles of his disputations contained in the first book, and his Commentary thereupon in the second, God is our witness, that the zeal of his glory did so transport us, as (to say with S. Paul) We stayed not one hour, but dispatched a Letter presently to our Ambassador resident with the States, to this purpose following.  
Trusty and well-beloved, etc.  
You shall repair to the State's General, with all possible diligence in our name, telling them, that we doubt not, but that their Ambassadors which were with us about two years since, did inform them of a forewarning, that we wished the said Ambassadors to make unto them in our name, to beware in time, of seditious and heretical Preachers, and not to suffer any such to creep into their State. Our principal meaning was of Arminius, who though himself were lately dead, yet had he left too many of his disciples behind him. Now according to that care which we continually have of the weal of their State, we have thought good to send unto them a new advertisement upon the like occasion, which is this: That there is lately come to our hands a piece of work of one Vorstius, a Divine in those parts, wherein he hath published such monstrous blasphemy and horrible Atheism, as out of the care that a Christian Prince, and Defender of the Faith, (as we have ever been) ought to have of the good of the Church, we hold not only such a scandalous book worthy to be burnt, but even the Author himself to be most severely punished. This notwithstanding we are informed, that the States are so far from being sensible of so great a scandal to the Church, as that the most part of them have already yielded him their free consents and voices, for the obtaining of the place of Divinity Reader in the University of Leyden, which the abovenamed Arminius of little better stuff, lately enjoyed: and though himself be dead, hath left his sting yet living among them. Having therefore understood, that the time of Election will be about Michaelmas next, and holding ourselves bound in honour and conscience, as a Christian Prince, and one who hath vouchsafed the States our Royal favour and support in respect of their Religion, to prevent so great a mischief so far as we are able: We will and require you to let them understand, how infinitely we shall be displeased if such a Monster receive advancement in the Church. And if it be alleged, that he hath recanted his Atheistical opinions, and that thereupon he may be capable of the place, you shall tell them, that we think his Recantation so slender a satisfaction for so fowl an offence, as that we hold him rather worthy of punishment, or at least to be debarred from all promotion: Wherein though we assure ourself, that they will of their own discretions eschew such a viper, who may make a fearful rend not only in their Ecclesiastical, but also in their Politic State, yet notwithstanding all this, if they will continue their resolution to prefer him, you shall then make a protestation to them in our name, That we will not fail to make known to the world publicly in print, how much we detest such abominable Heresies, and all allowers and tolerators of them: And because the States shall know upon what reasons we have grounded this our Admonition, you shall receive herewith a 
* This Catalogue is here purposely omitted for avoiding a needless repetition, seeing the principal points thereof are contained in a little Collection annexed at the end of our second letter written to Wynwood.  Catalogue of his damnable Positions, of which no one page of the book is free.  
Given under our Signet, etc.  
For observing, that so prodigious a Monster began to live among them, We could do no less (considering the infinite obligations which we own unto God) then to make Our zeal appear against such an enemy to the Essence of the Deity. Besides, the charity, which We bear to the said States Our neighbours and Confederates, professing the same Religion that we do, did enforce Us to admonish them, to eschew and prevent in time so dangerous a contagion, which dispersing itself, might infect, not only the body of their State, but all Christendom also; the danger whereof was so much greater to our Dominions then to many others, by how much the Provinces of the said States are nearer unto Us in their situation.  
Our Ambassador therefore having sufficiently acquitted himself of that which We gave him in charge, by exhorting them in Our Name, timely to prevent the danger which might ensue by enterteyning such a guest as VORSTIUS; (which at that time they might easily have done, seeing he was not yet settled at Leyden, neither was he lodged in the house appointed for the public Reader, nor were his wife and family yet arrived, and therefore much more easy for them to have rid him out of their country, sending him back to the place from whence he came, according to the old Proverb,  Turpiùs eijcitur, quàm non admittitur hospes. 
It is more honest to refuse a guest, then when you have once received him, to thrust him out of doors.) Yet notwithstanding all the diligence that Our Ambassador could use, and the opportunity which at that time was offered them to discharge him, all the answer he could procure from them, was but this, that,  

Whereas a Proposition was made on the behalf of his Majesty of Great Britain, in the assembly of the Lords States General of the United Provinces by Sir Ralph Winwood his majesties Ambassador and councillor in the Council of State in those countries, exhibited in writing the 21. of the month precedent (the substance thereof being first amply debated by the Deputies of the States of Holland and Westfrizeland, and thereupon mature deliberation had) The said Lords States General in answer to the said Proposition, have most humbly requested, and by these presents do humbly request his Majesty to believe, that as, for preservation of the liberty, rights and privileges of the Low-countrieses, against the unjust, tyrannical and bloody courses contrary thereunto, practised for many years upon the consciences, bodies and fortunes of the good Inhabitants of all qualities of those Countries by the Spaniards and their Adherents, they have been constrained after a long patience, many Remonstrances, Requests and other submissive proceed used in vain, to take arms for their necessary defence, (when they saw no other remedy,) as also to crave the assistance of his Majesty particularly, and of other Kings, Princes and Common wealths, by whose favour, but principally by his Majesties they have since continually sustained for many years, with an exceeding great constancy and moderation as well in prosperity as in adversity, a heavy, chargeable and bloody war, many terrible and cruel encounters, notable Battles both by land and sea, matchless Sieges of a number of Towns, Ruins, and devastation of Cities and Countries, and other difficulties incident to the war: So do their Lordships always confess, that in specie the chief and principal reason which hath moved them at first to entertain, and since to maintain the said resolution, hath been the foresaid tyranny exercised upon the consciences, bodies, and goods of their people, by introduction of the Inquisition and constraint in matter of Religion: For which respects their Obligation to his Majesty is greatly increased, in that after so many demonstrations of affection, favours, and assistances in the pursuit of their just cause, his Majesty is yet pleased, like a loving Father, to assure unto them the continuance of the same Royal affection and assistance, by taking care that the true Christian reformed Religion be purely and sincerely taught within their Countries, aswell in Churches as in Schools; For which the Lords States General do most humbly thank his Majesty, and will for their parts by all lawful means, endeavour so to second his sincere and Christian intention in this particular, as his Majesty shall receive all good contentment.  
As concerning the business of Doct. Vorstius, principally handled in the foresaid Proposition, the Lords States General (to make the matter more plain) have informed themselves, First that the Curators of the University of Leyden (according to their duty, and the ancient custom ever since the foundation of that University,) having diligently made inquiry for some Doctor to be chosen into the place of Divinity Professor there, at that time void, after mature deliberation were given to understand, that at Steinford within the Dominions of the Counts of Tecklenbourg, Bentem, etc. (who were of the first Counts that in Germany had cast off the yoke of the Papacy, Idolatry, and impure religion, and embraced the reformed Religion, which to this day they maintain) there did remain one Doct. Conradus Vorstius, who had continued in that place about fifteen years a Professor of true Religion, and a Minister; and that the said Conradus Vorstius for his learning and other good parts was much sought after by Prince Maurice, Landgrave of Hessen, with intent to make him Divinity Professor in some University of his Country. Moreover, that he had sufficiently, and to the great contentment, even of those that are now become his greatest adversaries, showed with a Christian moderation his learning and purity in the holy knowledge of Divinity, against the renowned jesuite Bellarmine: And that the said Conradus Vorstius was thereupon sent for by the Curators aforesaid, about the beginning of july, 1610. which message being seconded by letters of recommendation from his Excellency, and from the deputy Councelors for the States of Holland and Westfrizeland, unto the said Counts of Tecklenburg, did accordingly take effect. In the month of August following, the said Election and Calling was countermined by certain persons, to whose office or disposition the business did nothing at all belong: which being perceived, and the said Vorstius charged with some unsoundness of doctrine, the Curators did thereupon think fit, with the good liking of Vorstius himself, that as well in the University of Leyden, as at the Hage, he should appear in his own justification to answer all accusers and accusations whatsoever. At which time there was not any one that did offer to charge him. In the month of May following, six Ministers did undertake to prove, that VORSTIUS had published false and unsound doctrine, who afterward being heard in full assembly of the States of Holland and Westfrizeland, (in the presence of the Curators, and six other Ministers) on the one part, and Vorstius in his own defence on the other part; and that which could be said on either side to the several points in their sever all refutations respectively: The said Lords States having gravely deliberated upon the allegations as well of the one part as of the other, as also heard the opinions of the said Ministers (after the manner and custom of the said assembly) could not see any reason, why the execution of that which was done by the Curators lawfully, and according to order, aught to be hindered for impeached. In August following there being sent over hither certain other Articles, wherewith Vorstius was charged, and dispersed in little printed Pamphlets amongst the people, the said Lords States entered into a new consultation, and there resolved, that Vorstius (according both to God's Law, the Law of Nature, and the law written; as also according to the laudable use and customs of their country,) should be heard against his new accusers, concerning those Articles there laid to his charge. And moreover, it was generally declared by the States of Holland and Westfrizeland there assembled, (as every one of them likewise in his own particular, and the Curators and Bourgmasters of Leyden for their parts did specially declare:) That there was never any intention to permit other Religion to be taught in the University of Leyden, than the Christian Religion reform and grounded upon the word of God: And beside, that if the said Vorstius should be found guilty in any of the aforesaid points whereof he was accused, that they would not admit him to the place of Professor. The Deputies of the said Lords States of Holland and Westfrizeland further declaring, that they do assuredly believe, that if his Majesty of Great Britain were well informed of the true circumstances of this business, and of their sincere intention therein, he would (according to his high wisdom, prudence, and benignity) conceive favourably of them, and their proceed: whereof the Lords States General are no less confident; and the rather, for that the said Deputies have assured them, that the Lords States of Holland and Westfrizeland their Superiors would proceed in this business (as in all others) with all due reverence, care, and respect unto his majesties serious admonition, as becometh them.  
And the Lords States General, do request the said Lord Ambassador to recommend this their Answer unto his Majesty with favour.  
Given at the Hage, in the Assembly of the said Lords States General. 1. October. 1611.   
But before we had received this answer from the States, some of Vorstius books were brought over into England, and (as it was reported) not without the knowledge and direction of the Author. And about the same time one Bertius, a scholar of the late Arminius, (who was the first in our age that infected Leyden with Heresy) was so impudent, as to send a Letter unto the Archbishop of Canterbury, with a Book entitled, De Apostasia Sanctorum. And not thinking it sufficient to avow the sending of such a book, (the title whereof only, were enough to make it worthy the fire) he was moreover so shameless, as to maintain in his Letter to the Archbishop, that the doctrine contained in his book, was agreeable with the doctrine of the Church of England. Let the Church of CHRIST then judge, whether it was not high time for us to bestir ourselves, when as this Gangrene had not only taken hold amongst our nearest neighbours; so as Nonsolùm paries proximus iam ardebat: not only the next house was on fire, but did also begin to creep into the bowels of our own Kingdom; For which cause having first given order, that the said books of Vorstius should be publicly burnt, as well in Paul's Churchyard, as in both the Universities of this Kingdom, we thought good to renew our former request unto the States, for the banishment of Vorstius, by a Letter which we caused our Ambassador to deliver unto them from us at their Assembly in the Hage, the fifth of November; whereunto they had referred us in their former answer, the tenor of which Letter was as followeth:  
HIgh and mighty Lords,  
Having understood by your answer to that Proposition which was made unto you in our name by our Ambassador there resident, That at your Assembly to be holden in November next, you are resolved then to give order concerning the business of that wretched D. Vorstius, We have thought good (notwithstanding the declaration which our Ambassador hath already made unto you in our name touching that particular,) to put you again in remembrance thereof by this Letter, and thereby freely to discharge ourselves, both in point of our duty towards God, and of that sincere friendship which we bear towards you.  
First We assure Ourselves that you are sufficiently persuaded that no worldly respect could move Us to have thus importuned you in an affair of this nature, being drawn into it only through Our zeal to the glory of God, and the care which We have that all occasion of such great scandals as this is, unto the true reformed Church of God, might be in due time foreseen and prevented. We are therefore to let you understand, that We do not a little wonder, that you have not only sought to provide an habitation in so eminent a place amongst you, for such a corrupted person as this Vorstius is, but that you have also afforded him your licence and protection to print that Apology which he hath dedicated unto you; A book wherein he doth most impudently maintain the execrable blasphemies, which in his former he had disgorged; The which we are now able to affirm out of our own knowledge, having since that Letter which we wrote unto our Ambassador, read over and over again with our own eyes (not without extreme mislike and horror) both his books, the first dedicated to the Landgrave of Hessen, and the other to you. We had well hoped, that the corrupt seed which that enemy of God Arminius did sow amongst you some few years since (whose disciples and followers are yet too bold and frequent within your Dominions) had given you a sufficient warning, afterwards to take heed of such infected persons, seeing your own Country men already divided into Factions upon this occasion, a matter so opposite to unity (which is indeed the only prop and safety of your State next under God) as of necessity it must by little and little bring you to utter ruin, if wisely you do not provide against it, and that in time.  
It is true that it was Our hard hap not to hear of this Arminius before he was dead, and that all the Reformed Churches of Germany had with open mouth complained of him. But assoon as We understood of that distraction in your State, which after his death he left behind him, We did not fail (taking the opportunity when your last extraordinary Ambassadors were here with Us) to use some such speeches unto them concerning this matter, as We thought fittest for the good of your State, and which we doubt not but they have faithfully reported unto you; For what need We make any question of the arrogancy of these Heretics, or rather Atheistical Sectaries amongst you, when one of them at this present remaining in your town of Leyden, hath not only presumed to publish of late a blasphemous Book of the Apostasy of the Saints, but hath beside been so impudent, as to send the other day a copy thereof, as a goodly present, to Our Archbishop of Canterbury, together with a letter, wherein he is not ashamed (as also in his Book) to lie so grossly, as to avow, that his Heresies contained in the said Book, are agreeable with the Religion and profession of Our Church of England. For these respects therefore have We cause enough very hearty to request you, to root out with speed those Heresies and Schisms, which are beginning to bud forth amongst you, which if you suffer to have the reins any longer, you cannot expect any other issue thereof, than the curse of God, infamy throughout all the reformed Churches, and a perpetual rent and distraction in the whole body of your State. But if peradventure this wretched Vorstius should deny or equivocate upon those blasphemous points of Heresy and Atheism, which already he hath broached, that perhaps may move you to spare his person, and not cause him to be burned (which never any Heretic better deserved, and wherein we will leave him to your own (bristian wisdom) but to suffer him upon any defence or abnegation, which he shall offer to make, still to continue and to teach amongst you, is a thing so abominable, as we assure ourselves it will not once enter into any of your thoughts: For admit he would prove himself innocent (which nevertheless he cannot do) in most of those points wherewith he is charged; yet were it but the scandal of his person, which will still remain, it were cause more then enough for you to remove him out of your Dominions. You know what is written of Caesar's wife, that it was not sufficient for her to be innocent, but she must also be free from all occasion of suspicion: how much more than ought you to be wary and cautious in a matter of so great importance as this, which concerneth the glory of God, the salvation of your souls, the souls of your people, and the safety of your State; and not to suffer so dangerous a spark to lie kindling amongst you? For a man may easily conjecture, that fear and the horror of his own actions will make him boldly deny that poison which boileth at his heart: For what will not be deny, that denieth the Eternity and Omnipotency of God? And howbeit he were innocent (as we have said before) the Church of God is not so ill furnished with men of sufficiency for that place, as that you need be unprovided of some other, who shall not be subject to that scandal, wherewith he is so tainted, as it must be a long penance, and many years of probation, that must wear it away. But especially ought you to be very careful, not to hazard the corruption of your youth in so famous an University by the doctrine of so scandalous a person, who (it is to be feared) when he findeth himself once well settled there, will return again to his ancient vomit.  
We will therefore conclude with this request unto you, that you will assure yourselves, that the affection only which we bear unto your State, hath enforced us to use this liberty towards you, not doubting for our part, but that, as this which we have written unto you proceeds from the sincerity of our conscience, so our good God will be pleased to give you a due apprehension thereof, and that your resolution in a matter of so great consequence, may tend to his glory, to your own honour and safety, to the extirpation of these springing Atheisms and Heresies, and to the satisfaction, not only of us, but of all the reformed Churches, who have been hitherto extremely scandalised therewith: But if on the contrary part, we fail of that we expect at your hands (which God forbidden) and that you suffer hereafter such pestilent Heretics to nestle among you, who dare take upon them that licentious liberty, to fetch again from Hell the ancient Heresies long since condemned, or else to invent new of their own brain, contrary to the belief of the true Catholic Church, we shall then be constrained (to our great grief) publicly to protest against these abominations: and (as God hath honoured us with the Title of Defender of the Faith) not only to departed and separate ourselves from the union of such false and heretical Churches, but also to exhort all other reform Churches to join with us in a common Council, how to extinguish and remand to hell these abominable Heresies, that now newly begin to put forth again. And furthermore for our own particular, we shall be enforced strictly to inhibit the youth of our Dominions from repairing to so infected a place, as is the University of Leyden. Sed meliora speramus & ominamur, We hope and expect for better, assuring ourselves in the mercy of our good God, that as he hath a long time preserved you from your temporal enemies, and at this time is beginning to establish your Estate to the contentment of all your friends, (but especially to ours, who have never been wanting to assist you upon all occasions) that the same God will not leave you for a prey to your spiritual adversaries, who gape at nothing but your utter destruction. And in this confidence we will recommend you and the prosperity of your affairs to the protection of God, remaining as we have ever been,  
Your good friend JAMES R. Given at our Palace of Westminster the 6. of October. 1611.  
We writ likewise at the same time, another Letter to our Ambassador, for his direction in the whole business; the Copy whereof is this which followeth:  
trusty and well-beloved.  
Perceiving by the States their answer to your Proposition delivered to them in our name, concerning the matter of Vorstius, that they have taken time for their proceeding with him; and having some reason to think that his favourers amongst them are stronger than were to be wished, We have thought good to renew our Admonition unto them in this matter, by a Letter of our own, written at good length, and in earnest manner, which you shall herewith receive, and at the time of their meeting for this purpose, present unto them in our name: Insisting with them with all the earnestness you can, both for the removing of this blasphemous Monster, as also that they may now at least take some such solid order, as this licentious liberty of disputing or arguing such unprofitable questions (whereby new opinions may be daily set abroach against the grounds of Divinity) may hereafter be restrained as well at Leyden, as in all the rest of their Dominions. And for the better strengthening of this motion, we do herewith send you a Note of some of the most special Atheistical points, wherewith his book is full farced. But if contrary to our expectation, all our labour cannot move them to give satisfaction, not to us, but to the whole Church of God in this case; Then are you (if no better may be) to renew our Protestation unto them, which we sent you in our former Letter, assuring them, that our first labour shall be to publish to the world their defection from the Faith, and true Church of Christ: We mean the defection of them, whom they maintain and harbour in their bosoms: though we purposely omitted this point in our Letter unto them for being too harsh, except all other remedies were desperate. But we both wish and hope for better.  
Theobaldes. 6. October. 1611.  
But before our Ambassador had opportunity to deliver our Letter to the States, there were not only certain people more cunning than zealous, who caused a rumour to be spread amongst the States, that we were become exceeding cold in the business, nay that we had almost quite given it over; but also in the mean time, the said Vorstius was settled at Leyden, lodged in the quality of a public Reader, and his wife, & his family there arrived, as he himself witnesseth in his Book called Christiana, & modestaresponsio. For his own words in his preface are these, Quum igitur Divinâ vocatione sic ferente in eâurbe ac Provinciâ sedem fixerim, cunque domo totâ nunc habitem, quae supremam in terrâ jurisdictionem vestram agnoscit, etc. That is to say, Since therefore (God so disposing of me,) I have settled myself, and with my whole family do now inhabit in that City and province, which acknowledgeth your supreme authority on earth, etc. Our Ambassador therefore having on the one side consideration of that false report which was spread abroad of our coldness in the business, and on the other side observing how Vorstius was established at Leyden after our first Admonition and request made unto the States, but before their Assembly on the fift of November, he then resolved first to present unto them our Letter, making likewise himself a remonstrance to the same purpose, which We have here set down, together with an extract of certain passages, collected out of the said Books of Vorstius, which We sent unto our Ambassador, and was by him then showed unto the States, that they might discern the Lion by his paw.  

MY Lords: If ever the King of Great Britain my Master hath merited any thing of this State, (and how much he hath merited in respect of his great favours, and Royal assistances, your Lordship's acknowledging them with all gratitude can best witness, and best judge) be hath surely merited at this present having by his Letters full of zeal and piety, which he hath written unto you, endenoured to procure the establishment of that Religion only within your Provinces, which the Reformed Churches of Great Britain, France and Germany, by a mutual consent, have generally embraced. For what is it to his Majesty, whether D. Vorstius be admitted Professor in the University of Leyden, or not? or whether the doctrine of Arminius be preached in your Churches? saving that as a Christian Prince, he desires the advancement of the Gospel, and as your best friend and ally, the strengthening of your Commonwealth, whose first foundations were cymented with the blood of his subjects, and which in his judgement can no way subsist, if wittingly and willingly you suffer the Reformed Religion to be either by the practices of your Doctors sophisticated, or by their malice depraved.  
If therefore Religion be as it were the Palladium of your Common wealth, and that to preserve the one in her glory and perfection, be to maintain the other in her purity, let yourselves then be judge, in how great a danger the State must needs be at this present, so long as you permit the Schisms of Arminius to have such vogue as now they have in the principal Towns of Holland, and if you suffer Vorstius to be received Divinity Professor in the University of Leyden (the Seminary of your (burch) who in scorn of the Holy word of GOD, hath after his own fancy, devised a new Sect, patched together of sener all pieces of all sorts of ancient and modern Heresies. The fool said in his heart, There is no God: but he that with open mouth, of set purpose, and of prepensed malice, hath let his pen run at random, to disgorge so many blasphemies against the Sacred Majesty of GOD, this fellow shall wear the garland of all that ever yet were heard of, since by the means of the Gospel, the light of Christian Religion hath shined unto the world. If any man doubt of it, for a proof, see here what his Majesty with his own hand hath collected out of his writings.  

OUT OF HIS ANNOTATIONS.  
CAEterùm, nihil vetat Deo etiam corpus ascribere, 
Pag 210.  si vocabulum corporis in significatione latiore sumamus.  
But there is nothing forbids us to say, that God hath a Body, so as we take a body in the largest signification.  
Non satis igitur circumspectè loquuntur, qui Deum ut essentiâ, 
Pag. 212.  sic etiam volimtate prorsus immutabilem esse affirmant.  
They therefore do not speak circumspectly enough, who say, that God is altogether as unchangeable in his will, as he is in his essence.  
Nusquam scriptum legimus Dei substantiam simpliciter immensam esse, 
Pag. 232.  immò non pauca sunt, quae contrarium sensum habere videntur.  
We find it no where written, That the substance of God is simply immense: nay, there are many places, which seem to carry a contrary meaning.  
Magnitudo nulla actu infinita est: ergo nec Deus. 
Pag. 237.   
No Magnitude is actually infinite, and therefore God is not actually infinite.  
Etsanè si omnia, & singula rerum eventa, praecisè & ab aeterno definita fuissent, 
Pag. 308.  nihil opus esset continua rerum inspectione, & procuratione, quae tamen Deo passim tribuitur.  
And surely, if all and every event of things were precisely set down, and from eternity, there needed not then that continual inspection and procuration, which nevertheless is every where attributed unto God.  
Pleniùs tamen respondere videntur, 
Pag. 441.  qui certam quidem in genere universalem Dei scientiam esse docent; Sed ita tamen, ut plures certitudinis causas in visione praesentium, ac praeteritorum, quàm in visione futurorum contingentium agnoscant.  
They therefore, who teach that there is in God a certain universal knowledge in genere, do seem to answer more fully; but so as they do confess likewise that there be more causes of certainty in the vision of things present, then in the vision of things future contingent.  
Omnia etiam decreta quae semel apud se praecisè definivit, uno modo & actu, 
Pag. 271.  post factam definitionem accuratissimè novit: sed de alijs omnibus, & singulis, quaecunque sunt & fiunt, seorsim, & per se consideratis, hoc affirmari non potest; quip quae non modò successiuè in tempore, verumetiam contingenter, & saepe conditionaliter existunt.  
All things which GOD hath once decreed, and precisely determined, uno modo & actu, he doth after such his determination exactly know them: But this cannot be affirmed of all and every other thing, which are, or come to pass, being considered severally and by themselves, because they have their existence, not only successively in time, but also contingently, and oftentimes conditionally.   

OUT OF HIS APOLOGY.  
PAter peculiarem quandam entitatem, 
Pag. 38.  seu quasi limitatam, & restrictam essentiam habere putandus est.  
It is to be understood that the Father hath a certain peculiar being, or as it were a limited and bounded essence.  
unde porrò non difficulter efficitur, 
Pag. 43.  etiam interna quaedam accidentia in Deo, hoc est, in ipsâ (ut sic dicere liceat) proaereticâ Dei mente, ac voluntate, reverâ existere.  
From whence it is easily proved, that there are really certain internal accidents in God, that is to say, (if it be lawful to use such a word) in the very fore-electing mind and will of God.  

In the 16. Chapter, he doth dangerously dissent from the received opinion of Divines, concerning the Ubiquity of God's presence.  
In the 19 Chapter, pag. 99 he doth attribute unto God, Magnitude and Quantity.    
These are in part the opinions of that great Divine, whom they have chosen to domineer in the Chair at Leyden: In opposition whereunto, I mean not to say any thing else, then that which the Roman Orator did once pronounce in the like case: Mala est & impia consuetudo contra Deum disputandi, siuè seriò id fit, siuè simulatè It is an evil and a wicked custom (saith he) to dispute against God, whether it be in earnest, or in jest.  
Now my Lords, I address myself unto your Lordships, and according unto the charge which I have received from the King my Master, I conjure you by the amity that is betwixt his Kingdoms and your Provinces, (the which on his part will continue always inviolable) to awaken your spirits, and to have a careful eye at this Assembly of Holland, (which is already begun) ne quid Respublica detrimenti capiat, That the Common wealth take no harm: which undoubtedly, at one time or other, will be turned upside down, if you suffer such a dangerous contagion to barber so near you, and not remove it out of your Provinces assoon as possibly you may. The disciples of Socinus (with whose doctrine he hath been suckled in his childhood) do seek him for their Master, and are ready to embrace him. Let him go, be is a Bird of their own feather: Et dignum sanè patellâ operculum; A cover fit for such a dish.  
On the other side, the Students in Divinity at Leyden to the number of 56. by a dutiful Remonstrance presented unto the States of Holland the 16. of October the last year, did most humbly beseech the said States, not to use their authority in compelling them to receive a Professor, who both by the attestations of the Divinity Colleges at Basil and Heydelberg, as also by manifest evidence out of his own writings, is convinced of an infinite number of Heresies.  
These reasons therefore, namely, the proofs of so many enormous and horrible Heresies maintained in his Books, the instance of his Majesty grounded upon the welfare and honour of this Country, the requests either of all, or of the most part of your Provinces, the petitions of all the Ministers (excepting those only which are of Arminius Sect) should me thinks prevail so far with my Lords the States of Holland, and (we hope) will so far prevail, as they will at the last apply themselves to the performance of that, which both the sincerity of Religion, and the service of their Country requireth at their hands. Furthermore, I have commandment from his Majesty to move you in his Name, to set down some certain Reglement in matters of Religion throughout your Provinces, that this licentious freedom of disputation, may by that means be restrained, which breeds nothing but Factions, and partaking; and that you would absolutely take away the liberty of Prophesying, which Vorstius doth so much recommend unto you in the dedicatory Epistle of his Anti-Bellarmine, the Book whereof his Patrons do boast so much.  
To conclude, his Majesty doth exhort you, seeing you have heretofore taken Arms for the liberty of your consciences, and have so much endured in a violent and bloody war, the space of forty years, for the profession of the Gospel, that now having gotten the upper hand of your miseries, you would not suffer the followers of Arminius, to make your actions an example for them to proclaim throughout the world, that wicked doctrine of the Apostasy of the Saints.  
To be short, the account which his Majesty doth make of your amity appears sufficiently by the Treaties which he hath made with your Lordships, by the succours which your Provinces have received from his crowns, by the deluge of blood, which his subjects have spent in your wars. Religion is the only sowder of this Amity: For his Majesty being, by the Grace of GOD, Defender of the Faith, (by which Title he doth more value himself, then by the Title of King of Great Britain) doth hold himself obliged to defend all those, who profess the same Faith and Religion with him. But if once your zeal begin to grow cold therein, his Majesty will then straightways imagine, that your friendship towards him and his subjects will likewise freeze by little and little. Thus much I had in charge to add unto that which his Majesty in his own letters hath written unto you. You may be pleased to consider of it, as the importance of the cause doth require, and to resolve thereupon, that which your wisdoms shall think fittest for the honour and service of your Country.   
But our Ambassador having, after a delay for the space of divers weeks, received this cold and ambiguous answer unto our Letter and Proposition, that is to say, That, The Lords States General having seriously deliberated upon the Proposition which was made unto them by our Ambassador the fift of November, as also upon our Letters of the sixth of October delivered unto them at the same time, did very humbly give us thanks for the continuance of our Royal affection toward the welfare of their Countries, and the preservation of the true reformed Christian Religion therein; And that the said State's General, as also the States of Holland and Westfrizeland in their several assemblies respectively, having entered into consultation (with all due reverence and regard unto us) concerning those Articles wherewith Doctor Conradus Vorstius was charged, the Curators of the University of Leyden did thereupon take occasion to make an order provisional, that the said Vorstius should not be admitted to the exercise of his place, which was accordingly performed; So as upon the matter, he was then in the City of Leyden, but as an inhabitant or Citizen. And that in case the said Vorstius should not be able to clear himself from those accusations which were laid to his charge, before, or in the next Assembly of the States of Holland and Westfrizeland (which was to be holden in February following) the Lords States General did then assure themselves, that the States of Holland and Westfrizeland would decide the matter with good contentment. And therefore forasmuch as at that time there could be no more done in the cause, without great inconvenience and distaste to the principal Towns of the said Provinces, our Ambassador was required to recommend thus much in the best manner he could unto us, and with the most advantage to the service of their Country.  
Upon the coldness therefore of this Answer, (which he feared would give us no satisfaction) he thought it was now high time to consider what the last remedy might be, whereof use was to be made for the advancement of this business: and perceiving that he had already performed all the rest of our commandments, excepting only to Protest in case of refusal, and esteeming such a cold answer, accompanied with so many delays, to be no less in effect then an absolute refusal, he thereupon resolved to make this Protestation in their public assembly, which hereafter followeth.  

MY Lords; The Historiographers, who have diligently looked into the Antiquities of France, do observe, that the Advocates there in times past, were accustomed to begin their plead with some Latin Sentence taken out of the holy Scriptures: I shall at this time follow their example, and my Sentence shall be this: Si peccaverit in te frater tuus, argue eum inter te & ipsum solum; si audiverit te, lucratus es fratrem tuum; si non audiverit te, adhibeunum atque alterum, ut in ore duorum vel trium stet omne verbum: si non audiverit eos, dic Ecclesiae. If thy brother trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between him and thee alone; if he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother; but if he hear thee not, take yet with thee one or two, that by the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be confirmed: and if he refuse to hear them, tell it unto the Church.  
There is not any one of you (as I suppose) in this Assembly, that will not acknowledge the brotherly love wherewith the King my Master hath always affected the good of your Provinces, and the fatherly care which he hath ever had to procure the establishment of your State. In which respect, his Majesty having understood, that my Lords the States of Holland were determined to call unto the place of Divinity Professor in the Vniver sitie of Leyden, one Doctor Conradus Vorstius, a person attainted by many witnesses, juris & facti, of a number of Heresies (the shame whereof would light upon the Church of God, and consequently upon his majesties person and Crowns) is therewith exceedingly offended: And for the more timely prevention of an infinity of evils, which necessarily would thereupon ensue, did give me in charge by express Letters to exhort you (which I did the 21. of September last) to wash your hands from that man, and not to suffer him to come within your Country. To this exhortation, your answer was, that in the carriage of this business, all due observance and regard should be had unto his Majesty. Nevertheless so it is, that his Majesty hath received so little respect herein, as that in stead of debarring Vorstius from coming into the Country (which even by the laws of friendship his Majesty might have required) the proceed have been clean contrary; for he is suffered to come unto Leyden, hath been received there with all honour, hath there taken up his habitation, where he is treated and lodged in the quality of a public Professor. His Majesty then perceiving, that his first motion had so little prevailed, thought good to write himself a Letter unto you, to the same purpose, full of zeal and affection, persuading you by many reasons there set down at length, not to stain your own honour, and the honour of the reformed Churches, by calling unto you that wretched and wicked Atheist. These Letters were presented in this Assembly the fifth of November, a great number of the Deputies of the Towns of Holland being then present; At which time (as I was commanded by his Majesty) I used some speech myself to the same effect. Some six weeks after, I received an Answer to my Proposition but an Answer confused, ambiguous and wholly impertinent, by which I have reason to conceive, that there is no meaning at all to send Vorstius away, who is at this present in Leyden, received and acknowledged, respected and treated as public Professor, whether it be to grace that University in stead of the deceased joseph Scaliger, I cannot tell, or whether it be to give him means to do more mischief in secret, which perhaps for shame he durst not in public: For these reasons, according unto that charge, which I have received from the King my Master, I do in his name, and on his behalf Protest in this Assembly, against the wrong, injury, and scandal done unto the reformed Religion by the receiving and retaining of Conradus Vorstius in the University of Leyden, and against the violence offered unto that Alliance which is betwixt his Majesty and your Provinces; the which being founded upon the preservation and maintenance of the reformed Religion, you have not letted (so much as in you lies) absolutely to violate in the proceeding of this cause. Of which enormous indignities committed against the Church of GOD and against his majesties person, in preferring the presence of Vorstius before his Amity and Alliance, the King my Master holds himself bound to be sensible, and if reparation thereof be not made, and that speedily, (which cannot be by any other means then by sending Vorstius away) his Majesty will make it appear unto the world by some such Declaration, as he will cause to be printed and published how much he detests the Atheisms and Heresies of Vorstius, and all those that maintain, favour and cherish them. This is my charge, which if I had failed to perform, I had failed in my duty, both towards the Service of GOD, which is now in question, as also toward the honour of the King my Master, who will always be ready to maintain the purity of the reformed Religion, though it were with the profusion of his own blood, the blood of his children, and subjects.   
This Protestation being made, the States after some deliberation, framed us an answer in these terms: That howsoever His Majesty of GREAT BRITAIN had not yet received that contentment which He might expect in this business of Vorstius; nevertheless, they did not doubt but that at the Assembly of the States of Holland in February next, His Majesty should receive entire satisfaction. Which answer gave some life to our hope, that at the said assembly of the States, to be holden the fifteenth day of the next month of February, GOD will vouchsafe so to open the eyes of those of Holland, as that they may be able to discern, what a Cockatrice egg they hatch within their bosom, and that (seeing the smooth speeches of Vorstius do but verify the old Proverb, Latet anguis in herbâ, There lurks a snake in the grass,) they will at that assembly resolve to purge their Territories from the poison of his Heresy. We mention Holland, because the other Provinces, namely Frizeland and Zealand, and some part of Holland likewise, are already so distasted with his Heresies, as of themselves they have desired Holland to banish him out of the Country.  
And certainly we are no less sorry, then amazed, that the Curators of Leyden, (as appeareth by a long letter which they have written to the State's Ambassador resident with us) can have their understanding so stupefied, as to have made choice of the person of Vorstius for a man well qualified, to appease the Schisms and troubles of their Church and University, and as an apt instrument of peace. For to show their blindness in this, they need no other answer, then, Exitus acta probat, The issue tries the action; Seeing to our great grief it cannot be denied, but that there hath been more distraction of spirits, and a greater division in their State since the coming of Vorstius, then was for many years before witness so many Books and Accusations written against him, and his answers thereunto; witness also the protestation of a great number of Professors of Leyden against him, and many of the principal members, as well Provinces as Towns of the United body of that State, who have accused him as before we have said. So as if for that purpose only, they brought him unto their University, they must needs acknowledge it hath had a very unhappy success.  

Having now finished the discourse of our whole proceeding in this cause, from the beginning until this present, It remaineth that we set down the reasons which persuaded us to engage ourselves in alienâ republicâ in a business of this nature. But we have done that already, although but summarily, and by the way: For in that place where we make mention of the books of Vorstius which were brought into our Kingdom, we yield three Reasons, which moved us to take this cause to heart: First, the zeal of God's glory, to whom we are so much bound: Secondly, charity towards our next neighbours and Allies: and Thirdly, the just reason we had to fear the like infection within our own Dominions.  
As concerning the Glory of God; If the subject of Vorstius his Heresies had not been grounded upon Questions of a higher quality than touching the number and nature of the Sacraments, the points of justification, of Merits, of Purgatory, of the visible head of the Church, or any such matters, as are in controversy at this day betwixt the Papists and us; Nay more, If he had meddled only with the nature and works of GOD ad extra, (as the Schoolmen speak,) If (we say) he had soared no higher pitch (although we should have been very sorry to see such Heresies begin to take root amongst our Allies and ancient confederates;) Nevertheless, we do freely profess, that in that case we should never have troubled ourselves with the business in such fashion, and with that fervency as hitherto we have done. But this Vorstius mounting aloft like an Anti-S. john with the wings of the Eagle, up to the Heavens, and to the Throne of GOD, disputing of his Sacred and ineffable Essence, Quae tremenda & admiranda est, sed non scrutanda, Which is to be trembled at, and admired, but not to be searched into; confounding infinity, (one of the proper attributes of GOD,) and immensity, (sometime applied to creatures,) the essence and substance, with the hypostasis, disputing of a first and second creation, immediate and mediate, making GOD to be quale and quantum, changing eternity, into eviternitie, teaching eternity to consist of a number of aages, and in the end as a sworn enemy not only to Divinity, but even to all Philosophy, both human and natural, denying God to be Actus purus, and void of qualities, but having in some sort (with horror be it spoken) aliquid diversitatis aut multiplicitatis in se ipso, etiam principium cuiusdam mut abilitatis; That is to say, Some kind of diversity or multiplicity in himself, yea even a beginning of a certain mutability: Let the world then judge whether we had not occasion hereupon, to be moved, not only as one that maketh profession of thereformed Religion, but as a Christian at large; yea, even as a Theist, or a man that acknowledgeth a GOD, or as a Platonique Philosopher at the least.  
Secondly, for the Charity which we own to our neighbours and Allies; the Charity of every Christian ought to extend to all men, but especially towards them that be of the Household of saith. The States then being not only our confederates, but the principal bond of our conjunction being our uniformity in the true Religion, we had reason to admonish them, not to permit such dangerous Heresies to spring, and take root amongst them, which being once suffered, could produce no other effects, than the danger of their souls, a rent betwixt them and all other Christian Churches, and at the last a rapture and division in their Temporal State, which (next under God) can be maintained by nothing but Unity. To which resolution we were the rather induced by the example of divers other Provinces under the dominion of the said States, who did accuse Vorstius, and persuaded Holland to send him away out of their country, as before we have declared.  
It is true, that if Vorstius had been a native of Holland, as john of Leyden was, it had been sufficient for us to have given them a general warning of the danger, and then to have referred it unto themselves, to take such course therein, as to them should seem convenient: But this Vorstius being a stranger, and sent for out of another Country to instruct their youth, he can challenge no such privilege by reason of his birth, but that the States may lawfully discharge him, whensoever they please. And for his profession, it is (without doubt) less dangerous, to suffer a thousand Lay Heretics to live in a Common wealth (for that is but matter of policy, so long as they offend not in their speech, and seduce not others,) then to have so much as one Doctor that may poison the youth: For, Quo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem Testa diu; The vessel will tastea long time after of that liquor wherewith it is first seasoned; And what shall become of the little brooks, if their Fountain be corrupted?  
And from hence is derived our third reason which persuaded us to meddle in this business. For if generally the youth of those Countries our nearest neighbours should happen to be infected, in what danger then were we? especially seeing so many of the younger sort of our Subjects do repair for learning sake to the University of Leyden: an University of long time famous, but so much the more renowned, for that, within our remembrance, it hath been adorned with those two excellent personages Scaliger and junius. It is furthermore to be noted, that the spiritual infection of Heresy, is so much more dangerous, than the bodily infection of the plague, by how much the soul is more noble than the body, which caused the Apostle S. john, when, entering into a Bath, he met there by chance Cerinthus the Heretic, to turn back again upon the sudden for fear of infection. Now if that great Apostle the beloved of Christ did so much fear the infection of Heresy, as himself hath given us a warning in one of his Epistles, Ne dicas illi, ave; Bid him not God speed: have not we then much more cause to fear the corruption of the youth of our own Kingdoms?  
But we very well know, that some will say Vorstius is not rightly understood; that some consequences are violently wrested out of his words, contrary to the intention of the Author; that those things which he propounds scholastically by way of question, should not be taken for his own resolution; and admit pearaduenture he may have spoken in some phrases minùs cautè, not warily enough, yet that is but logomachy, contention about words, and ought not to be imputed unto him for Heresy; and besies that, in his last works he hath sufficiently purged himself from all calumnies, and renounced all manner of Heresies.  
To the first Objection we answer, that we never accused him by consequences, but that we find his own words and sentences full of Heresies.  
To the second, concerning his questions or disquisitions (as he termeth them) we say, that in doubtful matters, and where a man may resolve either one way or other, without danger of making shipwreck of Faith, it is not only tolerable, but very commendable to propound questions or arguments, at leastwise in Schools: But to devise new questions upon the principal Articles of our Faith, to enter not only into the secret Cabinet of GOD, but to intrude ourselves into his Essence, to pry into his most inward parts, and like the Physicians of Pantagruel, to visit with torchlight all the most hidden places in the Essence of GOD, we may boldy pronounce, Omnia haec ad destructionem, planè nihil ad aedificationem; All these things tend to destruction, and nothing surely to edification. S. Augustine speaketh against the curiosity of those people, who would needs know what GOD did before he made the Fabric of the world. The jews during their integrity, did bear another manner of reverence to the Divinity, who thought themselves dead, if once they should see GOD. And their great Lawgiver Moses could obtain no more (notwithstanding his humble and instant request) then to see the hinder parts of GOD. So as to call into question, or to make doubts of these high points of the Essence of GOD, of the Trinity, of the bypostaticall Union in the person of CHRIST, or to speak of them in other terms then the Church of GOD hath uniformly established, and in all aages successively approved, as it is contained in all the Orthodox Creeds, and declared in the four first Counsels, is by no means lawful: And to make any question or disquisition upon these high mysteries, is as much in effect, as to make a contrary conclusion; and such a disquisition deserves the punishment of the Inquision. Non est bonum ludere cum Sanctis, multò minùs ergo cum Deo; It is not good to jest with Saints, much less therefore with GOD: and one of the first verses which our little children are taught, is this: Mitte arcana Dei, coelùmque inquirere quid sit; Let the secrets of God alone, and be not too curious to inquire into heaven. For what difference is there I pray you, to say, It may be that such a Lady is a whore; or that there be probable arguments to persuade us that she is such a one; or to say absolutely that she is a whore? And (we imagine) Vorstius would not hold him for his friend, that should say it were a matter very disputable whether Vorstius were a damnable Heretic, and should go quick to Hell, yea or no: not that he did believe him to be such a one, but that there were many arguments probable enough to persuade a man to take him for no less. The nature of man, through the transgression of our first parents hath lost freewill, and retaineth not now any shadow thereof, saving an inclination to evil, those only excepted whom God of his mere grace hath sanctified and purged from this original Leprosy; Insomuch as it is a very perilous thing to set abroach these new and dangerous questions, although they be accompanied with good answers: For the greatest part of the world, following the footsteps of our first Parents, are naturally inclined to choose the evil, and to leave that which is good, and therefore the Divine Poet Du Bartas, speaking of the destruction of Sodom, and loath to name the sin for which it was destroyed, saith thus; 
De peur qu' en offençant des saincts l'oreille tendre,  
je ne les semble plus enseigner, que reprendre.  
For fear that in offending of good people's tender ear,  
I rather seem to teach them, then to wish them to forbear.  And there is a report (I know not how true it is) that Bellarmine's books of Controversies, are not very well received in Italy, because his objections are too strong, and his answers too weak. In which quality, as also in one other, whereof we will speak anon, Vorstius hath a certain tincture of Bellarmine.  
To the third objection, where it is alleged, that perhaps he hath not been wary enough in some of his phrases of speech, and that it is but contention for words. To that we answer, as before we have said, That it is in no sort lawful to speak of those great Mysteries of the Essence of God, of the Trinity, of the Hypostatical union of natures in the Person of Christ, or any such high points, unless we use the same phrases and manner of speech, which the Church of GOD hath always used in speaking of the said Mysteries. They that will talk of Chanaan, must use the language of Chanaan. And the sons of Aaron were severely punished, for presuming to bring strange fire unto the Altar. By the difference of less than one letter, between Siboleth and shibboleth, the ten Tribes of Israel could discern their friends from their foes, and that by the pronunciation only: And the like difference of one little letter betwixt homoousion, and homoiousion, served to make a distinction betwixt the enemies of Christ in the East Church, and the Church Orthodoxal.  
As concerning the fourth and last excuse; namely, that Vorstius hath in his last Books sufficiently purged himself from these calumnies, and renounced all Heresies: Our answer is, That we would very hearty request the States in their next Assembly, seriously and advisedly to consider and observe the style which he useth in his writings and excuses, and then shall they be able to judge what kind of spirit it is that guideth his pen.  
For, to begin with the Preface of his Book, entitled his Christian and modest Answer, he makes there so light reckoning of his questions beforementioned, as if it were but about the tale of Tobies' dog. For in the second page of his said Preface, these be his words: Omnis homo est mendax, immò vanitate ipsâ vanior, solus verò Deus est verax, etc. Quod cùm in omnibus magni momenti negotijs, tum maximè in sanctissimâ fidei causâ humiliter nobis semper agnoscendum est: ne videlicet quidquam quod primâ fronte nobis nowm, immò falsum, & absurdum videatur, facilè damnemus, nec contra quicquid vulgò receptum est, (in rebus praesertim abstrusis ac perplexis, nec tamen ad salutem scitu necessarijs) & quidem cum opinione praecisae necessitatis, statim approbemus. In his talibus, si quis Regem, aut Principem, alioqui pientissimum, immò Reges, & Principes eiusmodi complures, (addo & Episcopos, seu Doctores Ecclesiae, non dissimiles) aliquantulum errare dixerit, nihil opinor adversus Regiam Maiestatem, nihil adversus Principum, aut Episcoporum dignitatem reverâ peccaverit, modò semper rationes suorum dictorum modestè reddere paratus sit. That is to say, Every man is a liar, yea, more vain than vanity itself, God only is true, etc. Which seeing we ought ever humbly to acknowledge in all great and weighty causes, most of all ought we to confess it in the most holy cause of our Faith: insomuch as we should not therefore easily condemn every thing which at the first seems strange, yea false and absurd unto our ears, nor on the contrary side, ought we forthwith to approve, and that with an opinion of precise necessity, whatsoever is commonly received, especially in matters abstruse and intricate, whereof the knowledge is not necessary to salvation. In such points as these, if any man shall say, that such a King, or Prince, howsoever otherwise most godly and religious, yea that many such Kings, and Princes (nay, I will not except Bishops, or the like Doctors of the Church) have in some sort erred, I am of opinion, he shall not give any just cause of offence, either to the Majesty of Kings, or to the dignity of Princes and Bishops, so as he be always ready modestly to yield a reason for that which he shall affirm. In which words, he maintaineth two Principles: First, that every man is a liar, aswell in matter of Faith, as in any thing else; and next, that we must not ever esteem the vulgar opinion, and that which is generally received in matter of Faith to be the truest, nor always condemn every opinion for absurd, which at the first seems unto us uncouth, and new. Now we pray you observe, that this man is not accused of small 'scapes, and therefore being not charged with lesser peccadilloes, than those which before we have mentioned, it necessarily follows, that in his excuse he must understand the same points whereof he is accused. And we hope by the mercy of GOD, that no Christian (we speak in this particular, as well for the Papists, as for ourselves) shall ever be found to err in any of those main points: at the least we will answer, (by the grace of God,) for one of those Kings whom he names in general. And as for his new opinions, which he would so gladly vent abroad, the ancient Faith needs not be changed like an old garment, either in substance, or fashion.  
Furthermore, in the third page of his Preface, he useth these words, Sed neque plures uno aliquo semper hîc ditiores sunt. Nemo igitur unus sibi arroget omnia. Nec numero plures uni alicui, singular quidquam invideant. Neither are many men always richer [in knowledge] then some one man. Let not therefore any one man arrogate all things to himself. Nor let the greater multitude envy a particular man, for having some singularity more than his fellows. The true principle and foundation of the error of the Anabaptists, taking away by this means, all manner of government from the Church: For having first overthrown the Monarchical power of the Pope, he sweeps away next all manner of power both Aristocratical and democratical from the Church, clean contrary to the Apostles institution, which ordaineth, that the spirits of the Prophets should be subject to the Prophets. For if one particular man may take upon him such a singularity as this, how shall he be subject to General, Nationall, and Synodical Counsels? For strait will he say unto them; Sirs, ye have no authority to judge me, for I have a singular gift above you all. And in the fift Page, these are his words: Plamssimè enim persuasus sum, Serenissimo Regi nunquam in animo fuisse, nunquam in animo fore, alienae conscientiae (quod ne Apostoli quidem sibi unquam arrogârunt) five directè, five indirectè, sive per seipsum, sive per alios ullatenùs dominari, vel fidem nostram ulli humanae authoritati alligare velle. For I am absolutely persuaded, that it was never his majesties meaning, nor ever will be, either directly, or indirectly, by himself, or by others, in any sort to overrule another man's conscience, (which even the Apostles never challenged to themselves) nor did, or will his Majesty ever seek to tie our Faith to any human authority. Whereby he is plainly discovered, to be resolved not to be subject in any sort to the judgement of the Church, in those matters whereof he is accused. For he knows too well, that the ancient Church hath established upon necessary consequences drawn from the holy Scripture, both a form of belief, and a form of speech concerning the holy Mysteries aforesaid: And this is the reason why he will not in these points submit himself to the judgement of any mortal man; But upon this occasion in the seventh page of his Preface, maintains his Christian liberty in this manner: Qui quidem humanas decisiones à Divinis mysterijs scrupulosé segregem; & praesertim in audaces Scholarum hypotheses, pro Christiana libertate interdum diligentiùs inquiram; I, who curiously make a separation betwixt the judgements of men and the Divine mysteries, and especially according to Christian liberty, do sometimes more narrowly look into the bold supositions of the Schoolmen. As if the School Divines had been too venturous, to explain and to defend the Articles aforesaid, already so established by the Church: But we may truly wish in that point, as Bellarmine did touching Caluin: utinam semper sic errassent Scholastici; Would God the Schoolmen had always so erred: For in the main grounds of Christian Religion, they are worthy of all commendation. Read Aquinas against the Gentiles. But in matters of controversy, where they were to flatter the Pope in his resolutions, and to avow the new ordinances and traditions of their Church, there they yielded (alas) unto the iniquity of the time, and the mystery of iniquity, which was even then in working, got likewise the upper hand over them. And as for this Christian liberty, which he doth urge so much, certainly he doth it with no other intention, but only under this fair pretext, to have the better means, and with more safety to abuse the world: For Christian liberty is never meant in the holy Scripture, but only in matters indifferent, or when it is taken for our deliverance from the thraldom of the Law, or from the burden of human traditions, and in that sense S. Paul speaketh in his Epistle to the Colossians, Quare oneraminiritibus? Why are ye burdened with traditions? But to abuse Christian liberty, in presuming to propound a new doctrine unto the world, in point of the highest and holiest mysteries of GOD, is a most audacious rashness, and an impudent arrogancy: Concerning which S. Paul saith, Though an Angel from heaven, preach unto you otherwise then that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed. And Saint john likewise commandeth us, that we should not so much as say, God speed to that man, which shall bring us any other doctrine, as we have observed before.  
Now to show that he is a forger of new opinions, by which he would feign make himself singular, see but his words immediately preceding those which a little before we mentioned, where he boasteth, and is wonderfully in love with a new name which he hath taken upon himself, that is to say, Purus putus Euangelicus, A mainly pure gospeler; although indeed the word pure was never yet taken in a good part. For amongst the ancient Heretics, there was a Sect that called themselves Catharoi, and there was also another Sect among the Anabaptists, that were called Puritans, from whence the Precisians of our Kingdoms, who out of self-will and fancy refuse to conform themselves to the Orders of our Church, have borrowed their name. And for the word gospeler, although it hath been assumed in divers places by some of our Religion, yet hath it this ill fortune, that it is more usually received in those parts of Hungary and Boheme, where there are such infinite diversities of Sects (agreeing in nothing but in their Union against the Pope) then in any other place. The holy Scripture itself in the Acts of the Apostles, mentioneth the name of Christians: and the ancient Primitive Church did attribute unto the faithful, the names of Catholic and Orthodox. So as for such a fellow as Vorstius, to affect new Titles for his Religion, it hath surely no good relish: his intention without doubt being no other, then by this means to make a distinction, and in time a rapture betwixt himself, and the Orthodox professors of our Religion. And for proof that he is steadfastly resolved to persist in all these novelties, and not to retract any thing of that which he hath written, see what he saith in the last page save one of his said Preface. Opinor enim ipse (ut magni illius Erasmi verba hìc aemuler) in libris meis nihil reperiri, quo deterior quispiam reddi possit. For I am of opinion (to use the words of that great Erasmus) that there is nothing to be found in my Books, that can make any man the worse that reads them.  
As for his Book which follows this Preface, it verifies the Proverb, Dignum patellà operculum, A cover fit for such a dish. For it is so full of distinctions, and sophistical evasions, so stuffed with As it wears, in some sorts, in my sense, and such words as these, as even in that point he hath also a tincture of Bellarmine. But God is Unity itself, and Verity is One, and naked, and in our usual manner of speech, we call it the simple Verity, but never was it yet called, the double verity.  
We have thought good to set down here two places of his said Book, that thereby the Reader may judge of the rest; whereof one is in the twelfth page, in these words, Argumenta quae adferuntur à Patribus, vel à recentioribus Theologis pro aeterna Christi generatione, aut fallacia sunt, aut frivola. The arguments which are used both by the Fathers and by the modern Divines, for the eternal generation of Christ, are either sophistical or frivolous. These words (as he saith) he is charged to have used, and he cannot bethink him of any other evasion, but to add the word Quaedam, some arguments, etc. Now we shall desire thee (good Reader) here to observe, that this man condemning some arguments which the Fathers had gathered out of the holy Scripture, to prove the eternal generation of Christ, as deceitful and frivolous, he will be sure howsoever not to allege any other arguments, either out of the Fathers, or of his own brain, which shall be stronger than those which he hath rejected. And in the same fashion he behaves himself throughout his whole Book: for we show you this but for a scantling. In the other place, he directly denies, that ever he affirmed in his other Book, that Fear and Desperation were incident to God: his words are these in the eighth page, Nam metum & desperationem ne quidem uspiàm nominavi. For I did never so much as name Fear and Desperation, in any place. And yet nevertheless, let any man look upon his other Book, 
Tract. Theol. de Deo.  pag. 114. and pag. 450. and he shall find two several Discourses of a good length, concerning these two points. Herein having no other shift, he betakes himself to an absolute and flat Negative. But to the intent, that the Reader may judge of his manner of speaking through his whole last Book entitled, A Christian and modest Answer, and how he plays the Sophister therein; we have set down divers of his phrases (in manner of a Table) which we have caused to be extracted out of his said Book.  
¶ 1. Estne Deus essentialiter immensus, & ubique presence?  

1 Pag. 16. lin. 16.  NVsquam disertè scriptum est, substantiam Dei simpliciter, seu quovis modo, immensam & infinitam esse. 
2 Pag. 16. lin. 23.  Et non pauca in S. Literis occurrunt, quae contrarium, non dico clarè asserunt, sed tamen asserere videntur. Interim aliud est videri, aliud reverâ esse. Respondeo tamen ex sensu meo.  

1 Pag. 22. lin. 23.  Quoad Thesin, seurem ipsam est.  
Tametsi non quoad 
2 Pag. 4. l. 19  specialem modum, seu 
3 Pag. 22. l. 26.  hypothesin scholasticam.  

4 Pag. 23. l. 1.  Quae tamen falsa non est, verùm aliquatenùs hactenus infirmiùs asserta, & sic aliquatenùs dubia.  
Is God essentially immense, and every where present?  
It is in no place clearly set down, that the substance of God is simply, and every way immense, and infinite. And there be many places in the holy Scripture, which (I do not say, clearly affirm) yet seem to affirm the contrary. In the mean time, it is one thing to seem, and another thing to be indeed. Yet in mine own sense I answer thus:  
Simply, and positively it is.  
Howsoever, not in that special manner and sort as the Schoolmen hold.  
Which opinion, nevertheless, I do not say is false, but I say it hath hitherto been somewhat weakly proved, & therefore in some sort doubtful.  
¶ 2. Estne in Deo quantitas?  
Est, sed 
1 Pag. 2. l. 28.  non physica.  
Verùm 
2 Pag. 23. l. 12.  hyperphysica.  
Attamen 
3 Pag. 2. l. 29.  nobis planè imperceptibilís, & merè spiritualís.  
Is there Quantity in God?  
There is, but not a natural Quantity:  
But a supernatural.  
Nevertheless, not possible to be perceived by us, but merely spiritual.  
¶ 3. Estne Deus infinitus?  

1 Pag. 3. l. 16.  Omnia Entia certam & definitam essentiam habent, id quod Deo ipsi alìquatenus aptare licet. 
2 Pag. 3. l. 18.  Deum quolibet sensu rectè infinitum dici non posse, quum infinitudo illa quae definitioni certae oponitur in Deum reverâ non cadat.  
Is God infinite?  
Every thing that hath a being hath a certain and definite Essence, which may be applied in some kind unto God. That God cannot rightly in every sense be said to be infinite, seeing that infiniteness which is opposite to certain definitenesse, cannot indeed be attributed unto God.  
¶ 4. Estne Deus in aliquo loco?  
Est, sed non 
1 Pag. 3. l. 22, 23.  physico;  
Verùm in spatio abstractissimè sumpto, quod Deus suo divino modo adimplet.  
Is God in a place?  
He is, but not in a natural place;  
But in spatio abstractissimè sumpto, which God after his Divine manner doth fill.  
¶ 5. Estne Deus corporeus?  

1 Pag. 3. l. 34.  Propriè loquendo minimè corporeus est.  

2 Pag. 15. l. 6.  Sed tamen nihil absurdi erit, si Deo (impropriè loquendo) corpus ascribamus, 
3 Pag. 4. l. 3.  nempè quatenus vocabulum Corporis impropriè & latissimè pro verâ substantiâ 
4 Pag. 15. l. 14.  non prorsus absurdè sumitur, 
5 Pag. 15. l. 10. & 3.  juxta latam significationem, quae figurata, & impropria, seu mavis catachrestica est.  
Hath God a body?  
If we will speak properly, he hath none.  
Yet is it no absurdity, speaking improperly, to ascribe a body unto God, that is to say, as the word Body is taken improperly and generally, (and yet not very absurdly) for a true substance, in a large signification which is figurative, and improper, or (if you will) abusive.  
¶ 6. Estne Deus compositus è materiâ & formâ?  

1 Pag. 5. l. 3.  Nullo modo, propriè loquendo. Est tamen in sensu quodam improprio, vel, si mavis, per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quandam, per quam vocabulum Corporis, item quasi materiae & formae, seu quasi compositionis ex genere & differentiâ, aliquando eidem attribui posse non immeritò alicui videatur.  
Is God compounded of matter and form?  
By no means, speaking properly: Although it be true in a certain improper sense, or (if you please) by a certain Catachresis, by the which the word Body, and as it were materia & forma, or as it were a Composition ex genere & differentia, may sometimes seem to some (and not without cause) to be fitly attributed to God.  
¶ 7. Estne Deus immutabilis, ut essentiâ, sic voluntate?  
Non est 
1 Pag. 15. l. 15.  ut essentiâ, sic voluntate; Id est, non est aequaliter.  
Is God unchangeable in his Will, as he is in his Essence?  
He is not unchangeable in his will, as he is in his Essence. That is, not alike unchangeable in the one, as he is in the other.  
¶ 8. Estne Deus subiectus accidentibus?  

1 Pag 7. l. 8.  Non ullis veris.  

2 Pag. 7. l. 9  Tametsi per liberam voluntatem quaedam accidentia latissimè sic dicta, tum ad se, tum in se recipit Deus.  
Is God subject to accidents?  
Not to any true accidents.  
Although God doth by his Free will take to himself, and into himself, certain accidents, so called in the largest sense.  
¶ 9 An Deus per discursum conijcit de futuris?  
Interdum, 
1 Pag. 7. l. 24.  aliquatenus, 
2 Pag. 8. l. 9  discursum quendam instituit, & quasi de incertis conijcit, 
3 Pag. 7. l. 22.  sed impropriè & metaphoricè, citraque omnem imperfectionem.  

4 4 Pag. 8. l. 2.  Conijcit autem non coniecturâ qualis hominum esse solet, sed planè divinâ.  
Doth God conjecture of things to come by discourse?  
Sometimes in some sort, he frameth to himself a certain discourse, and doth (as it were) conjecture of things uncertain, but improperly and metaphorically, and without all imperfection.  
And he doth conjecture not in such sort as men do, but after a merely divine manner.  
¶ 10. Affectus amoris, odij, etc. Deone propriè attribuuntur?  
Propriè sed 
1 Pag. 8. l. 16.  ut pro veritate potiùs, quàm pro usitatâ nobisque notâ proprietate accipiendum sit.  

2 Pag. 9 l. 1.  Nulli affectus cum humanâ infirmitate coniuncti propriè Deo attribuuntur; verè tamen, & suo modo propriè, hoc est, pro suae, non pro naturae nostrae proprietate.  
The affections of love, hatred, etc. be they properly attributed unto God or not?  
Yes, but so as ye take it rather for a verity, then for that property which is vulgarly understood and known unto us.  
No affections accompanied with human infirmity are properly attributed unto God: yet truly, and in his own kind properly, that is to say, as they are proper to his nature, and not to ours.  
¶ 11. Pater, habetne peculiarem quandam, seu quasi restrictam essentiam?  

1 Pag. 21. l. 13.  Vox essentiae, perinde ut Entis, amplissimam significationem habet, & sic nihil omninò vetat utramque non minùs ad personas divinas, quàm ad ipsam Deitatis naturam in sano sensu referri.  
Hath the Father a certain peculiar, or (as it were) limited Essence?  
The word Essence, as well as Ens, hath a very large signification, and we may apply both of them safely, in a good sense, as well to the Divine persons, as to the nature of the Deity itself.  
¶ 12. Suntne Patrum argumenta frivola, pro aeternâ Christi generatione?  
Siquidem 
1 Pag. 14. l. 3.  unica vox [quaedam] ab initio inseratur, argumenta à Patribus hactenùs aptata, aut fallacia, aut frivola sunt.  
Be those arguments which the Fathers have used to prove the Eternal generation of Christ, frivolous or no?  
If this one word [quaedam, some,] were added to the beginning of that position, it were then true, that the arguments which the Fathers have at any time applied to prove the Eternal generation of Christ, are either deceitful, or frivolous.  
¶ 13 Estne in Deo visio praesentium, & praeteritorum magis certa, quàm futurorum praevisio?  

1 Pag. 18. l. 19, 20.  Nota modestiam meam in verbo [videntur,] opinionem duntaxat probabilem hîc afferri, non autem dogmaticam assertionem.  
Futura 
2 Pag. 18. l. 29.  contingentia (comparatiuè loquendo) etiam coram Deo dici possunt minus certa quàm praeterita, & praesentia.  
Whether doth God see things past and present, more certainly than things to come?  
Note here my modesty in this word [videntur] for in this place I deliver only a probable opinion, and not a dogmatical assertion.  
Things future contingent (speaking comparatively) may be said to be less certain, even unto God, than things past, and present.  
By this may the Reader manifestly discern, that there is nothing which a man, speaking in this fashion shall not be able to maintain, and by this means easily prove quidlibet ex quolibet. And certainly his manner of excuses and evasions are framed just after the mould of the ancient Heretics, and namely of Arrius, and Paulus Samosatenus, when they saw themselves pinched with the Arguments of the Orthodox Church, and had no power to resist. The same also doth more plainly appear by an other little book which he hath published, entitled, Theological positions, which book he hath made of purpose to blind the world withal; because they are indeed but the same Theses or Positions, upon which he hath disputed in his first wicked book, that beareth the title Of God and his Attributes. For in the Theses themselves there is but little harm, but in his disputations thereupon are couched all the horrible Heresies: And therefore in this book hath he published only his Theses which are justifiable; and left out his disputations upon the Theses, wherein all the poison is contained. It is moreover somewhat suspicious in such a tainted person as he is, that in an Appendix which he hath placed at the end of his Theses, he taketh occasion to name a number of Heretics who are adversaries to the doctrine of his Theses, and those especially who have erred concerning the Divinity, Humanity, Person, or Office of CHRIST, as the Ebionites, Cerinthians, Arrians, Praxians, Sabellians, Marcionites, Manichees, Docites, Apollinarists, Mennonites, Swenkfeldians, Nestorians, Monothelites, Eutychians, Monophysites, jews, Millenaries, Papists. Amongst which rabble he doth not once make mention of Paulus Samosatenus, nor of Photinius, who succeeded him as well in his Bishopric as in his error: Yet nevertheless it is reported, that Vorstius in his heart is not very far from their erroneous opinion.  
Now in the Preface of this little book he hath taken upon him very succinctly to make answer to five Articles which he confesseth were laid to his charge, by which answer, in our opinion, he discovers himself very plainly.  
The first point is, That he was once accused (as himself saith) of the Samosatenian Heresy, because he had sometime both written and received letters from divers of that Sect; which he confesseth he did indeed in his youth, to this end, that by that means he might the more easily come by some of their books, but that afterward he did forbear all correspondency with them. First of all then, we would be glad to know why he forgot the Heresy of Samosatenus in his Appendix, where he names so many others, and yet confesseth in the Preface of his said book, that he himself was accused of that error. Secondly, to what end had he in his youth so great traffic with these Heretics? was it to enable him the better to confute them? We hear him not say so much, as indeed it was never his end. Surely this fellow would be an excellent cleanser of a pesthouse, for he fears no infection: Picem contrectare non timet, he dares handle any pitch: And yet for all that, the Proverb is true, Qui ambulat in Sole, colorabitur; He that walketh in the Sunshine, shall be Sunburnt. It follows then, seeing his intention was not to arm himself against them, that it must be of necessity to make himself worthy of their School, the which he almost confesseth in the last words of his Answer to that point, where he saith thus; Non enim (quod multi solent) alienis sensibus hîc fidendum putavi, aut temerè quidquam in causa Fidei damnandum: For I do not think it fit (as many others do) to rely in these cases upon other men's constructions, or rashly to condemn any thing which concerns matter of Faith.  
To the second Article of his Accusation, he confesseth that he gave some of his Samosatenian books unto his scholars; Surely, a goodly gift: But the caution was pretty which he gave withal unto them when he delivered them the books; which was that they ought to read them with judgement, not rashly rejecting the doctrine commonly received. What an Epithet is here for our holy Orthodox Faith, to term it no otherwise then the doctrine commonly received? And as for his caution, not rashly to forsake the old doctrine, it is no more than the Turks would give unto any Christian, that should suddenly offer to become a Mahometist. Nay what Christian did ever solicit a Pagan, or Heretic to be converted, but with this caution? Who Would persuade a man to receive the holy Sacrament rashly? S. Paul commands every man to examine himself diligently, before he come to that holy Table. But on the other side, an Orthodox Christian would in this case have said to his scholars: If you will read these wicked books, read them with horror and detestation, and with an intent to arm yourselves against such wiles and subtleties of Satan, and withal pray unto GOD to keep you constant in the holy Catholic and Orthodox Faith, that these Heresies may have no power once to move you, trusting in his mercy, and not in your own strength.  
To the third Article, he confesseth that his scholars did publish books of the Socinian Heresy; and his excuse is, that it was without his knowledge: But howsoever, he condemns them not for having done it only this he saith, That they declared upon their oaths, they did not favour the Heresy.  
To the fourth point, he confesseth that about ten years since, he wrote a book De Filiatione Christi, (for which Title only, an Author, so suspected as he, is worthy of the faggot,) and all his excuse is, That he wrote an Epitome upon Bellarmine. We doubt not but he did it for his recreation. Forsooth, a pretty conceit. Yet it appears not by his words, that he detests the subject of that Book: but saith, That no man can thereby conjecture what his opinion is of that argument, no more than they can upon his Epitome of Bellarmine, which was likewise his work. For to condemn it, had been contrary to that which he avowed in his other book, never to repent himself of any thing that he hath once written, as already we have observed.  
As for the fift and last point, he will neither confess, nor deny the accusation: only he saith, That a certain book entitled Dominicus Lopez, which is (as we have heard) a very blasphemous Treatise, was suppressed by him pacis ergò, for peace sake; but he is so far from condemning it, as that he allegeth, the book hath been maintained by others, which in time shall appear. Two things are here to be observed; First, that he suppressed it pacis ergò, for quietness sake; Not therefore for the wickedness of the subject, The next, that in his due time: the truth thereof shall appear. In which last point only, we will willingly join with him, beseeching our good GOD, for his CHRIST'S sake, that he will be pleased to discover the truth of this man's intentions, as well for his own Glory, as to purge the scandal, and to avoid the danger which may ensue unto Christendom, by the darnel of Heresies which he hath sown.  
It is therefore to be noted, That to all these five Articles his answers are so silly and weak, as in three of them we have found him planè confitentem reum, plainly pleading guilty; blanching it only with some poor excuses. And to the other two points his answers are doubtful; yet neither condemning the act of his scholars, nor the last wicked book called Dominicus Lopez.  
Having now therefore briefly laid open the subtleties, frivolous distinctions, and excuses of the said Vorstius, we will conclude this point with this protestation; That if he had been our own Subject, we would have bid him Excrea, spit out: and forced him to have produced, and confessed those wicked Heresies, that are rooted in his heart. And in case he should stand upon his Negative, we would enjoin him to say (according to the ancient custom of the Primitive Church in the like cases of Heretics) I renounce and from my soul detest them: Anathema, Maranatha upon such and such Heresies; And not to say For peace sake I caused this book to be suppressed, And these books are to be read with great judgement and discretion. S. Hierome liketh not that any man should take it patiently, to be suspected of Heresy.  
And now to make an end of this Discourse, we do very hearty desire all good Christians in general, and My Lords the States in particular (to whom the managing of this affair doth most specially belong) to consider but two things: First what kind of people they be that slander us, and our sincere intention in this cause: And next, what private interest we can possibly have (in respect of any worldly honour or advancement) herein to engage ourselves in such sort as we have done.  
Concerning the first point, There are but three sorts of people, that seek to calumniate us upon this occasion: That is to say; either such as are infected with the same, or the like Heresies, wherewith Vorstius is tainted, & ideo fovent consimilem causam, and therefore do maintain the like cause: or else such as be of the Roman Religion, who in this confusion, and liberty of prophesying would thrust in for a part; conceiving it more reasonable, that their doctrine should be tolerated by those of our Religion, than the doctrine of Vorstius: or else such, as for reason of State envy peradventure the good amity and correspondency which is betwixt us, and the United Provinces.  
Touching our own interest, the whole course of our life doth sufficiently witness, that we have always been contented with that portion which GOD hath put into our hands, without seeking to invade the possessions of any other. Besides, in two of our books, as well in our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in the Preface to our Apology, we have showed the same inclination. For in the first book, speaking of war, we say that a King ought not to make any invasion upon another's Dominions, until justice be first denied him. And in the other book, having showed the usurpation of the Pope, above all the Kings and Princes of Christendom, our conclusion is, that we will never go about to persuade them to assault him within his Dominions, but only to resume, and preserve their own just Privileges from his violent intrusion. So as (thanks be to GOD) both our Theoric and Practic agree well together, to clear us from this unjust and slanderous imputation. And as for the States in particular, it is very unlikely that we (who have all our life time held so strict an amity with them, as for their defence we have been contented to expose the lives of many of our Subjects of both Nations,) would now practise against then State, and that upon so poor a subject as Vorstius: especially, that so damnable a thing could ever enter into our heart, as under the vail and pretext of the glory of GOD, to plot the advancement of our own private deseignes.  
The reasons which induced us to meddle in this business, we have already declared. We leave it now to his own proper judges to consider what a nursling they foster in their bosom: A stranger, bred in the Socinian Heresy (as it is said;) often times accused of Heresy by the Churches of Germany; one that hath written so wicked and scandalous books; maintaining and seriously protesting in the preface of his Apology to the States, for the liberty of prophesying; and twice or thrice insisting upon that liberty in the Preface of his Modest Answer (a dangerous and pernicious liberty, or rather licentiousness, opening a gap to all rapture, Schism, and confusion in the Church;) yea having had some disciples that be Heretics themselves, and others that accuse him of Heresy. And though there were no other cause then the silly and idle shifts wherewith he seeks to defend himself in his last books, it were enough to convince him, either to have maintained a bad cause, and in that respect worthy of a far greater punishment then to be put by his place of Professor; or at the least to be a person unworthy of the name of a Professor in so famous an University, for having so weakly maintained a cause that is just. For our part, GOD is our witness, we have no quarrel against his person; he is a Stranger, borne far from our dominions: he is a German, and it is well known, that all Germany are our friends, and the most part of the great Princes there, be either nearly allied unto us, or our Confederates: he doth outwardly profess the same Religion which we do: he hath written against Bellarmine: and hath not mentioned us, either in speech or writing (for any thing we know) but with all the honour and respect that may be. GOD knows, the worst that we do wish him is, that he may sincerely return into the high beaten pathway of the Catholic and Orthodoxal Faith.  
And for my Lords the States (seeing we have discharged our conscience) we will now refer the managing of the whole Action unto their own discretions. For we are so far from prescribing them any rule herein, as we shall be very well contented (so as the business be well done) that there be even no mention at all made of our intercession, in their public Acts or Records. Their manner of proceeding, we leave absolutely to their own Wisdoms. Modò praedicetur Christus, so as CHRIST be preached, let them use their own forms in the Name of GOD. For we desire that GOD should so judge us at the last Day, as we affect not in this Action any worldly glory, beseeching the Creator so to open their eyes, to illuminate their understandings, direct their resolutions, and, above all, to kindle their zeal, sanctify their affections, & at the last so to bless their Actions and their proceed in this cause, as the issue thereof may tend to his Glory, to the comfort and solace of the Faithful, to the honour of our Religion, to the confusion and extirpation (at the least, profligation) of Heresies, and, in particular, to the corroboration of the Union of the said Provinces.     

A REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT OF KINGS, AND THE independence OF THEIR CROWNS, AGAINST AN ORATION OF THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS CARD. OF PERRON, PRONOUNCED IN THE Chamber of the third Estate. JAN. 15. 1615.  

THE PREFACE.  
I Have no humour to play the Curious in a foreign Common wealth, or, unrequested, to carry any hand in my neighbour's affairs It hath more congruity with Royal dignity, whereof God hath given me the honour, to prescribe Laws at home for my Subjects, rather than to furnish foreign Kingdoms and people with counsels. Howbeit, my late entire affection to K. Henry iv of happy memory, my most honoured brother, and my exceeding sorrow for the most detestable parricide acted upon the sacred person of a King, so complete in all heroical and Princely virtues; as also the remembrance of my own dangers, incurred by the practice of conspiracies flowing from the same source, hath wrought me to sympathise with my friends in their grievous occurrents: no doubt so much more dangerous, as they are less apprehended and felt of Kings themselves, even when the danger hangeth over their own heads. Upon whom, in case the power and virtue of my advertisements be not able effectually to work, at least many millions of children and people yet unborn, shall bear me witness, that in these dangers of the highest nature and strain, I have not been defective: and that neither the subversions of States, nor the murders of Kings, which may unhappily betide hereafter, shall have so free passage in the world for want of timely advertisement before. For touching my particular, my rest is up, that one of the maine for which God hath advanced me upon the lofty stage of the supreme Throne, is, that my words uttered from so eminent a place for God's honour, most shamefully traduced and vilified in his own Deputies and Lieutenants, might with greater facility be conceived.  
Now touching France, fair was the hope which I conceived of the States assembled in Parliament at Paris: That calling to mind the murders of their Noble Kings, and the wars of the League which followed the Pope's fulminations, as when a great storm of hail poureth down after a Thunder-cracke, and a world of writings addressed to justify the parricides, and the dethroning of kings, they would have joined heads, hearts, & hands together, to hammer out some apt and wholesome remedy against so many fearful attempts and practices. To my hope was added no little joy, when I was given to understand the third Estate had preferred an Article or Bill, the tenor and substance whereof was concerning the means whereby the people might be unwitched of this pernicious opinion; That Popes may toss the French King his Throne like a tennis ball, and that kill of Kings is an act meritorious to the purchase of the crown of Martyrdom. But in fine, the project was encountered with success clean contrary to Expectation. For this Article of the third Estate, like a sigh of liberty breathing her last, served only so much the more to enthrall the Crown, and to make the bondage more grievous and sensible then before. Even as those medicines which work no ease to the patiented, do leave the disease in much worse terms: so this remedy invented and tendered by the third Estate, did only exasperate the present malady of the State; for so much as the operation and virtue of the wholesome remedy was overmatched with peccant humours, then stirred by the force of thwarting and crossing opposition. Yea much better had it been, the matter had not been stirred at all, then after it was once on foot and in motion, to give the Truth leave to lie gasping and sprawling under the violence of a foreign faction. For the opinion by which the Crowns of Kings are made subject unto the Pope's will and power, was then avowed in a most Honourable Assembly, by the averment of a Prelate in great authority, and of no less learning: He did not plead the cause as a private person, but as one by representation that stood for the whole body of the Clergy; was there applauded, and seconded with approbation of the Nobility; no resolution taken to the contrary, or in bar to his plea. After praises and thanks from the Pope, followed the printing of his eloquent harangue or Oration, made in full Parliament: a set discourse, maintaining Kings to be deposeable by the Pope, if he speak the word. The said Oration was not only Printed with the King's privilege, but was likewise addressed to me by the Author and Orator himself; who presupposed the reading thereof would forsooth drive me to say, Lord Cardinal, in this high subject your Honour hath satisfied me to the full. All this poised in the balance of equal judgement, why may not I truly and freely affirm, the said Estates assembled in Parliament, have set Royal Majesty upon a doubtful chance, or left it resting upon uncertain terms: and that now if the doctrine there maintained by the Clergy should bear any pawme, it may lawfully be doubted, who is King in France? For I make no question, he is but a titular King that reigneth only at an others discretion, and whose Princely head the Pope hath power to bare of his Regal Crown. In temporal matters, how can one be Sovereign, that may be fleeced of all his Temporalties by any superior power? But let men at a near sight mark the pith and marrow of the Article proposed by the third Estate, and they shall soon perceive the skilful Architects thereof aimed only to make their King a true and real King, to be recognised for Sovereign within his own Realm, and that killing their King might no longer pass the muster of works acceptable to God.  
But by the vehement instance and strong current of the Clergy and Nobles, this was borne down as a pernicious Article, as a cause of Schism, as a gate which openeth to all sorts of Heresies: yea, there it was maintained tooth and nail, that in case the doctrine of this Article might go for currant doctrine, it must follow, that for many aages passed in sequence, the Church hath been the kingdom of Antichrist, and the synagogue of Satan. The Pope upon so good issue of the cause, had reason, I trow, to address his Letters of triumph unto the Nobility and Clergy, who had so far aprrooved themselves faithful to his Holiness; and to vaunt withal, that he had nipped Christian Kings in the Crown, that he had given them check with mate, through the magnanimous resolution of this courageous Nobility, by whose brave making head, the third Estate had been so valiantly forced to give ground. In a scornful reproach he qualified the Deputies of the third Estate, 
I have received advertisement from divers parts, that in the Pope's letters to the Nobitie these words were extant, howsoever they have been left out in the impression, & razed out of the copies of the said letters.  nebulones ex foece plebis, a sort or a number of knaves, the very dregs of the base vulgar, a pack of people, presuming to personate well affected Subjects, and men of deep understanding, and to read their masters a learned Lecture. Now it is no wonder, that, in so good an office and loyal carriage towards their King, the third Estate hath outgone the Clergy. For the Clergy deny themselves to have any rank among the Subjects of the King: they stand for a Sovereign out of the Kingdom, to whom as to the Lord Paramount they own suit and service: they are bound to advance that Monarchy, to the body whereof they properly appertain as parts or members, as elsewhere I have written more at large. But for the Nobility, the King's right arm, to prostitute and set as it were to sale the dignity of their King, as if the arm should give a thrust unto the head; I say for the Nobility to hold and maintain even in Parliament, their King is liable to deposition by any foreign power or Potentate, may it not pass among the strangest miracles and rarest wonders of the world? For that once granted, this consequence is good and necessary; That in case the King, once lawfully deposed, shall stand upon the defensive, and hold out for his right, he may then lawfully be murdered. Let me then here freely profess my opinion, and this it is: That now the French Nobility may seem to have some reason to disrobe themselves of their titles, and to transfer them by resignation unto the third Estate. For that body of that third Estate alone hath carried a right noble heart: in as much as the could neither be tickled with promises, nor terrified by threatenings, from resolute standing to those fundamental points and reasons of State, which most concern the honour of their King, and the security of his person.  
Of all the Clergy, the man that hath most abandoned, or set his honour to sale, the man to whom France is least obliged, is the Lord Cardinal of Perron: a man otherwise inferior to few in matter of learning, and in the grace of a sweet style. This man in two several Orations, whereof the one was pronounced before the Nobility, the other had audience before the third Estate, hath set his best wits on work, to draw that doctrine into all hatred and infamy, which teacheth Kings to be indeposeable by the Pope. To this purpose he terms the same doctrine, a breeder of Schisms, a gate that openeth to make way, and to give entrance unto all heresies; in brief, a doctrine to be held in so high a degree of detestation, that rather than he and his fellow-Bishops will yield to the signing thereof, they will be contented like Martyrs to burn at a stake. At which resolution, or obstinacy rather in his opinion, I am in a manner amazed, more than I can be moved for the like bravado in many other: forasmuch as he was many years together, a follower of the late King, even when the King followed a contrary Religion, and was deposed by the Pope: as also because not long before, in a certain Assembly holden at the jacobins in Paris, he withstood the Pope's Nuntio to his face, when the said Nuntio laboured to make this doctrine, touching the Pope's temporal Sovereignty, pass for an Article of Faith. But in both Orations, he singeth a contrary song, and from his own mouth passeth sentence of condemnation against his former course and profession. I fuppose, not without solid iudgemen; as one that herein hath well accommodated himself to the times: For as in the reign of the late King, he durst not offer to broach this doctrine (such was his fore-wit;) so now he is bold to proclaim and publish it in Parliament under the reign of the said King's son; whose tender years and late succession to the Crown, do make him lie the more open to injuries, and the more facile to be circumvented: Such is now his afterwisedome.  
Of these two Orations, that made in presence of the Nobility he hath, for fear of incurring the Pope's displeasure, cautelously suppressed. For therein he hath been somewhat prodigal in affirming this doctrine maintained by the Clergy, to be but problematical; and in taking upon him to avouch, that Catholics of my Kingdom are bound to yield me the honour of obedience: Whereas on the other side, he is not ignorant, how this doctrine of deposing Princes and Kings, the Pope holdeth for merely necessary, and approveth not by any means Allegiance to be performed unto me by the Catholics of my Kingdom. Yea if credit may be given unto the abridgement of his other Oration published, wherein he parallels the Pope's power in receiving honours in the name of the Church, with the power of the Venetian Duke in receiving honours in the name of that most renowned Rebublike; no marvel that when this Oration was dispatched to the press, he commanded the same to be gelded of this clause and other like, for fear of giving his Holiness any offensive distaste.  
His pleasure therefore was, and content withal, that his Oration imparted to the third Estate, should be put in Print, and of his courtesy he vouchsafed to address unto me a copy of the same. Which after I had perused, I forthwith well perceived, what and how great discrepance there is between one man that perorateth from the ingenuous and sincere disposition of a sound heart, and an other that flaunteth in flourishing speech with inward checks of his own conscience: For every where he contradicts himself, and seems to be afraid lest men should pick out his right meaning.  
First, 
In 12. several passages the L. Card. seemeth to speak against his own conscience. Pag. 85.  he grants this Question is not hither to decided by the holy Scriptures, or by the Decrees of the ancient Church, or by the analogy of other Ecclesiastical proceed: and nevertheless he confidently doth affirm, that whosoever maintain this doctrine to be wicked and abominable, that Popes have no power to put Kings by their supreme Thrones, they teach men to believe, there hath not been any Church for many aages past, and that indeed the Church is the very Synagogue of Antichrist.  
Secondly, he exhorts his hearers to hold this doctrine at least for problematical, and not necessary: and yet herein he calls them to all humble submission unto the judgement of the Pope and Clergy, by whom the cause hath been already put out of all question, as out of all hunger and cold.  
Thirdly, he doth aver, in case this Article be authorized, it makes the Pope in good consequence to be the Antichrist: 
Pag. 99  and yet he grants that many of the French are tolerated by the Pope to dissent in this point from his Holiness; provided, their doctrine be not proposed as necessary, and material to faith; As if the Pope in any sort gave toleration to hold any doctrine contrary to his own, and most of all that doctrine which by consequence infers himself to be the Antichrist.  
Fourthly, he protesteth forwardness to undergo the flames of Martyrdom, rather than to sign this doctrine, which teacheth Kings Crowns to sit faster on their heads, then to be stirred by any Papal power whatsoever: and yet saith withal, the Pope winketh at the French, by his toleration to hold this dogmatical point for problematical. And by this means, the Martyrdom that he affecteth in this cause, will prove but a problematical Martyrdom, whereof question might grow very well, whether it were to be mustered with grievous crimes, or with phrenetical passions of the brain, or with deserved punishments.  
Fiftly, he denounceth Anathema, dischargeth maledictions like haile-shot, against parricides of Kings: and yet elsewhere he lays himself open to speak of Kings only so long as they stand Kings. But who doth not know that a King deposed is no longer King? And so that limb of Satan, which murdered Henry the III. then unkinged by the Pope, did not stab a King to death.  
Sixtly, he doth not allow a King to be made away by murder: and yet he thinks it not much out of the way, to take away all means whereby he might be able to stand in defence of his life.  
Seventhly, 
Pag. 95.97.  he abhorreth killing of Kings by apposted throat-cutting, for fear lest body and soul should perish in the same instant: and yet he doth not mislike their kill in a pitched field, and to have them slaughtered in a set battle: For he presupposeth, no doubt out of his charitable mind, that by this means the soul of a poor King so dispatched out of the way, shall instantly fly up to heaven.  
Eightly, he saith a King deposed, retaineth still a certain internal habitude and politic impression, by virtue and efficacy whereof he may, being once reform and become a new man, be restored to the lawful use and practise of Regality. Whereby he would bear us in hand, that when a foreign Prince hath invaded and ravenously seized the kingdom into his hands, he will not only take pity of his predecessor to save his life, but will also prove so kindhearted, upon fight of his repentance, to restore his kingdom without fraud or guile.  
Ninthly, he saith every where in his Discourse, that he dealeth not in the cause, otherwise then as a problematical discourser, and without any resolution one way or other: and yet with might and main he contends for the opinion, that leaves the States and Crowns of Kings controulable by the Pope: refutes objections, propounds the authority of Popes and Councils, by name the Lateran Council under Innocent. III. as also the consent of the Church. And to cross the Church's judgement, is, in his opinion to bring in schism, and to leave the world without a Church for many hundred years together: which (to my understanding) is to speak with resolution, and without all hesitation.  
Tenthly, he acknowledgeth none other cause of sufficient validity for the deposing of a King, besides heresy, apostasy, and infidelity: nevertheless that Popes have power to displace Kings for heresy and apostasy, he proveth by examples of Kings whom the Pope hath kerbed with deposition, not for heresy, but for matrimonial causes, for civil pretences, and for lack of capacity.  
eleventhly, he allegeth every where passages, as well of holy Scripture, as of the Fathers and modern histories; but so impertinent, and with so little truth, as hereafter we shall cause to appear, that for a man of his deep learning and knowledge, it seemeth not possible so to speak out of his judgement.  
Lastly, whereas all this hath been huddled and heaped together into one mass, to curry with the Pope: yet he suffereth divers points to fall from his lips, which may well distaste his Holiness in the highest degree. As by name, where he prefers the authority of the Council before that of the Pope, and makes his judgement inferior to the judgement of the French; as in fit place hereafter shallbe showed. Again, where he representeth to his hearers the decrees of Popes and Councils already passed concerning this noble subject; and yet affirms that he doth not debate the question, but as a Questionist, and without resolution: As if a Cardinal should be afraid to be positive, and to speak in peremptory strains, after Popes and Councils have once decided the Question: Or as if a man should perorate upon hazard, in a cause for the honour whereof, he would make no difficulty to suffer Martyrdom. Add hereunto, that his Lordship hath always taken the contrary part heretofore, and this total must needs arise, that before the third Estate, his lips looked one way, and his conscience another.  
All these points, by the discourse which is to follow, and by the ripping up of his Oration (which by God's assistance I will undertake) tending to the reproach of Kings, and the subversion of kingdoms, I confidently speak it, shallbe made manifest. Yet do I not conceive it can any way make for my honour, to enter the lists against a Cardinal: For I am not ignorant how far a Cardinal's Hat, cometh under the Crown and Sceptre of a King; For well I wots unto what sublimity the Scripture hath exalted Kings, when it styles them Gods; Whereas the dignity of a Cardinal is but a late upstart invention of man; 
In the Preface to my Apology.  as I have elsewhere proved. But I have embarked myself in this action, moved thereunto: First, by the common interest of Kings in the cause itself: Then by the L. Cardinal, who speaketh not in this Oration as a private person, but as one representing the body of the Clergy and Nobility, by whom the cause hath been won, and the garland borne away from the third Estate: Again, by mine own particular; because he is pleased to take me up for a sour of dissension, and a persecutor, under whom the Church is hardly able to fetch her breath; yea, for one by whom the Catholics of my Kingdom are compelled to endure all sorts of punishments; and withal he terms this Article of the third Estate, a monster with a fishes tail that came swimming out of England: Last of all, by the present state of France; because France being now reduced to so miserable terms, that it is now become a crime for a Frenchman to stand for his King; it is a necessary duty of her neighbours to speak in her cause, and to make trial whether they can put life into the truth now dying, and ready to be buried by the power of violence, that it may resound and ring again from remote regions.  
I have no purpose once to touch many pretty toys which the ridges of his whole book are sown withal: Such are his allegations of Pericles, Agesilaus, Aristotle, Minos, the Druids, the French Ladies, Hannibal, Pindarus, and Poetical fables: All resembling the red and blue flowers that pester the corn when it standeth in the fields, where they are more noy some to the growing crop, then beautiful to the beholding eye. Such petty matters, nothing at all beseemed the dignity of the Assembly, and of the main subject, or of the Orator himself: For it was no Decorum to enter the Stage with a Pericles in his mouth, but with the sacred Name of God; nor should he have marshaled the passage of a Royal Poet, after the example of an heathen Orator.  
Neither will I give any touch to his conceit of the Roman conquests, 
2 Pag. 4.  which the L. Cardinal bestoweth in the list of God's graces and temporal blessings, as a recompense of their zeal to the service and worship of Idols: As if God were a recompencer of wickedness, or as if the forcible eiecting of Tenants out of their farms and other possessions, might be reckoned among the blessings of God.  
Nor to that of the MilesianVirgins, 
Pag. 7. & 8.  dragged starknaked after they were dead; which the L. Cardinal draws into his discourse for an example of the eternal torments denounced by the Laws Ecclesiastical, to be inflicted after this life.  
Nor to his exposition of the word problematical; 
Pag. 13.  where he giveth to understand that by problematical, he meaneth such things as are of no necessity to matter of faith; and in case men shall believe the contradictory of the said points, they are not bound for such belief, to undergo the solemn curse of the Church, and the loss of communion: Whereas Aristotle, 
Aristet. 1. top. cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sound both one thing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, provided the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or utrùm, do stand before, as, Vtrum homo sit animal.  of whom all Schools have borrowed their terms, hath taught us that every proposition is called a Problem, when it is propounded in a formal doubt, though in it proper nature it contains a necessary truth, concerning the matter thereof; As for example, to say in form of question, Whether is there but one God? or, Whether is man a creature endued with reason? By which examples it is plain, that propositions in problematical form, do not forego the necessity of their nature; and that many times the contradictory binds the believers thereof to Anathema and loss of communion. There is a confused heap or bundle of other like toys, which my purpose is to pass over in silence, that I may now come to cast anchor, as it were in the very bottom and substance of the cause.   

A REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT OF KINGS, AND THE independence OF THEIR CROWNS. Against an Oration of the most Illustrious Cardinal of PERRON, pronounced in the Chamber of the third Estate.  
The 15. of januar. 1615.  
THE L. Cardinal even in the first passage of his Oration, hath laid a firm foundation, That Ecclesiastics in France are more deeply obliged to the King, than the Nobility, and third Estate: His reason; Because the Clergy do sweetly enjoy their dignities and promotions, with all their infinite wealth, of the King's mere grace, without all danger, and with fair immunities; whereas the other two Orders hold their offices by a chargeable and burdensome title or tenure, even to the great expense of their blood, and of their substance. But see now, how lose and weak a frame he hath erected and pinned together, upon his firm and  foundation: Ergo, the third Estate is to lay all care to provide remedies against apposted cutthroats, upon the Clergy; and the said remedies (as he boldly affirms) must be derived from the laws of conscience, which may carry an effectual acting or operative efficacy upon the soul, and not from civil or temporal punishments. Now this consequence limpeth like a lame cripple after the premises: For it is no usual and common matter, to see men that are deepest in obligation, perform their duties and covenants with most fidelity. Again, were it granted the Clergy had well hitherto demonstrated their careful watching over the life and honour of their Prince; yet is it not for spiritual punishments thundered by Ecclesiastics, to bind the hands of the civil Magistrate, nor to stop the current of temporal punishments: which ordinarily do carry a greater force and virtue to the bridling of the wicked, than the apprehension of God's judgement.  
The third Estate therefore, by whom all the officers of France are properly represented, as to whom the administration of justice and protection of the King's rights and Honour doth appertain, can deserve no blame in carrying so watchful an eye, by their wholesome remedy to provide for the safety of the King, and for the dignity of his Crown. For if the Clergy shall not stand to their tackle, but shrink when it cometh to the push of their duty; who shall charge themselves with careful foresight and prevention of mischiefs? Shall not the people? Now, have not all the calamities, which the third Estate have sought providently to prevent; have they not all sprung from the Clergy, as from their proper and natural fountain? From whence did the last civil wars, wherein a world of blood was not more profusely then prodigiously and unnaturally spilled, and wherein the parricide of King Henry III was impiously and abominably committed: from whence did those bloody wars proceed, but from the deposing of the said King by the Head of the Church? Were they not Prelates, Curates, and Confessors; were they not Ecclesiastics, who partly by seditious preachments, and partly by secret confessions, powered many a jar of oil upon this flame? Was not he that killed the forenamed King, was not he one of the Clergy? Was not Guignard a jesuite? Was not john Chastel brought up in the same school? Did not Ravaillac that monster of men, upon interrogatories made at his examination; among the rest, by whom he had been so diabolically tempted and stirred up to his most execrable attempt and act of extreme horror: did not he refer his examiners to the Sermons made the Lent next before, where they might be satisfied concerning the causes of his abominable undertaking and execution? Are not Bellarmine, Eudaemonoiohannes, Suarez, Becanus, Mariana, with such other monsters, who teach the doctrine of parricides, uphold the craft of janus-like Equivocations in Courts of justice, and in secret confessions: are they not all Clerics? are not all their books approved and allowed, as it were by a corporation or gross company of Doctors, with their signs manuel to the said books? What were the heads, the chief promoters, the complices of the powder-conspiracie in my Kingdom? were they not Ecclesiastics? Hath not Faux by name, a confederate of the same damned crew; hath not he stoutly stood to the gunner's part, which then he was to act in that most doleful Tragedy, with asseveration of a conscience well assured and settled, touching the lawfulness of his enterprise? Did he not yield this reason? to wit, because he had been armed with instruction of musket proof in the case, before he made passage over from the Low Countries? Is it not also the general belief of that Order, that Clerics are exempted from the condition of Subjects to the King? Nay, 
Pag. 7.  is it not confessed by the L. Cardinal himself, that King-killers have engaged themselves to undertake the detestable act of parricide under a false credence of Religion, as being instructed by their schoolmasters in Religion? And who were they but Ecclesiastical persons? All this presupposed as matter of truth, I draw this conclusion: Howsoever no small number of the French Clergy may perhaps bear the affection of loving Subjects to their King, and may not suffer the clerical character to deface the impression of natural allegiance; yet, for so much as the Order of Clerics is dipped in a deeper die, and beareth a worse tincture of dangerous practices then the other Orders; the third Estate had been greatly wanting to their excellent providence and wisdom, if they should have relinquished and transferred the care of designments and projects for the life of their King, and the safety of his Crown, to the Clergiealone. Moreover, the Clergy standeth bound to refer the judgement of all matters in controversy, to the sentence of the Pope, in this cause being a party, and one that pretendeth Crowns to depend upon his Mitre. What hope then might the third Estate conceive, that his Holiness would pass against his own cause, when his judgement of the controversy had been sundry times before published and testified to the world? And whereas the plot or model of remedies projected by the third Estate, and the King's Officers, hath not proved sortable in the event: was it because the said remedies were not good and lawful? No verily: but because the Clergy refused to become contributors of their duty and means to the grand service. Likewise, for that after the burning of books, addressed to justify rebellious people, traitors, and parricides of Kings; nevertheless the authors of the said books are winked at, and backed with favour. Lastly, for that some wretched parricides drink off the cup of public justice; whereas to the firebrands of sedition, the sowers of this abominable doctrine, no man saith so much as black is their eye.  
It sufficiently appeareth, as I suppose, by the former passage, that his Lordship exhorting the third Estate to refer the whole care of this Regal cause unto the Clergy, hath tacked his frame of weak joints and tenons to a very worthy but wrong foundation. 
Page 9  Howbeit, he laboureth to fortify his exhortation with a more weak and feeble reason: For to make good his project he affirms, that matters and maxims out of all doubt and question, may not be shuffled together with points in controversy. Now his rules indubitable are two: The first, It is not lawful to murder Kings for any cause whatsoever: This he confirmeth by the example of Saul (as he saith) deposed from his Throne, whose life or limbs David nevertheless durst not once hurt or wrong for his life: 
Conc. Constan. Sess. 15.  Likewise he confirms the same by a Decree of the Council held at Constance: His other point indubitable; The Kings of France are Sovereign's in all Temporal Sovereignty, within the French Kingdom, and hold not by fealty either of the Pope, as having received or obliged their Crowns upon such tenure and condition, or of any other Prince in the whole world; Which point, nevertheless he takes not for certain and indubitable, but only according to human and historical certainty. Now a third point he makes to be so full of controversy, and so far within the circle of disputable questions, as it may not be drawn into the rank of classical and authentical points, for fear of making a certain point doubtful, by shuffling and jumbling therewith some point in controversy. Now the question so disputable, as he pretendeth, is this: A Christian Prince breaks his oath solemnly taken to God, both to live and to die in the Catholic Religion: Say this Prince turns Arrian, or Mahometan, falls to proclaim open war, and to wage battle with jesus Christ: Whether may such a Prince be declared to have lost his Kingdom, and who shall declare the Subjects of such a Prince to be quit of their oath of allegiance? The L. Cardinal holds the affirmative, and makes no bones to maintain, that all other parts of the Catholic Church, yea the French Church, even from the first birth of her Theological Schools, to Caluins' time and teaching, have professed that such a Prince may be lawfully removed from his Throne by the Pope, and by the Council: and suppose the contrary doctrine were the very Quintessence or spirit of truth, yet might it not in case of faith be urged and pressed otherwise then by way of problematical disceptation. That is the sum of his Lordship's ample discourse: The refuting whereof I am constrained to put off, and refer unto an other place; because he hath served us with the same dishes over and over again. There we shall see the L. Cardinal maketh way to the dispatching of Kings after deposition: that Saul was not deposed, as he hath presumed: that in the Council of Constance there is nothing to the purpose of murdering Sovereign Princes: that his Lordship, supposing the French King may be deprived of his Crown by a superior power, doth not hold his liege Lord to be Sovereign in France: that by the position of the French Church from age to age, the Kings of France are not subject unto any censure of deposition by the Pope: that his Holiness hath no just and lawful pretence to produce, that any Christian King holds of him by fealty, or is obliged to do the Pope homage for his Crown.  
Well then, for the purpose; he dwelleth only upon the third point pretended questionable, and this he affirmeth: If any shall condemn, or wrap under the solemn curse, the abettors of the Pope's power to vnking lawful and Sovereign Kings; the same shall run upon four dangerous rocks of apparent incongruities and absurdities.  
First, he shall offer to force and entangle the consciences of many devout persons: For he shall bind them to believe and swear that doctrine, 
Pag. 14.  the contrary whereof is believed of the whole Church, and hath been believed by their Predecessors.  
Secondly, he shall overturn from top to bottom the sacred authority of holy Church, and shall set open a gate unto all sorts of heresy, by allowing Lay-people a bold liberty to be judges in causes of Religion and Faith: For what is that degree of boldness, but open usurping of the Priesthood; what is it but putting of profane hands upon the Ark; what is it but laying of unholy fingers upon the holy Censor for perfumes?  
Thirdly, he shall make way to a Schism, not possible to be put by and avoided by any human providence. For this doctrine being held and professed by all other Catholics; how can we declare it repugnant unto God's word; how can we hold it impious; how can we account it detestable, but we shall renounce communion with the Head and other members of the Church; yea, we shall confess the Church in all aages to have been the Synagogue of Satan, and the spouse of the Devil?  
Lastly, by working the establishment of this Article, which worketh an establishment of King's Crowns; He shall not only work the intended remedy for the danger of Kings, out of all the virtue and efficacy thereof, by weakening of doctrine out of all controversy, in packing it up with a disputable question; but likewise in stead of securing the life and estate of Kings, he shall draw both into far greater hazards, by the train or sequence of wars, and other calamities, which usually wait and attend on Schisms.  
The L. Cardinal spends his whole discourse in confirmation of these four heads, which we now intent to sift in order, and demonstratively to prove that all the said inconveniences are mere nullities, matters of imagination, and built upon false presuppositions. But before we come to the main, the reader is to be informed and advertised, that his Lordship setteth a false gloss upon the question; and propounds the case not only contrary to the truth of the subject in controversy, but also to the Popes own mind and meaning: For he restrains the Pope's power to depose Kings, only to cases of Heresy, Apostasy, and persecuting of the Church; whereas Popes extend their power to a further distance. They depose Princes for infringing, or in any sort diminishing the Privileges of Monasteries: witness Gregory the first in the pretended Charter granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons; the said Charter being annexed to his Epistles in the rear. The same he testifieth in his Epistle to Senator, by name the tenth of the eleventh book. They depose for natural dullness and lack of capacity, weather inbred and true indeed, or only pretended and imagined: witness the glorious vaunt of Gregory VII. that Childeric King of France was hoisted out of his Throne by Pope Zachary, 
cause. 15. Can. Alius. Qu. 6.  Not so much for his wicked life, as for his unableness to bear the weighty burden of so great a Kingdom. They depose for collating of Benefices and Prebends: witness the great quarrels and sore contentions between Pope Innocent III. and john King of England: as also between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII. They depose for adulteries and Matrimonial suits: witness Philip I. for the repudiating or casting off his lawful wife Bertha, and marrying in her place with Bertrade wife to the Earl of Anjou. 
Paul. Aemil. in Phil. 3.  Finally, feign would I learn into what Heresy or degree of Apostasy, either Henry IU. or Frederic Barbarossa, or Frederic II. Emperors were fallen, when they were smitten with Papal fulminations, even to the deprivation of their Imperial Thrones. What? was it for Heresy or Apostasy, that Pope Martin iv bore so hard a hand against Peter King of Arragon, that he acquitted and released the Aragonnois from their oath of Allegiance to Peter their lawful King? Was it for Heresy or Apostasy, for Arrianisme or Mahumetisme, that Lewis XII. so good a King and Father of his Country, was put down by julius the TWO? Was it for Heresy or Apostasy, that Sixtus V usurped a power against Henry III. even so far as to denounce him unkingd; the issue whereof was the parricide of that good King, and the most woeful desolation of a most flourishing Kingdom? But his Lordship best liked to work upon that ground, which to the outward show and appearance, is the most beautiful cause that can be alleged for the dishonouring of Kings by the weapon of deposition: making himself to believe that he acted the part of an Orator before personages not much acquainted with ancient and modern histories, and such as little understood the state of the question then in hand. It had therefore been a good warrant for his Lordship, to have brought some authentical instrument from the Pope, whereby the French might have been secured, that his Holiness renounceth all other causes avouchable for the degrading of Kings; and that he will henceforth rest in the case of Heresy, for the turning of Kings out of their freehold: as also that his Holiness by the same or like instrument might have certified his pleasure, that he will not hereafter make himself judge, whether Kings be tainted with damnable Heresy, or free from Heretical infection. For that were to make himself both judge and Plaintiff, that it might be in his power to call that doctrine Heretical, which is pure Orthodox: and all for this end, to make himself master of the Kingdom, and there to settle a Successor, who receiving the Crown of the Pope's free gift and grant, might be tied thereby to depend altogether upon his Holiness. Hath not Pope Boniface VIII. declared in his proud Letters all those to be Heretics, that dare undertake to affirm, the collating of Prebends appertemeth to the King? It was that Pope's gross error, not in the fact, but in the right. The like crime forsooth was by Popes imputed to the unhappy Emperor Henry IU. And what was the issue of the said imputation? The son is instigated thereby to rebel against his father, and to impeach the interrement of his dead corpse, who never in his life had beat his brains to trouble the sweet waters of Theological fountains. 
Annal. Beio. Lib. 3. I●●●anen. Episcop.  It is recorded by Aventine, that Bishop Virgilius was declared Heretic, for teaching the Position of Antipodes. The Bull Exurge, marching in the rear of the last Lateran Council, sets down this Position for one of Luther's heresies, A new life is the best repentance. 
Optima poenitentia nova vita. Conc. Constan. Sess. 2.  Among the crimes which the Council of Constance charged Pope john XXIII. withal, one was this, that he denied the immortality of the soul, and that so much was publicly, manifestly, and notoriously known. Now if the Pope shall be carried by the stream of these or the like errors, and in his Heretical pravity shall depose a King of the contrary opinion, I shall hardly be persuaded, the said King is lawfully deposed.  

THE FIRST INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.  
THE first inconvenience growing (in the Cardinal his conceit) by entertaining the Article of the third Estate (whereby the Kings of France are declared to be indeposeable by any superior power spiritual or temporal) is this: It offereth force to the conscience, under the penalty of Anathema, to condemn a doctrine believed and practised in the Church, in the continual current of the last eleven hundred years. In these words he maketh a secret confession, that in the first five hundred years, the same doctrine was neither apprehended by faith, nor approved by practice. Wherein, to my understanding, the L. Cardinal voluntarily giveth over the suit: For the Church in the time of the Apostles, their disciples, and successors, for 500 years together, was no more ignorant what authority the Church is to challenge over Emperors and Kings, then at any time since in any succeeding age; in which as pride hath still flowed to the height of a full Sea, so purity of religion and manners hath kept for the most part at a low water mark. Which point is the rather to be considered, for that during the first 500 years, the Church groaned under the heavy burden, both of heathen Emperors, and of heretical Kings; the Visigot Kings in Spain, and the Vandals in Africa. Of whose displeasure the Pope had small reason or cause to stand in any fear, being so remote from their dominions, and no way under the lee of their Sovereignty.  
But let us come to see, what aid the L. Cardinal hath amassed and piled together out of latter histories: provided we still bear in mind, that our question is not of popular tumults, nor of the rebellion of subjects making insurrections out of their own discontented spirits and brainsick humours, nor of lawful Excommunications, nor of Canonical censures and reprehensions; but only of a juridical sentence of deposition, pronounced by the Pope, as armed with ordinary and lawful power to depose, against a Sovereign Prince.  
Now then, 
Exampl. 1. pag. 18 Enag hist Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 32.  The L. Cardinal sets on, and gives the first charge with Anastasius the Emperor, whom Euphemius Patriarch of Constantinople would never acknowledge for Emperor: (that is to say, would never consent he should be created Emperor by the help of his voice or suffrage) except he would first subscribe to the Chalcedon Creed: notwithstanding the great Empress and Senate sought by violent courses and practices to make him yield. And when afterward the said Emperor, contrary to his oath taken, played the relapse by falling into his former heresy, and became a persecutor; he was first admonished, and then excommunicated by Symmachus Bishop of Rome. To this the L. Cardinal adds, that when the said Emperor was minded to chop the poison of his heretical assertions into the public forms of divine service, than the people of Constantinople made an uproar against Anastasius their Emperor; and one of his Commanders by force of arms, constrained him to call back certain Bishops whom he had sent into banishment before.  
In this first example the L. Cardinal by his good leave, neither comes close to the question, nor falutes it a far off. Euphemius was not Bishop of Rome: Anastasius was not deposed by Euphemius; the Patriarch only made no way to the creating of Anastasius. The sudden commotion of the base multitude makes nothing, the rebellion of a Greek Commander makes less, for the authorizing of the Pope to depose a Sovereign Prince. The Greek Emperor was excommunicated by Pope Symmachus: who knows whether that be true or forged? For the Pope himself is the only witness here produced by the L. Cardinal upon the point: and who knows not how false, how suppositious, the writings and Epistles of the ancient Popes are justly esteemmed? But grant it a truth; yet Anasta sius excommunicated by Pope Symmachus, is not Anastasius deposed by Pope Symmachus. And to make a full answer, I say further, that excommunication denounced by a foreign Bishop, againsta party not being within the limits of his jurisdiction, or one of his own flock, was not any bar to the party from the communion of the Church, but only a kind of publication, that he the said Bishop in his particular, would hold no further communion with any such party.  
For proof whereof, I produce the Canons of the Councils held at Carthage. In one of the said Canons it is thus provided and ordained; 
* Nomecan. Africa Can. 77. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  If any Bishop shall wilfully absent himself from the usual and accustomed Synods, let him not be admitted to the communion of other Churches, but let him only use the benefit and liberty of his own Church. In an other of the same Canons thus; 
* Can. 81. eiusd. Nomo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  If a Bishop shall insinuate himself to make a conuciance of his Monastery, and the ordering thereof unto a Monk of any other Cloister; let him be cut off, let him be separated from the communion with other Churches and content himself to live in the communion of his own flock. In the same sense Hilarius Bishop of Poitiers excommunicated Liberius Bishop of Rome, for subscribing to the Arrian Confession. 
Anathematibi à me Liberi. Faber in frag. Hilarij.  In the same sense, john Bishop of Antioch excommunicated Celestine of Rome, and Cyrill of Alexandria, Bishops; for proceeding to sentence against Nestorius, without staying his coming to answer in his own cause. In the same sense likewise, Victor Bishop of Rome did cut off all the Bishops of the East, not from the communion of their own flocks, but from communion with Victor and the Roman Church. What resemblance, what agreement, what proportion, between this course of excommunication, and that way of unjust fulmination which the Popes of Rome have usurped against Kings, 
Examp. 2.  but yet certain long courses of time after that ancient course?  
And this may stand for a full answer likewise to the example of Clotharius. This ancient King of the French, fearing the censures of Pope Agapetus, erected the Territory of Yuetor unto the title of a Kingdom, by way of satisfaction for murdering of Gualther, Lord of Yuetot. For this example the L. Cardinal hath ransacked records of 900. years antiquity and upward; in which times it were no hard piece of work to show, that Popes would not have any hand, nor so much as a finger in the affairs and acts of the French Kings. Gregory of Tours that lived in the same age, hath recorded many acts of excess, and violent injuries done against Bishops by their Kings, and namely against Praetextatus Bishop of Rouen; for any of which injurious pranks then played, the Bishop of Rome durst not reprove the said Kings with due remonstrance. But see here the words of Gregory himself to King Chilperic: If any of us, O King, shall serve from the path of justice, him hast thou power to punish: But in case thou shalt at any time transgress the lines of equity, who shall once touch thee with reproof? To thee we speak, but are never heeded and regarded, except it be thy pleasure: and be thou not pleased, who shall challenge thy greatness, but he that justly challengeth to be justice itself? The good Bishop, notwithstanding these humble remonstrances, was but roughly entreated, and packed into exile, being banished into the Isle of Guernsay. But I am not minded to make any deep search or inquisition, into the titles of the Lords of Yuetot; whose honourable privileges and titles are the most honourable badges and cognisances of their Ancestors, and of some remarkable service done to the Crown of France: so far I take them to differ from a satisfaction for sin: And for the purpose I only affirm, that were the credit of this history beyond all exception, yet makes it nothing to the present question, Wherein the power of deposing, and not of excommunicating supreme Kings, is debated. And suppose the King by Charter granted the said privileges for fear of Excommunication; how is it proved thereby, that Pope Agapetus had lawful and ordinary power to deprive him of his Crown? Nay, doubtless it was rather a means to elevate and advance the dignity of the Crown of France, and to style the French King, a King of Kings, as one that was able to give the quality of King, to all the rest of the Nobles and Gentry of his Kingdom. Doth not some part of the Spanish King's greatness, consist in creating of his, great?  
In the next place followeth Gregory I. 
Examp. 3. pag. 22.  who in the 10. Epistle of the 11. book, confirming the privileges of the Hospital at Augustodunum in Bourgongne, prohibiteth all Kings and Prelates whatsoever, to infringe or diminish the said privileges, in whole or in part. His formal and express words be these: If any King, Prelate, judge, or any other Secular person, informed of this our Constitution, shall presume to go or do contrary thereunto, let him be cast down from his power and dignity. I answer; the Lord Cardinal here wrongs himself very much, in taking imprecations for Decrees. Might not even the meanest of the people use the same tenor of words, and say? If any shall touch the life, or the most sacred Majesty of our Kings, be he Emperor, or be he Pope, let him be accursed; let him fall from his eminent place of authority; let him lose his dignity; let him tumble into beggary, diseases, and all kinds of calamities? I forbear to show how easy a matter it is for Monks, to forge titles after their own humour, and to their own liking, for the upholding and maintaining of their privileges. As for the purpose, the same Gregory citeth in the end of his Epistles another privilege, of the like stuff and stamp to the former, granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons: It is fenced with a like clause to the other; But of how great untruth, and of how little weight it is, the very date that it beareth, makes manifest proof: For it runs, Dated the year of our Lord's Incarnation 593. the 11. Indiction; whereas the 10. Indiction agreeth to the year 593. Besides, it was not Gregory's manner to date his Epistles according to the year of the Lord. Again, the said privilege was signed by the Bishops of Alexandria and Carthage, who never knew (as may well be thought) whether any such Abbey of S. Medard, or city of Soissons, was ever built in the world. Moreover, they signed in the thickest of a crowd as it were of Italian Bishops. Lastly, he that shall read in this Gregory's Epistles, with what spirit of reverence and humility he speaketh of Emperors, will hardly believe that ever he armed himself with authority to give or to take away Kingdoms. He styles himself 
* Epist. 6. l. 3. Ego antem indignus pietatin tuae seruils. Ego verò haec Dominis meis joquens, quid sum nisi pulu is & vermis? Ibid. Egc quidem iussioni subiectus, etc. Epist. 61. l. 2.  The emperors unworthy servant: presuming to speak unto his Lord, when he knows himself to be but dust and a very worm: He professeth subjection unto the emperors commands, even to the publishing of a certain Law of the Emperors, which in his judgement somewhat jarred and justled with God's Law; as elsewhere I have spoken more at large.  
The L. Cardinal next bringeth upon the stage justinian II. He, 
Examp. 4.  being in some choler with Sergius Bishop of Rome, because he would not favour the erroneous Synod of Constantinople, would have caused the Bishop to be apprehended by his Constable Zacharias. But by the Roman Militia, (that is, the troops which the Emperor than had in Italy) Zacharias was repulsed and hindered from his design, even with opprobrious and reproachful terms. His Lordship must have my shallowness excused, if I reach not his intent by this Allegation; wherein I see not one word of deposing from the Empire, or of any sentence pronounced by the Pope.  
Hear are now 712. years expired after the birth of jesus Christ: in all which long tract of time, the L. Cardinal hath not light upon any instance, which might make for his purpose with never so little show: For the example of the Emperor Philippicus by the Cardinal alleged next in sequence, 
Examp. 5.  belongeth to the year 713. And thus lies the history: This Emperor Philippicus Bardanes, was a professed enemy to the worshipping of Images, and commanded them to be broken in pieces. In that very time the Roman Empire was overthrown in the West, and sore shaken by the Saracenes in the East. Besides those miseries, the Emperor was also encumbered with a civil and intestine war. The greatest part of Italy was then seized by the Lombard's, and the Emperor in Italy had nothing left save only the Exarchat of Ravenna, and the Duchy of Rome, then half abandoned by reason of the emperors want of forces. Pope Constantine gripes this occasion whereon to ground his greatness, and to shake off the yoke of the Emperor his Lord, Undertakes against Philippicus the cause of Images: by a Council declares the Emperor Heretic: Prohibits his rescripts or coin to be received, and to go current in Rome: Forbids his Imperial statue to be set up in the Temple, according to ancient custom: The tumult groweth to a height: The Pope is principal promoter of the tumult: In the heat of the tumult the Exarche of Ravenna loseth his life. Here see now the mutiny of a subject against his Prince, to pull from him by force and violence a city of his Empire. But who seethe in all this any sentence of deposition from the Imperial dignity? Nay, the Pope then miss the cushion, and was disappointed utterly of his purpose: The city of Rome stood firm, and continued still in their obedience to the Emperor.  
About some 12. years after, 
Exemp. 6.  the Emperor Leo Isauricus (whom the Lord of Perron calleth Iconoclast) falls to fight it out at sharp, and to prosecute worshippers of Images with all extremity. Upon this occasion, Pope Gregory 2. then treading in the steps of his predecessor, when he perceived the city of Rome to be but weakly provided of men or munition, and the Emperor to have his hands full in other places, found such means to make the city rise in rebellious arms against the Emperor, that he made himself in short time master thereof. Thus far the Lord Cardinal, whereunto my answer for satisfaction is; that degrading an Emperor from his Imperial dignity, and reducing a city to revolt against her Master, that a man at last may carry the piece himself, and make himself Lord thereof, are two several actions of special difference. If the freehold of the city had been conveyed to some other by the Pope depriving the Emperor, as proprietary thereof, this example might have challenged some credit at least in show: but so to invade the city to his own use, and so to seize on the right and authority of another, what is it but open rebellion, and notorious ambition? For it is far from Ecclesiastical censure, when the spiritual Pastor of souls forsooth, pulls the cloak of a poor sinner from his back by violence, or cuts his purse, and thereby appropriates an other man's goods to his private use. It is to be observed withal, that when the Emperors were not of sufficient strength, and Popes had power to beard and to brave Emperors, than these Papal practices were first set on foot. This Emperor notwithstanding, turned head and pecked again: his Lieutenant entered Rome, and Gregory 3. successor to this Gregory 2. was glad to honour the same Emperor with style and title of his Lord: witness two several Epistles of the said Gregory 3. written to Boniface, and subscribed in this form: 
Dat. 10. Cal. Decem imperant Dom. pijssimo Augusto Leone, à Deo coronato, magno Imp. anno decimo Imperij eius. Examp. 7.  Dated the tenth (alends of December: In the reign of our most pious and religious Lord, Augustus Leo, crowned of God, the great Emperor, in the tenth year of his reign.  
The L. Cardinal with no less abuse allegeth Pope Zacharie, by whom the French, as he affirmeth, were absolved of the oath of all egiance, wherein they stood bound to Childeric their King: And for this instance, he standeth upon the testimony of Paulus Aemilius, and du Tillet, a pair of late writers. But by authors more near that age wherein Childeric reigned, it is more truly testified, that it was a free and voluntary act of the French, only ask the advise of Pope Zacharie, but requiring neither leave nor absolution. Ado Bishop of Vienna, in his Chronicles hath it after this manner: The French, following the Counsel of Ambassadors, and of Pope Zachary, elected Pepin their King, and established him in the Kingdom. Trithemius in his abridgement of Annals, thus: Childeric, as one unfit for government, was turned out of his Kingdom, with common consent of the Estates and Peers of the Realm, so advised by Zacharie Pope of Rome. Godfridus of Viterbe in the 17. part of his Chronicle, and Guauguin in the life of Pepin, affirm the same. And was it not an easy matter to work Pepin by counsel to lay hold on the Kingdom, when he could not be hindered from fastening on the Crown, and had already seized it in effect, howsoever he had not yet attained to the name of King? Moreover, the rudeness of that Nation, then wanting knowledge and Schools either of divinity, or of Academical sciences, was a kind of spur to make them run for counsel over the mountains: which nevertheless in a cause of such nature, they required not as necessary, but only as decent and for fashion sake. The Popealso for his part was well appaied, by this means to draw Pepin unto his part; as one that stood in some need of his aid against the Lombard's; and the more, because his Lord the Emperor of Constantinople was then brought so low, that he was not able to send him sufficient aid, for the defence of his territories against his enemies. But had Zacharie (to deal plainly) not stood upon the respect of his own commodity, more than upon the regard of God's fear; he would never have given counsel unto the servant, under the pretended colour of his Masters dull spirit, so to turn rebel against his Master. The Laws provide Guardians, or overseers, for such as are not well in their wits; they never deprive and spoil them of their estate: they punish crimes, but not diseases and infirmities by nature. Yea, in France it is a very ancient custom, when the King is troubled in his wits to establish a Regent, who for the time of the King's disability, may bear the burden of the kingdoms affairs. So was the practice of that State in the case of Charles 6. when he fell into a frenzy; whom the Pope notwithstanding his most grievous and sharp fits, never offered to degrade. And to be short, what reason, what equity will bear the children to be punished for the father's debility? Yet such punishment was laid upon Childerics whole race and house; who by this practice were all disinherited of the Kingdom. But shall we now take some view, of the L. 
Pag. 25.  Cardinal's excuse for this exemplary fact? The cause of Childerics deposing, (as the L. Cardinal saith) did nearly concern and touch Religion: For Childerics imbecility brought all France into danger, to suffer a most woeful shipwreck of Christian religion, upon the barbarous and hostile invasion of the Saracens. Admit now this reason had been of just weight and value, yet consideration should have been taken, whether some one or other of that Royal stem, and of the Kings own successors nearest of blood, was not of better capacity to rule and manage that mighty State. The fear of uncertain and accidental mischief, should not have driven them to fly unto the certain mischief of actual and effectual deposition. They should rather have set before their eyes the example of Charles Martel, this Pippins father; who in a far more eminent danger, when the Saracens had already mastered, and subdued a great part of France, valiantly encountered, and withal defeated the Saracens; ruled the Kingdom under the title of Steward of the King's house, the principal Officer of the Crown; without affecting or aspiring to the Throne for all that great step of advantage, especially when the Saracens were quite broken, and no longer dreadful to the French Nation.  
In our own Scotland, the sway of the Kingdom was in the hand of Walls, during the time of Bruse his imprisonment in England, who then was lawful heir to the Crown. This Walls or Vallas had the whole power of the Kingdom at his beck and command. His Edicts and ordinances to this day stand in full force. By the deadly hatred of Bruse his mortal enemy, it may be conjectured, that he might have been provoked and inflamed with desiré to truss the Kingdom in his talons. And notwithstanding all these incitements, he never assumed or usurped other title to himself, then of Governor or administrator of the Kingdom. The reason: He had not been brought up in this new doctrine and late discipline, whereby the Church is endowed with power to give and to take away Crowns. But now (as the L. Cardinal would bear the world in hand) the state of Kings is brought to a very dead lift. The Pope forsooth must send his Physicians, to know by way of inspection or some other course of Art, whether the King's brain be cracked or sound: and in case there be found any debility of wit and reason in the King, than the Pope must remove and translate the Crown, from the weaker brain to a stronger: and for the acting of the stratagem, the name of Religion must be pretended. Ho, these Heretics begin to crawl in the Kingdom: order must be taken they be not suffered by their multitudes and swarms, like locusts or caterpillars to pester and poison the whole Realm. Or in a case of Matrimony, thus: Ho, marriage is a Sacrament: touch the Order of Matrimony, and Relgion is wounded. By this device not only the King's vices, but likewise his natural diseases and infirmities are fetched into the circle of Religion; and the L. Cardinal hath not done himself right, in restraining the Pope's power to depose Kings, unto the cases of Heresy, Apostasy, and persecution of the Church.  
In the next place followeth Leo III. who by setting the Imperial Crown upon the head of Charles, absolved all the Subjects in the West, of their obedience to the Greek Emperors, if the L. of Perron might be credited in this Example. But indeed it is crowded among the rest by a sly trick, and clean contrary to the naked truth of all histories: For it shall never be justified by good history, that so much as one single person or man (I say not one Country, or one people) was then wrought or won by the Pope to change his copy and Lord, or from a subject of the Greek Emperors, to turn subject unto Charlemagne. Let me see but one Town that Charlemagne recovered from the Greek Emperors, by his right and title to his Empire in the West: No, the Greek Emperors had taken their farewell of the West Empire long before: And therefore to nick this upon the tally of Pope Leo his Acts, that he took away the West from the Greek Emperor, it is even as if one should say, that in this age the Pope takes the Dukedom of Milan from the French Kings, or the city of Rome from the Emperors of Germany, because their Predecessors in former aages had been right Lords and governors of them both. It is one of the Pope's ordinary and solemn practices to take away, much after the manner of his giving: For as he giveth what he hath not in his right and power to give, or bestoweth upon others what is already their own; even so he taketh away from Kings and Emperors the possessions which they have not in present hold and possession. After this manner he takes the West from the Greek Emperors, when they hold nothing in the West, and lay no claim to any city or town of the West Empire. And what shall we call this way of deprivation, but spoiling a naked man of his garments, and killing a man already dead? True it is the Imperial Crown was then set on Charlemaine's head by Leo the Pope: did Leo therefore give him the Empire? No more than a Bishop that crowns a King, at his Royal and solemn consecration, doth give him the Kingdom: For shall the Pope himself take the Popedom from the Bishop of Ostia as of his gift, because the crowning of the Pope is an Office of long time peculiar to the Ostian Bishop? It was the custom of Emperors, to be crowned Kings of Italy by the hands of the Archbishop of Milan: did he therefore give the Kingdom of Italy to the said Emperors? And to return unto Charlemagne; If the Pope had conveyed the Empire to him by free and gracious donation, the Pope doubtless in the solemnity of his coronation, would never have performed unto his ownecreature, an Emperor of his own making the duties of adoration, 

Perfectit landibus, a Pontifice more Principum antiquorum adoratus est.  
aventinus Annalium Boiorum, lib. 4. Posthaec ab eodem Pontifice ut caeteri veterum Prineipum, mere maiorum aioratus est Magnus.  
Sigeb. ad an. 801.  
Marianus Scotus lib. 3. Annalium. Plat. in vita Leon. 3.  
Auent. Annal. Boio. lib. 4. Imperium transferre iure suo in Germanos, Carolúmque tacito Senatus consulto, plebiscitoque decernunt.   as Ado that lived in the same age, hath left it on record: After the solemn praises ended (saith Ado) the chief Bishop honoured him with adoration, according to the custom of ancient Princes. The same is like wise put down by Aventine, in the 4. book of his Annals of Bavaria. The like by the Precedent Fauchet in his Antiquities: and by Monsieur Petau Counsellor in the Court of Parliament at Paris, in his Preface before the Chronicles of Eusebius, Hierome, and Sigebert. It was therefore the people of Rome, that called this Charles the Great unto the Imperial dignity, and cast on him the title of Emperor. So testifieth Sigebert upon the year 801. All the Romans with one general voice and consent, ring out acclamations of Imperial praises to the Emperor, they crown him by the bands of Leo the Pope, they give him the style of Caesar and Augustus. Marianus Scotus hath as much in effect: Charles was then called Augustus by the Romans. And so Platina: After the solemn service, Leo declareth and proclaimeth Charles Emperor, according to the public Decree and general request of the people of Rome. Aventine, and Sigonius in his 4. book of the Kingdom of Italy witness the same. Neverthelsse, to gratify the L. Cardinal; Suppose Pope Leo dispossessed the Greek Emperors of the West Empire: What was the cause? what infamous act had they done? what profane and irreligious crime had they committed? Nicephorus and Irene, who reigned in the Greek Empire in Charlemaine's time, were not reputed by the Pope, or taken for Heretics. How then? The L. Cardinal helpeth at a pinch, and putteth us in mind, that Constantine and Leo, predecessors to the said Emperors, had been poisoned with Heresy, and stained with persecution. Here then behold an Orthodox Prince deposed: For what cause? for Heresy forsooth, not in himself, but in some of his Predecessors long before An admirable case: For I am of a contrary mind, that he was worthy of double honour, in restoring and setting up the truth again, which under his predecessors had endured oppression, and suffered persecution. Doubtless Pope Silvester was greatly overseen, and played not well the Pope, when he winked at Constantine the Great, and cast him not down from his Imperial Throne, for the strange infide litie and Paganism of Diocletian, of Maximian, and Maxentius, whom Constantine succeeded in the Empire.  
From this example the L. of Perron passeth to Fulke Archbishop of Reims: 
Examp. 9 pag. 21.  by whom Charles the Simple was threatened with Excommunication, and refusing to continue any longer in the fidelity and allegiance of a subject. To what purpose is this example? For who can be ignorant, that all aages have brought forth turbulent and stirring spirits, men altogether forgetful of respect and observance towards their Kings, especially when the world finds them shallow and simple-witted, like unto this Prince? But in this example, where is there so much as one word of the Pope, or the deposing of Kings?  
Here the L. Cardinal chaps in the example of Philip I. King of France, but mangled, and strangely disguised, as hereafter shall be showed.  
At last he leadeth us to Gregory VII. surnamed Hildebrand, 
Exam. 11. An. 1076.  the scourge of Emperors, the firebrand of war, the scorn of his age. This Pope, after he had (in the spirit of pride, and in the very height of all audaciousness) thundered the sentence of excommunication and deposition, against the Emperor Henry FOUR after he had enterprised this act without all precedent example: after he had filled all Europe with blood: this Pope, I say, sunk down under the weight of his affairs, and died as a fugitive at Salerne, overwhelmed with discontent and sorrow of heart: Here lying at the point of giving up the ghost, 
Sigeb. ad. an. 1085.  calling unto him (as it is in Sigebert) a certain Cardinal whom he much favoured, He confesseth to God, and Saint Peter, and the whole Church, that he had been greatly defective in the Pastor all charge committed to his care; and that by the devils instigation, he had kindled the fire of God's wrath and hatred against mankind: Then he sent his Confessor to the Emperor, and to the whole Church to pray for his pardon, because he perceived that his life was at an end. Likewise Cardinal Benno that lived in the said Gregory's time, doth testify, That so soon as he was risen out of his Chair to excommunicate the Emperor from his Cathedral seat: by the will of God the said Cathedral seat, new made of strong board or plank, did crack and cleave into many pieces or parts; to manifest how great and terrible Schisms had been sown against the Church of Christ, by an excommunication of so dangerous consequence, pronounced by the man that had fit judge therein. Now to bring and allege the example of such a man, who by attempting an act which never any man had the heart of face to attempt before, hath condemned all his predecessors of cowardice, or at least of ignorance; what is it else, but even to send us to the school of mighty robbers, and to seek to correct and reform ancient virtues by late vices? Which Otho Frisingensis calling into his own private consideration, 
Otho frisingen's. in vita Hen. 4. lib. 4. cap 31.  he durst freely profess, that he had not read of any Emperor before this Henry the FOUR excommunicated or driven out of his Imperial Throne and Kingdom by the chief Bishop of Rome. But if this quarrel may be tried and fought out with weapons of examples, I leave any indifferent reader to judge what examples ought in the cause to be of chiefest authority and weight: whether late examples of Kings deposed by Popes, for the most part never taking the intended effect; or ancient examples of Popes actually and effectually thrust out of their thrones by Emperors and Kings.  
The Emperor Constantius expelled Liberius Bishop of Rome out of the city, banished him as far as Beroe, and placed Foelix in his room. 
Theo. lib. 2. Hist. cap. 16.  Indeed Constantius was an Arrian, and therein used no less impious than unjust proceeding: Nevertheless, the ancient Fathers of the Church, do not blame Constantius for his hard and sharp dealing with a chief Bishop, over whom he had no lawful power, but only as an enemy to the Orthodox faith, and one that raged with extreme rigour of persecution against innocent believers.  
In the reign of Valentinian the I. and year of the Lord 367. 
Ammia. lib. 27  the contention between Damasus and Vrcisinus competitors for the Bishopric, filled the city of Rome with a bloody sedition, in which were wickedly and cruelly murdered 137. 
Decret. dist. 79.  persons. To meet with such turbulent actions, Honorius made a law extant in the Decreetalls, the words whereof be these; If it shall happen henceforth by the temerity of competitors, that any two Bishops be elected to the See, we straightly charge and command that neither of both shall fit in the said See. 
Platina. Sigebertus.  By virtue of this Law, the same Honorius in the year 420. expelled Bonifacius and Eulalius, competitors and Antipopes out of Rome, though not long after he revoked Bonifacius, and settled him in the Papal See.  
Theodoric the Goth King of Italy, 
Anastatint. Platina. Lib. Pontifi. Diaconus.  sent john Bishop of Rome Ambassador to the Emperor justinian, called him home again, and clapped him up in the close prison, where he starved to death. By the same King, Peter Bishop of Altine was dispatched to Rome, to hear the cause and examine the process of Pope Symmachus, then indicted and accused of sundry crimes.  
King Theodatus about the year 537. had the service of Pope Agapetus, as his Ambassador to the Emperor justinian, upon a treaty of peace. Agapetus dying in the time of that service, Syluerius is made Bishop by Theodatus. Not long after, Syluerius is driven out by Belisarius the Emperor his Lieutenant, and sent into banishment. After Syluerius next succeed Vigilius, who with currant coin purchased the Popedom of Belisarius. The Emperor justinian sends for Vigilius to Constantinople, and receives him there with great honour. Soon after, the Emperor takes offence at his freeness in speaking his mind, commands him to be beaten with stripes in manner to death, and with a rope about his neck to be drawn through the city like a thief, as Platina relates the history. Nicephorus in his 26. book, and 17. chapter, comes very near the same relation.  
The Emperor Constantius, 
Platina. Baronius. Sigeberius.  in the year 654. caused Pope Martin to be bound with chains, and banished him into Chersonesus, where he ended his life. The Popes in that age writing to the Emperors, used none but submissive terms, by way of most humble supplications; made profession of bowing the knee before their sacred Majesties, and of executing their commands with entire obedience; paid to the emperors twenty pound weight of gold for their investiture; which tribute was afterward released and remitted, 
justin. Authent. 123. cap. 3.  by Constantine the Bearded, to Pope Agatho, in the year 679. as I have observed in an other place.  
Nay further, even when the power and riches of the Popes was grown to great height, by the most profuse and immense munificence of Charlemagne and Lewis his son; the Emperors of the West did not relinquish and give over the making and unmaking of Popes, as they saw cause. Pope Adrian 1. willingly submitted his neck to this yoke: and made this Law to be passed in a Council, that in Charlemagne should rest all right and power for the Pope's election, and for the government of the Papal See. This Constitution is inserted in the Decretals, Distinct. 63. Can. 
* Note that in the same Dist. the Can of Greg. 4. beginning with Cum Hadrianus 2. is false, and supposititious, because Gregory 4. was Pope long before Hadr. 2. Triateterrima monstra.  Hadrianus, and was confirmed by the practice of many years.  
In the year of the Lord 963. the Emperor Otho took away the Popedom from john 13. and placed Leo 8. in his room. In like manner, john 14. Gregory 5. and Silvester 2. were seated in the Papal Throne by the Otho's.  
The Emperor Henry 2. in the year 1007. deposed three Popes, namely, Bendict 9 Silvester 3. and Gregory 6. whom Platina doth not stick to call, three most detestable and vile monsters. This custom continued, this practice stood in force for divers aages, even until the times of Gregory 7. by whom the whole West was tossed and turmoiled with lamentable wars, which plagued the world, and the Empire by name with intolerable troubles and mischiefs. For after the said Gregorian wars, the Empire fell from bad to worse, and so went on to decay, till Emperors at last were driven to beg and receive the Imperial Crown of the Pope.  
The Kingdom of France met not with so rude entreaty, but was dealt withal by courses of a milder temper. Gregory 4. about the year of the Lord, 832. was the first Pope that persuaded himself to use the censure of Excommunication against a King of France. This Pope having a hand in the troublesome factions of the Realm, was nothing backward to side with the sons of Lewis surnamed the Courteous, by wicked conspiracy entering into a desperate course and complot against Lewis their own father; as witnesseth Sigebert in these words, Pope Gregory coming into France, joined himself to the sons against the Emperor their Father. 
Bochel. Decret. Eccles. Gallican. lib. 2. tit. 16.  But Annals of the very same times, and he that furbushed Aimonius, a Religious of S. benedict's Order, do testify, that all the Bishops of France fell upon this resolution; by no means to rest in the Pope's pleasure, or to give any place unto his design: and contrariwise, In case the Pope should proceed to Excommunication of their King, he should return out of France to Rome an excommunicate person himself. The Chronicle of S. Denis hath words in this form: The Lord Apostolical returned answer, that he was not come into France for any other purpose, but only to excommunicate the King and his Bishops, if they would be in any sort opposite unto the sons of Lewis, or disobedient unto the will and pleasure of his Holiness: The Prelates informed hereof, made answer, that in this case they would never yield obedience to the Excommunication of the said Bishops; because it was contrary to the authority and advise of the ancient Canons.  
After these times, Pope Nicolas 1. deprived King Lotharius of Communion (for in those times not a word of deposing) to make him repudiate or quit Valdrada, and to resume or take again Thetberga his former wife. The Articles framed by the French upon this point, are to be found in the writing of Hinemarus, Archbishop of Reims, and are of this purport; that in the judgement of men both learned and wise, it is an overruled case, that as the King whatsoever he shall do, ought not by his own Bishops to be excommunicated, even so no foreign Bishop hath power to sit for his judge: because the King is to be subject only unto God, and his Imperial authority, who alone had the all-sufficient power to settle him in his Kingdom. Moreover, the Clergy addressed letters of answer unto the same Pope, full of stinging and bitter terms, with speeches of great scorn and contempt, as they are set down by Aventine in his Annals of Bavaria, 
Annal. Boi●. lib. 4.  not forbearing to call him thief, wolf, and tyrant.  
When Pope Hadrian took upon him like a Lord, to command Charles the Bald upon pain of interdiction, that he should suffer the Kingdom of Lotharius to be fully and entirely conveyed and conferred upon Lewis his son; the same Hincmarus, a man of great authority and estimation in that age, sent his letters containing sundry remonstrances touching that subject: Among other matters thus he writeth, The Ecclesiastics and Seculars of the Kingdom assembled at Reims, have affirmed and now do affirm by way of reproach, upbraiding, and exprobration, that never was the like Mandate sent before from the See of Rome to any of our predecessors. And a little after: The chief Bishops of the Apostolic See, or any other Bishops of the greatest authority and holiness, never withdrew themselves from the presence, from the reverend salutation, or from the conference of Empererours and Kings, whether Heretics, or Schismatics and Tyrants: as Constantius the Arrian, julianus the Apostata, and Maximus the Tyrant. And yet a little after, Wherefore if the Apostolic Lord be minded to seek peace, let him seek it so, that he stir no brawls, and breed no quarrels: For we are no such babes to believe, that we can or ever shall attain to God's Kingdom, unless we receive him for our King in earth, whom God himself recommendeth to us from heaven. It is added by Hincmarus in the same place, that by the said Bishops and Lords Temporal, such threatening words were blown forth, as he is afraid once to speak and utter. As for the King himself, what reckoning he made of the Pope's mandates, it appeareth by the Kings own letters addressed to Pope Hadrianus, as we may read every where in the Epistles of Hincmarus. For there, after King Charles hath taxed and challenged the Pope of pride, and hit him in the teeth with a spirit of usurpation, he breaketh out into these words: What Hell hath cast up this law so cross and preposterous? what infernal gulf hath disgorged this law out of the darkest and obscurest dens? a law quite contrary, and altogether repugnant unto the beaten way showed us in the holy Scriptures, etc. Yea, he flatly and peremptorily forbids the Pope, except he mean or desire to be recompensed with dishonour and contempt, to send any more the like Mandates, either to himself, or to his Bishops.  
Under the reign of Hugo Capetus and Robert his son, a Council now extant in all men's hands, was held and celebrated at Reims by the King's authority. There Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans, than Prolocutor and Speaker of the Council, calls the Pope Antichrist, and lets not also to paint him forth like a monster: as well for the deformed and ugly vices of that unholy See, which then were in their exaltation, as also because the Pope then won with presents, and namely with certain goodly horses, then presented to his Holiness, took part against the King, with Arnulphus Bishop of Reims, then dispossessed of his Pastoral charge.  
When Philip 1. had repudiated his wife Bertha, daughter to the Earl of Holland; and in her place had also taken to wife Bertrade the wife of Fulco Earl of Anjou yet being alive; he was excommunicated, and his Kingdom interdicted by Vrbanus then Pope, (though he was then bearded with an Antipope) as the L. Cardinal here giveth us to understand. But his Lordship hath skipped over two principal points recorded in the history. The first is, that Philip was not deposed by the Pope: whereupon it is to be inferred, that in this passage there is nothing material to make for the Pope's power against a King's Throne and Sceptre. The other point is, that by the censures of the Pope, the course of obedience due to the King before was not interrupted, nor the King disavowed, refused, or disclaimed: but on the contrary, that Iuo of Chartres taking Pope Vrbanus part, was punished for his presumption, despoiled of his estate, and kept in prison: whereof he makes complaint himself in his 19 and 20. Epistles. The L. Cardinal beside, in my understanding for his Master's honour, should have made no words of interdicting the whole Kingdom. For when the Pope, to give a King chastisement, doth interdict his Kingdom, he makes the people to bear the punishment of the King's offence: For during the time of interdiction, the Church doors through the whole Kingdom are kept continually shut and locked up: public service is intermitted in all places: bells every where silent: Sacraments not administered to the people bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned, that none dares bury the said bodies in holy ground. More, it is believed, that a man dying under the curse of the interdict (without some special indulgence or privilege) is for ever damned and adjudged to eternal punishments, as one that dieth out of the communion of the Church. Put case then the interdict holdeth and continueth for many years together; alas, how many millions of poor souls are damned, and go to hell for an others offence? For what can, or what may the faltlesse and innocent people do withal, if the King will repudiate his wife, and she yet living, join himself in matrimony to an other?  
The Lord Cardinal after Philip the 1. produceth Philippus Augustus, 
Examp. 12.  who having renounced his wife Ingeberga daughter to the King of Denmark, and marrying with Agnes daughter to the Duke of Moravia, was by Pope Innocent the third interdicted himself and his whole Kingdom. But his Lordship was not pleased to insert withal, what is averred in the Chronicle of Saint Denis: that Pope Caelestinus 3. sent forth two Legates at once upon this errand: 
Bochel. pag. 320  Who being come into the assembly and general Council of all the French Prelates, became like dumb dogs that can not bark, so as they could not bring the service which they had undertaken to any good pass, because they stood in a bodily fear of their own bides. Not long after, the Cardinal of Capua was in the like taking: For he durst not bring the Realm within the limits of the interdict, before he was got out of the limits of the Kingdom. The King herewith incensed, thrust all the Prelates that had given consent unto these proceed out of their Sees, confiscated their goods, etc. To the same effect is that which we read in Matthew Paris. After the Pope had given his Majesty to understand by the Cardinal of Anagnia, that his kingdom should be interdicted, unless he would be reconciled to the King of England; the King returned the Pope this answer, that he was not in any sort afraid of the Pope's sentence, for as much as it could not be grounded upon any equity of the cause: and added withal, that it did no way appertain unto the Church of Rome to sentence Kings, especially the King of France. And this was done, saith johannes Tilius Register in Court of Parliament of Paris, by the counsel of the French Barons.  
Most notable is the example of Philip the fair, and hits the bird in the right eye. In the year 1032. the Pope dispatched the Archbishop of Narbona with mandates into France, commanding the King to release the Bishop of Apamia then detained in prison, for contumelious words tending to the King's defamation, and spoken to the Kings own head. In very deed this Pope had conceived a secret grudge, and no light displeasure against King Philip before: namely, because the King had taken upon him the collation of Benefices, and other Ecclesiastical dignities. Upon which occasion the Pope sent letters to the King of this tenor and style: Fear God, and keep his Commandments: We would have thee know, that in Spiritual and Temporal causes thou art subject unto ourself: that collating of Benefices and Prebends, doth not in any sort appertain to thy office and place: that, in case as keeper of the Spiritualties, thou have the custody of Benefices and Prebends in thy hand when they become void, thou shalt by sequestration reserve the fruits of the same, to the use and benefit of the next Incumbents and successors: and in case thou hast heretofore collated any, we ordain the said collations to be merely void: and so far as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact, we revoke the said collations. We hold them for heretics whosoever are not of this belief. A Legate comes to Paris, and brings these braving letters: By some of the King's faithful servants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the Legates hands: by the Earl of Artois they are cast into the fire. The good King answers the Pope, and pays him in as good coin as he had sent. Philip by the grace of God King of the French, to Boniface calling and bearing himself the Sovereign Bishop, little greeting or none at all. May thy exceeding sottishness understand, that in Temporal causes we are not subject unto any mortal and earthly creature: that collating of Benefices and Prebends, by Regal right appertaineth to our office and place: that appropriating their fruits when they become void, belongeth to ourself alone during their vacancy: that all collations by us heretofore made, or to be made hereafter, shall stand in force: that in the validity and virtue of the said collations, we will ever courageously defend and maintain, all Incumbents and possessors of Benefices and Prebends so by us collated. We hold them all for sots and senseless, whosoever are not of this belief. The Pope incensed herewith, excommunicates the King: but no man dares publish that censure, or become bearer thereof. The King notwithstanding the said proceed of the Pope, assembles his Prelates, Barons, and Knights at Paris: asks the whole assembly, of whom they hold their Fees, with all other the Temporalties of the Church. They make answer with one voice, that in the said matters they disclaim the Pope, and know none other Lord beside his Majesty. Mean while the Pope worketh with Germany and the Low Countries, to stir them up against France. But Philip sendeth William of Nogaret into Italy. William by the direction and aid of Sciarra Columnensis, takes the Pope at Anagnia, mounts him upon a lean ill-favoured jade, carries him prisoner to Rome; where overcome with choler, anguish, and great indignation, he takes his last leave of the Popedom and his life. All this notwithstanding, the King presently after, from the successors of Boniface receives very ample and gracious Bulls, in which the memory of all the former passages and actions is utterly abolished. 
Extravag. Meruit.  Witness the Epistle of Clement 5. wherein this King is honoured with praises, for a pious and religious Prince, and his Kingdom is restored to the former estate. In that age the French Nobility carried other manner of spirits, than the modern and present Nobility do: I mean those by whom the L. Cardinal was applauded and assisted in his Oration. Yea, in those former times the Prelates of the Realm stood better affected towards their King, than the L. Cardinal himself now standeth: who could find none other way to dally with, and to shift off this pregnant example, but by plain glozing, that heresy and Apostasy was no ground of that question, or subject of that controversy. Wherein he not only condemns the Pope, as one that proceeded against Philip without a just cause & good ground; but likewise gives the Pope the Lie, who in his goodly letters but a little above recited, hath enrolled Philip in the list of heretics. He saith moreover, that indeed the knot of the question was touching the Pope's pretence, in challenging to himself the temporal Sovereignty of France, that is to say, in qualifying himself King of France: But indeed and indeed no such matter to be found. His whole pretence was the collating of Benefices, and to perch above the King, to crow over his Crown in Temporal causes. At which pretence his Holiness yet aimeth, still attributing and challenging to himself plenary power to depose the King. Now if the L. Cardinal shall yet proceed to cavil, that Boniface the eighth was taken by the French for an usurper, and no lawful Pope, but for one that crept into the Papacy by fraud and simony; he must be pleased to set down positively who was Pope, seeing that Boniface then sat not in the Papal chair. To conclude, If he that creepeth and stealeth into the Papacy by simony, by canuases or labouring of suffrages under hand, or by bribery, be not lawful Pope; I dare be bold to profess, there will hardly be found two lawful Popes in the three last aages. 
See the treatise of Charles du Moulin contrà paruas Datas, wherein he reporteth a notable Decree of the Court under Charles 6.   
Pope Benedict in the year 1408. being in choler with Charles the sixth, because Charles had bridled and kerbed the gainful exactions and extortions of the Pope's Court, by which the Realm of France had been exhausted of their treasure, sent an excommunicatorie Bull into France, against Charles the King, and all his Princes. The University of Paris made request or motion that his Bull might be mangled, and Pope Benedict himself, by some called Petrus de Luna, might be declared heretic, schismatic, and perturber of the peace. 
Theodoric. Niemens. in nemore union. Tract. 6. & somnium viridar ij.  The said Bull was mangled and rend in pieces, according to the petition of the University, by Decree of Court upon the tenth of june, 1408. Ten days after, the Court rising at eleven in the morning, two Bulbearers of the said excommunicatorie censure underwent ignominious punishment upon the Palace or great Hal stairs. From thence were led to the Lowre in such manner as they had been brought from thence before: drawn in two tumbrels, clad in coats of painted linen, wore paper-mytres on their heads, were proclaimed with sound of Trumpet, and every where disgraced with public derision: So little reckoning was made of the Pope's thundering canons in those days. And what would they have done, if the said Bulls had imported sentence of deposition against King Charles?  
The French Church assembled at Tours in the year 1510. decreed that Lewis XII. might with safe conscience contemn the abusive Bulls, and unjust censures of Pope julius the II. and by arms might withstand the Pope's usurpations, in case he should proceed to excommunicate or depose the King. More, by a Council holden at Pisa, this Lewis declared the Pope to be fallen from the Popedom, and coined crowns with a stamp of this inscription, I will destroy the name of Babylon. To this the L. of Perron makes answer, that all this was done by the French, as acknowledging these jars to have sprung not from the fountain of Religion, but from passion of state: Wherein he condemneth Pope julius, for giving so great scope unto his public censures, as to serve his ambition, and not rather to advance Religion. He secretly teacheth us beside, that when the Pope undertakes to depose the King of France, than the French are to sit as judges concerning the lawfulness or unlawfulness of the cause; and in case they shall find the cause to be unlawful, then to disannul his judgements, and to scoff at his thunderbolts.  
john d'Albret King of Navarre, whose Realm was given by the foresaid Pope to Ferdinand King of Arragon, was also wrapped and entangled with strict bands of deposition. Now if the French had been touched with no better feeling of affection to their King, than the subjects of Navarre were to the Navarrois; doubtless France had sought a new Lord, by virtue of the Popes (as the L. Cardinal himself doth acknowledge and confess) unjust sentence. But behold, to make the said sentence against john d'Albret seem the less contrary to equity, the L. Cardinal pretends, the Pope's donation was not indeed the principal cause, 
Pag. 31.  howsoever Ferdinand himself made it his pretence. But his Lo. gives this for the principal cause: that john d'Albret had quitted his alliance made with condition; that in case the Kings of Navarre should infringe the said alliance, and break the league, than the kingdom of Navarre should return to the Crown of Arragon. This condition, between Kings never made, and without all show of probability, serveth to none other purpose from the Cardinal's mouth, but only to insinuate and work a persuasion in his King, that he hath no right nor lawful pretension to the Crown of Navarre: and whatsoever he now holdeth in the said kingdom of Navarre, is none of his own, but by usurpation and unlawful possession. Thus his Lordship French-born, makes himself an Advocate for the Spanish King, against his own King, and King of the French: who shallbe feign, as he ought (if this advocates plea may take place) to draw his title and style of King of Navarre out of his Royal titles, and to acknowledge that all the great endeavours of his predecessors to recover the said Kingdom, were dishonourable and unjust. Is it possible, that in the very heart and head City of France, a spirit and tongue so licentious can be brooked? What, shall so great blasphemy (as it were) of the King's freehold, be powered forth in so honourable an assembly, without punishment or fine? What, without any contradiction for the King's right, and on the King's behalf? I may perhaps confess the indignity might be the better borne, and the pretence alleged might pass for a poor excuse, if it served his purpose never so little. For how doth all this touch or come near the question? in which the Pope's usurpation in the deposing of Kings, and the resolution of the French in resisting this tyrannical practice, is the proper issue of the cause: both which points are never a whit more of the less consequence and importance, howsoever Ferdinand in his own justification stood upon the foresaid pretence. Thus much is confessed, and we ask no more: Pope julius took the Kingdom from the one, and gave it unto the other: the French thereupon resisted the Pope, and declared him to be fallen from the Papacy.  
This noble spirit and courage of the French, in maintaining the dignity and honour of their King's Crowns, bred those ancient customs, which in the sequence of many aages have been observed and kept in use. This for one: That no Legate of the Pope, 
Pag. 26. Nisi de consensu Regis Christianissimi.  nor any of his rescripts nor mandates, are admitted and received in France, without licence from the King: and unless the Legate impart his faculties to the King's Attorney General, to be perused and verified in Court of Parliament: where they are to be tied by certain modifications and restrictions, unto such points as are not derogatory from the King's right, from the liberties of the Church, and from the ordinances of the Kingdom. When Cardinal Balua, 
Bochellus.  contrary to this ancient form, entered France in the year 1484. and there without leave of the King did execute the office, & speed certain Acts of the Pope's Legate; the Court upon motion made by the King's Attorney General, decreed a Commission, to be informed against him by two Councillors of the said Court, and inhibited his further proceeding to use any faculty or power of the Pope's Legate, upon pain of being proclaimed rebel.  
In the year 1561. johannes Tanquerellus Bachelor in Divinity, by order of the Court was condemned to make open confession, that he had indiscreetly and rashly without consideration defended this proposition, 
Indiscretè ac inconsideratè.  The Pope is the Vicar of Christ, a Monarch that hath power both Spiritual and Secular, and he may deprive Princes, which rebel against his commandments of their dignities. 
Doctrinaliter tantum & non iuridicè.  Which proposition, howsoever he protested that he had propounded the same only to be argued, and not judicially to be determined in the affirmative, Tanquerellus nevertheless was compelled openly to recant. Here the L. Cardinal answers; The history of Tanquerellus is from the matter, because his proposition treateth neither of Heresy nor of Infidelity: but I answer, The said proposition treateth of both, forasmuch as it maketh mention of disobedience to the Pope. For I suppose he will not deny, that whosoever shall stand out in Heresy, contrary to the Pope's monitory proceed, he shall show but poor and simple obedience to the Pope. Moreover, the case is clear by the former examples, that no Pope will suffer his power to cast down Kings, to be restrained unto the cause of Heresy and Infidelity.  
In the heat of the last wars, raised by that holy-prophane League, admonitory Bulls were sent by Pope Gregory 14. from Rome, Anno 1591. By these Bull's King Henry 4. as an Heretic and relapse, was declared incapable of the Crown of France, and his Kingdom was exposed to havoc and spoil. The Court of Parliament being assembled at Tours the 5. of August, decreed the said admonitory Bulls to be canceled, torn in pieces, and cast into a great fire by the hand of the public executioner. The Arrest itself or Decree is of this tenor: The Court duly pondering and approving the concluding and unanswerable reasons of the King's Attorney General, hath declared, and by these present doth declare, the admonitory Bulls given at Rome the 1. of March 1591. to be of no validity, abusive, seditious, damnable, full of impiety and impostures, contrary to the holy decrees rights, franchises, and liberties of the French Church: doth ordain the Copies of the said Bulls, sealed with the seal of Marsilius Landrianus, and signed Septilius Lamprius, to be rend in pieces by the public executioner, and by him to be burnt in a great fire to be made for such purpose, before the great gates of the common Hall or Palace, etc. Then, even than the L. of Perron was firm for the better part, and stood for his King against Gregory the Pope, notwithstanding the crime of eresie pretended against Henry his Lord.  
All the former examples by us alleged, are drawn out of the times after Schools of Divinity were established in France: For I thought good to bond myself within those dooles and limits of time, which the L. Cardinal himself hath set. Who goeth not sincerely to work and in good earnest, where he telleth us there be three instances (as if we had no more) objected against Papal power, to remove Kings out of their chairs of State: 
Page 47.  by name, the example of Philip the Fair, of Lewis XII. and of Tanquerellus: For in very truth all the former examples by us produced, are no less pregnant and evident, howsoever the L. Cardinal hath been pleased to conceal them all for fear of hurting his cause.  
Nay, France even in the days of her sorest servitude, was never unfurnished of great Divines, by whom this usurped power of the Pope, over the Temporalties and Crowns of Kings, hath been utterly misliked and condemned.  
Robert Earl of Flanders was commanded by Pope Paschal 2. to persecute with fire and sword the Clergy of Liege, who then adhered and stood to the cause of the Emperor Henry 4. whom the Pope had ignominiously deposed. Robert by the Pope's order and command, was to handle the Clergy of Liege in like sort as before he had served the Clergy of Cambray, who by the said Earl had been cruelly stripped both of goods and life: The Pope promised the said Earl and his army pardon of their sins for the said execution. The Clergy of Liege addressed answer to the Pope at large: They cried out upon the Church of Rome, and called her Babylon: Told the Pope home, that God had commanded to give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's: that every soul must be subject unto the superior powers: that no man is exempted out of this precept: and that every oath of allegiance is to be kept inviolable; yea, that hereof they themselves are not ignorant, in as much as they by a new Schism, and new traditions, making a separation and rent of the Priesthood from the Kingdom, do promise to absolve of perjury, such as have perfidiously forsworn themselves against their King. And whereas by way of despite and in opprobrious manner, they were excommunicated by the Pope, they gave his Holiness to understand, that David's heart had uttered a good matter, but Paschals heart had spewed up sordid and railing words, like old bawds and spinsters or websters of linen, when they scold and brawl one with another. Finally, they rejected his Papal excommunication, as a sentence given without discretion. This was the voice and free speech of that Clergy, in the life time of their noble Emperor: But after he was thrust out of the Empire by the rebellion of his own son, instigated and stirred up thereunto by the Pope's persuasion and practice, and was brought unto a miserable death; it is no matter of wonder, that for the safeguard of their life, the said Clergy were driven to sue unto the Pope for their pardon. 
Bibliotheca Patrum Tom. 3.   
Hildebert Bishop of Caenomanum upon the river of Sartre, living under the reign of King Philip the first, affirmeth in his Epistles 40. and 75. that Kings are to be admonished and instructed, rather than punished: to be dealt with by counsel, rather than by command, by doctrine and instruction, rather than by correction: For no such sword belongeth to the Church, because the sword of the Church is Ecclesiastical discipline, and nothing else. 
De consider. lib. 1. cap. 6.  Bernard writeth to Pope Eugenius after this manner: Whosoever they be that are of this mind and opinion, shall never be able to make proof, that any one of the Apostles did ever fit in quality of judge or Divider of lands. I read where they have stood to be judged, but never where they sat down to give judgement. Again, Your authority stretcheth unto crimes, not unto possessions: because you have received the keys of the kingdom of heaven, not in regard of possessions, but of crimes, to keep all that plead by covin or collusion, and not lawful possessors, out of the heavenly kingdom. A little after: These base things of the earth are judged by the Kings and Princes of this world: wherefore do you thrust your sickle into an others harvest? wherefore do you encroach and intrude upon an others limits? 
Lib. 2. cap. 6.  Elsewhere. The Apostles are directly forbidden to make themselves Lords and rulers. Go thou then, and being a Lord usurp Apostleship, or being an Apostle usurp Lordship. If thou needs wilt have both, doubtless thou shalt have neither.  
johannes Maior Doctor of Paris: 
Dist. 24. quest. 3  The Sovereign Bishop hath no temporal authority over Kings. The reason: Because it follows (the contrary being once granted) that Kings are the Pope's vassals. Now let other men judge, whether he that hath power to dispossess Kings of all their Temporalties, hath not likewise authority over their Temporalties.  
The same Author: 
Comment in l. 4. Sent. Dist. 24 fol. 214.  The Pope hath no manner of title over the French or Spanish Kings in temporal matters. Where it is further added, That Pope Innocent 3. hath been pleased to testify, that Kings of France in Temporal causes do acknowledge no superior: For so the Pope excused himself to a certain Lord of Montpellier, who in stead of suing to the King, had petitioned to the Pope for a dispensation for his bastard. But perhaps (as he speaketh) it will be alleged out of the gloss, that he acknowledgeth no superior by fact, and yet ought by right. But I tell you the gloss is an Aurelian gloss, which mars the text. Amongst other arguments, Mayor brings this for one: This opinion ministereth matter unto Popes, to take away an others Empire by force and violence: which the Pope shall never bring to pass, as we read of Boniface 8. against Philip the Fair: Saith beside, That from hence proceed wars, in time of which many outrageous mischiefs are done, and that Gerson calls them egregious flatterers by whom such opinion is maintained. In the same place Maior denies that Childeric was deposed by Pope Zacharie: The word, He deposed, saith Mayor, is not so to be understood, as it is taken at the first blush or fight; but he deposed, is thus expounded in the gloss, He gave his consent unto those by whom he was deposed.  
john of Paris: 
De potest. Regia & Papali. cap. 10.  Were it granted that Christ was armed with Temporal power, yet he committed no such power to Peter. A little after: The power of Kings is the highest power upon earth: in Temporal causes it hath no superior power above itself, no more than the Pope hath in spiritual matters. This author saith indeed, the Pope hath power to excommunicate the King; but he speaketh not of any power in the Pope to put down the King from his regal dignity and authority: He only saith, When a Prince is once excommunicated, he may accidentally or by occasion be deposed: because his precedent excommunication, incites the people to disarm him of all secular dignity and power. The same john on the other side holdeth opinion; that in the Emperor there is invested a power to depose the Pope, in case the Pope shall abuse his power.  
Almainus Doctor of the Sorbonic school: 
Almain. de potesis. Eccl & Laica Quest. 3. cap. 8. De deminio naturali civil & Eccl. 5. vlt. pars.  It is essential in the Lay-power to inflict civil punishment, as death, banishment, and privation or loss of goods. But according to divine institution, the power Ecclesiastical can lay no such punishment upon delinquents: nay more, not lay in prison, as to some Doctors it seemeth probable: but stretcheth and reacheth only to spiritual punishment, as namely to excommunication: all other punishments inflicted by the spiritual power, are merely by the Law positive. If then Ecclesiastical power by God's Law hath no authority to deprive any private man of his goods; how dares the Pope and his flatterers build their power to deprive Kings of their sceptres upon the word of God?  
The same author in an other place: 
Quaest. 1. de potest. Eccles. & laic. c. 12. & 14  Be it granted that Constantine had power to give the Empire unto the Pope; yet is it not hereupon to be inferred, that Popes have authority over the Kingdom of France, because that Kingdom was never subject unto Constantine: For the King of France never had any superior in Temporal matters. A little after: It is not in any place to be found, that God hath given the Pope power to make and unmake Temporal Kings.  
He maintaineth elsewhere, that Zacharie did not depose Childeric, 
Quaest. 2. c. 8. & sic nond: posuit autoruat 〈◊〉.  but only consented to his deposing; and so deposed him not as by authority. In the same book, taking up the words of Occam, whom he styles the Doctor: The Emperor is the Pope's Lord in things Temporal, and the Pope calls him Lord, 
Quae. 3. c. 2. Quaest. 11. can. Sacerd.  as it is witnessed in the body of the Text. The Lord Cardinal hath dissembled and concealed these words of Doctor Almainus, with many like places: and hath been pleased to allege Almainus reciting Occams' authority, in stead of quoting Almainus himself in those passages, where he speaketh as out of his own opinion, and in his own words. A notable piece of sly and cunning conveyance: For what heresy may not be fathered and fastened upon S. Augustine, or S. Hierome, if they should be deemed to approve all the passages which they allege out of other authors? And that is the reason wherefore the L. Cardinal doth not allege his testimonies whole and perfect, as they are couched in their proper texts, but clipped and curtailed. Thus he dealeth even in the first passage or testimony of Almainus; he brings it in mangled and pared: he hides and conceals the words added by Almainus, to contradict and cross the words going before: For Almainus makes this addition and supply; Howsoever some other Doctors do stand for the negative, and teach the Pope hath power only to declare that Kings and Princes are to be deposed. And so much appeareth by this reason; because this ample and Sovereign power of the Pope, might give him occasion to be puffed up with great pride, and the same fullness of power might prove extremely hurtful to the subjects, etc.  
The same Almainus brings in Occams' opinion in express terms deciding the question, 
Quaest. 2. de potest. Eccl. & Laic. cap. 12.  and there joins his own opinion with Occams. The Doctor's opinion, saith Almainus, doth simply carry the most probability; that a Pope hath no power, neither by excommunication, nor by any other means, to depose a Prince from his Imperial and Royal dignity. 
In cap. 9 10. & 11.  And a little before, having maintained the Greek Empire was never transported by the Pope to the Germans, and that when the Pope crowns the Emperor, he doth not give him the Empire, no more than the Archbishop of Reims when he crowns the King of France, doth give him the kingdom; he draws this conclusion according to Occams' opinion: I deny that an Emperor is bound by oath to promise the Pope allegiance. On the other side, if the Pope hold any Temporal possessions, he is bound to swear allegiance unto the Emperor, and to pay him tribute. The said Occam alleged by Almainus doth further aver, that justinian was acknowledged by the Pope for his superior in Temporal causes: for as much as divers Laws which the Pope is bound to keep and observe, were enacted by justinian; as by name the Law of prescription for an hundred years: which Law standeth yet in force against the Bishop of Rome. And to the end that all men may clearly see, how great distance there is between Occams' opinion and the L. Cardinals, who towards the end of his Oration, exhorts his hearers at no hand to dissent from the Pope; take you here a view of Occams own words, as they are alleged by Almainus: The Doctor assoyles the arguments of Pope Innocent, 
Quest. 1. cap. 14.  by which the Pope would prove out of these words of CHRIST, Whatsoever thoushalt bind, etc. that fullness of power in Temporal matters, belongeth to the Sovereign Bishop: For Innocent saith, Whatsoever, excepteth nothing: But Occam assoyles Innocents' authority, as not only false, but also heretical; and saith withal, that many things are spoken by Innocent, which by his leave savour and smell of heresy, etc.  
The L. 
Pag. 40.  Cardinal with less fidelity allegeth two places out of Thomas his Sum. The first, in the second of his second, Quest. 10. Art. 10. in the body of the Article; In which place (let it be narrowly examined) Thomas will easily be found to speak, not of the subjection of believing Subjects under Infidel Kings, as the Lord Cardinal pretendeth, but of believing servants that live under Masters, whether jews or Infidels: As when a jew keepeth servants which profess jesus Christ; or as when some of the faithful kept in Caesar's house; who are not considered by Thomas as they were subjects of the Empire, but as they were servants of the family. The other place is taken out of Quest. 11. and 2. Art. in the body of the article: where no such matter as the L. Cardinal allegeth can be found.  
With like fidelity he taketh Gerson in hand: 
Pag. 44.  who indeed in his book of Ecclesiastical power, and 12. Consider. doth affirm, When the abuse of Secular power redoundeth to manifest impugning of the faith, and blaspheming of the Creator, then shall it not be amiss to have recourse unto the last branch of this 12. Consider. where, in such case as aforesaid, a certain regitive, directive, regulative, and ordinative authority is committed to the Ecclesiastical power. His very words: which make no mention at all of deposing, or of any compulsive power over Sovereign Princes: For that form of rule and government whereof Gerson speaketh, is exercised by Ecclesiastical censures and excommunications; not by loss of goods, of Kingdoms, or of Empires. This place than is wrested by the L. Cardinal to a contrary sense. Neither should his Lordship have omitted, that Gerson, in the question of King's subjection in Temporal matters, or of the dependence of their Crowns upon the Pope's power, excepteth always the King of France: witness that which Gerson a little before the place alleged by the Cardinal, hath plainly affirmed: Now since Peter's time, saith Gerson, all Imperial, Regal, and Secular power is not immediately to draw virtue and strength from the Sovereign Bishop: as in this manner the most Christian King of France hath no Superior, nor acknowledgeth any such upon the face of the earth. Now here need no great sharpness of wit for the searching out of this deep mystery; that if the Pope hath power to give or take away Crowns for any cause or any pretended occasion whatsoever, the Crown of France must needs depend upon the Pope.  
But for as much as we are now hit in with Gerson, 
Pag. 108.109.119. where the Card. takes Char. 7. for Charl. 6.  we will examine the L. Cardinal's allegations towards the end of his Oration, taken out of Gersons famous Oration made before Charles the 6. for the University of Paris: where he brings in Gerson to affirm, That killing a Tyrant is a sacrifice acceptable to God. But Gerson (let it be diligently noted) there speaketh not in his own person: he there brings in sedition speaking the words: Of which words uttered by sedition, and other like speeches, you shall now hear what judgement Gerson himself hath given. When sedition had spoken with such a furious voice, I turned away my face as if I had been smitten with death, to show that I was not able to endure her madness any longer. And indeed when dissimulation on the one side, and sedition on the other, had suggested the devices of two contrary extremes, he brings forth Discretion as a judge, keeping the mean between both extremes, and uttering those words which the L. Cardinal allegeth against himself. If the head, (saith Gerson) or some other member of the civil body, should grow to so desperate a pass, that it would gulp and swallow down the deadly poison of tyranny; every member in his place, with all power possible for him to raise by expedient means, and such as might prevent a greater inconvenience, should set himself against so mad a purpose, and so deadly practice: For if the head be grieved with some light pain, it is not fit for the hand to smite the head: no that were but a foolish and a mad part: Nor is the hand forthwith to chop off or separate the head from the body, but rather to cure the head with good speech and other means, like a skilful and wise Physician: Yea nothing would be more cruel or more void of reason, then to seek to stop the strong and violent stream of tyranny by sedition. These words, me think, do make very strongly and expressly against butchering even of Tyrannical Kings. And whereas a little after the said passage, he teacheth to expel Tyranny, he hath not a word of expelling the Tyrant, but only of breaking and shaking off the yoke of Tyranny. Yet for all that, he would not have the remedies for the repressing of Tyranny, to be fetched from the Pope, who presumeth to degrade Kings, but from Philosophers, Lawyers, Divines, and personages of good conversation. It appeareth now by all that hath been said before, that whereas Gerson in the 7. Considerate. against Flatterers, doth affirm: Whensoever the Prince doth manifestly pursue and prosecute his natural subjects, and show himself obstinately bend with notorious injustice, to vex them of set purpose, and with full consent, so far as to the fact; then this rule and law of Nature doth take place, It is lawful to resist and repel force by force; and the sentence of Seneca, There is no sacrifice more acceptable to God, than a tyrant offered in sacrifice; the words, doth take place, are so to be understood, as he speaketh in another passage, to wit, with or amongst seditious persons. Or else the words, doth take place, do only signify, is put in practice. And so Gerson there speaketh not as out of his own judgement.  
His Lordship also should not have balked and left out Sigebertus, who with more reason might have passed for French, than Thomas and Occam, whom he putteth upon us for French. Sigebertus in his Chronicle upon the year 1088. speaking of the emperors deposing by the Pope, hath words of this tenor: This Heresy was not crept out of the shell in those days, that his Priests, who hath said to the King Apostata, and maketh an hypocrite to rule for the sins of the people, should teach the people they own no subjection unto wicked Kings, nor any allegiance, notwithstanding they have taken the oath of allegiance.  
Now after the L. Cardinal hath coursed in this manner through the histories of the last aages (which in case they all made for his purpose, do lack the weight of authority) in stead of searching the will of God in the sacred Oracles of his word and standing upon examples of the ancient Church; at last, leaving the troop of his own allegations, he betakes himself to the sharpening and rebating of the points of his adversaries weapons.  
For the purpose, he brings in his adversaries, the champions of King's Crowns, & makes them to speak out of his own mouth (for his Lordship saith it will be objected) after this manner: 
Pag. 52. & sequentibus.  It may come to pass, that Popes either carried with passion, or misled by sinister information, may without just cause fasten upon Kings the imputation of heresy or apostasy. Then for King-deposers he frames this answer: That by heresy they understand notorious heresy, and formerly condemned by sentence of the Church. Moreover, in case the Pope hath erred in the fact, it is the Clergies part adhering to their King, to make remonstrances unto the Pope, and to require the cause may be referred to the judgement of a full Council, the French Church then and there being present. Now in this answer, the L. Cardinal is of another mind than Bellarmine his brother Cardinal: 
Adverse. Barclaium.  For he goes thus far, That a Prince condemned by unjust sentence of the Pope, ought nevertheless to quit his Kingdom, and that his Pastors unjust sentence shall not redound to his detriment; provided that he give way to the said sentence, and show himself not refractory, but stay the time in patience, until the holy Father shall renounce his error, and revoke his foresaid unjust sentence. In which case these two material points are to be presupposed: The one, That he who now hath seized the kingdom of the Prince displaced, will forthwith (if the Pope shall solicit and intercede) return the Kingdom to the hand of the late possessor: The other, That in the interim the Prince unjustly deposed, shall not need to fear the bloody murderers merciless blade and weapon. But on the other side, the Pope's power of so large a size, as Bellarmine hath shaped, is no whit pleasing to the L. Cardinal's eye. For in case the King should be unjustly deposed by the Pope not well informed, he is not of the mind the Kingdom should stoop to the Pope's behests, but will rather have the Kingdom to deal by remonstrance, and to refer the cause unto the Council: Wherein he makes the Council to be of more absolute and supreme authority than the Pope; a strain to which the holy father will never lend his ear. And yet doubtless, the Council required in this case must be universal; wherein the French, for so much as they stand firm for the King and his cause, can be no judges: and in that regard the L. Cardinal requireth only the presence of the French Church. Who seethe not here into what pickle the French cause is brought by this means? The Bishops of Italy forsooth, of Spain, of Sicily, of Germany, the subjects of Sovereign's many times at professed or privy enmity with France, shall have the cause compremitted and referred to their judgement, whether the Kingdom of France shall drive out her Kings, and shall kindle the flames of seditious troubles, in the very heart and bowels of the Realm. But is it not possible, that a King may lack the love of his own subjects, and they taking the vantage of that occasion, may put him to his trumps in his own Kingdom? Is it not possible, that calumniations whereby a credulous Pope hath been seduced, may in like manner deceive some part of a credulous people? Is it not possible that one part of the people may cleave to the Pope's Faction, another may hold and stand out for the King's rightful cause, and civil wars may be kindled by the spleen of these two sides? Is it not possible, that his Holiness will not rest in the remonstrances of the French, and will no further pursue his cause? And whereas now a days a General Council cannot be held, except it be called and assembled by the Pope's authority; is it credible, the Pope will take order for the convocation of a Council, by whom he shall be judged? And how can the Pope be Precedent in a Council, where himself is the party impleaded? and to whom the sifting of his own sentence is referred, as it were to Committees, to examine whether it was denounced according to Law, or against justice? But in the mean time, whilst all these remonstrances and addresses of the Council are on foot; behold, the Royal Majesty of the King hangeth as it were by lose gimmals, and must stay the judgement of the Council to whom it is referred. Well: what if the Council should hap to be two or three years in assembling, and to continue or hold eighteen years, like the Council of Trent; should not poor France, I beseech you, be reduced to a very bad plight? should she not be in a very wise and warm taking? To be short; His Lordship's whole speech for the untying of this knot, not only surmounteth possibility, but is stuffed with ridiculous toys. This I make manifest by his addition in the same passage. If the Pope deceived in fact, shall rashly and unjustly declare the King to be an heretic; then the Pope's declaration shall not be seconded with actual deposition, unless the Realm shall consent unto the King's deposing. What needs any man to be instructed in this doctrine? Who doth not know, that a King, so long as he is upheld and maintained in his Kingdom by his people, cannot actually and effectually be deposed from his Throne? He that speaketh such language and phrase, in effect saith, and saith no more than this: A King is never deprived of his Crown, so long as he can keep his Crown on his head: a King is never turned and stripped naked, so long as he can keep his clothes on his back: a King is never deposed, so long as he can make the stronger party and side against his enemies: in brief, a King is King, and shall still remain King, so long as he can hold the possession of his Kingdom, and sitfast in his Chair of Estate. Howbeit, let us here by the way, take notice of these words uttered by his Lordship: That for the deposing of a King, the consent of the people must be obtained: For by these words the people are exalted above the King, and are made the judges of the Kings deposing.  
But here is yet a greater matter: 
Can. Si Papa, Dist. 40. Nisi sit à side demins.  For that Popes may err in faith, it is acknowledged by Popes themselves: For some of them have condemned Pope Honorius for a Monothelite: S. Hierome, and S. Hilarius, and S. Athanasius do testify, that Pope Liberius started aside, and subscribed to Arrianisme: Pope john 23. was condemned in the Council of Constance, for maintaining there is neither hell nor heaven: diverse other Popes have been tainted with error in faith. If therefore any Pope heretical in himself, shall depose an Orthodox King for heresy; can it be imagined, that he which boasts himself to bear all divine and human laws in the privy coffer or casket of his breast, 
Omnia ●●●a in serinio pectoris.  will stoop to the remonstrances of the French, and veil to the reasons which they shall propound, though never so justifiable, and of never so great validity? And how can he, that may be infected with damnable heresy (when himself is not always free from heresy) be a judge of heresy in a King? In this question some are of opinion, that as a man, the Pope may fall into error, but not as Pope. Very good: I demand then upon the matter, wherefore the Pope doth not instruct and reform the man? or wherefore the man doth not require the Pope's instructions? But whether a King be deposed by that man the Pope, or by that Pope the man, is it not all one? is he not deposed? Others affirm, the Pope may err in a question of the fact, but not in a question of the right. An egregious gullery and imposture: For if he may be ignorant whether jesus Christ died for our sins, doubtless he may also be to seek, whether we should repose all our trust and assured confidence in the death of Christ. Consider with me the Prophets of old: They were all inspired and taught of God, to admonish and reprove the Kings of judah and Israel: they neither erred in matter of fact, nor in point of right: they were as far from being blinded and fetched over by deceitful calumniations, as from being seduced by the painted show of corrupt and false doctrine: As they never trod awry in matter of faith; so they never whetted the edge of their tongue or style against the faultless. Had it not been a trim device in their times, to say, that as Esay and as Daniel they might have sunk into heresy, but not as Prophets? For doubtless in this case, that Esay would have taken counsel of the Prophet which was himself. To be short; If Kings are only so long to be taken for Kings, until they shall be declared heretics, and shall be deposed by the Pope; they continually stand in extreme danger, to undergo a very heavy and unjust sentence. Their safest way were to know nothing, and to believe by proxy; lest, if they should happen to talk of God, or to think of religion, they should be drawn for heretics into the Pope's Inquisition.  
All the examples hitherto produced by the Lord Cardinal on a row, are of a latter date, they lack weight, are drawn from the time of bondage, and make the Popes themselves witnesss in their own cause: They descant not upon the point of deposition, but only strike out and sound the notes of excommunication and interdiction, which make nothing at all to the music of the question. And therefore he telleth us (in kindness as I take it) more oftentimes then once or twice, that he speaketh only of the fact; as one that doth acknowledge himself to be out of the right: He relates things done, but never what should be done: which, as the judicious know, is to teach nothing.   

THE SECOND INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.  
THE second juconuenience like to grow, 
Pag. 86.  (as the Lord Cardinal seemeth to be half afraid) if the Article of the third Estate might have passed with approbation, is couched in these words: Laymen shall by authority be strengthened with power, to judge in matters of Religion; as also to determine the doctrine comprised in the said Article to have requisite conformity with God's word: yeathey shall have it in their hands to compel Ecclesiastics by necessity, to swear, preach, and teach the opinion of the one fide, as also by Sermons and public writings to impugn the other. This inconvenience he aggravateth with swelling words, and breaketh out into these vehement exclamations: O reproach, O scandal, O gate set open to a world of heresies. He therefore laboureth both by reasons, and by authorities of holy Scripture, to make such usurped power of Laics, a fowl, shameful, and odious practice. In the whole, his Lordship toils himself in vain, & maketh suppositions of castles in the air. For in preferring this Article, the third Estate have born themselves not as judges or umpires, but altogether as petitioners: requesting the said Article might be received into the number of the Parliament books to be presented unto the King and his Counsel, unto whom in all humility they referred the judgement of the said Article; conceiving all good hope the Clergy and Nobility would be pleased to join for the furtherance of their humble petition. They were not so ignorant of State-matters, or so unmindful of their own places and charges, to bear themselves in hand, that a petition put up and preferred by the third Estate, can carry the force of a Law or Statute, so long as the other two Orders withstand the same, and so long as the King himself holds back his Royal consent. Besides, the said Article was not propounded as a point of Religious doctrine; but for ever after to remain and continue a fundamental Law of the Commonwealth and State itself, the due care whereof was put into their hands, and committed to their trust. If the King had ratified the said Article with Royal consent, and had commanded the Clergy to put in execution the contents thereof; it had been their duty to see the Kings will and pleasure fulfilled, as they are subjects bound to give him aid in all things, which may any way serve to procure the safety of his life, and the tranquility of his Kingdom: Which if the Clergy had performed to the uttermost of their power, they had not showed obedience as underlings, unto the third Estate, but unto the King alone; by whom such command had been imposed, upon suggestion of his faithful subjects, made the more watchful by the negligence of the Clergy; whom they perceive to be linked with stricter bands unto the Pope, than they are unto their King. Here then the Cardinal fights with mere shadows, and moves a doubt whereof his adversaries have not so much as once thought in a dream: But yet, according to his great dexterity and nimbleness of spirit, by this device he cunningly takes upon him to give the King a lesson with more liberty; making semblance to direct his masked Oration to the Deputies of the people, when he shooteth in effect, and pricketh at his King, the Princes also and Lords of his Counsel, whom the Cardinal compriseth under the name of Laics; whose judgement (it is not unlikely) was apprehended much better by the Clergy, than the judgement of the third Estate. Now these are the men whom he terms intruders into other men's charges, and such as open a gate for I wots not how many legions of heresies, to rush into the Church: For if it be proper to the Clergy and their Head, to judge in this cause of the Right of Kings; then the King himself, his Princes, and Nobility, are debarred and wiped of all judgement in the same cause, no less than the representative body of the people.  
Well then, 
Pag. 61.  the L. Cardinal showers down like hail sundry places and testimonies of Scripture, where the people are commanded to have their Pastors in singular love, and to bear them all respects of due observance. Be it so; yet are the said passages of Scripture no bar to the people, for their vigilant circumspection, to preserve the life and Crown of their Prince, against all the wicked enterprises of men stirred up by the Clergy, who have their Head out of the Kingdom, and hold themselves to be none of the King's subjects: a thing never spoken by the sacrificing Priests and Prelates, mentioned in the passages alleged by the Lord Cardinal. He likewise produceth two Christian Emperors, 
Pag 62.  Constantine and Valentinian by name; the first refusing to meddle with judgement in Episcopal causes: the other forbearing to judge of subtle Questions in Divinity, with protestation, that He would never be so curious, to dive into the streams, or sound the bottom of so deep matters. But who doth not know, that working and providing for the King's indemnity and safety, is neither Episcopal cause, nor matter of curious and subtle inquisition? The same answer meets with all the rest of the places produced by the L. 
Orat. ad cives timme perculsos.  Cardinal out of the Fathers. And that one for example, out of Gregory Nazianzenus, is not cited by the Cardinal with fair dealing. For Gregory doth not board the Emperor himself, but his Deputy or L. Precedent, on this manner: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  For we also are in authority and place of a Ruler, we have command aswell as yourself: whereas the the L. Cardinal with foul play, turns the place in these terms, We also are Emperors. Which words can bear no such interpretation, as well because he to whom the Bishop then spoke, was not of Imperial dignity; as also because if the Bishop himself, a Bishop of so small a city as Nazianzum, had qualified himself Emperor, he should have passed all the bounds of modesty, and had showed himself arrogant above measure. For as touching subjection due to Christian Emperors, he freely acknowledgeth a little before, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  that himself and his people are subject unto the superior powers, yea bound to pay them tribute. The history of the same Gregory's life doth testify, that he was drawn by the Arrians before the Consul's judgement seat, and from thence returned acquitted, without either stripes or any other kind of contumelious entreaty and use: yet now at last up starts a Prelate, who dares make this good Father vaunt himself to be an Emperor. It is willingly granted, that Emperors never challenged, never arrogated, to be Sovereign judges in controversies of doctrine and faith; nevertheless it is clearer than the suns light at high noon, that for moderation at Synods, for determinations and orders established in Councils, and for the discipline of the Church, they have made a good and a full use of their Imperial authority. 
Vide Canon's Graecoes à Tilio editos.  The first Council held at Constantinople, bears this title or inscription; The dedication of the holy Synod to the most religious Emperor Theodosius the Great, to whose will and pleasure they have submitted these Canons by them addressed and established in Council. And there they also beseech the Emperor, to confirm and approve the said Canons. The like hath been done by the Council of Trullo, by whom the Canons of the fift and sixth Councils were put forth and published. This was not done, because Emperors took upon them to be infallible judges of doctrine; but only that Emperors might see and judge, whether Bishops (who feel the prick of ambition as other men do) did propound nothing in their Convocations and Consultations, but most of all in their Determinations, to undermine the emperors authority, to disturb the tranquility of the Commonwealth, and to cross the determinations of precedent Councils. Now to take the cognizance of such matters out of the King's hand or power; what is it but even to transform the King into a standing Image, to wring and wrest him out of all care of himself and his Kingly Charge, yea to bring him down to this basest condition, to become only an executioner, and (which I scorn to speak) the unhappy hangman of the Clergies will, without any further cognizance, not so much as of matters which most nearly touch himself, and his Royal estate?  
I grant it is for Divinity Scholes, to judge how far the power of the Keys doth stretch: I grant again, that Clerics both may, and aught also to display the colours and ensigns of their censures against Princes, who violating their public and solemn oath, do raise and make open war against jesus Christ: I grant yet again, that in this case they need not admit Laics to be of their counsel, nor allow them any scope or liberty of judgement. Yet all this makes no bar to Clerics, for extending the power of their keys, many times a whole degree further than they ought; and when they are pleased, to make use of their said power, to deprive the people of their goods, or the Prince of his Crown: all this doth not hinder Prince or people from taking care for the preservation of their own rights and estates, nor from requiring Clerics to show their cards, and produce their Charts, and to make demonstration by Scripture, that such power as they assume and challenge, is given them from God. For to leave the Pope absolute judge in the same cause, wherein he is a party, and (which is the strongest rampire and bulwark, yea the most glorious and eminent point of his domination) to arm him with power to unhorsed Kings out of their seats; what is it else but even to draw them into a state of despair for ever winning the day, or prevailing in their honourable and rightful cause?  
It is moreover granted, if a King shall command any thing directly contrary to God's word, and tending to the subverting of the Church; that Clerics in this case ought not only to dispense with subjects for their obedience, but also expressly to forbid their obedience: For it is always better to obey God then man. Howbeit in all other matters, whereby the glory and majesty of God is not impeached or impaired, it is the duty of Clerics to ply the people with wholesome exhortation to constant obedience, and to avert by earnest dissuasions the said people from tumultuous revolt and seditious insurrection. This practice under the Pagan Emperors, was held and followed by the ancient Christians; by whose godly zeal and patience in bearing the yoke, the Church in times past grew and flourished in her happy and plentiful increase, far greater than Popery shall ever purchase and attain unto by all her cunning devices and sleights: as namely by degrading of Kings, by interdicting of Kingdoms, by apposted murders, and by Diabolical trains of Gunne-powder-mines.  
The places of Scripture alleged in order by the Cardinal, 
Pag 66.  in favour of those that stand for the Pope's claim of power and authority to depose Kings, are cited with no more sincerity than the former: They allege (these are his words) that Samuel deposed King Saul, or declared him to be deposed, because he had violated the Laws of the jews Religion: His Lordship avoucheth elsewhere, that Saul was deposed, because he had sought profanely to usurp the holy Priesthood. Both false and contrary to the tenor of truth in the sacred history: For Saul was never deposed according to the sense of the word (I mean, depose) in the present question; to wit, as deposing is taken for despoiling the King of his royal dignity, and reducing the King to the condition of a private person: But Saul held the title of King, and continued in possession of his Kingdom, even to his dying day. 
1. Sam. 23.20. & 24.15. & 2. Sam. 2.5.  Yea, the Scripture styles him King, even to the periodical and last day of his life, by the testimony of David himself, who both by God's promise, and by precedent unction, was then heir apparent as it were to the Crown, in a manner then ready to gird and adorn the temples of his head. For if Samuel, by God's commandment, had then actually removed Saul from his Throne, doubtless the whole Church of Israel had committed a gross error, in taking and honouring Saul for their King, after such deposition: doubtless the Prophet Samuel himself, making known the Lord's Ordinance unto the people, would have enjoined them by strict prohibition to call him no longer the King of Israel: Doubtless, David would never have held his hand from the throat of Saul, 
1. Sam. 26.11  for this respect and consideration, because he was the Lords Anointed. For if Saul had lost his Kingly authority, from that instant when Samuel gave him knowledge of his rejection; then David, lest otherwise the Body of the Kingdom should want a Royal Head, was to begin his Reign, and to bear the Royal sceptre in the very same instant: which were to charge the holy Scriptures with untruth, in as much as the sacred history gins the computation of the years of David's Reign, from the day of saul's death. True it is, that in the 1. Sam. cap. 15. Saul was denounced by Gods own sentence, a man rejected, and as it were excommunicated out of the Kingdom, that he should not rule and reign any longer as King over Israel, nevertheless, the said sentence was not put in execution, before the day when God, executing upon Saul an exemplary judgement, did strike him with death. From whence it is manifest and clear, 
1. Sam. 16.23.  that when David was anointed King by Samuel, that action was only a promise, and a testimony of the choice, which God had made of David for succession immediately after Saul; and not a present establishment, investment, or instalment of David in the Kingdom. We read the like in 1. King. cap. 19 where God commandeth Elias the Prophet, to anoint Hasael King of Syria: For can any man be so blind and ignorant in the sacred history, to believe the Prophets of Israel established, or sacred the Kings of Syria? For this cause, 
2. Sam. 2.4.  when David was actually established in the Kingdom, he was anointed the second time.  
In the next place he brings in the Pope's champions using these words; Rehoboam was deposed by Ahiah the Prophet, 
1 King. 12.  from his Royal right over the ten Tribes of Israel, because his father Solomon had played the Apostata, in falling from the Law of God. This I say also is more, than the truth of the sacred history doth afoard: For Ahiah never spoke to Rehoboam (for aught we read,) nor brought unto him any message from the Lord; As for the passage quoted by the L. Cardinal out of 3. Reg. chap. 11. it hath not reference to the time of Rehoboams' reign, but rather indeed to salomon's time: nor doth it carry the face of a iudicatory sentence for the Kings deposing, but rather of a Prophetical prediction: For how could Rehoboam, before he was made King, be deprived of the Kingdom? Last of all, but worst of all; to allege this passage for an example of a just sentence in matter of deposing a King, is to approve the disloyal treachery of a servant against his master, and the rebellion of jeroboam branded in Scripture with a mark of perpetual infamy for his wickedness and impiety.  
He goes on with an other example of no more truth; 
1. King. 19  King Achab was deposed by Elias the Prophet, because he embraced false religion, and worshipped false gods. False too like the former; King Achab lost his crown and his life both together. The Scripture, that speaketh not according to man's fancy, but according to the truth, doth extend and number the years of Achabs' reign, to the time of his death. Predictions of a King's ruin, are no sentences of deposition. Elias never gave the subjects of Achab absolution from their oath of obedience; never gave them the least inkling of any such absolution; never set up, or placed any other King in Achabs' throne.  
That of the L. Cardinal a little after, 
Pag. 68  is no less untrue: That King Vzziah was driven from the conversation of the people by Azarias the Priest, and thereby the administration of his Kingdom was left no longer in his power. Nor so: For when God had smitten Vzziah with leprosy in his forehead, 
2. Chro. 26.  he withdrew himself, or went out into an house apart, for fear of infecting such as were whole by his contagious disease. The high Priest smote him not with any sentence of deposition, or denounced him suspended from the administration of his Kingdom. No: the days of his reign are numbered in Scripture, to the day of his death. And whereas the Priest, according to the Law in the 13. of Leuit. judged the King to be unclean; he gave sentence against him, not as against a criminal person, and thereby within the compass of deposition; but as against a diseased body: For the Law inflicteth punishments, not upon diseases, but upon crimes. Hereupon, whereas it is recorded by josephus in his Antiquities, 
Antiq. l. 9 cap. 11.  that Vzziah led a private, and in a manner, a solitary life; the said author doth not mean, that Vzziah was deposed, but only that he disburdened himself of care to manage the public affairs.  
The example of Mattathias, 
Pag. 69.  by whom the jews were stirred up to rebel against Antiochus, is no better worth: For in that example we find no sentence of deposition, but only an heartening and commotion of a people then grievously afflicted and oppressed. He that makes himself the ringleader of conspiracy against a King, doth not forthwith assume the person, or take up the office and charge of a judge, in form of Law, and iuridically to deprive a King of his Regal rights, and Royal prerogatives. Mattathias was chief of that conspiracy, not in quality of Priest, but of cheiftaine, or leader in war and a man the best qualified of all the people. Things acted by the sudden violence of the base vulgar, must not stand for Laws, nor yet for proofs and arguments of ordinary power, such as the Pope challengeth to himself, and appropriateth to his triple-Crowne.  
These be our  answers: 
Page 67.  we disclaim the light armour which the L. Cardinal is pleased to furnish us withal, forsooth to recreate himself, in rebating the points of such weapons, as he hath vouchsafed to put into our hands. Now it will be worth our labour to beat by his thrusts, fetched from the ordinary mission of the New Testament, from leprosy, stones, and locks of wool: A leech no doubt of admirable skill, one that for subjecting the Crowns of Kings unto the Pope, is able to extract arguments out of stones; yea, out of the leprosy, and the dry scab, only forsooth because heresy is a kind of leprosy, and an heretic hath some affinity with aleper. But may not his Quoniam, 
Page 66.  be as fitly applied to any contagious and inveterate vice of the mind beside heresy? His warning-piece therefore is discharged to purpose, whereby he notifies that he pretendeth to handle nothing with resolution: For indeed upon so weak arguments, a resolution is but illfavouredly and weakly grounded.  
His bulwarks thus beaten down, 
Page 69.  let us now view the strength of our own. First, he makes us to fortify on this manner: They that are for the negative, do allege the authority of S. Paul; Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers: For whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And likewise that of S. Peter; Submit yourselves, whether it be unto the King, as unto the superior, or unto governors, etc. Upon these passages, and the like, they infer, that obedience is due to Kings by the Law of God, and not dispensable by any Spiritual or Temporal authority. Thus he brings us in with our first weapon. But here the very chief sinew and strength of our argument, he doth wittingly baulk, and of purpose conceal: To wit; That all the Emperors of whom the said holy Apostles have made any mention in their divine Epistles, were professed enemies to CHRIST, Pagans, Infidels, fearful and bloody Tyrants: to whom notwithstanding every soul, and therefore the Bishop of Rome for one, is commanded to submit himself, and to profess subjection. Thus much Chrysostome hath expressly taught in his Hom. 23. upon the Epistle to the Romans; The Apostle gives this commandment unto all: even to Priests also, and cloistered Monks not only to Secular: be thou an Apostle an Evangelist, a Prophet, etc. Besides, it is here worthy to be noted, that howsoever the Apostles rule is general, and therefore bindeth all the faithful in equal bands; yet is it particularly, directly and of purpose addressed to the Church of Rome by S. Paul, as by one who in the spirit of an Apostle did foresee, that rebellion against Princes was to rise and spring from the city of Rome. Now in case the Head of that Church by warrant of any privilege, contained in the most holy Register of God's holy word, is exempted from the binding power of this general precept or rule; did it not become his Lordship to show by the book, that it is a book case, and to lay it forth before that honourable assembly, who no doubt expected and waited to hear when it might fall from his learned lips? But in stead of any such authentical and canonical confirmation, he flieth to a sleight shift, and with a cavil is bold to affirm the foundation, laid by those of our side, doth no way touch the knot of the controversy. Let us hear him speak: It is not in controversy, whether obedience be due to kings by God's Law, so long as they are kings, or acknowledged for Kings, but our point controverted, is whether by God's Law it be required, that he who hath been once recognised and received for King by the body of Estates, can at any time be taken and reputed as no King, that is to say can do no manner of act whereby he may lose his right, and so cease to be saluted King. This answer of the L. Cardinal is the rare devise evasion, and starting hole of the jesuits: In whose ears of delicate and tender touch, King-killing soundeth very harsh; but forsooth to un-king a King first, and then to give him the stab, that is a point of just and true descant: For to kill a King, once unkinged by deposition, is not killing of a King: For the present, I have one of that jesuitical Order in prison, who hath face enough to speak this language of Ashdod, and to maintain this doctrine of the jesuits Colleges. The L. Cardinal haps upon the same string; He can like subjection and obedience to the King, whilst he sitteth King: but his Holiness must have all power, and give order withal, to hoist him out of his Royal Seat. I therefore now answer, that in very deed the former passages of S. Paul and S. Peter should come nothing near the question, if the state of the question were such as he brings it, made and forged in his own shop. But certes the state of the question is not, whether a King may do some act, by reason whereof he may fall from his right, or may not any longer be acknowledged for King: For all our contention is, concerning the Pope's power to un-authorize Princes; whereas in the question framed and fitted by the L. Cardinal, not a word of the Pope. For were it granted and agreed on both sides, that a King by election might fall from his Kingdom, yet still the knot of the question would hold, whether he can be dispossessed of his Regal authority, by any power in the Pope, & whether the Pope hath such fullness of power, to strip a King of those Royal robes, rights, and revenues of the Crown, which were never given him by the Pope; as also by what authority of holy Scripture, the Pope is able to bear out himself in this power, and to make it good.  
But here the L. Card. stoutly saith in his own defence by way of rejoinder; 
Page 71.  As one text hath, Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers; in like manner an other text hath, Obey your Prelates, and be subject unto your Pastors: for they watch over your souls, as men that shall give an account for your souls. This reason is void of reason, and makes against himself: For may not Prelates be obeyed and honoured, without Kings be deposed? If Prelates preach the doctrine of the cospel, will they in the pulpit stir up subjects to rebel against Kings? Moreover, whereas the universal Church in these days is divided into so many discrepant parts, that now Prelates neither do nor can draw all one way; is it not exceeding hard, keeping our obedience towards God, to honour them all at once with due obedience? Nay is not here offered unto me a dart out of the L. Cardinal's armory, to cast at himself? For as God chargeth all men with obedience to Kings, and yet from that commandment of God, the L. Cardinal would not have it inferred, that Kings have power to degrade Ecclesiastical Prelates: even so God giveth charge to obey Prelates, yet doth it not follow from hence, that Prelates have power to depose Kings. These two degrees of obedience agree well together, and are each of them bounded with peculiar and proper limits.  
But for so much as in this point, we have on our side the whole ancient Church, which, albeit she lived and groaned for many aages together under heathen Emperors, heretics, and persecutors, did never so much as whisper a word about rebelling and falling from their Sovereign Lords, and was never by any mortal creature freed from the oath of allegiance to the Emperor; the Cardinal is not unwilling to grant, that ancient Chrisuans in those times were bound to perform such fidelity and allegiance, for as much as the Church (the Cardinal for shame durst not say the Pope) then had not absolved them of their oath. No doubt a pleasant dream, or a merry conceit rather, to imagine the Bishop of Rome was armed with power to take away the Empire of the world from Nero, or Claudius, or Domitianus; to whom it was not known, whether the city of Rome had any Bishop at all. Is it not a master-iest, of a strain most ridiculous, to presuppose the Grand-masters and absolute Lords of the whole world, had a sent so dull, that they were not able to smell out, and to nose things under their own noses? that they saw so little with other men's eyes and their own, that within their capital city, they could not spy that Sovereign armed with ordinary and lawful authority to degrade, and to turn them out of their renowned Empire? Doubtless the said Emperors, vassals belike of the Pope's Empire, are to be held excused for not acknowledging and honouring the Pope in quality of their Lord, as became his vassals; because they did not know there was any such power in the world, as aftertimes have magnified and adored under the quality of Pope: For the Bishops of Rome in those times, were of no greater authority, power, and means, than some of the Bishops are in these days within my Kingdoms.  
But certes those Popes of that primitive age, thought it not expedient in the said times to draw their swords: they exercised their power in a more mild and soft kind of carriage toward those miserable Emperors, for three several reasons alleged by the L. Cardinal.  
The first: because the Bishops than durst not by their censures whet and provoke those Emperors, for fear of plunging the Church in a Sea of persecutions. But if I be not clean void of common sense, this reason serveth to charge not only the Bishops of Rome, but all the ancient professors of Christ beside, with deep dissimulation and hypocrisy: For it is all one as if he had professed, that all their obedience to their Sovereigns, was but counterfeit, and extorted, or wrong out of them by force; that all the submissive supplications of the ancient Fathers, the assured testimonies and pledges of their allegiance, humility, and patience, were but certain forms of disguised speech, proceeding not freely from the suggestions of fidelity, but faintly and feignedly, or at least from the strong twitches and violent convulsions of fear. Whereupon it follows, that all their torments and punishments, even to the death, are wrongfully honoured with the title, and crowned with the crown of Martyrdom; because their patience proceeded not from their own free choice and election, but was taught by the force of necessity, as by compulsion: and whereas they had not mutinously and rebelliously risen in arms, to assuage the scorching heat and burning flames of tyrannical persecutors, it was not for want of will, but for lack of power. Which false and forged imputation, the Fathers have cleared themselves of in their writings. 
Tert. Apol. cap. 37. Hesterni sumus & omnia restra implevimus.  Tertullian in his Apologet: All places are full of Christians, the cities, isles, castles, burroughs, armies, etc. If we that are so infinite a power, and multitude of men, had broken from you into some remote nook or corner of the world, the cities no doubt had become naked and solitary: there had been a dreadful and horrible silence over the face of the whole Empire: the great Emperors had been driven to seek out new cities, and to discover new nations, over whom to bear Sovereign sway and rule; there had remained more enemies to the State, than subjects and friends. 
Cypr. count Demetr.  Cyprian also against Demetrianus: None of us all, howsoever we are a people mighty and without number, have made resistance against any of your unjust and wrongful actions, executed with all violence; neither have sought by rebellious arms, or by any other sinister practices, to cry quittance with you at any time for the righting of ourselves. Certain it is, that under julianus, the whole Empire in a manner professed the Christian Religion; yea, that his Lieutenants and great Commanders, as iovinianus, and Valentinianus by name, professed Christ: Which two Princes not long after attained to the Imperial dignity, but might have solicited the Pope sooner to degrade julianus from the Imperial Throne. For say that julians' whole army had renounced the Christian Religion: (as the L. Cardinal against all show and appearance of truth would bear us in hand, and contrary to the general voice of the said whole army, making this profession with one consent when julian was dead, 
Socr. lib 3. cap 19 Theod. lib. 4. cap. 1. Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 1.  We are all Christians:) yet Italy then persisting in the faith of Christ, and the army of julian then lying quartered in Persia, the utmost limit of the Empire to the East, the Bishop of Rome had fit opporunitie to draw the sword of his authority (if he had then any such sword hanging at his Pontifical side) to make julian feel the sharp edge of his weapon, and thereby to pull him down from the stately perch of the Roman Empire. I say moreover, that by this general and sudden profession of the whole Caesarian army, We are all Christians, it is clearly testified, that if his army or soldiers were then addicted to Paganism, it was wrought by compulsion, and clean contrary to their settled persuasion before: and then it follows, that with greater patience they would have borne the deposing of julian, then if he had suffered them to use the liberty of their conscience. To be short in the matter; S. Augustine makes all whole, and by his testimony doth evince, that julians' army persevered in the faith of Christ. 
August. in Psal. 124.  The soldiers of Christ served a Heathen Emperor: But when the cause of Christ was called in question, they acknowledged none but Christ in heaven: When the Emperor would have them to serve, and to perfume his idols with frankincense, they gave obedience to God, rather than to the Emperor. After which words, 
Page 82.  the very same words alleged by the L. Cardinal against himself do follow; They did then distinguish between the Lord Eternal, and the Lord temporal: nevertheless, they were subject unto the Lord temporal, for the Lord Eternal. It was therefore to pay God his duty of obedience, and not for fear to incense the Emperor, or to draw persecution upon the Church (as the L. Cardinal would make us believe) that Christians of the Primitive Church, and Bishops by their censures, durst not anger and provoke their Emperors. But his Lordship by his coloured pretences doth manifestly provoke and stir up the people to rebellion, so soon as they know their own strength to bear out a rebellious practice: Whereupon it follows, that in case their conspiracy shall take no good effect, all the blame and fault must lie, not in their disloyalty and treason, but in the bad choice of their times for the best advantage, and in the want of taking a true sight of their own weakness. Let stirring spirits be trained up in such practical precepts, let desperate wits be seasoned with such rules of discipline; and what need we, or how can we wonder they contrive Powder-conspiracies, and practise the damnable art of parricides?  
After julian, his Lordship falls upon Valentinian the younger, who maintaining Arrianisme with great and open violence, might have been deposed by the Christians from his Empire, and yet (say we) they never dreamed of any such practice. Hear the L. Cardinal maketh answer: 
Pag. 82.  The Christians moved with respect unto the fresh memory both of the brother and father, as also unto the weak estate of the sons young years, abstained from all counsels and courses of sharper effect and operation. To which answer I reply: these are but frivolous conjectures, devised and framed to tickle his own fancy: For had Valentinianus the younger been the son of an Arrian, and had then also attained to threescore years of age, they would never have borne themselves in other fashion than they did, towards their Emperor. Then the Cardinal goeth on: The people would not abandon the factious and seditious party, but were so firm or obstinate rather for the faction, that Valentinian for fear of the tumultuous uproars was constrained to give way, and was threatened by the soldiers, that except he would adhere unto the Catholics, they would yield him no assistance, nor stand for his party. Now this answer of the L. Cardinal makes nothing to the purpose, concerning the Pope's power to pull down Kings from their stately nest. Let us take notice of his proper consequence. Valentinian was afraid of the popular tumult at Milan: the Pope therefore hath power to curb Heretical Kings by deposition. Now mark what distance is between Rome and Milan, what difference between the people of Milan, and the Bishop of Rome; between a popular tumult, and a iudicatory sentence; between fact and right, things done by the people or soldiers of Milan, and things to be done according to right and law by the Bishop of Rome; the same distance, the same difference (if not far greater) is between the L. Cardinal's antecedent and his consequent, between his reason, and the main cause or argument which we have in hand. The mad commotion of the people was not here so much to be regarded, as the sad instruction of the Pastor, of their good and godly Pastor S. Ambrose so far from heartening the people of Milan to rebel, that being Bishop of Milan, he offered himself to suffer Martydome: If the Emperor abuse his Imperial authority, (for so Theodoret hath recited his words) to tyrannize thereby, here am I ready to suffer death. And what resistance he made against his L. Emperor, was only by way of supplication in these terms, We beseech thee, O Augustus, as humble suppliants; we offer no resistance: we are not in fear, but we fly to supplication. 
Epist. lib. 5. Epist. 33.  Again, If my patrimony be your mark, enter upon my patrimony, if my body, I will go and meet my torments. Shall I be dragged to prison or to death? 
Epist. lib. 5.  I will take delight in both. Item, in his Oration to Auxentius; I can afflict my soul with sorrow, I can lament, I can send forth grievous groans: My weapons against either of both, soldiers or Goths, are tears: A Priest hath none other weapons of defence: I neither can resist, nor ought in any other manner to make resistance.  
justinian the Emperor in his old age fell into the heresy of the Aphthartodocites. Against justinian, though few they were that favoured him in that heresy, the Bishop of Rome never darted with violence any sentence of excommunication, interdiction, or deposition.  
The Ostrogot Kings in Italy, the Visigot in Spain, the Vandal in Africa were all addicted to the Arrian impiety, and some of them cruelly persecuted the true professors. The Visigot and Vandal were no neighbours to Italy. The Pope thereby had the less cause to fear the stings of those wasps, if they had been angered. The Pope for all that never had the humour to wrestle or justle with any of the said Kings in the cause of deposing them from their Thrones. But especially the times when the Vandals in Africa, and the Goths in Italy by Belisarius and Narses, professors of the Orthodox Faith, were tired with long wars, and at last were utterly defeated in bloody battles, are to be considered. Then were the times or never, for the Pope to unsheath his weapons, and to uncase his arrows of deposition; then were the times to draw them out of his quiver, and to shoot at all such Arrian heads; then were the times by dispensations to release their subjects of their oaths, by that peremptory means to aid and strengthen the Catholic cause: But in that age the said weapons were not known to have been hammered in the Pontifical forge.  
Gregory the I. made his boasts, that he was able to ruin the Lombard's, (for many years together sworn enemies to the Bishops of Rome) their state present, and the hope of all their future prosperity. But he telleth us, that by the fear of God before his eyes and in his heart, he was bridled and restrained from any such intent; as elsewhere we have observed: 
In Apol. pro iuram fidel. His own words lib. 7. Epist. 1.  If I would have meddled with practising and procuring the death of the Lombard's, the whole nation of the Lombard's at this day had been rob of their Kings, Dukes, Earls, they had been reduced to the terms of extreme confusion. He might at least have deposed their King, (if the credit of the L. Cardinal's judgement be currant) without polluting or staining his own conscience.  
What can we term this assertion of the L. Cardinal, but open charging the most ancient Bishops of Rome with cruelty, when they would not secure the Church of CHRIST oppressed by tyrants, whose oppression they had power to repress by deposing the oppressors. Is it credible, that JESUS CHRIST hath given a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many aages, without any power to execute their Commission, or to make any use thereof by practice? Is it credible, that he hath given them a sword to be kept in the scabbard, without drawing once in a thousand years? Is it credible, that in the times when Popes were most debauched, abandoning themselves to all sorts of corrupt and vicious courses, as is testified by their own flatterers and best affected servants; is it credible that in those times they began to understand the virtue & strength of their Commission? For if either fear or lack of power, was the cause of holding their hands, and voluntary binding of themselves to the Peace or good behaviour: wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced, who hath complained that he was hindered from executing the power that CHRIST had conferred upon his Pontifical See? Wherefore is not some one of the ancient and holy Fathers alleged, by whom the Pope hath been advised and exhorted to take courage, to stand upon he vigour and sinews of his Papal Office, to unsheath and uncase his bolts of thunder against ungodly Princes, and grievous enemies to the Church? wherefore living under Christian and gracious Emperors, have they not made known the reasons, why they were hindered from drawing the pretended sword; lest long custom of not using the sword so many aages, might make it so to rust in the scabbard, that when there should be occasion to use the said sword, it could not be drawn at all; and lest so long custom of not using the same, should confirm prescription to their greater prejudice? If weakness be a just let, how is it come to pass, that Popes have enterprised to depose Philip the Fair, Lewis the XII. and ELIZABETH my predecessor of happy memory; (to let pass others) in whom experience hath well proved, how great inequality was between their strengths? Yea, for the most part from thence grow most grievous troubles and wars, which justly recoil and light upon his own head; as happened to Gregory the VII. and Boniface the VIII. This no doubt is the reason, wherefore the Pope never sets in (for fear of such inconveniences) to blast a King with lightning and thunder of deposition, but when he perceives the troubled waters of the Kingdom by some strong faction settled in his Estate; or when the King is confined and bordered by some Princemore potent, who thirsteth after the prey, and is ever gaping for some occasion to pick a quarrel. The King standing in such estate, is it not as easy for the Pope to pull him down, as it is for a man with one hand to thrust down a tottering wall, when the groundsel is rotten, the studs unpind and nodding or bending towards the ground? But if the King shall bear down and break the faction within the Realm; if he shall get withal the upper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdom; then the holy Father presents him with pardons never sued for, never asked, and in afathers indulgence forsooth, gives him leave still to hold the Kingdom, that he was not able by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand, no more than the club of Hercules out of his fist. How many worthy Princes, incensed by the Pope, to conspire against Sovereign Lords their Masters, and by open rebellion to work some change in their Estates, have miscarried in the action, with loss of life, or honour, or both? For example; Rodulphus Duke of Suevia was egged on by the Pope, against Henry FOUR of that name Emperor. How many massacres, how many desolations of Cities and towns, how many bloody battles ensued thereupon? Let histories be searched, let just accounts be taken, and beside sieges laid to Cities, it will appear by true computation, that Henry the FOUR and Frederic the fist, fought above threescore battles, in defence of their own right against enemies of the Empire, stirred up to arms by the Pope of Rome. How much Christian blood was then spilled in these bloody battles, it passeth man's wit, pen, or tongue to express. And to give a little touch unto matters at home; doth not his Holiness understand right well the weakness of Papists in my Kingdom? Doth not his Holmesse neverthesesse animate my Papists to rebellion, and forbidden my Papists to take the Oath of Allegiance? Doth not his Holiness by this means draw (so much as in him lieth) persecution upon the backs of my Papists as upon rebels, and expose their life as it were upon the open stall, to be sold at a very easy price? All these examples, either joint or several, are manifest and evident proofs, that fear to draw mischief and persecution upon the Church, hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperors and Kings, whensoever they conceived any hope, by their fulminations to advance their greatness.  
Last of all; I refer the matter to the most possessed with prejudice, even the very adversaries, whether this doctrine, by which people are trained up in subjection unto Infidel or heretical Kings, until the subjects be of sufficient strength to mate their Kings, to expel their Kings, and to depose them from their Kingdoms, doth not incense the Turkish Emperors and other Infidel Princes, to root out all the Christians that draw in their yoke, as people that wait only for a fit occasion to rebel, and to take themselves engaged for obedience to their Lords, only by constraint and servile fear. Let us therefore now conclude with Ozius, in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian heretic: 
Apud Athan●in E●●st. ad soliter. vitam a●gentes.  As he that by secret practice or open violence would bereave thee of thy Empire, should violate God's ordinance: so be thou touched with fear, lest, by usurping authority over Church matters, thou tumble not headlong into some heinous crime. Where this holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinal's exception; to wit, the right of the Church always excepted and saved, when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperors. Neither speaks the same holy Bishop of private persons alone, or men of some particular condition and calling; but he setteth down a general rule for all degrees, never to impeach Imperial Majesty upon any pretext whatsoever.  
As his Lordship's first reason drawn from weakness is exceeding weak: so is that which the L. Cardinal takes up in the next place: 
The 2. reas. Pag. 77.  He telleth us there is very great difference between Pagan Emperors, and Christian Princes: Pagan Emperors who never did homage to Christ, who never were by their subjects received, with condition to acknowledge perpetual subjection unto the Empire of Christ; who never were bound by oath and mutual contract between Prince and subject. Christian Princes who slide back by Apostasy, degenerate by Arrianisme, or fall away by Mahometisme. Touching the latter of these two, (as his Lordship saith) If they shall as it were take an oath, and make a vow contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed, and contrary to the condition under which they received the Sceptre of their Fathers; if they withal shall turn persecutors of the Catholic religion; touching these I say, the L. Cardinal holds, that without question they may be removed from their Kingdoms: He telleth us not by whom, but every where he meaneth by the Pope. Touching Kings deposed by the Pope under pretence of stupidity, as Childeric; or of matrimonial causes, as Philip I. or for collating of benefices, as Philip the Fair; not one word: By that point he easily glideth, and shuffles it up in silence, for fear of distasting the Pope on the one side, or his auditors on the other.  
Now in alleging this reason, his Lordship makes all the world a witness, that in deposing of Kings, the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and security of the Church: For such Princes as never sucked other milk then that of Infidelity, and persecution of Religion, are no less noisome and pernicious vermin to the Church, then if they had sucked of the Church's breasts. And as for the greatness of the sin or offence, it seems to me there is very little difference in the matter. For a Prince that never did swear any religious obedience to jesus Christ, is bound no less to such obedience, then if he had taken a solemn oath: As the son that rebelliously stands up against his father, is in equal degree of sin, whether he hath sworn or not sworn obedience to his father; because he is bound to such obedience, not by any voluntary contract or covenant, but by the law of Nature. The commandment of God to kiss the Son, whom the Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings, doth equally bind all Kings, as well Pagans as Christians. On the other side, who denies, who doubts, that Constantius Emperor at his first step or entrance into the Empire, did not swear and bind himself by solemn vow, to keep the rules and to maintain the precepts of the Orthodox faith, or that he did not receive his father's Empire upon such condition? This notwithstanding, the Bishop of Rome pulled not Constantius from his Imperial throne, but Constantius removed the Bishop of Rome from his Papal See. And were it so, that an oath taken by a King at his consecration, and after violated, is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an Apostate or heretical Prince; then by good consequence the Pope may in like sort depose a King, who being neither dead in Apostasy, nor sick of Heresy, doth neglect only the due administration of justice to his loyal subjects: For his oath taken at consecration importeth likewise, that he shall minister justice to his people. A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinal, who dares prescribe new laws to the Pope, and presumes to limit his fullness of power, within certain meres and headlands, extending the Pope's power only to the deposing of Christian Kings, when they turn apostates forsaking the Catholic faith; and not such Princes as never breathed any thing but pure Paganism, and never served under the colours of jesus Christ. Mean while his Lordship forgets, that King Attabaliba was deposed by the Pope from his Kingdom of Peru, and the said Kingdom was conferred upon the King of Spain, though the said poor King of Peru, never forsook his heathen superstition; and though the turning of him out of his terrestrial Kingdom was no way to convert him unto the faith of Christ. 
Pag. 77.  Yea his Lordship a little after telleth us himself, that Be the Turks possession in the conquests that he maketh over Christians never so ancient, yet by no long tract of time whatsoever, can he gain so much as a thumbs breadth of prescription: that is to say, the Turk for all that is but a disseisor, one that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his own, and by good right may be dispossessed of the same: whereas notwithstanding the Turkish Emperors never favoured nor savoured Christianity. Let us run over the examples of Kings whom the Pope hath dared and presumed to depose; and hardly will any one be found, of whom it may be truly avouched, that he hath taken an oath contrary to his oath of subjection to jesus Christ, or that he hath wilfully cast himself into Apostatical defection.  
And certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration, it will be found apparently false, that Kings of France have been received of their subjects at any time, with condition to serve JESUS CHRIST. They were actually Kings before they came forth to the solemnity of their sacring, before they used any stipulation or promise to their subjects. For in hereditary kingdoms, (nothing more certain, nothing more uncontrollable) the King's death instantly maketh livery and seisin of the Royalty, to his next successor. Nor is it material to reply, that a King succeeding by right of inheritance, takes an oath in the person of his predecessor. For every oath is personal, proper to the person by whom it is taken: and to God no living creature can swear, that his own son or his heir shall prove an honest man. Well may the father, and with great solemnity, promise that he will exhort his heir apparent with all his power and the best of his endeavours, to fear God and to practise piety. If the father's oath be agreeable to the duties of godliness, the son is bound thereby, whether he take an oath, or take none. On the other side, if the father's oath come from the puddles of impiety, the son is bound thereby to go the contrary way. If the father's oath concern things of indifferent nature, and such as by the variety or change of times, become either pernicious or impossible; than it is free for the King's next successor and heir, prudently to fit and proportion his Laws unto the times present, and to the best benefit of the Commonwealth.  
When I call these things to mind with some attention, I am out of all doubt, his Lordship is very much to seek, in the right sense and nature of his King's oath taken at his Coronation, to defend the Church, and to persevere in the Catholic faith: For what is more unlike and less credible than this conceit, that after Clovis had reigned 15. years in the state of Paganism, and then received holy Baptism, he should become Christian upon this condition, That in case he should afterward revolt from the Faith, it should then be in the power of the Church, to turn him out of his Kingdom? But had any such conditional stipulation been made by Clovis, in very good earnest and truth; yet would he never have intended, that his deposing should be the act of the Roman Bishop, but rather of those (whether Peers or people, or whole body of the State) by whom he had been advanced to the Kingdom. Let us hear the truth, and this is the truth: It is far from the customary use in France, for their Kings to take any such oath, or to use any such stipulation with their subjects. If any King or Prince wheresoever, doth use an oath or solemn promise in these express terms, Let me lose my Kingdom, or my life, be that day my last both for life and reign, when I shall first revolt from the Christian Religion: By these words he calleth upon God for vengeance, he useth imprecation against his own head: but he makes not his Crown to stoop by this means to any power in the Pope, or in the Church, or in the people.  
And touching inscriptions upon coins, of which point his Lordship speaketh by the way; verily the nature of the money or coin (the stamping and minting whereof is one of the marks of the Prince his dignity and Sovereignty) is not changed by bearing the letters of Christ's Name on the reverse or on the front. Such characters of Christ's Name, are advertisements and instructions to the people, that in showing and yielding obedience unto the King, they are obedient unto Christ; & those Princes likewise, who are so well advised, to have the most sacred Names inscribed and printed in their coins, do take and acknowledge jesus Christ for supreme King of Kings. The said holy characters are no representation or profession, that any King's Crown dependeth upon the Church, or can be taken away by the Pope. The L. Cardinal indeed so beareth us in hand. But he inverts the words of jesus Christ, and wrings them out of the right joint: For Christ without all ambiguity and circumlocution, by the image and inscription of the money, doth directly and expressly prove Caesar to be free from subjection, and entirely Sovereign. Now if such a supreme and Sovereign Prince, at any time shall bandy and combine against God, and thereby shall become a rebellious and perfidious Prince; doubtless for such disloyalty he shall deserve, that God would take from him all hope of life eternal: and yet hereby neither Pope nor people hath reason to be puffed up, in their power to deprive him of his temporal Kingdom.  
The L. 
Page 76.  Cardinal saith beside; The champions of the Pope's power to depose Kings, do expound that commandment of S. Paul, whereby every soul is made subject unto the superior powers, to be a provisional precept or caution accommodated to the times; and to stand in force, only untll the Church were grown in strength unto such a scantling, that it might be in the power of the faithful, without shaking the pillars of Christian state, to stand in the breach, and cautelously to provide that none but Christian Princes might be received; according to the Law in Deut Thou shalt make thee a King from among thy brethren. The reason whereupon they ground, is this: Because Paul saith, It is a shame for Christians to be judged under unjust Infidels, in mattrs or business, which they had one against another: For which inconvenience, justinian after provided by Law; when he ordained that no Infidel nor Heretic might be admitted to the administration of justice in the Commonwealth.  
In which words of the Cardinal, the word Received, is to be observed especially and above the rest: For by chopping in that word, he doth nimbly and with a trick of Legier-demain, transform or change the very state of the question. For the question or issue of the cause, is not about receiving, establishing, or choosing a Prince; (as in those Nations where the Kingdom goes by election) but about doing homage to the Prince, when God hath settled him in the Kingdom, and hath cast it upon a Prince by hereditary succession: For that which is written, Thou shalt make thee a King, doth no way concern and touch the people of France in these days: because the making of their King hath not of long time been tied to their election. The passage therefore in Deuter. makes nothing to the purpose; no more than doth justinian's law: For it is our free and voluntary confession, that a Christian Prince is to have special care of the Laws, and to provide that no unbeliever be made Lord Chiefe-Iustice of the Land, that no Infidel be put in trust with administration of justice to the people. But here the issue doth not direct us to speak of Delegates, of subordinate Magistrates, and such as are in Commission from the Prince, but of the supreme Prince himself, the Sovereign Magistrate ordained by nature, and confirmed by succession. Our question is, whether such a Prince can be unthroned by the Pope, by whom he was not placed in the Throne; and whether the Pope can despoil such a Prince, of that Royalty which was never given him by the Pope, under any pretended colour and imputation of heresy, of stupidity, or infringing the privileges of Monasteries, or transgressing the Laws and lines of holy Matrimony.  
Now that S. Paul's commandment which bindeth every soul in the bands of subjection unto the higher powers, is no precept given by way of proviso, and only to serve the times, but a standing and a perpetual rule, it is hereby more than manifest. S. Paul hath grounded this commandment upon certain reasons, not only constant and permanent by their proper nature, but likewise necessary for every state, condition, and revolution of the times. His reasons; Because all powers are ordained of God: because resisting of powers is resisting the ordinance of God: because the Magistrate bears the sword to execute justice: because obedience and subjection to the Magistrate is necessary, not only for fear of his wrath, or fear of punishment, but also for conscience sake. It is therefore a case grounded upon conscience, it is not a Law devised by human wisdom; it is not fashionable to the qualities of the times. Apostolical instructions for the right informing of manners, are not changeable according to times and seasons. To use the L. Cardinal's language, and to follow his fancy in the matter, is to make way for two pestiferous mischiefs: First, let it be free and lawful for Christians, to hold the commanding rules of GOD for provisional cautions, and what follows? Men are led into the broad way of impiety, and the whole Scripture is wiped of all authority. Then again, for the other mischief: The glorious triumphs of most blessed Martyrs in their unspeakable torments and sufferings, by the L. Cardinal's position shall be judged unworthy to wear the title and Crown of Martyrdom. How so? Because (according to his new fiction) they have given place to the violence and fury of heathen Magistrates, not in obedience to the necessary and certain Commandment of God, but rather to a provisional direction, accommodated to the humours of the times. And therefore the L. Cardinal hath used none other clay wherewith to daub over his devise, but plain falsification of holy Scripture: For he makes the Apostle say to the Corinthians, It is a shame for Christians to be judged under unbelieving Magistrates; whereas in that whole context of Paul, there is no such matter. For when the Apostle saith, I speak it even to your shame; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  he doth not say it is a shame for a believer to be judged under an Infidel, but he makes them ashamed of their ungodly course, and unchristian practice, that in suing and impleading one another, they laid their actions of contention in the Courts of unbelieving judges. The shame was not in bearing that yoke which God had charged their necks withal, but in devouring and eating up one an other with Writs of habeas corpus, and with other Processes; as also in uncovering the shame, in laying open the shameful parts and pranks played by Christians, before Infidels, to the great scandal of the Church. Here I say the L. Cardinal is taken in a trick of manifest falsification. If therefore a King when he sals to play the heretic, deserveth to be deposed; why should not a Cardinal when he falls to play the juggler with holy Scripture, deserve to be disrobed?  
Mean while the indifferent Reader is to consider, how greatly this doctrine is prejudicial, and how full of danger, to Christians living under heretical or Pagan Princes. For make it once known to the Emperor of Turks, let him once get never so little a smack of this doctrine; that Christians living under his Empire do take God's commandment, for obedience to Princes whom they count Infidels, to be only a provisional precept for a time, and wait every hour for all occasions to shake off the yoke of his bondage; doubtless he will never spare with all speed to root the whole stock, with all the arms and branches of Christians out of his dominions. Add hereunto the L. Cardinal's former determination; that possession kept never so long by the Turk in his Conquests over Christians, gains him not by so long tract of time one inch of prescription; and it will appear, that his Lordship puts the Turkish Emperor in mind, and by his instruction leads the said Emperor as it were by the hand, to have no manner of affiance in his Christian subjects; and withal to afflict his poor Christians with all sorts of most grievous and cruel torments. In this regard the poor Christians of Graecia and Syria, must needs be very little beholden to his Lordship. As for myself, and my Popish Subjects, to whom I am no less than an heretic forsooth am not I by this doctrine of the Cardinal, pricked and whetted against my natural inclination, to turn clemency into rigour; seeing that by his doctrine my subjects are made to believe, they own me subjection only by way of proviso, and with waiting the occasion to work my utter destruction and final ruin; the rather, because Turks, miscreants, and heretics are marshaled by the Cardinal in the same rank; and heretics are counted worse, yea more justly deposeable, than Turks and Infidels, as irreligious breakers and violaters of their oath? Who seethe not here how great indignity is offered to me a Christian King, paralleled with Infidels, reputed worse than a Turk, taken for an usurper of my Kingdoms, reckoned a Prince, to whom subjects own a forced obedience by way of provision, until they shall have means to shake off the yoke, and to bare my temples of the Crown, which never can be pulled from the sacred Head, but with loss of the head itself?  
Touching the wars undertaken by the French, English, and Germans, in their expedition for jerusalem, it appears by the issue and event of the said wars, that God approved them not for honourable. That expedition was a devise and invention of the Pope, whereby he might come to be enfeoffed in the Kingdoms of Christian Princes. For then all such of the French, English or Germans, as undertook the Crusade, became the Pope's mere vassals. Then all robbers by the high way side, adulterers, cutthroats, and base bankrupts, were exempted from the Secular and Civil power, their causes were sped in Consistorian Courts, so soon as they had gotten the Cross on their cassocks or coat-armours, and had vowed to serve in the expedition for the Levant. Then for the Pope's pleasure and at his commandment, whole countries were emptied of their Nobles and common soldiers. Then they made long marches into the Levant: For what purpose? Only to die upon the points of the Saracens pikes, or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses, battleaxes, falchions, and other weapons, without any benefit and advantage to themselves or others. Then the Nobles were driven to sell their goodly Manors, and ancient domains to the Churchmen, at under prizes and low rates; the very root from which a great part of the Church and Church-mens revenues hath sprung and grown to so great height. Then, to be short, 
See the Bull of Innoc. 3. at the end of the Lat. ter. Conc.  his most bountiful Holiness gave to any of the riffe-raffe-ranke, that would undertake this expedition into the Holy land, a free and full pardon for all his sins, besides a degree of glory above the vulgar in the Celestial Paradise. Military virtue, I confess, is commendable and honourable; provided it be employed for justice, and that generous nobleness of valiant spirits be not under a colour and shadow of piety, fetched over with some casts or devices of Italian cunning.  
Now let us observe the wisdom of the Lord Cardinal through this whole discourse. His Lordship is pleased in his Oration, to cite certain few passages of Scripture, culls and picks them out for the most graceful in show: leaves out of his list whole troops of honourable witnesses, upon whose testimony, the Popes themselves and their principal adherents do build his power to depose Kings, and to give order for all Temporal causes. Take a sight of their best and most honourable witnesses. Peter said to Christ, See here two swords; and Christ answered, It is sufficient. Christ said to Peter, Put up thy sword in to thy sheath. God said to jeremy, 
jer. 1.  I have established thee over Nations and Kingdoms. 
1. Cor. 2.  Paul said to the Corinthians, The spiritual man discerneth all things. Christ said to his Apostles, Whatsoever ye shall lose upon earth: by which words the Pope hath power forsooth to lose the oath of allegiance. Moses said, In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. Upon these passages, Pope Boniface 8. 
Extravag. unam Sanctam.  grappling and tugging with Philip the Fair, doth build his Temporal power. Other Popes and Papists avouch the like authorities. Christ said of himself, All things are given to me of my Father, and all power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. The Devils said, If thou cast us out, send us into this herd of swine. Christ said to his Disciples, Ye shall find the colt of an ass bound, lose it and bring it unto me. By these places the adversaries prove, that Christ disposed of Temporal matters; and infer thereupon, why not Christ's Vicar as well as Christ himself. The places and testimonies now following are very express: 
Psal. 45.  In stead of thy fathers shall be thy children: thou shalt make them Princes through all the earth. Item, jesus Christ not only commanded Peter to feed his lambs; but said also to Peter, Arise, kill, and eat: the pleasant gloss, the rare invention of the L. 
joh. 12.  Cardinal Baronius. Christ said to the people, If I were lift up from the earth, I will draw all things unto me. who lets, what hinders this place from fitting the Pope? Paul said to the Corinthians, Know ye not that we shall judge the Angels? how much more than the things that pertain unto this life? A little after, Have not we power to eat? These are the chief passages, on which as upon main arches, the roof of Papal Monarchy, concerning Temporal causes, hath rested for three or four aages past. And yet his Lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firm standing to bear up the said roof of Temporal Monarchy, for fear of making his auditors to burst with laughter. A wise part without question, if his Lordship had not defiled his lips before, with a more ridiculous argument drawn from the leprosy and dry scab.  
Let us now by way of comparison behold jesus Christ paying tribute unto Caesar, and the Pope making Caesar to pay him tribute: jesus Christ persuading the jews to pay tribute unto an heathen Emperor, and the Pope dispensing with subjects for their obedience to Christian Emperors: jesus Christrefusing to arbitrate a controversy of inheritance partable between two private parties, and the Pope thrusting in himself without warrant or Commission to be absolute judge in the deposing of Kings: jesus Christ professing that his Kingdom is not of this world, and the Pope establishing himself in a terrene Empire. In like manner the Apostles forsaking all their goods to follow Christ, and the Pope robbing Christians of their goods; the Apostles persecuted by Pagan Emperors, and the Pope now setting his foot on the very throat of Christian Emperors, then proudly treading Imperial Crowns under his feet. By this comparison, the L. Cardinal's allegation of Scripture in favour of his Master the Pope, is but a kind of puppet-play, to make jesus Christ a mocking stock, rather than to satisfy his auditors with any sound precepts and wholefome instructions. Hereof he seemeth to give some inkling himself: For after he hath been plentiful in citing authorities of Scripture, and of new Doctors, which make for the Pope's power to depose Kings; at last he comes in with a fair and open confession, 
Pag. 85.  that neither by divine Oracles, nor by honourable antiquity, this controversy hath been yet determined: and so pulls down in a word with one hand, the frame of work that he had built and set up before with an other; discovering withal, the reluctation and privy checks of his own conscience.  
There yet remaineth one objection, the knot whereof the L. Cardinal in a manner sweateth to untie. His words be these: 
Page 84.  The champions for the negative fly to the analogy of other proceed and practices in the Church: They affirm that private persons, masters or owners of goods and possessions among the common people, are not deprived of their goods for Heresy; and consequently that Princes much more should not for the same crime be deprived of their estates. For answer to this reason, he brings in the defendants of deposition, speaking after this manner; In the Kingdom of France the strict execution of laws decreed in Court against Heretics, is favourably suspended and stopped, for the preservation of peace and public tranquility. He saith elsewhere; connivence is used towards these Heretics inregard of their multitude, because a notable part of the French Nation and State is made all of Heretics. I suppose that out of special charity, he would have those Heretics of his own making, forewarned what courteous use and entreaty they are to expect; when he affirmeth that execution of the laws is but suspended: For indeed suspensions hold but for a time. But in a cause of that nature and importance, I dare promise myself, that my most honoured brother the King of France, will make use of other counsel: will rather seek the amity of his neighbour Princes, and the peace of his Kingdom: will bear in mind the great and faithful service of those, who in matter of religion descent from his Majesty, as of the only men that have preserved and saved the Crown for the King his father, of most glorious memory. I am persuaded my brother of France will believe, that his liege people pretended by the L. Cardinal to be heretics, are not half so bad as my Roman Catholic subjects, who by secret practices undermine my life, serve a foreign Sovereign, are discharged by his Bulls of their obedience due to me their natural Sovereign, are bound (by the maxims and rules published and maintained in favour of the Pope, before this full and famous assembly of the Estate at Paris; if the said maxims be of any weight and authority) to hold me for no lawful King, are there taught and instructed, that Paul's commandemement concerning subjection unto the higher Powers, adverse to their professed religion, is only a provisional precept, framed to the times, and watching for the opportunity to shake off the yoke. All which notwithstanding, I deal with such Romane-Catholikes by the rules and ways of Princely clemency; their heinous and pernicious error, in effect no less than the capital crime of high treason, I use to call some disease or distemper of the mind. Last of all, I believe my said brother of France will set down in his tables, as in record, how little he standeth engaged to the L. Cardinal in this behalf: For those of the reformed Religion profess and proclaim, that next under God, they own their preservation and safety to the wisdom and benignity of their Kings. But now comes the Cardinal, and he seeks to steal this persuasion out of their hearts: He tells them in open Parliament, and without any going about bushes, that all their welfare and security standeth in their multitude, and in the fear which others conceive to trouble the State, by the strict execution of laws against Heretics.  
He addeth moreover, 
Note by the way that here the Church of Rome is called a Sect.  that In case a third Sect should peep out and grow up in France, the professors thereof should suffer confiscation of their goods, with loss of life itself; as hath been practised at Geneva against servetus, and in England against Arians. My answer is this, That punishments for heretics, duly and according to Law convicted, are set down by decrees of the civil Magistrate, bearing rule in the country where the said heretics inhabit, and not by any ordinances of the Pope. I say withal, the L. Cardinal hath no reason to match and parallel the reformed Churches with servetus and the Arians: For those heretics were powerfully convicted by God's word, and lawfully condemned by the ancient General Councils, where they were permitted and admitted to plead their own cause in person. But as for the truth professed by me, and those of the reformed Religion, it was never yet hissed out of the Schools, nor cast out of any Council, (like some Parliament bills) where both sides have been heard with like indifferency. Yea, what Council soever hath been offered unto us in these latter times, it hath been proposed with certain presuppositions: as, That his Holiness (being a party in the cause, and consequently to come under judgement as it were to the bar upon his trial) shall be the judge of Assize with Commission of Oyer and Determiner: it shall be celebrated in a city of no safe access, without safe conduct or convoy to come or go at pleasure, and without danger: it shall be assembled of such persons with free suffrage and voice, as uphold this rule, (which they have already put in practice against john Hus and Hierome of prague) that faith given, and oath taken to an Heretic, must not be observed.  
Now then to resume our former matter; If the Pope hitherto hath never presumed, for pretended heresy to confiscate by sentence, either the lands or the goods of private persons, or common people of the French Nation, wherefore should he dare to dispossess Kings of their Royal thrones? wherefore takes he more upon him over Kings, then over private persons; wherefore shall the sacred heads of Kings be more churlishly, uncivilly, and rigorously handled, than the hoods of the meanest people? Here the L. Cardinal in stead of a direct answer, breaks out of the lists, alleging clean from the purpose examples of heretics punished, not by the Pope, but by the civil Magistrate of the Country: But Bellarmine speaks to the point with a more free and open heart: he is absolute and resolute in this opinion, that his Holiness hath plenary power to dispose all Temporal estates and matters in the whole world; I am confident (saith Bellarmine) and I speak it with assurance, 
Contr. Barclaium, cap. 27.  that our Lord jesus Christ in the days of his mortality, had power to dispose of all Temporal things yea, to strip Sovereign Kings and absolute Lords of their Kingdoms and Seignories: and without all doubt hath granted and left even the same power unto his Vicar, to make use thereof whensoever he shall think it necessary for the salvation of souls. And so his Lordship speaketh without exception of any thing at all: For who doth not know, that jesus Christ had power to dispose no less of private men's possessions, then of whole Realms and Kingdoms at his pleasure, if it had been his pleasure to display the ensigns of his power? The same fullness of power is likewise in the Pope. In good time: belike his Holiness is the sole heir of Christ, in whole and in part. 
Sess. 9  The last Lateran Council fineth a Laic that speaketh blasphemy, for the first offence (if he be a gentleman) at 25. ducats, and at 50. for the second. It presupposeth and taketh it for granted, that the Church may rifle and ransack the purses of private men, and cast lots for their goods. The Council of Trent diggeth as deep for the same vein of gold and silver. It ordains; That Emperors, Kings, Duke's Princes, 
Sess. 25. cap. 19  and Lords of cities, castles, and territories holding of the Church, in case they shall assign any place within their limits or liberties for the duel between two Christians, shall be deprived of the said city, castle, or place, where such duel shall be performed, they holding the said place of the Church by any kind of tenure: that all other Estates held in fee where the like offence shall be committed, shall forthwith fall and become forfeited to their immediate and next Lords: that all goods, possessions, and estates, as well of the combatants themselves, as of their seconds shall be confiscate. This Council doth necessarily presuppose, it lieth in the hand and power of the Church, to dispose of all the lands and estates, held in fee throughout all Christendom; (because the Church forsooth can take from one, and give unto an other all estates held in fee whatsoever, as well such as hold of the Church, as of secular Lords) and to make ordinances for the confiscation of all private persons goods. By this Canon the Kingdom of Naples hath need to look well unto itself. For one duel it may fall into the Exchequer of the Roman Church; because that Kingdom payeth a Relief to the Church, as a Royalty or signory that holdeth in fee of the said Church. And in France there is not one Lordship, not one Manor, not one farm which the Pope by this means cannot shift over to a new Lord. His Lordship therefore had carried himself and the cause much better, if in stead of seeking such idle shifts, he had by a more large assertion maintained the Pope's power to dispose of private men's possessions, with no less right and authority then of Kingdoms: For what colour of reason can be given, for making the Pope Lord of the whole, and not of the parts? for making him Lord of the forest in gross, and not of the trees in parcel? for making him Lord of the whole house, and not of the parlour or the dining chamber?  
His Lordship allegeth yet an other reason, but of no better weight: Between the power of private owners over their goods, and the power of Kings over their estates, there is no little difference: For the goods of private persons are ordained for their owners, and Princes for the benefit of their Commonwealths. Hear me now answer. If this Cardinal-reason hath any force to infer, that a King may lawfully be deprived of his Kingdom for heresy, but a private person cannot for the same crime be turned out of his mansion house; than it shall follow by the same reason, that a Father for the same cause may be deprived of all power over his children, but a private owner cannot be deprived of his goods in the like case: because goods are ordained for the benefit and comfort of their owners, but fathers are ordained for the good and benefit of their children: But most certain it is, that Kings representing the image of God in earth and God's place, have a better and closer seat in their chairs of Estate, than any private persons have in the saddle of their inheritances and patrimonies, which are daily seen for sleight causes, to flit and to fall into the hands of new Lords: Whereas a Prince being the Head, cannot be loosed in the proper joint, nor dismounted; like a cannon when the carriage thereof is unlocked, without a sore shaking and a most grievous dislocation of all the members, yea, without subverting the whole body of the State, whereby private persons without number are enwrapped together in the same ruin; even as the lower shrubs and other brush-wood are crushed in pieces altogether by the fall of a great oak. But suppose his Lordship's reason were somewhat ponderous and  withal, yet a King (which would not be forgotten) is endowed not only with the Kingdom, but also with the ancient Desmenes and Crowne-lands, for which none can be so simple to say, The King was ordained and created King; which nevertheless he loseth when he loseth his Crown. Admit again this reason were of some pith, to make mighty Kings more easily deposeable then private persons from their patrimonies; yet all this makes nothing for the deriving and fetching of deposition from the Pope's Consistory. What he never conferred, by what right or power can he claim to take away?  
But see here no doubt a sharp and subtle difference put by the L. Cardinal between a Kingdom, and the goods of private persons. Goods, as his Lordship saith, are without life: they can be constrained by no force, by no example, by no inducement of their owners to lose eternal life: Subjects by their Princes may. Now I am of the contrary belief, That an heretical owner, or master of a family, hath greater power and means withal, to seduce his own servants and children, than a Prince hath to pervert his own subjects; and yet for the contagion of Heresy, and for corrupt religion, children are not removed from their parents, nor servants are taken away from their masters. Histories abound with examples of most flourishing Churches, under a Prince of contrary religion. And if things without life or soul are with less danger left in an heretics hands; why then shall not an heretical King with more facility and less danger keep his Crown, his Royal charge, his lands, his customs, his imposts, & c? For will any man, except he be out of his wits, affirm these things to have any life or soul? Or why shall it be counted folly, to leave a sword in the hand of a mad Bedlam? Is not a sword also without life and soul? For my part, I should rather be of this mind; that possession of things without reason, is more dangerous and pernicious in the hands of an evil master, than the possession of things endued with life and reason: For things without life lack both reason and judgement, how to exempt and free themselves from being instruments in evil and wicked actions, from being employed to ungodly and abominable uses. I will not deny, that an heretical Prince is a plague, a pernicious and mortal sickness to the souls of his subjects: But a breach made by one mischief, must not be filled up with a greater inconvenience: An error must not be shocked and shouldered with disloyalty, nor heresy with perjury, nor impiety with sedition and armed rebellion against GOD and the King. GOD, who useth to try and to school his Church, will never forsake his Church; nor hath need to protect his Church by any proditorious and prodigious practices of perfidious Christians: For he makes his Church to be like the burning bush: In the midst of the fire and flames of persecutions, he will provide that she shall not be consumed, because he standeth in the midst of his Church. And suppose there may be some just cause for the French, to play the rebels against their King; yet will it not follow, that such rebellious motions are to be raised by the bellows of the Roman Bishop, to whose Pastoral charge and office it is nothing proper, to intermeddle in the civil affairs of foreign Kingdoms.  
Here is the sum and substance of the L. Cardinal's whole discourse, touching his pretence of the second inconvenience. Which discourse he hath closed with a remarkable confession: to wit, that neither by the authority of holy Scripture, nor by the the testimony and verdict of the Primitive Church, there hath been any full decision of this question. In regard whereof he falleth into admiration, that Lay-people have gone so far in audaciousness, as to labour that a doubtful doctrine might for ever pass currant, and be taken for a new article of faith. What a shame, what a reproach is this? how full of scandal? for so his Lordship is pleased to cry out. This breaks into the severals and enclosures of the Church: this lets in whole herds of heresies to graze in her green and sweet pastures. On the other side, without any such Rhetorical outcries, I simply affirm: It is a reproach, a scandal, a crime of rebellion, for a subject having his full charge and load of benefits, in the new spring of his Kings tender age, his King-fathers' blood yet reeking, and upon the point of an address for a double match with Spain; in so honourable an assembly, to seek the thraldom of his King's Crown, to play the captious in cavilling about causes of his Kings deposing, to give his former life the Lie with shame enough in his old age, and to make himself a common byword, under the name of a problematical Martyr; one that offers himself to faggot and fire, for a point of doctrine but problematically handled, that is, distrustfully and only by way of doubtful and questionable discourse: yea for a point of doctrine, in which the French (as he pretendeth) are permitted to thwart and cross his Holiness in judgement, provided they speak in it as in a point, not certain and necessary, but only doubtful and probable.   

THE THIRD INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.  
THe third Inconvenience pretended by the L. 
Pag. 87.  Cardinal to grow by admitting this Article of the third Estate, is flourished in these colours: It would breed and bring forth an open and unavoidable schism against his Holiness, and the rest of the whole Ecclesiastical body: For thereby the doctrine long approved and ratified by the Pope and the rest of the Church, should now be taxed and condemned of impious and most detestable consequence; yea the Pope and the Church, even in faith and in points of salvation, should be reputed and believed to be erroneously persuaded. Hereupon his Lordship gives himself a large scope of the rains, to frame his elegant amplifications against schisms and schismatics.  
Now to mount so high, and to fly in such place upon the wings of amplification for this Inconvenience, what is it else but magnifically to report and imagine a mischief by many degrees greater than the mischief is? The L. Cardinal is in a great error, if he make himself believe, that other nations will make a rent or separation from the communion of the French, because the French stand to it tooth and nail, that French Crowns are not liable or obnoxious to Papal deposition; howsoever there is no schism that importeth not separation of communion. The most illustrious Republic of Venice, hath embarked herself in this quarrel against his Holiness, hath played her prize, and carried away the weapons with great honour. Doth she, notwithstanding her triumph in the cause, forbear to participate with all her neighbours in the same Sacraments? doth she live in schism with all the rest of the Roman Church? No such matter. When the L. Cardinal himself not many years past, maintained the King's cause, and stood honourably for the King's right against the Pope's Temporal usurpations, did he then take other Churches to be schismatical, or the rotten members of Antichrist? Believe it who list, I believe my Creed. Nay, his Lordship telleth us himself a little after, that his Holiness gives the French free scope, to maintain either the affirmative or negative of this question. And will his Holiness hold them schismatics, that dissent from his opinion and judgement in a subject or cause esteemed problematical? far be it from his Holiness. The King of Spain, reputed the Pope's right arm, never gave the Pope cause by any act or other declaration, to conceive that he acknowledged himself deposeable by the Pope for heresy, or Tyranny, or stupidity. But being well assured the Pope standeth in greater fear of his arm, than he doth of the Pope's head and shoulders, he never troubles his own head about our question. More, when the book of Cardinal Baronius was come forth, in which book the Kingdom of Naples is descried and publicly discredited (like false money) touching the quality of a Kingdom, and attributed to the King of Spain, not as true proprietary thereof, but only as an Estate held in fee of the Roman Church; the King made no bones to condemn and to banish the said book out of his dominions. The holy Father was contented to put up his Catholic sons proceeding to the Cardinal's disgrace, never opened his mouth against the King, never declared or noted the King to be schismatical. He waits perhaps for some fit opportunity; when the Kingdom of Spain groaning under the burdens of intestine dissensions and troubles, he may without any danger to himself give the Catholic King a Bishop's mate. Yea, the L. Cardinal himself is better seen in the humours and inclinations of the Christian world, then to be grossly persuaded, that in the Kingdom of Spain, and in the very heart of Rome itself there be not many, which either make it but a jest, or else take it in fowl scorn, to hear the Pope's power over the Crowns of Kings once named: especially since the Venetian Republic hath put his Holiness to the worse in the same cause, and cast him in Law.  
What needed the L. Cardinal then, by casting up such mounts and trenches, by heaping one amplification upon an other, to make schism look with such a terrible and hideous aspect? Who knows not how great an offence, how heinous a crime it is to quarter not JESUS CHRIST'S coat, but his body, which is the Church? And what needed such terrifying of the Church with ugliness of schism, whereof there is neither colourable show, nor possibility?  
The next ugly monster, after schism, shaped by the L. Cardinal in the third supposed and pretended inconvenience, is heresy. 
Pag. 89.  His Lordship saith for the purpose: By this Article we are cast headlong into a manifest heresy, as binding us to confess, that for many aages past, the Catholic Church hath been banished out of the whole world. For if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this Article, do hold an impious and a detestable opinion, repugnant unto God's word, then doubtless the Pope for so many hundred years expired, hath not been the head of the Church, but an heretic and the Antichrist. He addeth moreover; That the Church long ago hath lost her name of Catholic, and that in France there hath no Church flourished, nor so much as appeared these many and more than many years: for as much as all the French doctors for many years together, have stood for the contrary opinion. We can erect and set up no trophy more honourable for heretics in token of their victory, then to avow that Christ's visible Kingdom is perished from the face of the earth, and that for so many hundred years there hath not been any Temple of God, nor any spouse of Christ, but every where, and all the world over, the kingdom of Antichrist, the synagogue of Satan, the spouse of the devil, hath mightily prevailed and borne all the sway. Lastly, what stronger engines can these heretics wish or desire, for the battering and the demolishing of transubstantiation, of auricular confession, and other like towers of our Catholic Religion, then if it should be granted the Church hath decided the said points without any authority? etc.  
Me thinks the L. Cardinal in the whole draft and course of these words doth seek not a little to blemish the honour of his Church, and to mark his religion with a black coal: For the whole frame of his Mother-Church is very easy to be shaken, if by the establishing of this Article she shall come to final ruin, and shall become the Synagogue of Satan. Likewise, Kings are brought into a very miserable state and condition, if their Sovereignty shall not stand, if they shall not be without danger of deposition, but by the total ruin of the Church, and by holding the Pope, whom they serve, to be Antichrist. The L. Cardinal himself (let him be well sifted) herein doth not credit his own words: For doth not his Lordship tell us plain, that neither by Divine testimony, nor by any sentence of the ancient Church, the knot of this controversy hath been untied? again, that some of the French, by the Pope's favourable indulgence, are licenced or tolerated to say their mind, to deliver their opinion of this question, though contrary to the judgement of his Holiness; provided they hold it only as problematical, and not as necessary? What? Can there be any assurance for the Pope, that he is not Antichrist; for the Church of Rome, that she is not a Synagogue of Satan, when a man's assurance is grounded upon wavering and wild uncertainties, without Canon of Scripture, without consent or countenance of antiquity, and in a cause which the Pope by good leave suffereth some to toss with winds of problematical opinion? It hath been showed before, that by God's word, whereof small reckoning perhaps is made, by venerable antiquity, and by the French Church in those times when the Pope's power was mounted aloft, the doctrine which teacheth deposing of Kings by the Pope, hath been checked and countermanded. What, did the French in those days believe the Church was then swallowed up, and no where visible or extant in the world? No verily; Those that make the Pope of Sovereign authority for matters of Faith, are not persuaded that in this cause they are bound absolutely to believe and credit his doctrine. Why so? Because they take it not for any decree or determination of Faith; but for a point pertaining to the mysteries of State, and a pillar of the Pope's Temporal Monarchy; who hath not received any promise from God, that in causes of this nature he shall not err: For they hold, that error by no means can crawl or scramble up to the Papal See, so highly mounted; but grant ambition can scale the highest walls, and climb the loftiest pinnacles of the same See. They hold withal, that in case of so special advantage to the Pope, whereby he is made King of Kings, and as it were the paymaster or distributer of Crowns, it is against all reason that he should sit as judge, to carve out Kingdoms for his own share. To be short, let his Lordship be assured that he meeteth with notorious blocke-heads, more blunt-witted than a whetstone, when they are drawn to believe by his persuasion, that whosoever believes the Pope hath no right nor power to put Kings beside their Thrones, to give and take away Crowns, are all excluded and barred out of the heavenly Kingdom.  
But now follows a worse matter: For they whom the Cardinal reproachfully calls heretics, have wrought and won his Lordship (as to me seemeth) to plead their cause at the bar, and to betray his own cause to these heretics: For what is it in his Lordship, but plain playing the Praevaricator, when he crieth so loud, that by admitting and establishing of this Article, the doctrine of Cake-incarnation and privy Confession to a Priest, is utterly subverted? Let us hear his reason, and willingly accept the truth from his lips. The Articles (as his Lordship granteth) of Transubstantiation, auricular Confession, and the Pope's power to depose Kings, are all grounded alike upon the same authority. Now he hath acknowledged the Article of the Pope's power to depose Kings, is not decided by the Scripture, nor by the ancient Church, but within the compass of certain aages past, by the authority of Popes and Councils. Then he goes on well, and infers with good reason, that in case the point of the Pope's power be weakened, than the other two points must needs be shaken, and easily overthrown: So that he doth confess the monstrous birth of the breaden-God, and the blind Sacrament or vain fantasy of auricular confession, are no more conveyed into the Church by pipes from the springs of sacred Scripture, or from the rivers of the ancient Church, then that other point of the Pope's power over Kings and their Crowns. Very good: For were they indeed derived from either of those two heads, that is to say, were they grounded upon the foundation of the first or second authority; then they could never be shaken by the downfall of the Pope's power to depose Kings. I am well assured, that for using so good a reason, the world will hold his Lordship in suspicion, that he still hath somesmacke of his father's discipline and instruction, who in times past had the honour to be a Minister of the holy Gospel.  
Howbeit he playeth not fair, nor useth sincere dealing in his proceeding against such as he calls heretics; when he casts in their dish, and bears them in hand they frowardly wrangle for the invisibility of the Church in earth: For indeed the matter is nothing so. They freely acknowledge a visible Church: For howsoever the assembly of Gods elect, doth make a body not discerneable by man's eye; yet we assuredly believe, and gladly profess, there never wanted a visible Church in the world; yet only visible to such as make a part of the same. All that are without, see no more but men, they do not see the said men to be the true Church. We believe moreover of the universal Church visible, that it is composed of many particular Churches, whereof some are better fined and more clean from lees and dregs than other: and withal, we deny the purest Churches to be always the greatest and most visible.   

THE FOURTH AND LAST INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.  
THE Lord Cardinal before he looketh into the last Inconvenience, useth a certain preamble of his own life past, and services done to the Kings, Henry the III. and FOUR Touching the latter of which two Kings, his Lordship saith in a strain of boasting, after this manner: I, by the grace of God, or the grace of God by me rather, reduced him to the Catholic religion. I obtained at Rome his absolution of Pope Clement 8. I reconciled him to the holy See. Touching the first of these points; I say the time, the occasions, and the foresaid Kings necessary affairs do sufficiently testify, that he was induced to change his mind, and to alter his religion, upon the strength of other manner of arguments then Theological schools, or the persuasions of the L. Cardinal's fluent Rhetoric, do usually afford, or could possibly suggest. Moreover, who doth not know, that in affairs of so high nature and consequence, resolutions once taken, Princes are to proceed with instructions by a formal course? As for the King's absolution, pretended to be purchased of Clement 8. by the L. Cardinal's good service; it had been the part of so great a Cardinal, for the honour of his King, of the Realm, and of his own place, to have buried that piece of his notable service in perpetual silence, and in the dark night of eternal oblivion: For in this matter of reconcilement, it is not unknown to the world, how shamefully and basely he prostituted the inviolable dignity of his King, when his Lordship representing the person of his King, and couching on the ground by way of sufficient penance, was glad (as I have noted in the Preface to my Apology) to have his venerable shoulders gracefully saluted with stripes, and reverently worshipped with bastonadoes of a Pontificial cudgel. Which graceful, or disgraceful blemish rather, it pleased Pope Clement of his rare clemency, to grace yet with a higher degree of spiritual graces; in giving the L. Cardinal than Bishop of Eureux, a certain quantity of holy grains, crosses, and medals, or little plates of silver, or some other metal, to hang about the neck, or to be borne about against some evil: Which treasures of the Pope's grace, whosoever should graciously and reverently kiss, they should without fail purchase unto themselves a pardon for one hundred years. These feat and pretty gugawes for children, were no doubt a special comfort unto the good King's heart, after his Majesty had been handsomely basted upon the L. Bishop's back. But with what face can his Lordship brag, that he prevailed with Pope Clement for the King's absolution? The late Duke of Nevers, not long before had solicited his Holiness, with all earnest and humble instance to the same purpose; howsoever, the King's affairs then seeming desperate in the Pope's eye, he was licenced to departed for France, without any due and gracious respect unto his errand. But so soon as the Pope received intelligence, of the King's fortunes growing to the full, and the affairs of the League to be in the wane, and the principal cities, the strongest places of garrison through all France to strike tops and tops gallant, and to hale the King; then the holy Ghost in good time inspired the holy Father with a holy desire and tender affection, to receive this poor wandering sheep again into the flock of Christ, and bosom of holy Church. His Holiness had reason: For he feared by his obstinate severity to provoke the patience of the French, and to drive that Nation (as they had many times threatened before) then to put in execution their ancient design; which was, to shake off the Pope, and to set up some of their own tribes or kindreds for Patriarch over the French Church. But let his Lordship vouchsafe to search the secret of his own bosom, and no doubt he will not stick to acknowledge, that before he stirred one foot out of France, he had good assurance of the good success and issue of his honourable embassage.  
Now the hearers thus prepared by his Preface, the L. Cardinal proceedeth in his purpose; namely to make proof, how this Article of the third Estate, wherein doubtful and questionable matters are mingled and confounded with certain and indubitable principles, doth so debilitate and weaken the sinews and virtue of any remedy intended for the danger of Kings, as it maketh all remedies and receipts prescribed for that purpose, to become altogether unprofitable, and without effect. He yields this reason, (take it forsooth upon my warrant) a reason full of pith and substance: The only remedy against parricides, is to thunder the solemn curses of the Church, and the punishments to be inflicted after death: which points, if they be not grounded upon infallible authority, will never be settled in men's persuasions with any certain assurance. Now in the solemn curses of the Church, no man can attain to the said assurance, if things not denied be mingled with points not granted, and not consented unto by the Universal Church. By a thing not denied and not contested, the L. Cardinal means prohibiting and condemning of King-killing: and by points contested, he means denying of the Pope's power to depose Kings.  
In this whole discourse, I find neither pith of argument, nor course of proof; but only a cast of the L. cardinals office by way of counsel: whereunto I make this answer. If there be in this Article of the third Estate any point, wherein all are not of one mind and the same judgement; in whom lieth all the blame, from whence rises the doubt, but from the Popes and Popish parasites, by whom the certainty of the said point hath been cunningly removed and conveyed away, and must be restored again by public authority? Now the way to restore certainty unto a point, which against reason is called into doubt and question, is to make it up in one mass, or to tie it up in the same bundle, with other certain points of the same nature.  
Here I am forced to summon the consciences of men, to make some stand or stay upon this point, and with me to enter into deep consideration, how great and unvanquishable force is ever found in the truth: For these two questions, Whether Kings may lawfully be made away by assassins waged and hired for the act; and Whether the Pope hath lawful power to chase Kings out of their Thrones, are by the L. Cardinals own confession, in so full aspect of conjunction, that if either be brought under any degree of doubt, the other also is fetched within the same compass. In which words he directly pointeth as with a finger to the very true source of the main mischief, and to the basilique and liver vein, infected with pestilential blood, inflamed to the destruction of basilical Princes by detestable parricide: For whosoever shall confidently believe that Popes are not armed with power to depose Kings; will believe with no less confidence and assurance, it is not lawful by sudden assaults to fly at their throats. For are not all desperate villains persuaded, when they are hired to murder Kings, that in doing so damnable a feat, they do it for a piece of notable and extraordinary service to the Pope? This maxim therefore is to be held for a principle unmovable and indubitable; that, If subjects desire the life of their Kings to be secured; they must not yield the Pope one inch of power, to deprive their Kings of their Thrones and Crowns, by deposing their Kings.  
The Lord Cardinal testifieth no less himself in these words: If those monsters of men, and furies of hell, by whom the lifeblood of our two last Kings was let out, had ever been acquainted with Laws Ecclesiastical, they might have read themselves adjudged by the Council of Constance to express damnation. For in these words, the L. Cardinal preferreth a bill of indictment to cast his Holiness; who, upon the commencing of the Leaguers wars, in stead of giving order for the publishing of the said Ecclesiastical Laws for the restraining of all parricidicall practices and attempts, fell to the terror of his fulminations, which not long after were seconded and ratified by the most audacious and bloody murder of King Henry III. In like manner, the whole Clergy of France are wrapped up by the L. Cardinal's words, and involved in the peril of the said indictment: For in stead of preaching the said Ecclesiastical Laws, by which all King-killing is inhibited; the Priests taught, vented, and published nothing but rebellion; and when the people in great devotion came to power their confessions into the Priest's ears; then the Priests, with a kind of counterbuff in the second place when their turn was come, and with greater devotion, powered blood into the ears of the people; out of which root grew the terror of those cruel wars, and the horrible parricide of that good King.  
But let us here take some near sight of these Ecclesiastical Laws, whereby subjects are inhibited to kill, or desperately to dispatch their Kings out of the way. The Lord Cardinal, for full payment of all scores upon this reckoning, layeth down the credit of the Council at Constance, which nevertheless affoardeth not one mite of true and current payment. The truth of the history may be taken from this brief relation. john Duke of Burgundy, procured Lewis Duke of Orleans to be murdered in Paris: To justify and make good this bloody act, he produced a certain petimaster, one called by the name of john Petit. This little john caused nine propositions to be given forth or set up, to be discussed in the famous University of Paris: The sum of all to this purpose; It is lawful, just, and honourable, for every subject or private person either by open force and violence, or by deceit and secret lying in wait, or by some witty stratagem, or by any other way of fact, to kill a Tyrant practising against his King, and other higher powers; yea the King ought in reason, to give him a pension or stipend, that hath killed any person disloyal to his Prince. The words of Petits first proposition be these: It is lawful for every subject, 
Gerson.  without any command or commission from the higher powers by all the Laws of nature, of man, and of God himself, to kill or cause to be killed any Tyrant, who either by a covetous and greedy desire, or by fraud, by divination upon casting of Lots, by double and treacherous dealing, doth plot or practise against his King's corporal health, or the health of his higher powers. In the third proposition: It is lawful for every subject honourable and meritorious, to kill the said Tyrant, or cause him to be killed as a Traitor, disloyal and treacherous to his King. In the sixth proposition: The King is to appoint a salary and recompense for him that hath killed such a Tyrant, or hath caused him to be killed. These propositions of johannes parvus, were condemned by the Council of Constance, as impious, and tending to the scandal of the Church. Now then, whereas the said Council no doubt understood the name or word Tyrant in the same sense, wherein it was taken by johannes parvus; certain it is, the Council was not of any such judgement or mind, to condemn one that should kill a King or Sovereign Prince; but one that by treason, and without commandment should kill a subject, rebelling and practising against his King. For john Petit had undertaken to justify the making away of the Duke of Orleans to be a lawful act, and calls that Dukea Tyrant, albeit he was no Sovereign Prince; as all the above recited words of john Petit do testify, that he speaketh of such a Tyrant, as being in state of subjection, rebelleth against his free and absolute Prince: So that whosoever shall narrowly search and look into the mind and meaning of the said Council, shall easily perceive, that by their decrees the safety of Kings was not confirmed but weakened, not augmented but diminished; for as much as they inhibited private persons to kill a Subject, attempting by wicked counsels and practices to make away his King.  
But be it granted, the Council of Constance is flat and altogether direct against King-killers; For I am not unwilling to be persuaded, that had the question than touched the murdering of Sovereign Princes, the said Council would have passed a sound and holy decree: But, I say, this granted, what shield of defence is hereby reached to Kings, to ward or beat off the thrust of a murderer's weapon, and to save or secure their life? seeing the L. Cardinal, building upon the subtle devise and shift of the jesuits, hath taught us out of their Schools, that by Kings are understood Kings in esse, not yet fallen from the supreme degree of Sovereign Royalty: For being once deposed by the Pope, (say the jesuits) they are no longer Kings, but are fallen from the rights of Sovereign dignity; and consequently to make strip and waste of their blood, is not forsooth to make strip and waste of Royal blood. The jesuitical masters, in the file of their words are so supple and so limber, that by leaving still in their speech some starting hole or other, they are able by the same, as by a postern or backdoor, to make an escape.  
Mean while the Readers are here to note (for well they may) a trick of monstrous and most wicked cunning. The L. Cardinal contends for the bridling and hampering of King-killers by the Laws Ecclesiastical. Now it might be presumed, that so reverend and learned a Cardinal intending to make use of Ecclesiastical Laws, by virtue whereof the life of Kings may be secured, would fill his mouth and garnish the point with divine Oracles, that we might the more gladly and willingly give him the hearing, when he speaks as one furnished with sufficient weight and authority of sacred Scripture. But behold, in stead of the authentical and most ancient word, he propounds the decree of a lateborne Council at Constance, neither for the Pope's tooth, nor any way coming near the point in controversy. And suppose it were pertinent unto the purpose, the L. Cardinal beareth in his hand a fork of distinction, with two tines or teeth to bear off, nay to shift off and to avoid the matter with mere dalliance. The shortest and nearest way (in some sort of respects) to establish a false opinion, is to charge or set upon it with false and with ridiculous reasons. The like way to work the overthrow of true doctrine, is to rest or ground it upon frivolous reasons or authorities of stubble-weight. For example; if we should thus argue for the immortality of the soul with Plato: 
In Phaedone.  The swan singeth before her death; ergo, the soul is immortal. Or thus with certain seduced Christians: The Pope hath ordained the word of God to be authentical: ergo, all credit must be given to divine Scripture. Upon the spurkies or hooks of such ridiculous arguments and frivolous reasons, the L. Cardinal hangs the life and safety of Kings.  
With like artificial devices he pretendeth to have the infamous murders, and apposted cutting of King's throats in extreme detestation; and yet by deposing them from their Princely dignities, by degrading them from their supreme and Sovereign authorities, he brings their sacred heads to the butcher's block: For a King deposed by the Pope, (let no man doubt) will not leave any stone unremooved, nor any means and ways unattempted, nor any forces or powers of men unlevied or unhired, to defend himself and his Regal dignity, to repress and bring under his rebellious people, by the Pope discharged of their allegiance. In this perplexity of the public affairs, in these tempestuous perturbations of the State, with what perils is the King not besieged and assaulted? His head is exposed to the chances of war; his life a fair mark to the insidious practices of a thousand traitors; his Royal person obvious to the dreadful storm of angry fortune, to the deadly malice, to the fatal and mortal weapons of his enemies. The reason: He is presupposed to be lawfully and orderly stripped of his Kingdom. Will he yet hold the stern of his Royal estate? Then is he necessarily taken for a Tyrant, reputed an usurper, and his life is exposed to the spoil: For the public laws make it lawful and free, for any private person to enterprise against an usurper of the Kingdom: Every man, saith Tertullian, is a soldier, 
In reos Maiestatis, 〈◊〉 publ●cos hostes omnis hom omiles est. Tertul. apol. cap. 2.  to bear arms against all traitors and public enemies. Take from a King the title of lawful King, you take from him the warrant of his life, and the weapons whereby he is maintained in greater security, then by his Royal Guard armed with swords and halberds, through whose wards and ranks, a desperate villain will make himself an easy passage, being master of another man's life, because he is prodigal and careless of his own. Such therefore as pretend so much pity towards Kings, to abhor the bloody opening of their liver-veine, and yet withal, to approve their hoisting out of the Royal dignity, are just in the vein and humour of those that say, Let us not kill the King, but let us disarm the King that he may die a violent death: let us not deprive him of life, but of the means to defend his life: let us not strangle the King and stop his vital breath, so long as he remaineth King; O that were impious, O that were horrible and abominable; but let him be deposed, and then whosoever shall run him through the body with a weapon up to the very hilts, shall not bear the guilt of a King-killer. All this must be understood to be spoken of Kings, who after they are despoiled of Regality, by sentence of deposition given by the Pope, are able to arm themselves, and by valiant arms do defend their Sovereign rights. But in case the King, blasted with Roman lightning, and stricken with Papal thunder, shall actually and speedily be smitten down from his high Throne of Regality, with present loss of his Kingdom; I believe it is almost impossible for him to warrant his own life, who was not able to warrant his own Kingdom. Let a cat be thrown from a high roof to the bottom of a cellour or vault, she lighteth on her feet, and runneth away without taking any harm. A King is not like a cat, howsoever a cat may look upon a King: he cannot fall from the lofty pinnacle of Royalty, to light on his feet upon the hard pavement of a private state, without crushing all his bones in pieces. It hath been the lot of very few Emperors and Kings, to outlive their Empire: For men ascend to the lofty Throne of Kings, with a soft and easy pace, by certain steps and degrees; there be no stately stairs to come down, they tumble head and heels together when they fall. He that hath once gripped another's Kingdom, thinks himself in little safety, so long as he shall of his courtesy suffer his disseised predecessor to draw his breath. And say that some Princes, after their fall from their Thrones, have escaped both point and edge of the Tyrant's weapon; yet have they wandered like miserable fugitives in foreign countries, or else have been condemned like captives to perpetual imprisonment at home, a thousand-fold worse and more lamentable than death itself. Dionysius the Tyrant of Syracuse, from a great King in Sicily turned Schoolmaster in Corinth. It was the only calling and kind of life, that as he thought bearing some resemblance of rule and government, might recreate his mind, as an image or picture of his former Sovereignty over men. This Dionysius was the only man (to my knowledge) that had a humour to laugh after the loss of a Kingdom, and in the state of a Pedant or governor of children, merrily to jest and to scorn his former state and condition of a King. In this my Kingdom of England, sundry Kings have seen the walls as it were of their Princely fortress dismantled, razed, and beaten down. By name, Edward and Richard, both II. and Henry the VI all which Kings were most cruelly murdered in prison. In the reign of Edward III. by Act of Parliament, Whosoever shall imagine, (that is the very word of the Statute) or machinate the King's death, are declared guilty of Rebellion and high Treason. The learned judges of the Land, grounding upon this Law of Edward the third, have ever since reputed and judged them traitors according to Law, that have dared only to whisper or talk softly between the teeth, of deposing the King: For they count it a clear case, that no Crown can be taken from a King's head, without loss of Head and Crown together, sooner or later.  
The L. Cardinal therefore in this most weighty and serious point doth merely dally and flout after a sort, 
Page 95.  when he tells us, The Church doth not intermeddle with releasing of subjects, and knocking off their irons of obedience, but only before the Ecclesiastical tribunal seat; and that besides this double censure, of absolution to subjects, and excommunication to the Prince, the Church imposeth none other penalty. Under pretence of which two censures, so far is the Church (as the L. Cardinal pretendeth) from consenting that any man so censured should be touched for his life, that she utterly abborreth all murder whatsoever; but especially all sudden and unprepenced murders for fear of casting away both body and soul; which often in sudden murders go both one way. It hath been made manifest before, that all such proscription and setting forth of Kings to port-sale, hath always for the train thereof, either some violent and bloody death, or some other mischief more intolerable than death itself. What are we the better, that parricides of Kings are neither set on, nor approved by the Church in their abominable actions; when she layeth such plots, and taketh such courses, as necessarily do infer the cutting of their throats? In the next place be it noted, that his Lordship against all reason, reckons the absolving of subjects from the oath of allegiance, in the rank of penalties awarded and enjoined before the Ecclesiastical tribunal seat: For this penalty is not Ecclesiastical, but Civil, and consequently not triable in Ecclesiastical Courts, without usurping upon the Civil Magistrate. But I wonder with what face the L. Cardinal can say, The Church never consenteth to any practice against his life, whom she hath once chastised with severe censures: For can his Lordship be ignorant, what is written by Pope Vrbanus, Can. Excommunicatorum. 
Can. ixion. cause. 23. Quaest. 6.  We take them not in any wise to be manslayers, who in a certain heat of zeal towards the Catholic Church their Mother, shall happen to kill an excommunicate person. More, if the Pope doth not approve and like the practice of King-killing, wherefore hath not his Holiness imposed some severe censure upon the book of Mariana the jesuite (by whom parricides are commended, nay highly extolled) when his Holiness hath been pleased to take the pains to censure and call in some other of Mariana's books? Again, wherefore did his Holiness advise himself to censure the Decree of the Court of Parliament in Paris against john castle? Wherefore did he suffer Garnet and Oldcorne my powder-miners, both by books and pictures vendible under his nose in Rome, to be inrowled in the Canon of holy Martyrs? And when he saw two great Kings murdered one after another, wherefore by some public declaration did not his Holiness testify to all Christendom, his inward sense and true apprehension of so great misfortune, as all Europe had just cause to lament on the behalf of France? Wherefore did not his Holiness publish some Law or Pontificial Decree, to provide for the security of Kings in time to come? True it is, that he censured Becanus his book: But wherefore? That by a captious and slight censure, he might prevent a more exact and rigorous Decree of the Sorbone School: For the Pope's check to Becanus, was only agenerall censure and touch, without any particular specification of matter touching the life of Kings. About some two months after, the said book was printed again, with a dedication to the Pope's Nuntio in Germany; yet without any alteration, save only of two articles containing the absolute power of the people over Kings. In recompense and for a countercheck whereof, three or four articles were inserted into the said book, touching the Pope's power over Kings; articles no less wicked & injurious to Regal rights; nay more injurious than any of the other clauses, whereof just cause of exception and complaint had been given before. If I would collect and heap up examples of ancient Emperors, (as of Henry IU. whose dead corpse felt the rage and fury of the Pope; or of Frederic II. against whom the Pope was not ashamed to whet and kindle the Sultan; or of Queen Elizabeth our Predecessor, of glorious memory, whose life was divers times assaulted by privy murderers, expressly dispatched from Rome for that holy service) if I would gather up other examples of the same stamp, which I have laid forth in my Apology for the oath of allegiance; I could make it more clear than daylight, how far the L. Cardinal's words are discrepant from the truth, where his Lordship out of most rare confidence is bold to avow, 
Page 97.  That never any Pope went so far, as to give consent or counsel for the desperate murdering of Princes. That which already hath been alleged may suffice to convince his Lordship: I mean, that his Holiness by deposing of Kings, doth lead them directly to their graves and tombs.  
The Cardinal himself seemeth to take some notice hereof. The Church (as he speaketh) abhorreth sudden and unprepensed murders above therest. 
Pag. 95.  Doth not his Lordship in this phrase of speech acknowledge, that murders committed by open force, are not so much disavowed or disclaimed by the Church? A little after he speaks not in the teeth, as before, but with full and open mouth; that he doth not dislike a King once deposed by the Pope, should be pursued with open war: Whereupon it follows, that in war the King may be lawfully slain. No doubt a remarkable degree of his Lordship's clemency. A King shall be better entreated and more mildly dealt withal, if he be slain by the shot of an arquebus or caleever in the field, then if he be stabbed by the stroke or thrust of a knife in his chamber: or if at a siege of some city he be blown up with a mine, then by a mine made, and a train of gunpowder laid under his Palace or Parliament house in time of peace. His reason: Forsooth, because in sudden murders, oftentimes the soul and the body perish both together. O singular bounty, and rare clemency! provokers, instigators, strong puffers and blowers of parricides, in merciful compassion of the soul, become unmerciful and shameful murderers of the body. This device may well claim and challenge kindred of Mariana the jesuits invention: For he liketh not at any hand the poisoning of a Tyrant by his meat or drink; for fear lest he taking the poison with his own hand, and swallowing or gulping it down in his meat or drink so taken, should be found felo de se, (as the common Lawyer speaketh) or culpable of his own death. But Mariana likes better, to have a Tyrant poisoned by his chair, or by his apparel and robes, after the example of the Mauritanian Kings; that being so poisoned only by scent, or by contact, he may not be found guilty of selfe-fellonie, and the soul of the poor Tyrant in her flight out of the body may be innocent. O helhounds, O diabolical wretches, O infernal monsters! Did they only suspect and imagine, that either in Kings there is any remainder of Kingly courage, or in their subjects any spark left of ancient liberty; they durst as soon eat their nails, or tear their own flesh from the bones, as once broach the vessel of this diabolical device. How long then, how long shall Kings whom the Lord hath called his Anointed, Kings the breathing Images of God upon earth; Kings that with a wry or frowning look, are able to crush these earth-worms in pieces; how long shall they suffer this viperous brood, scotfree and without punishment, to spit in their faces? how long, the Majesty of GOD in their person and Royal Majesty, to be so notoriously vilified, so dishonourably trampled under foot?  
The L. Cardinal borads us with a like manifest jest, and notably trifles; first, distinguishing between Tyrants by administration, and Tyrants by usurpation; then showing that he by no means doth approve those profane and heathenish Laws, whereby secret practices and conspiracies against a Tyrant by administration are permitted. His reason; Because after deposition there is a certain habitude to Royal dignity, and as it were a kind of politic Character inherent in Kings, by which they are discerned from persons merely private, or the common sort of people; and the obstacle, cross-bar, or spar once removed and taken out of the way, the said Kings deposed are at length reinvested and endowed again with lawful use of Royal dignity, and with lawful administration of the Kingdom. Is it possible that his Lordship can speak and utter these words according to the inward persuasion of his heart? I believe it not. For admit a King cast out of his Kingdom were sure to escape with life; yet being once reduced to a private state of life, after he hath wound or wrought himself out of deadly danger, so far he is from holding or retaining any remainder of dignity or politic impression, that on the contrary he falleth into greater contempt and misery, then if he had been a very peasant by birth, and had never held or governed the stern of Royal estate. What fowl is more beautiful than the peacock? Let her be plumed and bereft of her feathers; what owl, what jackdaw more ridiculous, more without all pleasant fashion? The homely souter, the infamous catchpol, the base tinker, the rude artificer, the pack-horse-porter, then living in Rome with liberty, when Valentinian was detained captive by Saporas the Persian King, was more happy than that Roman Emperor. And in case the L. Cardinal himself should be so happy (I should say so unfortunate) to be stripped of all his dignities and Ecclesiastical promotions; would it not redound to his Lordship's wonderful consolation, that in his greatest extremity, in the lowest of his bareness and nakedness, he still retaineth a certain habitual right and character of a Cardinal, whereby to recover the loss of his former dignities and honours? when he beholds these prints and impressions of his foresaid honours; would it not make him the more willing and glad, to forsake the back of his venerable mule, to use his Cardinal's foot-cloth no longer, but ever after like a Cardinal in print and character, to walk on foot?  
But let us examine his Lordship's consolation of Kings, thrust out of their kingdoms by the Pope for heresy. The obstacle (as the L. Cardinal speaketh) being taken away; that is to say, when the King shall be reform; th●● habitual right and character yet inherent in the person of a King, restores him to the lawful administration of his Kingdom. I take this to be but a cold comfort: For here his Lordship doth only presuppose, and not prove, that after a King is thrust out of his Throne, when he shall repent and turn true Roman Catholic the other by whom he hath been cast out, and by force disseised, will recall him to the Royal seat, and faithfully settle him again in his ancient right, as one that rejoiceth for the recovery of such a lost sheep. But I should rather fear, the new King would press and stand upon other terms; as a term of years for a trial, whether the repentance of the King displaced be true & sound to the core, or counterfeit, dissembled, and painted holiness; for the words, the sorrowful and heavy looks, the sad and formal gestures, of men pretending repentance, are not always to be taken, to be respected, to be credited. Again, I should fear the afflicted King might be charged and borne down too, that albeit he hath renounced his former heresy, he hath stumbled since at an other stone, and run the ship of his faith against some other rock of new heretical pravity. Or I should yet fear, he might be made to believe that heresy maketh a deeper impression, and a character more indelible in the person, then is the other politic character of Regal Majesty. Alas, good Kings! in how hard, in how miserable a state do they stand? Once deposed, and ever barred of repentance: As if the 'scapes and errors of Kings, were all sins against the Holy Ghost, or sins unto death, for which it is not lawful to pray. Falls a pruiate person? he may be set up, and new established. Falls a King? is a King deposed? his repentance is ever fruitless, ever unprofitable. Hath a private person a train of servants? He can not be deprived of any one without his privity and consent. Hath a King millions of subjects? He may be deprived by the Pope of a third part, when his Holiness will have them turn Clerics or enter Cloisters, without ask the King leave: and so of subjects they may be made non-subiects.  
But I question yet further. A King falling into heresy, is deposed by the Pope; his son stands pure Catholic; The Regal seat is empty. Who shall succeed in the deposed King's place? Shall a stranger be preferred by the Pope? That were to do the innocent son egregious and notorious wrong. Shall the son himself? That were a more injurious part in the son against his father: For if the son be touched with any fear of God, or moved with any reverence towards his father, he will diligently and seriously take heed, that he put not his father by the Kingdom, by whose means he himself is borne to a Kingdom. Nor will he tread in the steps of Henry the V Emperor, who by the Pope's instigation, expelled and chased his aaged father out of the Imperial dignity. Much less will he hearken to the voice and advise of Doctor Suares the jesuite, 
Lib. 6. cap. 4. Si Papa Regem depenat, ab illis tantum poterit, expels vet interfics, quibus ipse id commiserit.  who, in his book written against myself, a book applauded and approved of many Doctors, after he hath like a Doctor of the chair, pronounced, That a King deposed by the Pope, cannot be lawfully expelled or killed, but only by such as the Pope hath charged with such execution: falleth to add a little after: If the Pope shall declare a King to be an heretic, and fallen from the Kingdom, without making further declaration touching execution; that is to say, without giving express charge unto any to make away the King: then the lawful successor being a Catholic, hath power to do the feat; and if he shall refuse, or if there shall be none such, than it appertaineth to the commonalty or body of the Kingdom. A most detestable sentence: For in hereditary Kingdoms, who is the King's lawful successor, but his son? The son then by this doctrine, shall embrew his hands in his own father's blood, so soon as he shall be deposed by the Pope. A matter so much the nearer and more deeply to be apprehended, because the said most outrageous book flieth like a furious mastiff directly at my throat, and withal instilleth such precepts into the tender disposition of my son, as if hereafter he shall become a Roman Catholic, so soon as the Pope shall give me the lift out of my Throne, shall bind him forthwith to make effusion of his own father's blood. Such is the religion of these reverend Fathers, the pillars of the Pontificial Monarchy: In comparison of whose religion and holiness, all the impiety that ever was among the Infidels, and all the barbarous cruelty that ever was among the Cannibals, may pass henceforth in the Christian world for pure clemency and humanity. These things ought his Lordship to have pondered, rather than to babble of habitudes and politic characters, which to the common people are like the Bergamasque or the wilde-Irish form of speech, and pass their understanding.  
All these things are nothing in a manner, if we compare them with the last clause, which is the closer, and as it were the upshot of his Lordship's discourse: For therein he laboureth to persuade concerning this Article, framed to bridle the Pope's tyrannical power over Kings, if it should receive gracious entertainment, and general approbation; That it would breed great danger, and work effects of pernicious consequence unto Kings. The reason: because it would prove an introduction to schism; and schism would stir up civil wars, contempt of Kings, distempered inclinations and motions to entrap their life; and which is worst of all, the fierce wrath of God, inflicting all sorts of calamities. An admirable paradox, and able to strike men stone-blind: that his Holiness must have power to depose Kings, for the better security and safeguard of their life; that when their Crowns are made subject unto another's will and pleasure, than they are come to the highest altitude and elevation of honour; that for the only warrant of their life, their supreme and absolute greatness must be depressed; that for the longer keeping of their Crowns, another must pluck the Crown from their heads. As if it should be said, Would they not be stripped naked by another? the best way is, for themselves to untruss, for themselves to put off all, and to go naked of their own accord. Will they keep their Sovereignty in safety for ever? The best way is to let another have their Sovereign authority and supreme Estate in his power. But I have been ever of this mind, that when my goods are at no man's command or disposing but mine own, than they are truly and certainly mine own. It may be this error is grown upon me and other Princes for lack of brains: whereupon it may be feared, or at least conjectured, the Pope means to shave our crowns, and thrust us into some cloister, there to hold rank in the brotherhood of good King Childerie. Forasmuch then as my dull capacity doth not serve me to reach or comprehend the pith of this admirable reason, I have thought good to seek and to use the instruction of old and learned experience, which teacheth no such matter: by name, that civil wars and fearful perturbations of State in any nation of the world, have at any time grown from this faithful credulity of subjects, that Popes in right have no power to wrest and lift Kings out of their dignities and possessions. On the other side, by establishing the contrary maxims, to yoke and hamper the people with Pontificial tyranny, what rebellious troubles and stirs, what extreme desolations hath England been forced to fear and feel, in the Reign of my Predecessors Henry II. john and Henry III? These be the maxims and principles, which under the Emperor Henry IU. and Frederic the I. made all Europe flow with channels and streams of blood, like a river with water, while the Saracens by their incursions and victories overflowed, and in a manner drowned the honour of the Christian name in the East. These be the maxims and principles, which made way for the wars of the last League into France; by which the very bowels of that most famous and flourishing Kingdom were set on such a combustion, that France herself was brought within two fingers breadth of bondage to another Nation, and the death of her two last Kings most villenously and traitorously accomplished. The L. Cardinal then giving these diabolical maxims for means to secure the life and Estate of Kings, speaketh as if he would give men counsel to dry themselves in the river, when they come as wet as a water spaniel out of a pond; or to warm themselves by the light of the Moon, when they are starknaked, and well near frozen to death.   

THE CONCLUSION OF THE LORD OF PERRON EXAMINED.  
AFter the L. Cardinal hath stoutly showed the strength of his arm, and the deep skill of his head in fortification; at last he leaves his lofty scaffolds, and falls to work nearer the ground, with more easy tools of humble prayers and gentle exhortations. The sum of the whole is this: He adiures his auditors never to forge remedies, never so to provide for the temporal safety of Kings, as thereby to work their final falling from eternal salvation: never to make any rent or rapture in the unity of the Church, in this corrupt age infected with pestilent Heresies, which already having made so great a breach in the walls of France, will no doubt double their strength by the dissensions, divisions, and schisms of Catholics. If this infectious plague shall still increase and grow to a carbuncle, it can by no means poison Religion, without bringing Kings to their winding sheets and woeful hearses. The first rollers of that stone of offence, aimed at no other mark, then to make an ignominious and lamentable rent in the Church. He thinks the Deputies of the third Estate, had neither head nor first hand in contriving this Article; but holds it rather a new device and subtle invention, suggested by persons, which being already cut off by their own practices from the body of the Roman Church, have likewise inveigled and ensnared some that bear the name of catholics, with some other Ecclesiastics; and under a fair pretence and goodly cloak, by name, the service of the King, have surprised and played upon their simplicity. These men (as the Cardinal saith) do imitate julian the Apostata, who to bring the Christians to idolatrous worship of false gods, commanded the idols of jupiter and Venus to be intermingled with Imperial statues, and other Images of Christian Emperors, etc. Then after certain Rhetorical flourishes, his Lordship falls to prosecute his former course, and cries out of this Article; A monster having the tail of a fish, as if it came cutting the narrow Seas out of England: For in full effect it is downright the English oath; saving that indeed the oath of England runneth in a more mild form, and a more moderate strain. And here he suddenly takes occasion to make some digression: For out of the way, and clean from the matter, he entereth into some purpose of my praise and commendation: He courteously for sooth is pleased to grace me with knowledge of learning, and with civil virtues: He seemeth chief to rejoice in his own behalf, and to give me thanks, that I have done him the honour to enter the lists of Theological dispute against his Lordship. Howbeit he twitches and carp at me withal, as at one that soweth seeds of dissension and schism amongst Roman catholics: And yet he would seem to qualify the matter, and to make all whole again, by saying, That in so doing I am persuaded I do no more than my duty requires. But now (as his Lordship follows the point) it standeth neither with godliness, nor with equity, nor with reason, that Acts made, that Statutes, Decrees, and Ordinances ratified for the State and Government of England, should be thrust for binding Laws upon the Kingdom of France: nor that Catholics, and much less that Ecclesiastics, to the end they may live in safety, and freely enjoy their privileges or immunities in France, should be forced to believe, and by oath to seal the same points, which English Catholics to the end they may purchase liberty only to breath, nay sorrowfully to sigh rather, are constrained to allow and to advow beside. And where as in England There is no small number of Catholics, that lack not constant and resolute minds to endure all sorts of punishment, rather than to take that oath of allegiance; will there not be found an other manner of number in France, armed with no less constancy and Christian resolution? There will, most honourable Auditors, there will without all doubt: and we all that are of Episcopal dignity will sooner suffer Martyrdom in the cause. Then out of the super-abundance and over-weight of his Lordship's goodness, he closely coucheth and conveyeth a certain distasteful opposition between me and his King; with praises and thanks to God, that his King is not delighted, & takes no pleasure to make Martyrs.  
All this Artificial and swelling discourse like unto puff-paste, if it be viewed at a near distance, will be found like a bladder full of wind, without any solidity of substantial matter. For the Deputies of the third Estate were never so void of understanding, to believe that by providing for the life and safety of their King, they should thrust him headlong into eternal damnation. Their brains were never so much blasted, so far benumbed, to dream the soul of their King cannot mount up to heaven, except he be dismounted from his Princely Throne upon earth, whensoever the Pope shall hold up his finger.  
And whereas he is bold to pronounce, that heretics of France do make their benefit and advantage of this division; that speech is grounded upon this proposition; That professors of the Christian Religion reform (which is to say, purged and cleansed of all Popish dregs) are heretics in fact, and aught so to be reputed in right: Which proposition his Lordship will never sound and sufficiently make good, before his Holiness hath compiled an other Gospel, or hath forged an other Bible at his Pontificial anvil. The L. Cardinal undertook to read me a lecture upon that argument; but ever since hath played Mum-budget, and hath put himself to silence, like one at a Nonplus in his enterprise. There be three years already gone and passed, since his Lordship began to shape some answer to a certain writing dispatched by me in few days: With forming and reforming, with filing and polishing, with labouring and licking his answer over and over again, with reiterated extractions and calcinations, it may be conjectured that all his Lordship's labour and cost is long since evaporated and vanished in the air. Howbeit, as well the friendly conference of a King, (for I will not call it a contention) as also the dignity, excellency, and importance of the matter, long since deserved, and as long since required the publishing of some or other answer. His Lordship's long silence will never be imputed to lack of capacity, wherewith who knoweth not how abundantly he is furnished; but rather to well advised agnition of his own working and building upon a weak foundation.  
But let us return unto these heretics, that make so great gain by the disagreement of Catholics. It is no part of their duty to aim at sowing of dissensions; but rather to intend and attend their faithful performance of service to their King. If some be pleased, and others offended, when so good and loyal duties are sincerely discharged; it is for all good subjects to grieve and to be sorry, that when they speak for the safety of their King & honour of the truth, it is their hard hap to leave any at all unsatisfied. But suppose the said heretics were the Authors of this article preferred by the third Estate: What need they to conceal their names in that regard? What need they to disclaim the credit of such a worthy act? Would it not redound to their perpetual honour, to be the only subjects that kept watch over the King's life and Crown, that stood sentinel, and walked the rounds for the preservation of his Princely diadem, when all other had no more touch, no more feeling thereof then so many stones? And what need the Deputies for the third Estate, to receive instructions from foreign Kingdoms, concerning a cause of that nature; when there was no want of domestical examples, and the French histories were plentiful in that argument? What need they to gape for this reformed doctrine, to come swimming with a fishes tail out of an Island to the main continent, when they had before their eyes the murders of two Kings, with diverse civil wars, and many Arrests of Court, all tending to insinuate and suggest the introduction of the same remedy? Suggestions are needless from abroad, when the mischief is felt at home. it seems to me that his Lordship in smoothing and tickling the Deputies for the third Estate, doth no less than wring and wrong their great sufficiency with contumely and outrageous abuse; as if they were not furnished with sufficient foresight, and with loyal affection towards their King, for the preservation of his life and honour, if the remedy were not beaten into their heads by those of the Religion, reputed heretics.  
Touching myself, ranged by his Lordship in the same rank with sowers of dissension; I take my God to witness, and my own conscience, that I never dreamed of any such unchristian project. It hath been hitherto my ordinary course to follow honest counsels, and to walk in open ways. I never wont myself to holes and corners, to crafty shifts, but evermore to plain and open designs. I need not hide mine intentions for fear of any mortal man, that puffeth breath of life out of his nostrils. Nor in any sort do I purpose, to set julian the Apostata before mine eyes, as a pattern for me to follow. julian of a Christian became a Pagan: I profess the same faith of Christ still, which I have ever professed: julian went about his designs with crafty conveyances; I never with any of his captious and cunning sleights: julian forced his subjects to infidelity against I esus Christ; I labour to induce my subjects unto such terms of loyalty towards myself, as jesus Christ hath prescribed and taught in his word. But how far I differ from julian, it is to be seen more at large in my answer to Bellarmine's Epistles written to Blackwell; from whence the Lord Cardinal borrowing this example, it might well have beseemed his Lordship to borrow likewise my answer from the same place.  
Now as it moves me nothing at all, to be drawn by his Lordship into suspicions of this nature and quality: so by the praises, that he rocks me withal, I will never be lulled asleep. To commend a man for his knowledge, and withal to take from him the fear of God, is to admire a soldier for his goodly head of hair or his curled locks, and withal to call him base coward, fainthearted and freshwater soldier. Knowledge, wit, and learning in an heretic, are of none other use and service, but only to make him the more culpable, & consequently obnoxious to the more grievous punishments. All virtues turn to vices, when they become the servants of impiety. The handmaids which the Sovereign Lady Wisdom calleth to be of her train in the 9 Proverb. are moral virtues, and human sciences; which then become pernicious, when they run away from their Sovereign Lady-Mistris, and put over themselves in service to the devil. What difference is between two men, both alike wanting the knowledge of God; the one furnished with arts and civil virtues, the other brutishly barbarous and of a deformed life, or of profane manners? What is the difference between these two? I make this the only difference: the first goeth to hell with a better grace, and falleth into perdition with more facility, than the second: But he becometh exceedingly wicked, even threefold and fourfold abominable, if he wast his treasure and stock of civil virtues in persecuting the Church of CHRIST: and if that may be laid in his dish which was cast in Caesar's teeth, that in plain soberness and well-settled temper, he attempts the ruin of the Commonwealth, which from a drunken sot might receive perhaps a more easy fall. In brief, I scorn all garlands of praises, which are not ever green; but being dry and withered for want of sap and radical moisture, do flag about barbarous Prince's brows. I defy and renounce those praises, which fit me no more than they fit a Mahumetane King of Morocco. I contest against all praises which grace me with petty accessories, but rob me of the principal, that one thing necessary; namely, the fear and knowledge of my GOD: unto whose Majesty alone, I have devoted my Sceptre, my sword, my pen, my whole industry, my whole self, with all that is mine in whole and in part. I do it, I do it in all humble acknowledgement of his unspeakable mercy and favour, who hath vouchsafed to deliver me from the erroneous way of this age, to deliver my Kingdom from the Pope's tyrannical yoke, under which it hath lain in times past most grievously oppressed: My Kingdom where God is now purely served, and called upon in a tongue which all the vulgar understand: My Kingdom, where the people may now read the Scriptures without any special privilege from the Apostolic See, and with no less liberty than the people of Ephesus, of Rome, and of Corinth did read the holy Epistles, written to their Churches by S. Paul: My Kingdom, where the people now pay no longer any tribute by the poll for Papal indulgences, 
Aliquot annis post, Apostolicae sedis nuncius in Angliam ad colligendum S. Petri vectigal missus. O nuphri. in vit. Paul. 4. Vide & Math. Paris.  as they did about an hundred years past, and are no longer compelled to the mart, for pardons beyond the Seas and mountains, but have them now freely offered from God, by the doctrine of the Gospel preached at home within their own several parishes and jurisdictions. If the Churches of my Kingdom, in the L. Cardinal's account, be miserable for these causes and the like; let him dream on, and talk his pleasure: for my part I will ever avow, that more worth is our misery then all his felicity. For the rest, it shall by God's grace be my daily endeavour and serious care, to pass my days in shaping to myself such a course of life, that without shameful calumniating of my person, it shall not rest in the tip of any tongue, to touch my life with just reprehension or blame. Nor am I so privy to mine own guiltiness, as to think my state so desperate, so deplorable, as Popes have made their own: For some of them have been so openhearted and so tongue-free, to pronounce that Popes themselves, the key-bearers of Heaven and hell, cannot be saved. Two Popes, 
O●up. de vitis Pontisan vit. Mar. 2. doth testify, that Marcel. also after Adr. an the 4. used these words: Non video quo modo qui Incum hunc artiss●tenent, saluati possint.  reckoned among the best of the whole bunch or pack, namely, Adrian the iv and Marcelline the II. have both sung one and the same note; that in their understanding they could not conceive any reason why, or any means how those that sway the Popedom can be partakers of salvation; But for my particular, grounding my faith upon the promises of God contained in the Gospel, I do confidently and assuredly believe, that repenting me of my sins, and reposing my whole trust in the merits of JESUS CHRIST, I shall obtain forgiveness of my sins through his Name. Nor do I fear, that I am now, or shall be hereafter cast out of the Church's lap and bosom; that I now have or hereafter shall have no right to the Church as a putrefied member thereof, so long as I do or shall cleave to CHRIST JESUS, the Head of the Church: the appellation and name whereof, serveth in this corrupt age, as a cloak to cover a thousand new inventions; and now no longer signifies the assembly of the faithful or such as believe in JESUS CHRIST according to his word, but a certain glorious ostentation and temporal Monarchy, whereof the Pope forsooth is the supreme head.  
But if the L. Cardinal by assured and certain knowledge (as perhaps he may by common fame) did understand the horrible conspiracies that have been plotted and contrived, not against my person and life alone, but also against my whole stock: if he rightly knew & were inly persuaded, of how many fowl perjuries & wicked treasons, divers Ecclesiastical persons have been lawfully convicted: in stead of charging me with false imputations, that I suffer not my catholics to fetch a sigh, or to draw their breath; and that I thrust my Catholics upon the sharp edge of punishment in every kind; he would, and might well, rather wonder, how I myself, after so many dangers run, after so many proditorious snares escaped, do yet fetch my own breath, and yet practise Princely clemency towards the said catholics, notorious transgressors of divine & human laws. If the French king in the heart of his kingdom, should nourish and foster such a nest of stinging hornets and busy wasps, I mean such a pack of subjects, denying his absolute Sovereignty, as many Roman catholics of my Kingdom do mine: It may well be doubted, whether the L. Cardinal would advise his king still to feather the nest of the said catholics, still to keep them warm, still to bear them with an easy and gentle hand: It may well be doubted, whether his Lordship would extol their constancy, that would have the courage to sheathe up their swords in his King's bowels, or blow up his King with gunpowder, into the neither station of the lowest region: It may well be doubted, whether he would endure that Orator, who (like as himself hath done) should stir up others to suffer Martyrdom after such examples, and to imitate parricides & traitors in their constancy. The scope then of the L. Cardinal, in striking the sweet strings, and sounding the pleasant notes of praises, which feign he would fill mine ears withal; is only by his excellent skill in the music of Oratory, to bewitch the hearts of my subjects, to infatuate their minds, to settle them in a resolution to deprive me of my life. The reason: Because the plotters and practisers against my life, are honoured and rewarded with a glorious name of Martyrs: their constancy (what else?) is admired, when they suffer death for treason. Whereas hitherto during the time of my whole reign to this day, (I speak it in the word of a King, and truth itself shall make good the King's word) no man hath lost his life, no man hath endured the Rack, no man hath suffered corporal punishment in other kinds, merely or simply, or in any degree of respect, for his conscience in matter of religion; but for wicked conspiring against my life, or Estate, or Royal dignity; or else for some notorious crime, or some obstinate and wilful disobedience: Of which traitorous and viperous brood, I commanded one to be hanged by the neck of late in Scotland; a jesuite of intolerable impudency, who at his arraignment and public trial, stiffly maintained, that I have rob the Pope of his right, and have no manner of right in the possession of my Kingdom. His Lordship therefore in offering himself to Martyrdom, after the rare example of catholics, as he saith, suffering all sort of punishment in my Kingdom, doth plainly profess himself a follower of traitors and parricides. These be the Worthies, these the heroical spirits, these the honourable Captains and Colonels, whose virtuous parts never sufficiently magnified and praised, his Lordship propoundeth for imitation to the French Bishops. O the name of Martyrs, in old times a sacred name! how is it now derided and scoffed? how is it in these days filthily profaned? O you the whole choir and holy company of Apostles, who have sealed the truth with your dearest blood! how much are you disparaged? how unfitly are you paragoned and matched, when traitors, bloody butchers, and King-killers are made your assistants, and of the same Quorum; or to speak in milder terms, when you are coupled with Martyrs that suffer for maintaining the Temporal rites of the Pope's Empire? with Bishops that offer themselves to a problematical Martyrdom, for a point decided neither by the authorities of your Spirit-inspired pens, nor by the ancient and venerable testimony of the Primitive Church? for a point which they dare not undertake to teach, otherwise then by a doubtful, cold, fearful way of discourse, and altogether without resolution. In good sooth, I take the Cardinal for a parsonage of a quicker spirit and clearer sight, (let his Lordship hold me excused) then to persuade myself, that in these matters his tongue and his heart, his pen and his inward judgement, have any concord or correspondence one with another: For being very much against his mind (as he doth confess) thrust into the office of an Advocate to plead this cause; he suffered himself to be carried (after his engagement) with some heat, to utter some things against his conscience, murmuring and grumbling the contrary within; and to affirm some other things with confidence, whereof he had not been otherwise informed, then only by vain and lying report. Of which rank is that bold assertion of his Lordship; That many catholics in England, rather than they would subscribe to the oath of allegiance in the form thereof, have undergone all sorts of punishment: For in England (as we have truly given the whole Christian world to understand in our Preface to the Apology) there is but one form or kind of punishment ordained for all sorts of traitors.  
Hath not his Lordship now graced me with goodly testimonials of praise and commendation? Am I not by his praises proclaimed a Tyrant, as it were inebriated with blood of the Saints, and a famous Engineer of torments for my Catholics? To this exhortation for the suffering of Martyrdom, in imitation of my English traitors and parricides, if we shall add; how craftily and subtly he makes the Kings of England to hold of the Pope by fealty, and their kingdom in bondage to the Pope by Temporal recognisance; it shall easily appear, that his holy-water of praises wherewith I am so reverently besprinkled, is a composition extracted out of a dram of honey and a pound of gall, first steeped in a strong decoction of bitter wormwood, or of the wild gourd called Coloquintida: For after he hath in the beginning of his Oration, 
Page. 10.  spoken of Kings that own fealty to the Pope, and are not Sovereigns in the highest degree of Temporal supremacy within their Kingdoms; to explain his mind and meaning the better, he marshal's the Kings of England a little after in the same rank. His words be these; When King john of England, not yet bound in any temporal recognisance to the Pope, had expelled his Bishops, etc. His Lordship means, that King john became so bound to the Pope not long after. And what may this meaning be, but in plain terms and broad speech, to call me usurper and unlawful King? For the feudatory, or he that holdeth a Manor by fealty, when he doth not his homage, with all suit and service that he owes to the Lord Paramount, doth fall from the property of his fee. This reproach of the L. Cardinals, is seconded with an other of Bellarmine's his brother Cardinal; That Ireland was given to the Kings of England by the Pope. The best is that his most reverend Lordship hath not showed, who it was that gave Ireland to the Pope.  
And touching john King of England, thus in brief stands the whole matter. Between Henry 2. and the Pope had passed sundry bickerments, about collating of Ecclesiastical dignities. john the son, after his father's death, reneweth, undertaketh, and pursueth the same quarrel: Driveth certain English Bishops out of the Kingdom, for defending the Pope's insolent usurpation upon his Royal prerogative, and Regal rights: showeth such Princely courage and resolution in those times, when all that stood and suffered for the Pope's Temporal pretensions against Kings, were enrolled Martyrs or Confessors. The Pope takes the matter in fowl scorn, and great indignation; shuts the King by his excommunicatory Bulls out of the Church; stirs up his Barons, for other causes the King's heavy friends, to rise in arms; gives the Kingdom of England (like a masterless man turned over to a new master) to Philippus Augustus' King of France; binds Philip to make a conquest of England by the sword, or else no bargain, or else no gift; promises Philip, in recompense of his travel and Royal expenses in that conquest, full absolution and a general pardon at large for all his sins: to be short, cuts King john out so much work, and makes him keep so many irons in the fire for his work, that he had none other way, none other means to pacify the Pope's high displeasure, to correct or qualify the malignity of the Pope's choleric humour, by whom he was then so entangled in the Pope's toils, but by yielding himself to become the Pope's vassal, and his Kingdom feudatary, or to hold by fealty of the Papal See. By this means his Crown is made tributary, all his people liable to payment of taxes by the poll for a certain yearly tribute, and he is blessed with a pardon for all his sins. Whether King john was moved to do this dishonourable act upon any devotion, or inflamed with any zeal of Religion; or enforced by the unresistible weapons of necessity, who can be so blind, that he doth not well see and clearly perceive? For to purchase his own freedom from this bondage to the Pope; what could he be unwilling to do, that was willing to bring his Kingdom under the yoke of Amirales Murmelinus a Mahometan Prince, than King of Granado and Barbaria? The Pope after that, sent a Legate into England: The King now the Pope's vassal, and holding his Crown of the Pope, like a man that holds his land of another by Knight's service, or by homage and fealty, doth fair homage for his Crown to the Pope's Legate, and layeth down at his feet a great mass of the purest gold in coin. The reverend Legate, in token of his Master's Sovereignty, with more than usual pride falls to kicking and spurning the treasure, no doubt with a pair of most holy feet: Not only so; but likewise at solemn feasts is easily entreated to take the King's chair of Estate. Hear I would feign know the Lord Cardinal's opinion; whether these actions of the Pope were just or unjust, lawful or unlawful, according to right or against all right and reason. If he will say against right; it is then clear, that against right his Lordship hath made way to this example: if according to right, let him then make it known, from whence or from whom this power was derived and conveyed to the Pope, whereby he makes himself Sovereign Lord of Temporalties in that Kingdom, where neither he nor any of his predecessors ever pretended any right, or laid any claim to Temporal matters before. Are such pranks to be played by the Pontificial Bishop? Is this an act of Holiness, to set a Kingdom on fire by the flaming brands of sedition? to dismember and quarter a Kingdom with intestine wars; only to this end, that a King once reduced to the lowest degree of misery, might be lifted by his Holiness out of his Royal prerogative, the very soul and life of his Royal Estate? When began this Papal power? In what age began the Pope to practise this power? What! have the ancient Canons, (for the Scripture in this question beareth no pawme) have the Canons of the ancient Church imposed any such satisfaction upon a sinner, that of a Sovereign and free King, he should become vassal to his ghostly Father; that he should make himself together with all his people and subjects tributaries to a Bishop, that shall rifle a whole Nation of their coin, that shall receive homage of a King, and make a King his vassal? What! Shall not a sinner be quitted of his faults, except his Pastor turn robber, and one that goeth about to get a booty? except he make his Pastor a Feoffee in his whole Estate, and suffer himself under a shadow of penance to freeze naked, to be turned out of all his goods and possessions of inheritance? But be it granted, admit his Holiness robs one Prince of his rights and revenues, to confer the same upon another: were it not an high degree of tyranny to finger another man's estate, and to give that away to a third, which the second hath no right, no lawful authority to give? Well, if the Pope then shall become his own carver in the rights of another; if he shall make his own coffers to swell with another's revenues, if he shall deck and array his own back in the spoils of a sinner, with whom in absolution he maketh peace, and taketh truce; what can this be else, but running into further degrees of wickedness and mischief? what can this be else, but heaping of robbery upon fraud, and Impiety upon robbery? For by such deceitful, crafty, and cunning practices, the nature of the Pontificial See, merely spiritual, is changed into the Kings-bench-Court, merely temporal: the Bishop's chair is changed into a Monarch's Throne. And not only so; but beside, the sinner's repentance is changed into a snare or pitfall of cozening deceit; and S. Peter's net is changed into a casting-net or a flew, to fish for all the wealth of most flourishing Kingdoms. Moreover, the King (a hard case) is driven by such wiles and subtleties, to work impossibilities, to act more than is lawful or within the compass of his power to practise: For the King neither may in right, nor can by power trans-nature his Crown, impair the Majesty of his Kingdom, or leave his Royal dignity less free to his heir apparent, or next successor, than he received the same of his predecessor: Much less, by any dishonourable capitulations, by any unworthy contracts, degrade his posterity, bring his people under the grievous burden of tributes and taxes to a foreign Prince: Lest of all, make them tributary to a Priest; unto whom it no way appertaineth to have any hand in the civil affairs of Kings, or to distain, and vnhallow their Crowns. And therefore when the Pope dispatched his Nuntio to Philippus Augustus, requesting the King to avert Lewis his son from laying any claim to the Kingdom of England; Philip answered the Legate (as we have it in Matth. Paris;) No King, no Prince can alienate or give away his Kingdom, but by consent of his Barons, bound by Knight's service to defend the said Kingdom: and in case the Pope shall stand for the contrary error, his Holiness shall give to Kingdoms a most pernicious example. By the same Author it is testified, that King john became odious to his subjects, for such dishonourable and unworthy enthralling of his Crown, and Kingdom. Therefore the Pope's right pretended to the Crown of England, which is nothing else but a ridiculous usurpation, hath long ago vanished into smoke, and required not so much as the drawing of one sword to snatch and pull it by violence out of his hands: For the Pope's power lying altogether in a certain wild and wandering conceit or opinion of men, and being only an imaginary castle in the air, built by pride, and underpropped by superstition, is very speedily dispersed upon the first rising and appearing of the truth in her glorious brightness. There is none so very a dolt or blockhead to deny, that in case this right of the Pope over England, is grounded upon God's word, than his Holiness may challenge the like right over all other Kingdoms: because all other Kingdoms, Crowns, and Sceptres are subject alike to God's word: For what privilege, what charter, what evidence can France fetch out of the Rolls, or any other treasury of her monuments or records, to show that she oweth less subjection to God then England? Or was this yoke of bondage then brought upon the English Nation; was it a prerogative, whereby they might more easily come to the liberty of the sons of God? Or were the people of England persuaded, that for all their substance, wealth, and life bestowed on the Pope, his Holiness by way of exchange returned them better weight and measure of spiritual graces? It is ridiculous, only to conceive these toys in thought; and yet with such ridiculous, with such toys in conceit, his Lordship feeds and entertains his auditors.  
From this point he falleth to another bout and fling at his heretics, with whom he played no fair play before: 
Pag. 105.  There is not one Synod of ministers (as he saith) which would willingly subscribe to this Article, whereunto we should be bound to swear. But herein his Lordship shooteth far from the mark. This Article is approved and preached by the Ministers of my Kingdom: It is likewise preached by those of France, and if need be (I asssure myself) will be signed by all the Ministers of the French Church.  
The L. Cardinal proceedeth, (for he meaneth not so soon to give over these heretics:) All their Consistortes believe it as their Creed; that if Catholic Princes at any time shall offer force unto their conscience, than they are dispensed withal for their oath of allegiance. Hence are these modifications and restricitions, tossed so much in their mouths; Provided the King force us not in our conscience. Hence are these exceptions in the profession of their faith; Provided the Sovereign power and authority of God, be not in any sort violated or infringed. I am not able to conceive what engine can be framed of these materials, for the bearing of Kings out of their eminent seats, by any lawful authority or power in the Pope: For say, those of the Religion should be tainted with some like error; how can that be any shelter of excuse for those of the Romish Church, to undermine or to dig up the Thrones of their Kings? But in this allegation of the L. Cardinal, there is nothing at all, which doth not jump just and accord to a hair with the Article of the third Estate, and with obedience due to the King: For they do not profess, that in case the King shall command them to do any act contrary to their conscience, they would fly at his throat, would make any attempt against his life, would refuse to pay their taxations, or to defend him in the wars: They make no profession of deposing the King, or discharging the people from the oath of allegiance tendered to the King: which is the very point or issue of the matter in controversy, and the main mischief, against which the third Estate hath been most worthily careful to provide a wholesome remedy by this Article. There is a world of difference between the terms of disobedience, and of deposition. It is one thing to disobey the King's command in matters prohibited by divine laws, and yet in all other matters to perform full subjection unto the King. It is another thing of a far higher degree or strain of disloyalty, to bare the King of his Royal robes, throne, and sceptre, and when he is thus far disgraced, to degrade him and to put him from his degree and place of a King. If the holy Father should charge the L. Cardinal to do some act repugnant in his own knowledge to the Law of God, I will religiously, and according to the rule of charity presume, that his Lordship in this case would stand out against his Holiness, and notwithstanding would still acknowledge him to be Pope.  
His Lordship yet prosecutes and follows his former purpose: Hence are those arms which they have oftentimes borne against Kings, when Kings practised to take away the liberty of their conscience and Religion. Hence are those turbulent Commotions and seditions by them raised, as well in the Low-countryes' against the King of Spain, as in Swethland against the Catholic King of Polonia. Besides, he casteth junius Brutus, Buchananus, Barclaius, and Gerson in our teeth. To what end all this? I see not how it can be available to authorize the deposing of Kings, especially the Pope's power to depose. And yet his Lordship here doth outface (by his leave) and bear down the truth: For I could never yet learn by any good and true intelligence, that in France those of the Religion took arms at any time against their King: In the first civil wars they stood only upon their guard: they stood only to their lawful wards and locks of defence: they armed not, nor took the field before they were pursued with fire and sword, burnt up and slaughtered. Besides, Religion was neither the root nor the rind of those intestine troubles. The true ground of the quarrel was this: During the minority of King Francis II. the Protestants of France were a refuge and succour to the Princes of the blood, when they were kept from the King's presence, and by the over pouring power of their enemies, were no better then plain driven and chased from the Court. I mean, the Grandfather of the King now reigning, and the Grandfather of the Prince of Conde, when they had no place of safe retreat. In regard of which worthy and honourable service, it may seem the French King hath reason to have the Protestants in his gracious remembrance. With other commotion or insurrection, the Protestants are not justly to be charged. But on the contrary, certain it is that King Henry III. raised and sent forth several armies against the Protestants, to ruin and root them out of the Kingdom: howbeit, so soon as they perceived the said King was brought into dangerous terms, they ran with great speed and special fidelity to the King's rescue and succour, in the present danger. Certain it is, that by their good service the said King was delivered, from a most extreme and imminent peril of his life in the city of Tours. Certain it is, they never abandoned that Henry 3. nor his next successor Henry 4. in all the heat of revolts and rebellions, raised in the greatest part of the Kingdom by the Pope, and the more part of the Clergy but stood to the said Kings in all their battles, to bear up the Crown then tottering and ready to fall. Certain it is, that even the heads and principals of those by whom the late King deceased was pursued with all extremities, at this day do enjoy the fruit of all the good services done to the King by the said Protestants: And they are now disgraced, kept under, exposed to public hatred. What, for kindling coals of questions and controversies about Religion? Forsooth, not so: but because if they might have equal and indifferent dealing, if credit might be given to their faithful advertisements, the Crown of their Kings should be no longer pinned to the Pope's flie-flap; in France there should be no French exempted from subjection to the French King; causes of benefices or of matrimony, should be no longer citable and summonable to the Romish Court; and the Kingdom should be no longer tributary under the colour of annates, the first fruits of Benefices after the remove or death of the Incumbent, and other like impositions.  
But why do I speak so much in the behalf of the French Protestants? The Lord Cardinal himself quittes them of this blame, when he telleth us this doctrine for the deposing of Kings by the Pope's mace or verge, had credit and authority through all France, until Caluins' time. Doth not his Lordship underhand confess by these words, that Kings had been always before Caluins' time, the more dishonoured, and the worse served? Item, that Protestants, whom his Lordship calls heretics, by the light of holy Scripture made the world then and ever since to see the right of Kings, oppressed so long before? As for those of the Low Countries, and the subjects of Swethland, I have little to say of their case, because it is not within ordinary compass, and indeed serveth nothing to the purpose. These Nations, besides the cause of Religion, do stand upon certain reasons of State, which I will not here take upon me like a judge to determine or to sift.  
junius Brutus, Whom the Lord Cardinal objecteth, is an author unknown; and perhaps of purpose patched up by some Romanist, with a wily deceit to draw the reformed Religion into hatred with Christian Princes.  
Buchanan I reckon and rank among Poets, not among Divines, classical or common. If the man hath burst out here and there into some terms of excess, or speech of bad temper; that must be imputed to the violence of his humour, and heat of his spirit, not in any wise to the rules and conclusions of true Religion, rightly by him conceived before.  
Barclaius alleged by the Cardinal, meddles not with deposing of Kings; but deals with disavowing them for Kings, when they shall renounce the right of Royalty, and of their own accord give over the Kingdom. Now he that leaves it in the King's choice, either to hold or to give over his Crown, leaves it not in the Pope's power to take away the Kingdom.  
Of Gerson obtruded by the Cardinal, we have spoken sufficiently before, Where it hath been showed how Gerson is disguised, masked, and perverted by his Lordship. In brief, I take not upon me to justify and make good all the sayings of particular authors: We glory (and well we may) that our religion affordeth no rules of rebellion; nor any dispensation to subjects for the oath of their allegiance; and that none of our Churches give entertainment unto such monstrous and abominable principles of disloyalty.  
If any of the French, otherwise persuaded in former times, 
Richcrius.  now having altered and changed his judgement, doth contend for the Sovereignty of Kings against Papal usurpation: He doubtless, for winding himself out of the Labyrinth of an error so intricate & pernicious, deserveth great honour and special praise: He is worthy to hold a place of dignity above the L. Cardinal; who hath quitted and betrayed his former judgement, which was holy and just: Their motions are contrary, their marks are opposite: The one reclineth from evil to good, the other declineth from good to evil.  
At last his Lordship cometh to the close of his Oration, and binds up his whole harangue with a feat wreath of praises, proper to his King. He styles the King the eldest Son of the Church, a young shoot of the lily, which King Solomon in all his Royalty was not able to match. He leads us by the hand into the pleasant meadows of Histories, there to learn upon the very first sight and view, That so long so oft as the Kings of France embraced union, and kept good terms of concord with Popes and the Apostolic See; so long as the spouse of the Church was pastured and fed among the lilies, all sorts of spiritual and temporal graces abundantly showered upon their Crowns, and upon their people: On the contrary, when they made any rent or separation from the most holy See; then the lilies were pricked and almost choked with sharp thorns; they began to droop, to stoop, and to bear their beautiful heads down to the very ground, under the strong flaws and gusts of boisterous winds and tempests.  
My answer to this flourishing close and upshot, shall be no less apert than apt. It savours not of good and faithful service, to smooth and stroke the King's head with a soft hand of oiled speech, and in the mean time to take away the Crown from his head, and to defile it with dirt. But let us try the cause by evidence of History, yea by the voice and verdict of experience; to see whether the glorious beauty of the French lilies hath been at any time blasted, and thereupon hath faded, by starting aside, and making separation from the holy See. Under the reign of King Philip the Fair, France was blessed with peace and prosperity, notwithstanding some outrageous acts done against the Papal See, and contumelious crying quittance by King Philip with the Pope. Lewis 12. in ranged battle defeated the armies of Pope julius 2. and his Confederates: proclaimed the said Pope to be fallen from the Popedom: stamped certain coins and pieces of gold with a dishonourable mot, even to Rome itself, Rome is Babylon: yet so much was Lewis loved and honoured of his people, that by a peculiar title he was called, the Father of the Country. Greater blessings of God, greater outward peace and plenty, greater inward peace with spiritual and celestial treasures, were never heaped upon my Great Britain, then have been since my Great Britain became Great in the greatest and chiefest respect of all; to wit, since my Great Britain hath shaken off the Pope's yoke; since she hath refused to receive and to entertain the Pope's Legates, employed to collect S. Peter's tribute or Peter-pences; since the Kings of England, my Great Britain, have not been the Pope's vassals to do him homage for their Crown, and have no more felt the lashings, the scourge of base and beggarly Monks. Of Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, what need I speak? yet a word and no more. Were they not a kind of naked and bare people, of small value, before God lighted the torch of the Gospel, and advanced it in those Nations? were they not an ill fed and scragged people, in comparison of the inestimable wealth and prosperity (both in all military actions and mechanical trades, in traffic as merchants, in marting as men of war, in long navigation for discovery) to which they are now raised and mounted by the merciful blessing of God, since the darkness of Popery hath been scattered, and the bright Sun of the Gospel hath shined in those Countries? Behold the Venetian Republic: Hath she now less beauty, less glory, less peace and prosperity, since she lately fell to bicker and contend with the Pope? since she hath wrung out of the Pope's hand, the one of his two swords? since she hath plumed and shaked his Temporal dominion? On the contrary; after the French Kings had honoured the Popes, with munificent grants and gifts of all the cities and territories, lands and possessions, which they now hold in Italy, and the ancient Earldom of avignon in France for an overplus; were they not rudely recompensed, and homely handled by their most ingrateful fee-farmers and copyholders? Have not Popes forged a donation of Constantine, of purpose to blot out all memory of Pippins and charlemagne donation? Have they not vexed and troubled the State? have they not whetted the sons of Lewis the Courteous against their own Father, whose life was a pattern and example of innocency? Have they not by their infinite exactions, rob and scoured the Kingdom of all their treasure? Were not the Kings of France, driven to stop their violent courses by the pragmatical sanction? Did they not sundry times interdict the Kingdom, degrade the Kings, solicit the neighbour-Princes to invade and lay hold on the Kingdom, and stir up the people against the King, whereby a gate was opened to a world of troubles and parricides? Did not Ravaillac render this reason for his monstrous and horrible attempt, That King Henry had a design to war with God, because he had a design to take arms against his Holiness, who is God? This makes me to wonder, what moved the L. Cardinal to marshal the last civil wars and motions in France, in the rank of examples of unhappy separation from the Pope, when the Pope himself was the trumpeter of the same troublesome motions. If the Pope had been wronged and offended by the French King, or his people, and the Kingdom of France had been scourged with pestilence, or famine, or some other calamity by foreign enemies; it might have been taken in probability, as a vengeance of God for some injury done unto his Vicar: But his Holiness being the root, the ground, the master-workeman and artificer of all these mischiefs; how can it be said, that God punisheth any injury done to the Pope? but rather that his Holiness doth revenge his own quarrel, and which is worst of all, when his Holiness hath no just cause of quarrel or offence. Now then; to exhort a Nation (as the L. Cardinal hath done) by the remembrance of former calamities, to curry favour with the Pope, and to hold a strict union with his Holiness, is no exhortation to bear the Pope any respect of love, or of reverence, but rather a rubbing of memory, and a calling to mind of those grievous calamities, whereof the Pope hath been the only occasion. It is also a threatening and obtruding of the Pope's terrible thunderbolts, which never scorched nor parched any skin, (except cravens and meticulous bodies) and have brought many great showers of blessings upon my Kingdom.  
As for France, if she hath enjoyed prosperity in the times of her good agreement with Popes, it is because the Pope seeks the amity of Princes that are in prosperity, have the means to curb his pretensions, and to put him to some plunge. King's are not in prosperity, because the Pope holds amity with Kings; but his Holiness useth all devices, & seeketh all means to have amity with Kings, because he sees them flourish & sail with prosperous winds. The swallow is no cause, but a companion of the spring: the Pope is no worker of a Kingdom's felicity, but a wooer of kings when they sit in felicities lap: he is no founder, but a follower of their good fortunes. On the other side: let a Kingdom fall into some grievous disaster or calamity, let civil wars boil in the bowels of the Kingdom; civil wars no less dangerous to the State, then fearful and grievous to the people; who riseth sooner than the Pope, who rusheth sooner into the troubled streams then the Pope, who thrusteth himself sooner into the heat of the quarrel then the Pope, who runneth sooner to raise his gain by the public wrack then the Pope, and all under colour of a heart wounded and bleeding for the salvation of souls? If the lawful King happen to be foiled, to be oppressed, and thereupon the State by his fall to get a new master by the Pope's practice; then the said new master must hold the Kingdom as of the Pope's free gift, and rule or guide the stern of the State at his beck, and by his instruction. If the first and right Lord, in despite of all the Pope's fulminations and fireworks, shall get the honourable day, and upper hand of his enemies; then the holy Father with a cheerful and pleasant grace, yea with fatherly gratulation, opens the rich cabinet of his jewels, I mean the treasury of his indulgences, and falls now to dandle and cocker the King in his fatherly lap, whose throat if he could, he would have cut not long before.  
This pestilent mischief hath now a long time taken root, and is grown to a great head in the Christian world, through the secret, but just judgement of God; by whom Christian Kings have beenesmitten with a spirit of dizziness: Christian Kings, who for many aages past have lived in ignorance, without any sound instruction, without any true sense and right feeling of their own right and power, whilst under a shadow of Religion and false cloak of piety, their Kingdoms have been over-burdened, yea over-borne with tributes, and their Crowns made to stoop even to miserable bondage. That God in whose hand the hearts of Kings are poised, and at his pleasure turned as the watercourses; that mighty God alone, in his good time, is able to rouse them out of so deep a slumber, and to take order (their drowsy fits once over and shaken off with heroical spirits) that Popes hereafter shall play no more upon their patience, nor presume to put bits and snaffles in their noble mouths, to the binding up of their power with weak scruples, like mighty bulls lead about by little children with a small twisted thread. To that God, that King of Kings I devote my sceptre; at his feet in all humbleness I lay down my Crown; to his holy decrees and commands I will ever be a faithful servant, and in his battles a faithful champion. To conclude; in this just cause and quarrel, I dare send the challenge, and will require no second, to maintain as a defendant of honour, that my brother-Princes and myself, whom God hath advanced upon the Throne of Sovereign Majesty and supreme dignity, do hold the Royal dignity of his Majesty alone; to whose service, as a most humble homager and vassal, I consecrate all the glory, honour, splendour, and lustre of my earthly Kingdoms.     

A SPEECH, AS IT WAS DELIVERED IN THE UPPER HOUSE OF THE PARLIAMENT TO THE LORDS spiritual AND Temporal, and to the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses there assembled, ON MONDAY THE XIX. DAY OF MARCH 1603. BEING THE FIRST DAY OF THE first Parliament.  
IT did no sooner please God to lighten his hand, and relent the violence of his devouring Angel against the poor people of this City, but as soon did I resolve to call this Parliament, and that for three chief and principal reasons: The first whereof is, (and which of itself, although there were no more, is not only a sufficient, but a most full and necessary ground and reason for convening of this Assembly) This first reason I say is, That you who are here presently assembled to represent the Body of this whole Kingdom, and of all sorts of people within the same, may with your own ears hear, and that I out of mine own mouth may deliver unto you the assurance of my due thankfulness for your so joyful and general applause to the declaring and receiving of me in this Seat (which GOD by my Birthright and lineal descent had in the fullness of time provided for me) and that, immediately after it pleased God to call your late Sovereign of famous memory, full of days, but fuller of immortal trophies of Honour, out of this transitory life. Not that I am able to express by words, or utter by eloquence the vive Image of mine inward thankfulness, but only that out of mine own mouth you may rest assured to expect that measure of thankfulness at my hands, which is according to the infiniteness of your deserts, and to my inclination and ability for requital of the same. Shall I ever? nay, can I ever be able, or rather so unable in memory, as to forget your unexpected readiness and alacrity, your ever memorable resolution, and your most wonderful conjunction and harmony of your hearts in declaring and embracing me as your undoubted and lawful King and Governor? Or shall it ever be blotted out of my mind, how at my first entry into this Kingdom, the people of all sorts rid and ran, nay rather flew to meet me? their eyes flaming nothing but sparkles of affection, their mouths and tongues uttering nothing but sounds of joy, their hands, feet, and all the rest of their members in their gestures discovering a passionate longing, and earnestness to meet and embrace their new Sovereign. Quid ergo retribuam? Shall I allow in myself, that which I could never bear with in another? No I must plainly and freely confess here in all your audiences, that I did ever naturally so far mislike a tongue to smooth, and diligent in paying their creditors with lip payment and verbal thanks, as I ever suspected that sort of people meant not to pay their debtors in more substantial sort of coin. And therefore for expressing of my thankfulness, I must resort unto the other two reasons of my convening of this Parliament, by them in action to utter my thankfulness: Both the said reasons having but one ground, which is the deeds, whereby all the days of my life, I am by God's grace to express my said thankfulness towards you, but divided in this, That in the first of these two, mine actions of thanks, are so inseparably conjoined with my Person, as they are in a manner become individually annexed to the same: In the other reason, mine actions are such, as I may either do them, or leave them undone, although by God's grace I hope never to be weary of the doing of them.  
As to the first: It is the blessings which God hath in my Person bestowed upon you all, wherein I protest, I do more glory at the same for your weal, then for any particular respect of mine own reputation, or advantage therein.  
THe first then of these blessings, which God hath jointly with my Person sent unto you, is outward Peace: that is, peace abroad with all foreign neighbours: for I thank God I may justly say, that never since I was a King, I either received wrong of any other Christian Prince or State, or did wrong to any: I have ever, I praise God, yet kept Peace and amity with all, which hath been so far tied to my person, as at my coming here you are witnesses I found the State embarked in a great and tedious war, and only by mine arrival here, and by the Peace in my Person, is now amity kept, where war was before, which is no small blessing to a Christian Commonwealth: for by Peace abroad with their neighbours the towns flourish, the Merchants become rich, the Trade doth increase, and the people of all sorts of the Land enjoy free liberty to exercise themselves in their several vocations without peril or disturbance. Not that I think this outward Peace so unseparably tied to my Person, as I dare assuredly promise to myself and to you, the certain continuance thereof: but thus far I can very well assure you and in the word of a King promise unto you, That I shall never give the first occasion of the breach thereof, neither shall I ever be moved for any particular or private passion of mind to interrupt your public Peace, except I be forced thereunto, either for reparation of the honour of the Kingdom, or else by necessity for the weal and preservation of the same: In which case, a secure and honourable war must be preferred to an unsecure and dishonourable Peace: yet do I hope by my experience of the bypassed blessings of Peace, which God hath so long ever since my Birth bestowed upon me, that he will not be weary to continue the same, nor repent him of his grace towards me, transferring that sentence of King David's upon his bypassed victories of war, to mine of Peace, That, that God who preserved me from the devouring jaws of the Bear and of the Lion, and delivered them into my hands, shall also now grant me victory over that uncircumcised Philistine.  
But although outward Peace be a great blessing; yet is it as far inferior to peace within, as Civil wars are more cruel and unnatural than wars abroad. And therefore the second great blessing that GOD hath with my Person sent unto you, is Peace within, and that in a double form. First, by my descent lineally out of the loins of Henry the seventh, is reunited and confirmed in me the Union of the two Princely Roses of the two Houses of LANCASTER and YORK, whereof that King of happy memory was the first Vniter, as he was also the first ground-layer of the other Peace. The lamentable and miserable events by the Civil and bloody dissension betwixt these two Houses was so great and so late, as it need not be renewed unto your memories: which, as it was first settled and united in him, so is it now reunited and confirmed in me, being justly and lineally descended, not only of that happy conjunction, but of both the Branches thereof many times before. But the Union of these two princely Houses, is nothing comparable to the Union of two ancient and famous Kingdoms, which is the other inward Peace annexed to my Person.  
And here I must crave your patiences for a little space, to give me leave to discourse more particularly of the benefits that do arise of that Union which is made in my blood, being a matter that most properly belongeth to me to speak of, as the head wherein that great Body is united. And first, if we were to look no higher then to natural and Physical reasons, we may easily be persuaded of the great benefits that by that Union do redound to the whole Island: for if twenty thousand men be a strong Army, is not the double thereof, forty thousand, a double the stronger Army? If a Baron enricheth himself with double as many lands as he had before, is he not double the greater? Nature teacheth us, that Mountains are made of Motes, and that at the first, Kingdoms being divided, and every particular Town or little County, as Tyrants or Usurpers could obtain the possession, a signory apart, many of these little Kingdoms are now in process of time, by the ordinance of God, joined into great Monarchies, whereby they are become powerful within themselves to defend themselves from all outward invasions, and their head and governor thereby enabled to redeem them from foreign assaults, and punish private transgressions within. Do we not yet remember, that this Kingdom was divided into seven little Kingdoms, besides Wales? And is it not now the stronger by their union? And hath not the union of Wales to England added a greater strength thereto? Which though it was a great Principality, was nothing comparable in greatness and power to the ancient and famous Kingdom of Scotland. But what should we stick upon any natural appearance, when it is manifest that God by his Almighty providence hath preordained it so to be? Hath not God first united these two Kingdoms both in Language, Religion, and similitude of manners? Yea, hath he not made us all in one Island, compassed with one Sea, and of itself by nature so indivisible, as almost those that were borderers themselves on the late Borders, cannot distinguish, nor know, or discern their own limits? These two Countries being separated neither by Sea, nor great River, Mountain, nor other strength of nature, but only by little small brooks, or demolished little walls, so as rather they were divided in apprehension, then in effect; And now in the end and fullness of time united, the right and title of both in my Person, alike lineally descended of both the Crowns, whereby it is now become like a little World within itself, being entrenched and fortified round about with a natural, and yet admirable strong pond or ditch, whereby all the former fears of this Nation are now quite cut off: The other part of the Island being ever before now not only the place of landing to all strangers, that was to make invasion here, but likewise moved by the enemies of this State by untimely incursions, to make enforced diversion from their Conquests, for defending themselves at home, and keeping sure their backdoor, as than it was called, which was the greatest hindrance and let that ever my Predecessors of this Nation got in disturbing them from their many famous and glorious conquests abroad: What God hath conjoined then, let no man separate. I am the Husband, and all the whole Isle is my lawful Wife; I am the Head, and it is my Body; I am the Shepherd, and it is my flock: I hope therefore no man will be so unreasonable as to think that I that am a Christian King under the Gospel, should be a Polygamist and husband to two wives; that I being the Head, should have a divided and monstrous Body; or that being the Shepherd to so fair a Flock (whose fold hath no wall to hedge it but the four Seas) should have my Flock parted in two. But as I am assured, that no honest Subject of whatsoever degree within my whole dominions, is less glad of this joyful Union than I am; So may the frivolous objection of any that would be hinderers of this work, which God hath in my Person already established, be easily answered, which can be none, except such as are either blinded with Ignorance, or else transported with Malice, being unable to live in a well governed Commonwealth, and only delighting to fish in troubled waters. For if they would stand upon their reputation and privileges of any of the Kingdoms, I pray you was not both the kingdoms Monarchies from the beginning, and consequently could ever the Body be counted without the Head, which was ever unseparably joined thereunto? So that as Honour and Privileges of any of the Kingdoms could not be divided from their Sovereign; So are they now confounded & joined in my Person, who am equal and alike kindly Head to you both. When this Kingdom of England was divided into so many little Kingdoms as I told you before; one of them behoved to eat up another, till they were all united in one. And yet can Wiltshire or Devonshire, which were of the West Saxons, although their Kingdom was of longest durance, and did by Conquest overcome divers of the rest of the little Kingdoms, make claim to Priority of Place or Honour before Sussex, Essex, or other Shires which were conquered by them? And have we not the like experience in the Kingdom of France, being composed of divers duchies, and one after another conquered by the sword? For even as little brooks lose their names by their running and fall into great Rivers, and the very name and memory of the great Rivers swallowed up in the Ocean so by the conjunction of divers little Kingdoms in one, are all these private differences and questions swallowed up. And since the success was happy of the Saxons Kingdoms being conquered by the spear of Bellona; 
Mars.  How much greater reason have we to expect a happy issue of this greater Union, which is only fastened and bound up by the wedding Ring of Astrea? 
Love and Peace.  And as God hath made Scotland the one half of this Isle to enjoy my Birth, and the first and most unperfect half of my life, and you here to enjoy the perfect and the last half thereof; so can I not think that any would be so injurious to me, no not in their thoughts and wishes, as to cut asunder the one half of me from the other. But in this matter I have far enough insisted, resting assured that in your hearts and minds you all applaud this my discourse.  
NOw although these blessings before rehearsed of Inward and Outward peace, be great: yet seeing that in all good things, a great part of their goodness and estimation is lost, if they have not appearance of perpetuity or long continuance; so hath it pleased Almighty God to accompany my person also with that favour, having healthful and hopeful Issue of my body, whereof some are here present, for continuance and propagation of that undoubted right which is in my Person; under whom I doubt not but it will please God to prosper and continue for many years this Union, and all other blessings of Inward and outward Peace, which I have brought with me.  
But neither Peace outward, nor Peace inward, nor any other blessings that can follow thereupon, nor appearance of the perpetuity thereof, by propagation in the posterity, is but a weak pillar and a rotten reed to lean unto, if God do not strengthen and by the staff of his blessing make them durable: For in vain doth the Watchman watch the City, if the Lord be not the principal defence thereof: In vain doth the builder build the house, if God give not the success: And in vain (as Paul saith) doth Paul plant and Apollo water, if God give not the increase: For all worldly blessings are but like swift passing shadows, fading flowers, or chaff blown before the wind, if by the profession of true Religion, and works according thereunto, God be not moved to maintain and settle the Thrones of Princes. And although that since mine entry into this Kingdom, I have both by meeting with divers of the Ecclesiastical Estate, and likewise by divers Proclamations clearly declared my mind in points of Religion, yet do I not think it amiss in this so solemn an Audience, I should now take occasion to discover somewhat of the secrets of my heart in that matter: For I shall never (with God's grace) be ashamed to make public profession thereof at all occasions, lest God should be ashamed to profess and allow me before men and Angels, especially lest that at this time men might presume further upon the misknowledge of my meaning to trouble this Parliament of ours than were convenient. At my first coming, although I found but one Religion, and that which by myself is professed, publicly allowed, and by the Law maintained: Yet found I another sort of Religion, besides a private Sect, lurking within the bowels of this Nation. The first is the true Religion, which by me is professed, and by the Law is established: The second is the falsely called Catholics, but truly Papists: The third, which I call a sect rather than Religion, is the Puritans and Novelists, who do not so far differ from us in points of Religion, as in their confused form of Policy and Parity, being ever discontented with the present government, & impatient to suffer any superiority, which maketh their sect unable to be suffered in any well governed Common wealth. But as for my course toward them, I remit it to my Proclamations made upon that Subject. And now for the Papists, I must put a difference betwixt mine own private profession of mine own salvation, and my politic government of the Realm for the weal and quietness thereof. As for mine own profession, you have me your Head now amongst you of the same Religion that the body is of. As I am no stranger to you in blood, no more am I a stranger to you in Faith, or in the matters concerning the house of God. And although this my profession be according to mine education, wherein (I thank God) I sucked the milk of God's truth, with the milk of my Nurse: yet do I here protest unto you, that I would never for such a conceit of constancy or other prejudicate opinion, have so firmly kept my first profession, if I had not found it agreeable to all reason, and to the rule of my Conscience. But I was never violent nor unreasonable in my profession: I acknowledge the Roman Church to be our Mother Church, although defiled with some infirmities and corruptions, as the jews were when they crucified Christ: And as I am none enemy to the life of a sick man, because I would have his body purged of ill humours; no more am I enemy to their Church, because I would have them reform their errors, not wishing the down throwing of the Temple, but that it might be purged and cleansed from corruption: otherwise how can they wish us to enter, if their house be not first made clean? But as I would be loather to dispense in the least point of mine own Conscience for any worldly respect, than the foolishest Precisian of them all; so would I be as sorry to strait the politic Government of the bodies and minds of all my Subjects to my private opinions: Nay, my mind was ever so free from persecution, or thralling of my Subjects in matters of Conscience, as I hope that those of that profession within this Kingdom have a proof since my coming, that I was so far from increasing their burdens with Rehoboam, as I have so much as either time, occasion, or law could permit, lightened them. And even now at this time have I been careful to reuise and consider deeply upon the Laws made against them, that some overture may be proponed to the present Parliament for clearing these Laws by reason (which is the soul of the Law) in case they have been in times past further, or more rigorously extended by judges, than the meaning of the Law was, or might tend to the hurt aswell of the innocent as of guilty persons. And as to the persons of my Subjects which are of that profession, I must divide them into two ranks, clerics and Layickes; for the part of the Layicks, certainly I ever thought them far more excusable than the other sort, because that sort of Religion containeth such an ignorant, doubtful, and implicit kind of faith in the Layickes grounded upon their Church, as except they do generally believe whatsoever their Teachers please to affirm, they cannot be thought guilty of these particular points of heresies and corruptions, which their Teachers do so wilfully profess. And again I must subdivide the same Layickes into two ranks, that is, either quiet and well minded men, peaceable Subjects, who either being old, have retained their first drunken in liquor upon a certain shamefastness to be thought curious or changeable: Or being young men, through evil education have never been nursed or brought up, but upon such venom in place of wholesome nutriment. And that sort of people I would be sorry to punish their bodies for the error of their minds, the reformation whereof must only come of God and the true Spirit. But the other rank of Layicks, who either through Curiosity, affectation of Novelty, or discontentment in their private humours, have changed their coats, only to be factious stirrers of Sedition, and Perturbers of the common wealth, their backwardness in their Religion giveth a ground to me the Magistrate, to take the better heed to their proceeding, and to correct their obstinacy. But for the part of the clerics, I must directly say and affirm, that as long as they maintain one special point of their doctrine, and another point of their practice, they are no way sufferable to remain in this Kingdom. Their point of doctrine is that arrogant and ambitious Supremacy of their Head the Pope, whereby he not only claims to be Spiritual head of all Christians, but also to have an Imperial civil power over all Kings and Emperors, dethroning and decrowning Princes with his foot as pleaseth him, and dispensing and disposing of all Kingdoms and Empires at his appetite. The other point which they observe in continual practice, is the assassinates and murders of Kings, thinking it no sin, but rather a matter of salvation, to do all actions of rebellion and hostility against their natural Sovereign Lord, if he be once cursed, his subjects discharged of their fidelity, and his Kingdom given a prey by that three crowned Monarch, or rather Monster their Head. And in this point, I have no occasion to speak further here, saving that I could wish from my heart, that it would please God to make me one of the members of such a general Christian union in Religion, as laying wilfulness aside on both hands, we might meet in the midst, which is the Centre and perfection of all things. For if they would leave, and be ashamed of such new and gross Corruptions of theirs, as themselves cannot maintain, nor deny to be worthy of reformation, I would for mine own part be content to meet them in the midway, so that all novelties might be renounced on either side. For as my faith is the True, Ancient, Catholic and Apostolic faith, grounded upon the Scriptures and express word of God: so will I ever yield all reverence to antiquity in the points of Ecclesiastical policy; and by that means shall I ever with God's grace keep myself from either being an heretic in Faith, or schismatic in matters of Policy. But of one thing would I have the Papists of this Land to be admonished, That they presume not so much upon my Lenity (because I would be loath to be thought a Persecuter) as thereupon to think it lawful for them daily to increase their number and strength in this Kingdom, whereby if not in my time, at least in the time of my posterity, they might be in hope to erect their Religion again. No, let them assure themselves, that as I am a friend to their persons if they be good subjects: so am I a vowed enemy, and do denounce mortal war to their errors: And that as I would be sorry to be driven by their ill behaviour from the protection and conservation of their bodies and lives, So will I never cease as far as I can, to tread down their errors and wrong opinions. For I could not permit the increase and growing of their Religion, without first betraying of myself, and mine own conscience: Secondly, this whole Isle, aswell the part I am come from, as the part I remain in, in betraying their Liberties, and reducing them to the former slavish yoke, which both had casten off, before I came amongst them: And thirdly, the liberty of the Crown in my posterity, which I should leave again under a new slavery, having found i● left free to me by my Predecessors. And therefore would I wish all good Subjects that are deceived with that corruption, first if they find any beginning of instinction in themselves of knowledge and love to the Truth, to foster the same by all lawful means, and to beware of quenching the spirit that worketh within them; And if they can find as yet no motion tending that way, to be studious to read and confer with learned men, and to use all such means as may further their Resolution, assuring themselves, that as long as they are disconformable in Religion from us, they cannot be but half my Subjects, be able to do but half service, and I to want the best half of them, which is their souls. And here have I occasion to speak to you my Lords the Bishops: For as you, my Lord of Durham, said very learnedly to day in your Sermon, Correction without instruction, is but a Tyranny: So ought you, and all the Clergy under you, to be more careful, vigilant, and diligent than you have been, to win Souls to God, aswell by your exemplary life, as doctrine. And since you see how careful they are, sparing neither labour, pains, nor extreme peril of their persons to divert, (the Devil is so busy a Bishop) ye should be the more careful and wakeful in your charges. Fellow the rule prescribed you by S. Paul, Be careful to exhort and to instruct in season, and out of season: and where you have been any way sluggish before, now waken yourselves up again with a new diligence in this point, remitting the success to God, who calling them either at the second, third, tenth or twelfth hour, as they are alike welcome to him, so shall they be to me his Lieutenant here.  
The third reason of my convening of you at this time, 
The third reason of assembling the Parliament.  which containeth such actions of my thankfulness toward you, as I may either do, or leave undone, yet shall with God's grace ever press to perform all the days of my life: It consists in these two points; In making of Laws at certain times, which is only at such times as this in Parliament; or in the careful execution thereof at all other times. As for the making of them, I will thus far faithfully promise unto you, That I will ever prefer the weal of the body, and of the whole Commonwealth, in making of good Laws and constitutions, to any particular or private ends of mine, thinking ever the wealth and weal of the Commonwealth to be my greatest weal and worldly felicity: A point wherein a lawful King doth directly differ from a Tyrant. But at this time I am only thus far to forewarn you in that point, That you beware to seek the making of too many Laws, for two especial reasons: First, because In corruptissima Republica plurimae leges; and the execution of good Laws is far more profitable in a Commonwealth, then to burden men's memories with the making of too many of them. And next, because the making of too many Laws in one Parliament, will bring in confusion, for lack of leisure wisely to deliberate before you conclude: For the Bishop said well to day, That to Deliberation would a large time be given, but to Execution a greater promptness was required. As for the execution of good Laws, it hath been very wisely and honourably foreseen and ordered by my predecessors in this Kingdom, in planting such a number of judges, and all sorts of Magistrates in convenient places for the execution of the same: And therefore must I now turn me to you that are judges and Magistrates under me, as mine Eyes and Ears in this case. I can say none otherwise to you, then as Ezekias the good King of juda said to their judges, Remember that the Thrones that you fit on are Gods, and neither yours nor mine: And that as you must be answerable to me, so must both you and I be answerable to GOD, for the due execution of our Offices. That place is no place for you to utter your affections in, you must not there hate your foe nor love your friend, fear the offence of the greater party or pity the misery of the meaner; ye must be blind and not see distinctions of persons, handless, not to receive bribes; but keep that just temper and mid-course in all your proceed, that like a just balance ye may neither sway to the right nor left hand. Three principal qualities are required in you; Knowledge, Courage, and Sincerity: that you may discern with knowledge, execute with courage, and do both in upright sincerity. And as for my part, I do vow and protest here in the presence of God, and of this honourable Audience, I never shall be weary, nor omit no occasion, wherein I may show my carefulness of the execution of good Laws. And as I wish you that are judges not to be weary in your Office in doing of it; so shall I never be weary, with God's grace, to take account of you, which is properly my calling.  
And thus having told you the three causes of my convening of this Parliament, all three tending only to utter my thankfulness, but in divers forms, the first by word, the other two by action; I do confess that when I have done and performed all that in this Speech I have promised, Inutilis servus sum: Inutile, because the meaning of the word Inutilis in that place of Scripture is understood, that in doing all that service which we can to God, it is but our due, and we do nothing to God but that which we are bound to do. And in like manner, when I have done all that I can for you, I do nothing but that which I am bound to do, and am accountable to God upon the contrary: For I do acknowledge, that the special and greatest point of difference that is betwixt a rightful King and an usurping Tyrant is in this; That whereas the proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think his Kingdom and people are only ordained for satisfaction of his desires and unreasonable appetites; The righteous and just King doth by the contrary acknowledge himself to be ordained for the procuring of the wealth and prosperity of his people, and that his greatest and principal worldly felicity must consift in their prosperity. If you be rich I cannot be poor, if you be happy I cannot but be fortunate, and I protest that your welfare shall ever be my greatest care and contentment: And that I am a Servant it is most true, that as I am Head and Governor of all the people in my Dominion who are my natural vassals and Subjects, considering them in numbers and distinct Ranks; So if we will take the whole People as one body and Mass, then as the Head is ordained for the body and not the Body for the Head; so must a righteous King know himself to be ordained for his people, and not his people for him: For although a King and people be Relata; yet can he be no King if he want people and Subjects. But there be many people in the world that lack a Head, wherefore I will never be ashamed to confess it my principal Honour to be the great Servant of the Commonwealth, and ever think the prosperity thereof to be my greatest felicity, as I have already said.  
But as it was the whole Body of this Kingdom, with an uniform assent and harmony, as I told you in the beginning of my Speech, which did so far oblige me in good will and thankfulness of requital by their alacrity and readiness in declaring and receiving me to that place which God had provided for me, and not any particular persons: (for then it had not been the body) So is my thankfulness due to the whole State. For even as in matter of faults, Quod à multis peccatur, impunè peccatur: Even so in the matter of virtuous and good deeds, what is done by the willing consent and harmony of the whole body, no particular person can justly claim thanks as proper to him for the same. And therefore I must here make a little Apology for myself, in that I could not satisfy the particular humours of every person, that looked for some advancement or reward at my hand since my entry into this Kingdom. Three kind of things were craved of me: Advancement to honour, Preferment to place of Credit about my Person, and Reward in matters of land or profit. If I had bestowed Honour upon all, no man could have been advanced to Honour: for the degrees of Honour do consist in perferring some above their fellows. If every man had the like access to my Privy or Bedchamber, than no man could have it, because it cannot contain all. And if I had bestowed Lands and Rewards upon every man, the fountain of my liberality would be so exhausted and dried, as I would lack means to be liberal to any man. And yet was I not so sparing, but I may without vaunting affirm that I have enlarged my favour in all the three degrees, towards as many and more than ever King of England did in so short a space: No, I rather crave your pardon that I have been so bountiful: for if the means of the Crown be wasted, I behoved then to have recourse to you my Subjects, and be burdensome to you, which I would be loathest to be of any King alive. For as it is true, that as I have already said, it was a whole Body which did deserve so well at my hand, and not every particular person of the people: yet were there some who by reason of their Office, credit with the people or otherwise, took occasion both before, and at the time of my coming amongst you, to give proof of their love and affection towards me. Not that I am any way in doubt, that if other of my Subjects had been in their places, and had had the like occasion, but they would have uttered the like good effects, (so general and so great were the love and affection of you all towards me:) But yet this having been performed by some special persons, I could not without unthankfulness but requite them accordingly. And therefore had I just occasion to advance some in Honour, some to places of service about me, and by rewarding to enable some who had deserved well of me, and were not otherwise able to maintain the ranks I thought them capable of, and others who although they had not particularly deserved before, yet I found them capable and worthy of place of preferment and credit, and not able to sustain those places for which I thought them fit, without my help. Two especial causes moved me to be so open handed: whereof the one was reasonable and honourable; but the other I will not be ashamed to confess unto you, proceeded of mine own infirmity. That which was just and honourable, was: That being so far beholding to the body of the whole State, I thought I could not refuse to let run some small brooks out of the fountain of my thankfulness to the whole, for refreshing of particular persons that were members of that multitude. The other which proceeded out of mine own infirmity, was the multitude and importunity of Suitors. But although reason come by infusion in a manner, yet experience groweth with time and labour: And therefore do I not doubt, but experience in time coming will both teach the particular Subjects of this Kingdom, not to be so importune and undiscreet in craving: And me not to be so easily and lightly moved, in granting that which may be harmful to my Estate, and consequently to the whole Kingdom.  
And thus having at length declared unto you my mind in all the points, for the which I called this Parliament: My conclusion shall only now be to excuse myself, in case you have not found such Eloquence in my Speech, as peradventure you might have looked for at my hands. I might, if I list, allege the great weight of my Affairs and my continual business and distraction, that I could never have leisure to think upon what I was to speak, before I came to the place where I was to speak: And I might also allege that my first sight of this so famous and Honourable an Assembly, might likewise breed some impediment. But leaving these excuses, I will plainly and freely in my manner tell you the true cause of it, which is; That it becometh a King, in my opinion, to use no other Eloquence than plainness and sincerity. By plainness I mean, that his Speeches should be so clear and void of all ambiguity, that they may not be thrown, nor rend asunder in contrary senses like the old Oracles of the Pagan gods. And by sincerity, I understand that uprightness and honesty which ought to be in a King's whole Speeches and actions: That as far as a King is in Honour erected above any of his Subjects, so far should he strive in sincerity to be above them all, and that his tongue should be ever the true Messenger of his heart: and this sort of Eloquence may you ever assuredly look for at my hands.   

A SPEECH IN THE PARLIAMENT HOUSE, AS NEAR THE VERY WORDS AS COULD BE GATHERED at the instant.  
MY Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and you the Knights and Burgesses of this Parliament, It was far from my thoughts till very lately before my coming to this place, that this Subject should have been ministered unto me, whereupon I am now to speak. But now it so falleth out, That whereas in the preceding Session of this Parliament, the principal occasion of my Speech was, to thank and congratulate all you of this House, and in you, all the whole Commonwealth (as being the representative body of the State) for your so willing, and loving receiving and embracing of me in that place, which GOD and Nature by descent of blood, had in his own time provided for me: So now my Subject is, to speak of a far greater Thanksgiving then before I gave to you, being to a far greater person, which is to GOD, for the great and miraculous Delivery he hath at this time granted to me, and to you all, and consequently to the whole body of this Estate.  
I must therefore begin with this old and most approved Sentence of Divinity, Misericordia Dei supra omnia opera eius. For Almighty God did not furnish so great matter to his glory by the Creation of this great World, as he did by the Redemption of the same. Neither did his generation of the little world in our old & first Adam, so much set forth the praises of God in his justice and Mercy, as did our Regeneration in the last & second Adam.  
And now I must crave a little pardon of you. That since Kings are in the word of GOD itself called Gods, as being his Lieutenants and Vicegerents on earth, and so adorned and furnished with some sparkles of the Divinity; to compare some of the works of GOD the great KING, towards the whole and general world, to some of his works towards me, and this little world of my Dominions, compassed and severed by the Sea from the rest of the earth. Foras GOD for the just punishment of the first great sins in the original world, when the sons of GOD went in to the daughters of men, and the cup of their iniquities of all sorts was filled, and heaped up to the full, did by a general deluge and overflowing of waters, baptise the world to a general destruction, and not to a general purgation (only excepted NOAH and his family, who did repent and believe the threatenings of GOD'S judgement:) So now when the world shall wax old as a garment, and that all the impieties and sins that can be devised against both the first and second Table, have and shall be committed to the full measure; GOD is to punish the world the second time by fire, to the general destruction and not purgation thereof: Although as was done in the former to NOAH and his family by the waters; So shall all we that believe be likewise purged, and not destroyed by the fire. In the like sort, I say, I may justly compare these two great and fearful Domes-dayes, wherewith GOD threatened to destroy me and all you of this little world that have interest in me. For although I confess, as all mankind, so chief Kings, as being in the higher places like the high Trees, or stayest Mountains, and steepest Rocks, are most subject to the daily tempests of innumerable dangers; and I amongst all other Kings have ever been subject unto them, not only ever since my birth, but even as I may justly say, before my birth: and while I was yet in my mother's belly: yet have I been exposed to two more special and greater dangers than all the rest.  
The first of them, in the Kingdom where I was borne, and passed the first part of my life: And the last of them here, which is the greatest. In the former I should have been baptised in blood, and in my destruction not only the Kingdom wherein I then was, but ye also by your future interest, should have tasted of my ruin: Yet it pleased GOD to deliver me, as it were from the very brink of death, from the point of the dagger, and so to purge me by my thankful acknowledgement of so great a benefit. But in this, which did so lately fall out, and which was a destruction prepared not for me alone, but for you all that are here present, and wherein no rank, age, nor sex should have been spared; This was not a crying sin of blood, as the former, but it may well be called a roaring, nay a thundering sin of fire and brimstone, from the which GOD hath so miraculously delivered us all. What I can speak of this, I know not: Nay rather, what can I not speak of it? And therefore I must for horror say with the Poet, Vox faucibus haeret.  
In this great and horrible attempt, 
Three miraculous events be to be observed in the Attempt.  whereof the like was never either heard or read, I observe three wonderful, or rather miraculous events.  
FIrst, in the cruelty of the Plot itself, 
1 The cruelty of the Plot.  wherein cannot be enough admired the horrible and fearful cruelty of their device, which was not only for the destruction of my Person, nor of my Wife and posterity only, but of the whole body of the State in general; wherein should neither have been spared, or distinction made of young nor of old, of great nor of small, of man nor of woman: The whole Nobility, the whole reverend Clergy, Bishops, and most part of the good Preachers, the most part of the Knights and Gentry; yea, and if that any in this Society were favourers of their profession, they should all have gone one way: The whole judges of the land, with the most of the Lawyers, and the whole Clerks: And as the wretch himself which is in the Tower, doth confess, it was purposely devised by them, and concluded to be done in this house; That where the cruel Laws (as they say) were made against their Religion, both place and persons should all be destroyed and blown up at once. 
Three ways how mankind may come to death.  And then consider therewithal the cruel form of that practice: for by three different sorts in general may mankind be put to death.  
The first, by other men, and reasonable creatures, which is least cruel: 
1 By man..  for then both defence of men against men may be expected, and likewise who knoweth what pity God may stir up in the hearts of the Actors at the very instant? beside the many ways and means, whereby men may escape in such a present fury.  
And the second way more cruel than that, 
2 By unreasonable creatures.  is by Animal and unreasonable creatures: for as they have less pity than men, so is it a greater horror and more unnatural for men to deal with them: But yet with them both resistance may avail, and also some pity may be had, as was in the Lions, in whose den Daniel was thrown; or that thankful Lion, that had the Roman in his mercy.  
But the third, which is most cruel and unmerciful of all, 
3 By insensible things.  is the destruction by insensible and inanimate things, and amongst them all, the most cruel are the two Elements of Water and Fire; and of those two, the fire mostraging and merciless.  
SEcondly, 
2 The small ground the Conspirators had to move them.  how wonderful it is when you shall think upon the small, or rather no ground, whereupon the practisers were enticed to invent this Tragedy. For if these Conspirators had only been bankrupt persons, or discontented upon occasion of any disgraces done unto them; this might have seemed to have been but a work of revenge. But for my own part, as Iscarcely ever knew any of them, so cannot they allege so much as a pretended cause of grief: And the wretch himself in hands doth confess, That there was no cause moving him or them, but merely and only Religion. And specially that christian men, at least so called, Englishmen, borne within the Country, and one of the specials of them my sworn Servant in an Honourable place, should practise the destruction of their King, his Posterity, their Country and all: Wherein their following obstinacy is so joined to their former malice, as the fellow himself that is in hand, cannot be moved to discover any signs or notes of repentance, except only that he doth not yet stand to avow, that he reputes for not being able to perform his intent.  
THirdly, 
3 Miraculous event, the discovery.  the discovery hereof is not a little wonderful, which would be thought the more miraculous by you all, if you were aswell acquainted with my natural disposition, as those are who be near about me: For as I ever did hold Suspicion to be the sickness of a Tyrant, so was I so far upon the other extremity, as I rather contemned all advertisements, or apprehensions of practices. And yet now at this time was I so far contrary to myself, as when the Letter was showed to me by my Secretary, wherein a general obscure advertisement was given of some dangerous blow at this time, I did upon the instant interpret and apprehend some dark phrases therein, contrary to the ordinary Grammar construction of them, (and in an other sort than I am sure any Divine, or Lawyer in any University would have taken them) to be meant by this horrible form of blowing us up all by Powder; And thereupon ordered that search to be made, whereby the matter was discovered, and the man apprehended: whereas if I had apprehended or interpreted it to any other sort of danger, no worldly provision or prevention could have made us escape our utter destruction.  
And in that also was there a wonderful providence of God, that when the party himself was taken, he was but new come out of his house from working, having his Fireworke for kindling ready in his pocket, wherewith as he confesseth, if he had been taken but immediately before when he was in the House, he was resolved to have blown up himself with his Takers.  
One thing for mine own part have I cause to thank GOD in, That if GOD for our sins had suffered their wicked intents to have prevailed, it should never have been spoken nor written in aages succeeding, that I had died ingloriously in an Alehouse, a Stews, or such vile place, but mine end should have been with the most Honourable and best company, and in that most Honourable and fittest place for a King to be in, for doing the turns most proper to his Office. And the more have We all cause to thank and magnify GOD for this his merciful Delivery; And specially I for my part, that he hath given me yet once leave, whatsoever should come of me hereafter, to assemble you in this Honourable place; And here in this place, where our general destruction should have been, to magnify and praise him for Our general delivery: That I may justly now say of mine Enemies and yours, as David doth often say in the Psalm, Inciderunt in foveam quam fecerunt. And since Scipio an Ethnic, led only by the light of Nature, That day when he was accused by the Tribunes of the people of Rome for misspending and wasting in his Punic wars the City's Treasure, even upon the sudden brake out with that diversion of them from that matter, calling them to remembrance how that day, was the day of the year, wherein God had given them so great a victory against Hannibal, and therefore it was fit for them all, leaving other matters, to run to the Temple to praise God for that so great delivery, which the people did all follow with one applause: How much more cause have we that are Christians to bestow this time in this place for Thanksgiving to God for his great Mercy, though we had had no other errant of assembling here at this time? wherein if I have spoken more like a Divine then would seem to belong to this place, the matter itself must plead for mine excuse: For being here comen to thank God for a divine work of his Mercy, how can I speak of this deliverance of us from so hellish a practice, so well as in language of Divinity, which is the direct opposite to so damnable an intention? And therefore may I justly end this purpose, as I did begin it with this Sentence, The Mercy of God is above all his works.  
It resteth now that I should shortly inform you what is to be done hereafter upon the occasion of this horrible and strange accident. As for your part that are my faithful and loving Subjects of all degrees, I know that your hearts are so burnt up with zeal in this errant, and your tongues so ready to utter your dutiful affections, and your hands and feet so bend to concur in the execution thereof, (for which as I need not to spur you, so can I not but praise you for the same:) As it may very well be possible that the zeal of your hearts shall make some of you in your speeches rashly to blame such as may be innocent of this attempt; But upon the other part I wish you to consider, That I would be sorry that any being innocent of this practice, either domestical or foreign, should receive blame or harm for the same. For although it cannot be denied, That it was the only blind superstition of their errors in Religion, that led them to this desperate device; yet doth it not follow, That all professing that Romish religion were guilty of the same. For as it is true, That no other sect of heretics, not excepting Turk, jew, nor Pagan, no not even those of Calicute, who adore the devil, did ever maintain by the grounds of their religion, That it was lawful, or rather meritorious (as the Romish Catholics call it) to murder Princes or people for quarrel of Religion. And although particular men of all professions of Religion have been some thieves, some Murderers, some Traitors, yet ever when they came to their end and just punishment, they confessed their fault to be in their nature, and not in their profession, (These Romish Catholics only excepted:) Yet it is true on the other side, that many honest men blinded peradventure with some opinions of Popery, as if they be not sound in the questions of the Real presence, or in the number of the Sacraments, or some such Schoole-question: yet do they either not know, or at least not believe all the true grounds of Popery, which is in deed The mystery of iniquity. And therefore do we justly confess, that many Papists, especially our forefathers, laying their only trust upon CHRIST and his Merits at their last breath, may be, and often times are saved; detesting in that point, and thinking the cruelty of Puritans worthy of fire, that will admit no salvation to any Papist. I therefore thus do conclude this point, That as upon the one part many honest men, seduced with some errors of Popery, may yet remain good and faithful Subjects: So upon the other part, none of those that truly know and believe the whole grounds, and School conclusions of their doctrine, can ever prove either good Christians, or faithful Subjects. And for the part of foreign Princes and States, I may so much the more acquit them, and their Ministers of their knowledge and consent to any such villainy, as I may justly say, that in that point I better know all Christian Kings by myself, That no King nor Prince of Honour will ever abase himself so much, as to think a good thought of so base and dishonourable a Treachery, wishing you therefore, that as God hath given me an happy Peace and Amity, with all other Christian Princes my neighbours (as was even now very gravely told you by my L. Chancellor) that so you will reverently judge and speak of them in this case. And for my part I would wish with those ancient Philosophers, that there were a Crystal window in my breast, wherein all my people might see the secretest thoughts of my heart, for than might you all see no alteration in my mind for this accident, further than in these two points. The first, Caution and wariness in government, to discover and search out the mysteries of this wickedness as far as may be: The other, after due trial, Severity of punishment upon those that shall be found guilty of so detestable and unheard of villainy. And now in this matter if I have troubled your ears with an abrupt speech, undigested in any good method or order; you have to consider that an abrupt, and unadvised speech doth best become in the relation of so abrupt and unorderly an accident.  
And although I have ordained the proroguing of this Parliament until after Christmas upon two necessary respects: whereof the first is, that neither I nor my Council can have leisure at this time both to take order for the Apprehension and trial of these Conspirators, and also to wait upon the daily affairs of the Parliament, as the Council must do: And the other reason is, the necessity at this time of divers of your presences in your Shires that have Charges and Commandments there. For as these wretches thought to have blown up in a manner the whole world of this Island, every man being now comen up here, either for public causes of Parliament, or else for their own private causes in Law, or otherwise: So these Rebels that now wander through the Country, could never have gotten so fit a time of safety in their passage, or whatsoever unlawful Actions, as now when the Country by the foresaid occasions is in a manner left desolate, and waste unto them. Besides that, it may be that I shall desire you at your next Session, to take upon you the judgement of this Crime: For as so extraordinary a Fact deserves extraordinary judgement, So can there not I think (following even their own Rule) be a fit judgement for them, then that they should be measured with the same measure wherewith they thought to measure us: And that the same place and persons, whom they thought to destroy, should be the just avengers' of their so unnatural a Parricide: Yet not knowing that I will have occasion to meet with you myself in this place at the beginning of the next Session of this Parliament, (because if it had not been for delivering of the Articles agreed upon by the Commissioners of the Union, which was thought most convenient to be done in my presence, where both Head and Members of the Parliament were met together, my presence had not otherwise been requisite here at this time.) I have therefore thought good for conclusion of this Meeting, to discourse to you somewhat anent the true nature and definition of a Parliament, which I will remit to your memories till your next sitting down, that you may then make use of it as occasion shall be ministered.  
For albeit it be true, that at the first Session of my first Parliament, which was not long after mine Entry into this Kingdom, It could not become me to inform you of any thing belonging to Law or State here: (for all knowledge must either be infused or acquired, and seeing the former sort thereof is now with Prophecy ceased in the world, it could not be possible for me at my first Entry here, before Experience had taught it me, to be able to understand the particular mysteries of this State:) yet now that I have reigned almost three years amongst you, and have been careful to observe those things that belong to the office of a King, albeit that Time be but a short time for experience in others, yet in a King may it be thought a reasonable long time, especially in me, who, although I be but in a manner a new King here, yet have been long acquainted with the office of a King in such another Kingdom, as doth nearest of all others agree with the Laws and customs of this State. Remitting to your consideration to judge of that which hath been concluded by the Commissioners of the Union, wherein I am at this time to signify unto you, That as I can bear witness to the foresaid Commissioners, that they have not agreed nor concluded therein any thing, wherein they have not foreseen as well the weal and commodity of the one Country, as of the other; So can they all bear me record, that I was so far from pressing them to agree to any thing, which might bring with it any prejudice to this people; as by the contrary I did ever admonish them, never to conclude upon any such Union, as might carry hurt or grudge with it to either of the said Nations: for the leaving of any such thing, could not but be the greatest hindrance that might be to such an Action, which God by the laws of Nature had provided to be in his own time, and hath now in effect perfected in my Person, to which purpose my Lord Chancellor hath better spoken, than I am able to relate.  
And as to the nature of this high Court of Parliament, It is nothing else but the King's great Council, which the King doth assemble either upon occasion of interpreting, or abrogating old Laws, or making of new, according as ill manners shall deserve, or for the public punishment of notorious evil doers, or the praise and reward of the virtuous and well deservers; wherein these four things are to be considered.  
First, whereof this Court is composed.  
Secondly, what matters are proper for it.  
Thirdly, to what end it is ordained.  
And four, what are the means and ways whereby this end should be brought to pass.  
As for the thing itself, It is composed of a Head and a Body: The Head is the King, the Body are the members of the Parliament. This Body again is subdivided into two parts; The Upper and Lower House: The Upper compounded partly of Nobility, Temporal men, who are heritable Councillors to the high Court of Parliament by the honour of their Creation and Lands: And partly of Bishops, Spiritual men, who are likewise by the virtue of their place and dignity councillors, Life Renters, or Ad vitam of this Court. The other House is composed of Knights for the Shire; and Gentry, and Burgesses for the Towns. But because the number would be infinite for all the Gentlemen and Burgesses to be present at every Parliament, Therefore a certain number is selected and chosen out of that great Body, serving only for that Parliament, where their persons are the representation of that Body.  
Now the matters whereof they are to treat aught therefore to be general, and rather of such matters as cannot well be performed without the assembling of that general Body, and no more of these generals neither, than necessity shall require: for as in Corruptissima Republica sunt plurimae leges: So doth the life and strength of the Law consist not in heaping up infinite and confused numbers of Laws, but in the right interpretation and good execution of good and wholesome Laws. If this be so then, neither is this a place on the one side for every rash and harebrained fellow to propone new Laws of his own invention: nay rather I could wish these busy heads to remember that Law of the Lacedæmonians, That whosoever came to propone a new Law to the people, behoved publicly to present himself with a rope about his neck, that in case the Law were not allowed, he should be hanged therewith. So wary should men be of proponing Novelties, but most of all not to propone any bitter or seditious Laws, which can produce nothing but grudges and discontentment between the Prince and his people. Nor yet is it on the other side a convenient place for private men under the colour of general Laws, to propone nothing but their own particular gain, either to the hurt of their private neighbours, or to the hurt of the whole State in general, which many times under fair and pleasing Titles, are smoothly passed over, and so by stealth procure without consideration, that the private meaning of them tendeth to nothing but either to the wreck of a particular party, or else under colour of public benefit to pill the poor people, and serve as it were for a general Impost upon them for filling the purses of some private persons.  
And as to the end for which the Parliament is ordained, being only for the advancement of God's glory, and the establishment and wealth of the King and his people: It is no place then for particular men to utter there their private conceits, nor for satisfaction of their curiosities, and least of all to make show of their eloquence by tyning the time with long studied and eloquent Orations: No, the reverence of God, their King, and their Country being well settled in their hearts, will make them ashamed of such toys, and remember that they are there as sworn councillors to their King, to give their best advise for the furtherance of his Service, and the flourishing Weal of his Estate.  
And lastly, if you will rightly consider the means and ways how to bring all your labours to a good end, you must remember, That you are here assembled by your lawful King to give him your best advises, in the matters proposed by him unto you, being of that nature, which I have already told, wherein you are gravely to deliberate, and upon your consciences plainly to determine how far those things propounded do agree with the weal, both of your King and of your Country, whose weals cannot be separated. And as for myself, the world shall ever bear me witness, That I never shall propone any thing unto you, which shall not as well tend to the weal public, as to any benefit for me: So shall I never oppone myself to that, which may tend to the good of the Commonwealth, for the which I am ordained, as I have often said. And as you are to give your advise in such things as shall by your King be proposed: So is it on your part your duties to propone any thing that you can after mature deliberation judge to be needful, either for these ends already spoken of, or otherwise for the discovery of any latent evil in the Kingdom, which peradventure may not have comen to the King's ear. If this than ought to be your grave manner of proceeding in this place, Men should be ashamed to make show of the quickness of their wits here, either in taunting, scoffing, or detracting the Prince or State in any point, or yet in breaking jests upon their fellows, for which the Ordinaries or Alehouses are fit places, than this Honourable and high Court of Parliament.  
In conclusion then since you are to break up, for the reasons I have already told you, I wish such of you as have any charges in your Countries, to hasten you home for the repressing of the insolences of these Rebels, and apprehension of their persons, wherein as I hearty pray to the Almighty for your prosperous success: So do I not doubt, but we shall shortly hear the good news of the same; And that you shall have an happy return, and meeting here to all our comforts.  Here the Lord Chancellor spoke touching the proroguing of the Parliament: And having done, his Majesty rose again, and said, 
SInce it pleased God to grant me two such notable Deliveries upon one day of the week, which was Tuesday, and likewise one day of the month, which was the fifth; Thereby to teach me, That as it was the same devil that still persecuted me; So it was one and the same GOD that still mightily delivered me: I thought it therefore not amiss, That the one and twentieth day of january, which fell to be upon Tuesday, should be the day of meeting of this next Session of Parliament, hoping and assuring myself, that the same GOD, who hath now granted me and you all so notable and gracious a delivery, shall prosper all our affairs at that next Session, and bring them to an happy conclusion. And now I consider GOD hath well provided it, that the ending of this Parliament hath been so long continued: For as for my own part, I never had any other intention, but only to seek so far my weal, and prosperity, as might coniunctly stand with the flourishing State of the whole Commonwealth, as I have often told you; So on the other part I confess, if I had been in your places at the beginning of this Parliament, (which was so soon after mine entry into this Kingdom, wherein ye could not possibly have so perfect a knowledge of mine inclination, as experience since hath taught you,) I could not but have suspected, and misinterpreted divers things, In the trying whereof, now I hope, by your experience of my behaviour and form of government, you are well enough cleared, and resolved.   

A SPEECH TO BOTH THE HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT, DELIVERED IN THE GREAT CHAMBER AT WHITEHALL, THE LAST DAY OF March 1607.  
MY Lords of the higher House, and you Knights and Burgesses of the Lower house, All men at the beginning of a Feast bring forth good Wine first, and after, worse. This was the saying of the Governor of the Feast at Cana in Galilee, where CHRIST wrought his first miracle by changing water into Wine. But in this case now whereof I am to speak unto you, I must follow that governors rule, and not CHRIST'S example, in giving you the worst and sourest Wine last. For all the time of this long Session of the Parliament you have been so fed and cloyed, (specially you of the Lower house) with such banquets, and choice of delicate speeches, and your ears so seasoned with the sweetness of long precogitate Orations; as this my Speech now in the breaking up of this Assembly, cannot but appear unto your taste as the worst Wine proposed in the end of the Banquet, since I am only to deliver now unto you matter without curious form, substance without ceremony, truth in all sincerity. Yet considering the Person that speaketh, the parties to whom I speak, the matter whereof I mean to speak; it fits better to utter matter, rather than words, in regard of the greatness of my place who am to speak to you, the gravity of you the Auditory, which is the high Court of Parliament; the weight of the matter, which concerns the security and establishment of this whole Empire, and little world. Studied Orations and much eloquence upon little matter is fit for the Universities, where not the Subject which is spoken of, but the trial of his wit that speaketh, is most commendable: but on the contrary, in all great Counsels or Parliaments, fewest words with most matter doth become best, where the dispatch of the great errands in hand, and not the praise of the person is most to be looked unto: like the garment of a chaste woman, who is only set forth by her natural beauty, which is properly her own: other deckings are but ensigns of an harlot that flies with borrowed feathers. And besides the conveniency, I am forced hereunto by necessity, my place calling me to action, and not leaving me to the liberty of contemplation, having always my thoughts busied with the public care of you all, where every one of you having but himself, and his own private to think of, are at more leisure to make studied speeches. And therefore the matter which I deliver you confusedly as in a sack, I leave it to you when you are in your chambers, and have better leisure than I can have, to rank them in order, every one in their own place.  
Thus much by way of Preface. But I proceed to the matter: Whereof I might say with S. Paul, I could speak in as many tongues as you all, but I had rather speak three words to edification, then talk all day without understanding. In vain (saith the Psalmist) doth the builder build the house, or the watchman watch the City, unless the Lord give his blessing thereunto. And in the New Testament S. Paul saith, That he may plant, Apollo may water, but it is GOD only that must give the increase. This I speak, because of the long time which hath benespent about the Treaty of the Union. For myself, I protest unto you all, When I first propounded the Union, I then thought there could have been no more question of it, then of your declaration and acknowledgement of my right unto this Crown, and that as two Twins, they would have grown up together. The error was my mistaking; I knew mine own end, but not others fears: But now finding many cross, long disputations, strange questions, and nothing done; I must needs think it proceeds either of mistaking of the errand, or else from some jealousy of me the Propounder, that you so add delay unto delay, searching out as it were the very bowels of Curiosity, and conclude nothing. Neither can I condemn you for being yet in some jealousy of my intention in this matter, having not yet had so great experience of my behaviour and inclination in these few years past, as you may peradventure have in a longer time hereafter, and not having occasion to consult daily with myself, and hear mine own opinion in all those particulars which are debated among you.  
But here I pray you now mistake me not at the first, when as I seem to find fault with your delays and curiosity, as if I would have you to resolve in an hours time, that which will take a months advisement: for you all know, that Rex est lex loquens; And you have oft heard me say, That the Kings will and intention being the speaking Law, aught to be Luce clarius: and I hope you of the Lower house have the proof of this my clearness by a Bill sent you down from the Upper house within these few days, or rather few hours: wherein may very well appear unto you the care I have to put my Subjects in good security of their possessions for all posterities to come. And therefore that you may clearly understand my meaning in that point, I do freely confess, you had reason to advise at leisure upon so great a cause: for great matters do ever require great deliberation before they be well concluded. Deliberandum est diu quod statuendum est semel. Consultations must proceed lento pede, but the execution of a sentence upon the resolution would be speedy. If you will go on, it matters not though you go with leaden feet, so you make still some progress, and that there be no let or needless delay, and do not Nodum in scirpo quaerere. I am ever for the Medium in every thing. Between foolish rashness and extreme length, there is a middle way. Search all that is reasonable, but omit that which is idle, curious and unnecessary; otherwise there can never be a resolution or end in any good work.  
And now from the general I will descend to particulars, and will only for the ease of your memories divide the matter that I am to speak of, into four heads, by opening unto you, First, what I crave: Secondly, in what manner I desire it: Thirdly, what commodities will ensue to both the Kingdoms by it: Fourthly, what the supposed inconveniency may be that gives impediments thereunto.  
For the first, what I crave, I protest before GOD who knows my heart, and to you my people before whom it were a shame to lie, that I claim nothing but with acknowledgement of my Bond to you; that as ye own to me subjection and obedience: So my Sovereignty obligeth me to yield to you love, government and protection: Neither did I ever wish any happiness to myself, which was not conjoined with the happiness of my people. I desire a perfect Union of Laws and persons, and such a Naturalizing as may make one body of both Kingdoms under me your King, That I and my posterity (if it so please God) may rule over you to the world's end; Such an Union as was of the Scots and Pictes in Scotland, and of the Heptarchy here in England. And for Scotland I avow such an Union, as if you had got it by Conquest, but such a Conquest as may be cemented by love, the only sure bond of subjection or friendship: that as there is over both but unus Rex, so there may be in both but unus Grex & una Lex: For no more possible is it for one King to govern two countries Contiguous, the one a great, the other a less, a richer and a poorer, the greater drawing like an Adamant the lesser to the Commodities thereof, then for one head to govern two bodies, or one man to be husband of two wives, whereof Christ himself said, Ab initio non fuit sic.  
But in the general Union you must observe two things: for I will discover my thoughts plainly unto you; I study clearness, not eloquence, And therefore with the old Philosophers, I would hearty wish my breast were a transparent glass for you all to see through, that you might look into my heart, and then would you be satisfied of my meaning. For when I speak of a perfect Union, I mean not confusion of all things: you must not take from Scotland those particular Privileges that may stand as well with this Union, as in England many particular customs in particular Shires, (as the Customs of Kent, and the Royalties of the County Palatine of Chester) do with the Common Law of the Kingdom: for every particular Shire almost, and much more every County, have some particular customs that are as it were naturally most fit for that people. But I mean of such a general Union of Laws as may reduce the whole Island, that as they live already under one Monarch, so they may all be governed by one Law: For I must needs confess by that little experience I have had since my coming hither, and I think I am able to prove it, that the grounds of the Common Law of England, are the best of any Law in the world, either Civil or Municipal, and the fittest for this people. But as every Law would be clear and full, so the obscurity in some points of this our written Law, and want of fullness in others, the variation of Cases and men's curiosity, breeding every day new questions, hath enforced the judges to judge in many Cases here, by Cases and precedents, wherein I hope Lawyers themselves will not deny but that there must be a great uncertainty, and I am sure all the rest of you that are Gentlemen of other professions were long ago weary of it, if you could have had it amended: For where there is variety and uncertainty although a just judge may do rightly, yet an ill judge may take advantage to do wrong; and then are all honest men that succeed him, tied in a manner to his unjust and partial conclusions. Wherefore, leave not the Law to the pleasure of the judge, but let your Laws be looked into: for I desire not the abolishing of the Laws, but only the clearing and the sweeping off the rust of them, and that by Parliament our Laws might be cleared and made known to all the Subjects. Yea rather it were less hurt, that all the approved Cases were set down and allowed by Parliament for standing Laws in all time to come: For although some of them peradventure may be unjust as set down by corrupt judges; yet better it is to have a certain Law with some spots in it, nor live under such an uncertain and arbitrary Law, since as the proverb is, It is less harm to suffer an inconvenience than a mischief. And now may you have fair occasion of amending and polishing your Laws, when Scotland is to be united with you under them for who can blame Scotland to say, If you will take away our own Laws, I pray you give us a better and clearer in place thereof.  
But this is not possible to be done without a fit preparation. He that buildeth a Ship, must first provide the timber; and as Christ himself said, No man will build an house, but he will first provide the materials: nor a wise King will not make war against another, without he first makeprovision of money: and all great works must have their preparation: and that was my end in causing the Instrument of the Union to be made. Union is a marriage: would he not be thought absurd that for furthering of a marriage between two friends of his, would make his first motion to have the two parties be laid in bed together, and perform the other turns of marriage? must there not precede the mutual sight and acquaintance of the parties one with another, the conditions of the contract, and jointure to be talked of and agreed upon by their friends, and such other things as in order ought to go before the ending of such a work? The union is an eternal agreement and reconciliation of many long bloody wars that have been between these two ancient Kingdoms. Is it the readiest way to agree a private quarrel between two, to bring them at the first to shake hands, and as it were kiss other, and lie under one roof or rather in one bed together, before that first the ground of their quarrel be communed upon, their minds mitigated, their affections prepared, and all other circumstances first used, that aught to be used to proceed to such a final agreement? Every honest man desireth a perfect Union, but they that say so, and admit no preparation thereto, have mel in over, fell in cord. If after your so long talk of Union in all this long Session of Parliament, ye rise without agreeing upon any particular; what will the neighbour Princes judge, whose eyes are all fixed upon the conclusion of this Action, but that the King is refused in his desire, whereby the Nation should be taxed, and the King disgraced? And what an ill preparation is it for the minds of Scotland toward the Union, when they shall hear that ill is spoken of their whole Nation, but nothing is done nor advanced in the matter of the Union itself? But this I am glad was but the fault of one, and one is no number: yet have your neighbours of Scotland this advantage of you, that none of them have spoken ill of you (nor shall as long as I am King) in Parliament, or any such public place of juditature. Consider therefore well, if the minds of Scotland had not need to be well prepared to persuade their mutual consent, seeing you here have all the great advantage by the Union. Is not here the personal residence of the King, his whole Court and family? Is not here the seat of justice, and the fountain of Government? must they not be subjecteth to the Laws of England, and so with time become but as Cumberland and Northumberland, and those other remote and Northern Shires? you are to be the husband, they the wife: you conquerors, they as conquered, though not by the sword, but by the sweet and sure bond of love. Besides that, they as other Northern Countries will beseldome seen and saluted by their King, and that as it were but in a posting or hunting journey.  
How little cause then they may have of such a change of so ancient a Monarchy into the case of private Shires, judge rightly herein. And that you may be the more upright judges, suppose yourselves the Patients of whom such sentence should be given. But what preparation is it which I crave? only such as by the entrance may show something is done, yet more is intended. There is a conceit entertained, and a double jealousy possesseth many, wherein I am misjudged.  
First, that this Union will be the Crisis to the overthrow of England, and setting up of Scotland: England will then be overwhelmed by the swarming of the Scots, who if the Union were effected, would reign and rule all.  
The second is, my profuse liberality to the Scottish men more than the English, and that with this Union all things shallbe given to them, and you turned out of all: To you shall be left the sweat and labour, to them shall be given the fruit and sweet; and that my forbearance is but till this Union may be gained. How agreeable this is to the truth, judge you; And that not by my words, but by my Actions. Do I crave the Union without exceptions? do I not offer to bind myself and to reserve to you, as in the Instrument, all places of judicature? do I intend any thing which standeth not with the equal good of both Nations? I could then have done it, and not spoken of it: For all men of understanding must agree, that I might dispose without assent of Parliament, Offices of judicature, and others, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal: But herein I did voluntarily offer by my Letters from Royston to the Commissioners, to bind my Prerogative.  
Some think that I will draw the Scottish Nation hither, talking idly of transporting of Trees out of a barren ground into a better, and of lean cattle out of bad pasture into a more fertile soil. Can any man displant you, unless you will? or can any man think that Scotland is so strong to pull you out of your houses? or do you not think I know England hath more people, Scotland more waste ground? So that there is roomth in Scotland rather to plant your idle people that swarm in London streets, and other Towns, and disburden you of them, then to bring more unto you; And in cases of justice, if I be partial to either side, let my own mouth condemn me, as unworthy to be your King.  
I appeal to yourselves, if in favour or justice I have been partial: Nay, my intention was ever, you should then have most cause to praise my discretion, when you saw I had most power. If hitherto I have done nothing to your prejudice, much less mean I hereafter. If when I might have done it without any breach of promise; Think so of me, that much less I will do it, when a Law is to restrain me. I own no more to the Scottish men then to the English. I was borne there, and sworn here, and now reign over both. Such particular persons of the Scottish Nation, as might claim any extraordinary merit at my hands, I have already reasonably rewarded, and I can assure you that there is none left, whom for I mean extraordinary to strain myself further, then in such ordinary benefit as I may equally bestow without mine own great hurt, upon any Subject of either Nation; In which case no Kings hands can ever befully closed. To both I own justice and protection, which with God's grace I shall ever equally balance.  
For my Liberality, I have told you of it heretofore: my three first years were to me as a Christmas, I could not then be miserable: should I have been oversparing to them? they might have thought joseph had forgotten his brethren, or that the King had been drunk with his new Kingdom. But Suits go not now so cheap as they were wont, neither are there so many fees taken in the Hamper and Pettibagge for the great Seal as hath been. And if I did respect the English when I came first, of whom I was received with joy, and came as in a hunting journey, what might the Scottish have justly said, if I had not in some measure dealt bountifully with them that so long had served me, so far adventured themselves with me, and been so faithful to me. I have given you now four years proof since my coming, and what I might have done more to have raised the Scottish nation you all know, and the longer I live, the less cause have I to be acquainted with them, and so the less hope of extraordinary favour towards them: For since my coming from them I do not already know the one half of them by face, most of the youth being now risen up to be men, who were but children when I was there, and more are borne since my coming thence.  
Now for my lands and revenues of my Crown which you may think I have diminished, They are not yet so far diminished, but that I think no prince of Christendom hath fairer possessions to his Crown then yet I have: and in token of my care to preserve the same to my posterity for ever, the entail of my lands to the Crown hath been long ago offered unto you: and that it is not yet done, is not my fault as you know. My Treasurer here knoweth my care, and hath already in part declared it, and if I did not hope to triple my Revenue more than I have impaired it, I should never rest quietly in my bed. But notwithstanding my coming to the Crown, with that extraordinary applause which you all know, and that I had two Nations to be the objects of my liberality, which never any Prince had here before; will you compare my gifts out of mine inheritance with some Princes here that had only this Nation to respect, and whose whole time of reign was little longer than mine hath been already? It will be found that their gifts have far surpassed mine, albeit as I have already said, they had nothing so great cause of using their liberality.  
For the manner of the Union presently desired, It standeth in 3. parts: 
Secondly  The first, taking away of hostile Laws: for since there can be now no Wars betwixt you, is it not reason hostile Laws should cease? For, desiciente causa desicit effectas. The King of England now cannot have wars with the King of Scotland, therefore this fails of itself. The second is community of Commerce. I am no stranger unto you: for you all know I came from the loins of your ancient Kings. They of Scotland be my Subjects as you are. But how can I be natural Liege Lord to you both, and you strangers one to the other? Shall they which be of one allegiance with you, be no better respected of you, nor freer amongst you, than Frenchmen and Spaniards? Since I am Sovereign over both, you as Subjects to one King, it must needs follow that you converse and have Commerce together. There is a rumour of some ill dealings that should be used by the Commissioners, Merchants of Scotland. They be here in England, and shall remain till your next meeting, and abide trial, to prove themselves either honest men or knaves.  
For the third point, of Naturalisation, All you agree that they are no Aliens, and yet will not allow them to be natural. What kind of prerogative will you make? But for the Postnatis, your own Lawyers and judges at my first coming to this Crown, informed me, there was a difference between the Antè and the Post nati of each Kingdom, which caused me to publish a Proclamation, that the Post nati were Naturalised (Ipso facto) by my Accession to this Crown. I do not deny but judges may err as men, and therefore I do not press you here to swear to all their reasons. I only urge at this time the conveniency for both Kingdoms, neither pressing you to judge nor to be judged. But remember also it is as possible and likely your own Lawyers may err as the judges: Therefore as I wish you to proceed herein so far as may tend to the weal of both Nations; So would I have you on the other part to beware to disgrace either my Proclamations or the judges, who when the Parliament is done, have power to try your lands and lives, for so you may disgrace both your King and your Laws. For the doing of any act that may procure less reverence to the judges, cannot but breed a looseness in the Government, and a disgrace to the whole Nation. The reason that most moves me for aught I have yet heard, that there cannot but be a difference between the Antè nati and the Post nati, and that in the favour of the last, is that they must be nearer unto you being borne under the present Government and common Allegiance: but in point of conveniency, there is no question but the Post nati are more to be respected: For if you would have a perfect and perpetual Union, that cannot be in the Antè nati, who are but few in comparison of those that shall be in all aages succeeding, and cannot live long. But in the Post nati shall the Union be continued and live ever age after age, which wanting a difference cannot but leave a perpetual mark of separation in the work of the Union: as also that argument of jealousy will be so far removed in the case of the Post nati which are to reap the benefit in all succeeding aages, as by the contrary there will then rise Pharaos' which never knew joseph. The Kings my Successors, who being borne and bred here, can never have more occasion of acquaintance with the Scottish Nation in general, than any other English King that was before my time. Be not therefore abused with the flattering speeches of such as would have the Ante nati preferred, alleging their merit in my Service, and such other reasons which indeed are but Sophisms: For, my rewarding out of my Liberality of any particular men, hath nothing ado with the general act of the Union, which must not regard the deserts of private persons, but the general weal and conjoining of the Nations. Besides that, the actual Naturalizing, which is the only point that is in your hands, is already granted to by yourselves to the most part of such particular persons as can have any use of it here: and if any other well deserving men were to sue for it hereafter, I doubt not but there would never be question moved among you for the granting of it. And therefore it is most evident, that such discoursers have mel in over, fell in cord, as I said before; carrying an outward appearance of love to the Union, but indeed a contrary resolution in their hearts. And as for limitations and restrictions, such as shall by me be agreed upon to be reasonable and necessary after you have fully debated upon them, you may assure yourselves I will with indifferency grant what is requisite without partial respect of Scotland. I am, as I have often said, borne and sworn King over both Kingdoms; only this far let me entreat you, in debating the point at your next meeting, That ye be as ready to resolve doubts as to move them, and to be satisfied when doubts are cleared.  
And as for Commodities that come by the Union of these Kingdoms, they are great and evident; Peace, Plenty, Love, free Intercourse and common Society of two great Nations. All foreign Kings that have sent their Ambassadors to congratulate with me since my coming, have saluted me as Monarch of the whole Isle, and with much more respect of my greatness, then if I were King alone of one of these Realms: and with what comfort do yourselves behold Irish, Scottish, Welsh, and English, divers in Nation, yet all walking as Subjects and servants within my Court, and all living under the allegiance of your King, besides the honour and lustre that the increase of gallant men in the Court of divers Nations carries in the eyes of all strangers that repair hither? Those confining places which were the Borders of the two Kingdoms, where heretofore much blood was shed, and many of your ancestors lost their lives; yea, that lay waste and desolate, and were habitations but for runagates, are now become the Navel or Vmbilick of both Kingdoms, planted and peopled with Civility and riches: their Churches begin to be planted, their doors stand now open, they fear neither robbing nor spoiling: and where there was nothing before heard nor seen in those parts but bloodshed, oppressions, complaints and outcries, they now live every man peaceably under his own figgetree, and all their former cries and complaints turned only into prayers to God for their King, under whom they enjoy such ease and happy quietness. The Marches beyond and on this side Twede, are as fruitful and as peaceable as most parts of England: If after all this there shall be a Scissure, what inconvenience will follow, judge you.  
And as for the inconveniences that are feared on England's part, It is alleged, that the Scots are a populous Nation, they shall be harboured in our nests, they shall be planted and flourish in our good Soil, they shall eat our commons bare, and make us lean: These are foolish and idle surmises. That which you possess, they are not to enjoy; by Law they cannot, nor by my partiality they shall not: for set apart conscience and honour, (which if I should set apart indeed, I had rather wish myself to be set apart and out of all being) can any man conclude either out of common reason or good policy, that I will prefer those which perhaps I shall never see, or but by post for a month, before those with whom I must always dwell? Can they conquer or overcome you with swarms of people, as the Goths and the Vandals did Italy? Surely the world knows they are nothing so populous as you are: and although they have had the honour and good fortune never to be conquered, yet were they ever but upon the defensive part, and may in a part thank their hills and inaccessible passages that preserved them from an utter overthrow at the hands of all that pretended to conquer them. Or are they so very poor and miserable in their own habitations, that necessity should force them all to make incursions among you?  
And for my part, when I have two Nations under my government, can you imagine I will respect the lesser, and neglect the greater? would I not think it a less evil and hazard to me that the plague were at Northampton or Berwick, then at London, so near Westminster, the Seat of my habitation, and of my wife and children? will not a man be more careful to quench the fire taken in his nearest neighbours house, then if a whole Town were a fire far from him? You know that I am careful to preserve the woods and game through all England, nay, through all the Isle: yet none of you doubts, but that I would be more offended with any disorder in the Forest of Waltham, for stealing of a Stag there, which lieth as it were under my nose, and in a manerjoineth with my garden, then with cutting of timber, or stealing of a Dear in any Forest of the North parts of Yorkshire or the Bishopric. Think you that I will prefer them that be absent, less powerful, and farther off to do me good or hurt, before you, with whom my security and living must be, and where I desire to plant my posterity? If I might by any such favours raise myself to a greatness, it might be probable: All I cannot draw, and to lose a whole state here to please a few there, were madness. I need speak no more of this with protestations. Speak but of wit, it is not likely: and to doubt of my intention in this, were more than devilish.  
For mine own part, I offer more than I receive, and conveniency I prefer before law, in this point. For, three parts, wherein I might hurt this Nation, by partiality to the Scots, you know do absolutely lie in my hands and power: for either in disposition of rents, or whatsoever benefit, or in the preferring of them to any dignity or office, civil or Ecclesiastical, or in calling them to the Parliament, it doth all fully and only lie within the compass of my Prerogative, which are the parts wherein the Scottish men can receive either benefit or preferment by the Union, and wherein for the care I have of this people, I am content to bind myself with some reasonable restrictions.  
As for the fourth part, the Naturalizing, which only lieth in your hands; It is the point wherein they receive least benefit of any: for in that they can obtain nothing, but what they buy by their purse, or acquire by the self same means that you do. And as for the point of naturalizing, which is the point thought so fit, and so precisely belonging to Parliament; not to speak of the Common law, wherein as yet I can profess no great knowledge, but in the Civil law wherein I am a little better versed, and which in the point of Conjunction of Nations should bear a great sway, it being the Law of Nations; I will maintain two principles in it, which no learned and grave Civilian will deny, as being clearly to be proved, both out of the text itself in many places, and also out of the best approved Doctors and interpreters of that law; The one, that it is a special point of the Kings own Prerogative, to make Aliens Citizens, and donare Civitate; The other, that in any case wherein the Law is thought not to be clear (as some of yourselves do doubt, that in this case of the postnatis, the Law of England doth not clearly determine) then in such a question wherein no positive Law is resolute, Rexest judex, for he is Lex loquens, and is to supply the Law, where the Law wants, and if many famous histories be to be believed, they give the example for maintaining of this Law in the persons of the Kings of England and France especially, whose special Prerogative they allege it to be. But this I speak only as knowing what belongeth to a King, although in this case I press no further then that which may agree with your loves, and stand with the weal and conveniency of both Nations.  
And whereas some may think this Union will bring prejudice to some Towns and Corporations within England; It may be, a Merchant or two of Bristol, or Yarmouth, may have an hundred pounds less in his pack: But if the Empire gain, and become the greater, it is no matter: You see one Corporation is ever against another, and no private Company can be set up, but with some loss to another.  
For the supposed inconveniences rising from Scotland, they are three. 
Fourth.  First, that there is an evil affection in the Scottish Nation to the Union. Next, the Union is incompatible between two such Nations. Thirdly, that the gain is small or none. If this be so, to what end do we talk of an Union? For proof of the first point, there is alleged an averseness in the Scottish Nation expressed in the Instrument, both in the preface and body of their Act; In the preface, where they declare, That they will remain an absolute and free Monarchy; And in the body of the Act, where they make an exception of the ancient fundamental Laws of that Kingdom. And first for the general of their averseness, All the main current in your Lower-house ran this whole Session of Parliament with that opinion, That Scotland was so greedy of this Union, and apprehended that they should receive so much benefit by it, as they cared not for the strictness of any conditions, so they might attain to the substance▪ And yet you now say, they are backwards and averse from the Union. This is a direct contradiction In adiecto: For how can they both be beggars and backwards, in one and the self same thing, at the same time?  
But for answer to the particulars, It is an old School point, Eius est explicare, cuius est condere. You cannot interpret their Laws, nor they yours; I that made them with their assent, can best expound them.  
And first I confess, that the English Parliaments are so long, and the Scottish so short, that a mean between them would do well: For the shortness of their continuing together, was the cause of their hasty mistaking, by setting these words of exception of fundamental Laws in the body of the Act, which they only did in pressing to imitate word by word the English Instrument, wherein the same words be contained in your Preface. And as to their meaning and interpretation of that word, I will not only deliver it unto you out of mine own conceit, but as it was delivered unto me by the best Lawyers of Scotland, both counsellors and other Lawyers, who were at the making thereof in Scotland, and were Commissioners here for performance of the same.  
Their meaning in the word of Fundamental Laws, you shall perceive more fully hereafter, when I handle the objection of the difference of Laws: For they intent thereby only those Laws whereby confusion is avoided, and their King's descent maintained, and the heritage of the succession and Monarchy, which hath been a Kingdom, to which I am in descent, three hundredth years before CHRIST: Not meaning it as you do, of their Common Law, for they have none, but that which is called IUS REGIS: and their desire of continuing a free Monarchy, was only meant, That all such particular Privileges (whereof I spoke before) should not be so confounded, as for want either of Magistrate, Law, or Order, they might fall in such a confusion, as to become like a naked Province, without Law or liberty under this Kingdom. I hope you mean not I should set Garrisons over them, as the Spaniards do over Sicily and Naples, or govern them by Commissioners, which are seldom found succeedingly all wise and honest men.  
This I must say for Scotland, and I may truly vaunt it; Here I sit and govern it with my Pen, I writ and it is done, and by a Clerk of the Council I govern Scotland now, which others could not do by the sword. And for their aversensse in their heart against the Union, It is true indeed, I protest they did never crave this Union of me, nor sought it either in private, or the State by letters, nor ever once did any of that Nation press me forward or wish me to accelerate that business. But on the other part, they offered always to obey me when it should come to them, and all honest men that desire my greatness have been thus minded, for the personal reverence and regard they bear unto my Perion, and any of my reasonable and just desires.  
I know there are many Piggots amongst them, I mean a number of seditious and discontented particular persons, as must be in all Commonwealths, that where they dare, may peradventure talk lewdly enough: but no Scottish man ever spoke dishonourably of England in Parliament. For here must I note unto you the difference of the two Parliaments in these two Kingdoms; for there they must not speak without the chancellors leave, and if any man do propound or utter any seditious or uncomely speeches, he is strait interrupted and silenced by the chancellors authority: where as here, the liberty for any man to speak what he list, and as long as he list, was the only cause he was not interrupted.  
It hath been objected, that there is a great Antipathy of the Laws and Customs of these two Nations. It is much mistaken: for Scotland hath no Common Law as here, but the Law they have is of three sorts.  
All the Law of Scotland for Tenors, Wards and Liveries, signiories and Lands, are drawn out of the Chancery of England, and for matters of equity and in many things else, differs from you but in certain terms: james the first, bred here in England, brought the Laws thither in a written hand. The second is Statute laws, which be their Acts of Parliament, wherein they have power as you, to make and altar Laws: and those may be looked into by you, for I hope you shall be no more strangers to that Nation. And the principal work of this Union will be, to reconcile the Statute Laws of both Kingdoms. The third is the Civil Law: james the fift brought it out of France by establishing the Session there, according to the form of the Court of Parliament of France, which he had seen in the time of his being there: who occupy there the place of Civil! udges in all matters of Plea or controversy, yet not to govern absolutely by the Civil Law as in France. For if a man plead that the Law of the Nation is otherwise, it is a bar to the Civil, and a good Chancellor or Precedent, will oftentimes repel and put to silence an Argument that the Lawyers bring out of the Civil Law, where they have a clear solution in their own Law. So as the Civil Law in Scotland is admitted in no other cases, but to supply such cases wherein the Municipal Law is defective. Then may you see it is not so hard a matter as is thought, to reduce that Country to be united with you under this Law, which neither are subject to the Civil Law, nor yet have any old Common Law of their own, but such as in effect is borrowed from yours. And for their Statute Laws in Parliament, you may alter and change them as oft as occasion shall require, as you do here. It hath likewise been objected as an other impediment, that in the Parliament of Scotland the King hath not anegative voice, but must pass all the Laws agreed on by the Lords and Commons. Of this I can best resolve you: for I am the eldest Parliament man in Scotland, and have sit in more Parliaments than any of my Predecessors. I can assure you, that the form of Parliament there, is nothing inclined to popularity. About a twenty days or such a time before the Parliament, Proclamation is made throughout the Kingdom, to deliver in to the King's Clerk of Register (whom you here call the Master of the Rolls) all Bills to be exhibited that Session before a certain day. Then are they brought unto the King, and perused and considered by him, and only such as I allow of are put into the Chancellor's hands to be propounded to the Parliament, and none others; And if any man in Parliament speak of any other matter than is in this form first allowed by me, The Chancellor tells him there is no such Bill allowed by the King.  
Besides, when they have passed them for laws, they are presented unto me, and I with my Sceptre put into my hand by the Chancellor, must say, I ratify and approve all things done in this present Parliament. And if there be any thing that I dislike, they raze it out before. If this may be called a negative voice, than I have one I am sure in that Parliament.  
The last impediment is the French liberties: which is thought so great, as except the Scots farsake France, England cannot be united to them. If the Scottish Nation would be so unwilling to leave them as is said, it would not lie in their hands: For the League was never made between the people, as is mistaken, but betwixt the Prince's only and their Crowns. The beginning was by a Message from a King of France, Charlemagne I take it (but I cannot certainly remember) unto a King of Scotland, for a League defensive and offensive between us and them against England, France being at that time in Wars with England.  
The like at that time was then desired by England against France, who also sent their Ambassadors to Scotland. At the first, the Disputation was long maintained in favour of England, that they being our nearest Neighbours joined in one continent, and a strong and powerful Nation, it was more fit for the weal and security of the State of Scotland, to be in League and Amity with them, then with a Country, though never so strong, yet divided by Sea from us: especially Englandlying betwixt us and them, where we might be sure of a sudden mischief, but behoved to abide the hazard of wind and weather, and other accidents that might hinder our relief.  
But after, when the contrary part of the Argument was maintained: wherein allegation was made, that England ever sought to conquer Scotland, and therefore in regard of their pretended interest in the Kingdoome, would never keep any sound Amity with them longer, than they saw their advantage; whereas France lying more remote and claiming no interest in the Kingdom, would therefore be found a more constant and faithful friend: It was unhappily concluded in favour of the last party, through which occasion Scotland gate many mischiefs after: And it is by the very tenor thereof ordered, to be renewed and confirmed from King to King successively, which accordingly was ever performed by the mediation of their Ambassadors, and therefore merely personal, and so was it renewed in the Queen my mother's time, only between the two Kings, and not by assent of Parliament or convention of the three Estates, which it could never have wanted if it had been a League between the people. And in my time when it came to be ratified, because it appeared to be in odium tertii, it was by me left unrenewed or confirmed as a thing incompatible to my Person, in consideration of my Title to this Crown. Some Privileges indeed in the Merchant's favour for point of Commerce, were renewed and confirmed in my time: wherein for my part of it, there was scarce three counsellors more than my Secretary, to whose place it belonged, that meddled in that matter.  
It is true, that it behoved to be entertained, as they call it, in the Court of Parliament of Paris: but that only serves for publication, and not to give it Authority: That Parliament (as you know) being but a judicial Seat of judges and Lawyers, and nothing agreeing with the definition or office of our Parliaments in this Isle. And therefore that any fruits or Privileges possessed by the League with France is able now to remain in Scotland, is impossible: For ye may be sure, that the French King stays only upon the sight of the ending of this Union, to cut it off himself. Otherwise when this great work were at an end, I would be forced for the general care I own to all my Subjects, to crave of France like Privileges to them all as Scotland already enjoys, seeing the personal friendship remains as great between us as between our Progenitors; and all my Subjects must be alike dear unto me: which either he will never grant, and so all will fall to the ground; or else it will turn to the benefit of the whole Island: and so the Scottish Privileges cannot hold longer than my League with France lasteth.  
And for another Argument to prove that this league is only between the Kings, and not between the people: They which have Pensions, or are privy Intelligence givers in France without my leave, are in no better case by the Law of Scotland, then if they were Pensioners to Spain.  
As for the Scottish Guard in France, the beginning thereof was, when an Earl of Boghan was sent in aid of the French with ten thousand men, and there being made Constable, and having obtained a victory, was murdered with the most of the Scottish Army. In recompense whereof, and for a future security to the Scottish Nation, the Scottish Guard was ordained to have the privilege and prerogative before all other Guards in guarding the King's person.  
And as for the last point of this subdivision concerning the gain that England may make by this Union, I think no wise nor honest man will ask any such question. For who is so ignorant, that doth not know the gain will be great? Do you not gain by the Union of Wales? And is not Scotland greater than Wales? Shall not your Dominions be increased of Lands, Seas, and persons added to your greatness? And are not your Lands and Seas adjoining? For who can set down the limits of the Borders, but as a Mathematical line or Idea? Then will that back door be shut, and those ports of janus be for ever closed: you shall have them that were your enemies to molest you, a sure back to defend you: their bodies shall be your aids, and they must be partners in all your quarrels: Two snowballs put together, make one the greater: Two houses joined, make one the larger: two Castle walls made in one, makes one as thick and strong as both. And do you not see in the Low countries how available the English and the Scottish are being joined together? This is a point so plain, as no man that hath wit or honesty, but must acknowledge it feelingly.  
And where it is objected that the Scottishmen are not tied to the service of the King in the wars above forty days; It is an ignorant mistaking. For the truth is, That in respect the Kings of Scotland did not so abound in Treasure and money to take up an Army under pay, as the Kings of England did; Therefore was the Scottish Army wont to be raised only by Proclamation, upon the penalty of their breach of allegiance; So as they were all forced to come to the War like Snails who carry their house about with them; Every Nobleman and Gentleman bringing with him their Tents, money, provision for their house, victuals of all sorts, and all other necessaries, the King supplying them of nothing: Necessity thereupon enforcing a warning to be given by the Proclamation of the space of their attendance, without which they could not make their provision accordingly, especially as long as they were within the bounds of Scotland, where it was not lawful for them to help themselves by the spoil or wasting of the Country. But neither is there any Law Prescribing precisely such a certain number of days, nor yet is it without the limits of the King's power to keep them together, as many more days as he list, to renew his Proclamations from time to time some reasonable number of days, before the expiring of the former, they being ever bound to serve and wait upon him, though it were an hundredth year if need were.  
Now to conclude, I am glad of this occasion, that I might Liberare animam meam; You are now to recede: when you meet again, remember I pray you, the truth and sincerity of my meaning, which in seeking Union, is only to advance the greatness of your Empire seated here in England; And yet with such caution I wish it, as may stand with the weal of both States. What is now desired, hath oft before been sought when it could not be obtained: To refuse it now then, were double iniquity. Strengthen your own felicity, London must be the Seat of your King, and Scotland joined to this kingdom by a Golden conquest, but cymented with love, (as I said before) which within will make you strong against all Civil and intestine Rebellion, as without we will be compassed and guarded with our walls of brass. judge me charitably, since in this I seek your equal good, that so both of you might be made fearful to your Enemies, powerful in yourselves, and available to your friends. Study therefore hereafter to make a good Conclusion, avoid all delays, cut off all vain questions, that your King may have his lawful desire, and be not disgraced in his just ends. And for your security in such reasonable points of restrictions, whereunto I am to agree, ye need never doubt of my inclination: For I will not say any thing which I will not promise, nor promise any thing which I will notsweare; What I swear I will sign, and what I sign, I shall with GOD'S grace ever perform.   

A SPEECH TO THE LORDS AND COMMONS OF THE PARLIAMENT AT WHITEHALL, ON WEDNESDAY THE XXI. OF MARCH. ANNO 1609.  
WE being now in the midst of this season appointed for penitence and prayer, it hath so fallen out, that these two last days have been spent in a far other sort of exercise, I mean in Eucharisticke Sacrifice, and gratulation of thanks, presented unto me by both the parts of this body of Parliament: and therefore to make up the number of three, (which is the number of Trinity, and perfection) I have thought good to make this the third Day, to be spent in this exercise.  
As ye made me a fair Present indeed in presenting your thanks and loving duties unto me: So have I now called you here, to recompense you again with a great and a rare Present, which is a fair and a Crystal Mirror; Not such a Mirror wherein you may see your own faces, or shadows; but such a Mirror, or Crystal, as through the transparantnesse thereof, you may see the heart of your King. The Philosopher's wish, That every man's breast were a Crystal, wherethrough his heart might be seen, is vulgarly known, and I touched it in one of my former Speeches unto you: But though that were impossible in the general, yet will I now perform this for my part, That as it is a true Axiom in Divinity, That Cor Regis is in manu Domini, So will I now set Cor Regis in oculis populi. I know that I can say nothing at this time, whereof some of you that are here, have not at one time or other, heard me say the like already: Yet as corporal food nourisheth and maintaineth the body, so doth Reminiscentia nourish and maintain memory.  
I Will reduce to three general and main grounds, the principal things that have been agitated in this Parliament, and whereof I will now speak.  
First, the Errand for which you were called by me; And that was, for supporting of my state, and necessities.  
The second is, that which the people are to move unto the King: To represent unto him such things, whereby the Subjects are vexed, or wherein the state of the Common wealth is to be redressed: And that is the thing which you call grievances.  
The third ground that hath been handled amongst you, and not only in talk amongst you in the Parliament, but even in many other people's mouths, aswell within, as without the Parliament, is of a higher nature than any of the former (though it be but an Incident?) and the reason is, because it concerns a higher point; And this is a doubt, which hath been in the heads of some, of my Intention in two things.  
First, whether I was resolved in the general, to continue still my government according to the ancient form of this State, and the Laws of this Kingdom: Or if I had an intention not to limit myself within those bounds, but to alter the same when I thought convenient, by the absolute power of a King.  
The other branch is anent the Common Law, which some had a conceit I disliked, and (in respect that I was borne where another form of Law was established) that I would have wished the Civil Law to have been put in place of the Common Law for government of this people. And the complaint made amongst you of a book written by doctor cowel, was a part of the occasion of this incident: But as touching my censure of that book, I made it already to be delivered unto you by the Treasurer here sitting, which he did out of my own directions and notes; and what he said in my name, that had he directly from me: But what he spoke of himself therein without my direction, I shall always make good; for you may be sure I will be loath to make so honest a man a liar, or deceive your expectations: always within very few days my Edict shall come forth anent that matter, which shall fully discover my meaning.  
There was never any reason to move men to think, that I could like of such grounds: For there are two qualities principally, or rather privations that make Kings subject to flattery; Credulity and Ignorance; and I hope none of them can be justly objected to me: For if Alexander the great, for all his learning, had been wise in that point to have considered the state of his own natural body and disposition, he would never have thought himself a god. And now to the matter. As it is a Christian duty in every man, Reddere rationem fidei, and not to be ashamed to give an account of his profession before men, and Angels, as oft as occasion shall require: So did I ever hold it a necessity of honour in a just and wise King, though not to give an account to his people of his actions, yet clearly to deliver his heart and intention unto them upon every occasion. But I must invert my order, and begin first with that incident which was last in my division (though highest of nature) and so go backward.  
THe State of MONARCHY is the supremest thing upon earth: For Kings are not only GOD'S Lieutenants upon earth, and sit upon GOD'S throne, but even by GOD himself they are called Gods. There be three principal similitudes that illustrate the state of MONARCHY: One taken out of the word of GOD; and the two other out of the grounds of Policy and Philosophy. In the Scriptures Kings are called Gods, and so their power after a certain relation compared to the Divine power. King's are also compared to Fathers of families: for a King is truly Parens patriae, the politic father of his people. And lastly, Kings are compared to the head of this Microcosm of the body of man.  
King's are justly called Gods, for that they exercise a manner or resemblance of Divine power upon earth: For if you will consider the Attributes to God, you shall see how they agree in the person of a King. God hath power to create, or destroy, make, or unmake at his pleasure, to give life, or send death, to judge all, and to be judged nor accountable to none: To raise low things, and to make high things low at his pleasure, and to God are both soul and body due. And the like power have Kings: they make and unmake their subjects: they have power of raising, and casting down: of life, and of death: judges over all their subjects, and in all causes, and yet accountable to none but God only. They have power to exalt low things, and abase high things, and make of their subjects like men at the Chess; A pawn to take a Bishop or a Knight, and to cry up, or down any of their subjects, as they do their money. And to the King is due both the affection of the soul, and the service of the body of his subjects: And therefore that reverend Bishop here amongst you, though I hear that by divers he was mistaken or not well understood, yet did he preach both learnedly and truly annent this point concerning the power of a King: For what he spoke of a King's power in Abstracto, is most true in Divinity: For to Emperors, or Kings that are monarchs, their subjects bodies & goods are due for their defence and maintenance. But if I had been in his place, I would only have added two words, which would have cleared all: For after I had told as a Divine, what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general, I would then have concluded as an Englishman, showing this people, That as in general all Subjects were bound to relieve their King; So to exhort them, that as we lived in a settled state of a Kingdom which was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders, that according thereunto, they were now (being assembled for this purpose in Parliament) to consider how to help such a King as now they had; And that according to the ancient form, and order established in this Kingdom: putting so, a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity, and the settled and established State of this Crown, and Kingdom. And I am sure that the Bishop meant to have done the same, if he had not been straited by time, which in respect of the greatness of the presence preaching before me, and such an Auditory, he durst not presume upon.  
As for the Father of a family, they had of old under the Law of Nature Patriam potestatem, which was Potestatem vitae & necis, over their children or family, (I mean such Fathers of families as were the lineal heirs of those families whereof Kings did originally come:) For Kings had their first original from them, who planted and spread themselves in Colonies through the world. Now a Father may dispose of his Inheritance to his children, at his pleasure: yea, even disinherit the eldest upon just occasions, and prefer the youngest, according to his liking; make them beggars, or rich at his pleasure; restrain, or banish out of his presence, as he finds them give cause of offence, or restore them in favour again with the penitent sinner: So may the King deal with his Subjects.  
And lastly, as for the head of the natural body, the head hath the power of directing all the members of the body to that use which the judgement in the head thinks most convenient. It may apply sharp cures, or cut off corrupt members, let blood in what proportion it thinks fit, and as the body may spare, but yet is all this power ordained by God Ad aedificationem, non ad destructionem. For although God have power aswell of destruction, as of creation or maintenance; yet will it not agree with the wisdom of God, to exercise his power in the destruction of nature, and overturning the whole frame of things, since his creatures were made, that his glory might thereby be the better expressed: So were he a foolish father that would disinherit or destroy his children without a cause, or leave off the careful education of them; And it were an idle head that would in place of physic so poison or phlebotomize the body as might breed a dangerous distemper or destruction thereof.  
But now in these our times we are to distinguish between the state of Kings in their first original, and between the state of settled Kings and monarchs, that do at this time govern in civil Kingdoms: For even as God, during the time of the old Testament, spoke by Oracles, and wrought by Miracles; yet how soon it pleased him to settle a Church which was bought, and redeemed by the blood of his only Son Christ, then was there a cessation of both; He ever after governing his people and Church within the limits of his reveiledwill. So in the first original of Kings, whereof some had their beginning by Conquest, and some by election of the people, their wills at that time served for Law; Yet how soon Kingdoms began to be settled in civility and policy, than did Kings set down their minds by Laws, which are properly made by the King only; but at the rogation of the people, the Kings grant being obtained thereunto. And so the King became to be Lex loquens, after a sort, binding himself by a double oath to the observation of the fundamental Laws of his kingdom: Tacitly, as by being a King, and so bound to protect aswell the people, as the Laws of his Kingdom; And Expressly, by his oath at his Coronation: So as every just King in a settled Kingdom is bound to observe that paction made to his people by his Laws, in framing his government agreeable thereunto, according to that paction which God made with Noah after the deluge, Hereafter Seedtime, and Harvest, Cold and Heat, Summer and Winter, and Day and Night shall not cease, so long as the earth remains. And therefore a King governing in a settled Kingdom, leaves to be a King, and degenerates into a Tyrant, assoon as he leaves off to rule according to his Laws. In which case the King's conscience may speak unto him, as the poor widow said to Philip of Macedon; Either govern according to your Law, Aut ne Rexsis. And though no Christian man ought to allow any rebellion of people against their Prince, yet doth God never leave Kings unpunished when they transgress these limits: For in that same Psalm where God saith to Kings, Vos Dij estis, he immediately thereafter concludes, But ye shall die like men. The higher we are placed, the greater shall our fall be.  casus sic dolour: the taller the trees be, the more in danger of the wind; and the tempest beats sorest upon the highest mountains. Therefore all Kings that are not tyrants, or perjured, will be glad to bond themselves within the limits of their Laws; and they that persuade them the contrary, are vipers, and pests, both against them and the Commonwealth. For it is a great difference between a King's government in a settled State, and what Kings in their original power might do in Individuo vago. As for my part, I thank God, I have ever given good proof, that I never had intention to the contrary: And I am sure to go to my grave with that reputation and comfort, that never King was in all his time more careful to have his Laws duly observed, and himself to govern thereafter, then I.  
I conclude then this point touching the power of Kings, with this Axiom of Divinity, That as to dispute what God may do, is Blasphemy; but quid vult Deus, that Divines may lawfully, and do ordinarily dispute and discuss; for to dispute A Posse ad Esse is both against Logic and Divinity: So is it sedition in Subjects, to dispute what a King may do in the height of his power: But just Kings will ever be willing to declare what they will do, if they will not incur the curse of God. I will not be content that my power be disputed upon: but I shall ever be willing to make the reason appear of all my doings, and rule my actions according to my Laws.  
The other branch of this incident is concerning the Common Law, being conceived by some, that I contemned it, and preferred the Civil Law thereunto. As I have already said, King's Actions (even in the secretest places) are as the actions of those that are set upon the Stages, or on the tops of houses: and I hope never to speak that in private, which I shall not avow in public, and Print it if need be, (as I said in my BASILICON DORON.) For it is true, that within these few days I spoke freely my mind touching the Common Law in my Privy Chamber, at the time of my dinner, which is come to all your ears; and the same was likewise related unto you by my Treasurer, and now I will again repeat and confirm the same myself unto you. First, as a King I have least cause of any man to dislike the Common Law: For no Law can be more favourable and advantageous for a King, and extendeth further his Prerogative, than it doth: And for a King of England to despile the Common Law, it is to neglect his own Crown. It is true, that I do greatly esteem the Civil Law, the profession thereof serving more for general learning and being most necessary for matters of Treaty with all foreign Nations: And I think that if it should be taken away, it would make an entry to Barbarism in this Kingdom, and would blemish the honour of England: For it is in a manner LEX GENTIUM, and maintaineth Intercourse with all forreme Nations: but I only allow it to have course here, according to those limits of jurisdiction, which the Common Law itself doth allow it: And therefore though it be not fit for the general government of the people here; it doth not follow, it should be extinct, no more, then because the Latin tongue is not the Mother or Radical Language of any Nation in the world at this time, that therefore the English tongue should only now be learned in this Kingdom, which were to bring in Barbarism. My meaning therefore is not, to prefer the Civil Law before the Common Law; but only that it should not be extinguished, and yet so bounded, (I mean to such Courts and Causes) as have been in ancient use; As the Ecclesiastical Courts, Court of Admiralty, Court of Requests, and such like, reserving ever to the Common Law to meddle with the fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, either concerning the King's Prerogative, or the possessions of Subjects, in any questions, either between the King, and any of them, or amongst themselves, in the points of Meum & tuum. For it is true, that there is no Kingdom in the world, not only Scotland, but not France, nor Spain, nor any other Kingdom governed merely by the Civil Law, but every one of them hath their own municipal Laws agreeable to their Customs, as this Kingdom hath the Common Law: Nay, I am so far from disallowing the Common Law, as I protest, that if it were in my hand to choose a new Law for this Kingdom, I would not only prefer it before any other Nationall Law, but even before the very judicial Law of Moses: and yet I speak no blasphemy in preferring it for conveniency to this Kingdom, and at this time, to the very Law of God: For God governed his selected people by these three Laws, Ceremonial, Moral, and judicial: The judicial, being only fit for a certain people, and a certain time, which could not serve for the general of all other people and times. As for example, If the Law of hanging for Theft, were turned here to restitution of triple or quadruple, as it was in the Law of Moses, what would become of all the middle Shires, and all the Irishrie and Highlanders? But the main point is, That if the fundamental Laws of any Kingdom should be altered, who should discern what is Meum & tuum, or how should a King govern? It would be like the Gregorian Calendar, which destroys the old, and yet doth this new trouble all the debts and Accounts of Traffics and Merchandizes: Nay by that account I can never tell mine own age; for now is my Birthday removed by the space often days nearer me than it was before the change. But upon the other part, though I have in one point preferred our Common Law, concerning our use to the very Law of GOD; yet in another respect I must say, both our Law and all Laws else are far inferior to that judicial Law of GOD; for no book nor Law is perfect nor free from corruption, except only the book and Law of GOD. And therefore I could wish some three things specially to be purged & cleared in the Common Law; but always by the advise of Parliament: For the King with his Parliament here are absolute, (as I understand) in making or forming of any sort of Laws.  
First I could wish that it were written in our vulgar Language: for now it is in an old, mixed, and corrupt Language, only understood by Lawyers: whereas every Subject aught to understand the Law under which he lives: For since it is our plea against the Papists, that the language in GOD'S Service ought not to be in an unknown tongue, according to the rule in the Law of Moses, That the Law should be written in the fringes of the Priest's garment, and should be publicly read in the ears of all the people: so me thinks aught our Law to be made as plain as can be to the people, that the excuse of ignorance may be taken from them, for conforming themselves thereunto.  
Next, our Common Law hath not a settled Text in all Cases, being chief grounded either upon old Customs, or else upon the Reports and Cases of judges, which ye call Responsa Prudentum. The like whereof is in all other Laws: for they are much ruled by Precedents (save only in Denmark and Norway, where the letter of the Law resolves all doubts without any trouble to the judge,) But though it be true, that no Text of Law can be so certain, wherein the circumstances will not make a variation in the Case, (for in this age, men's wits increase so much by civility, that the circumstances of every particular case varies so much from the general Text of Law, as in the Civil Law itself, there are therefore so many Doctors that comment upon the Text, & never a one almost agrees with another; Otherwise there needed no judges, but the bare letter of the Law.) Yet could I wish that some more certainty were set down in this case by Parliament: for since the very Reports themselves are not always so binding, but that divers times judges do disclaim them, and recede from the judgement of their predecessors; it were good, that upon a mature deliberation, the exposition of the Law were set down by Act of Parliament, and such reports therein confirmed, as were thought fit to serve for Law in all times hereafter, and so the people should not depend upon the bare opinions of judges, and uncertain Reports.  
And lastly, there be in the Common Law divers contrary Reports, and Precedents: and this corruption doth likewise concern the Statutes and Acts of Parliament, in respect there are divers cross and cuffing Statutes, and some so penned, as they may be taken in divers, yea contrary senses. And therefore would I wish both those Statutes and Reports, aswell in the Parliament as Common Law, to be once maturely reviewed, and reconciled; And that not only all contrarieties should be scraped out of our Books, but even that such penal Statutes as were made, but for the use of the time (from breach whereof no man can be free) which do not now agree with the condition of this our time, might likewise beleft out of our books, which under a tyrannous or avaricious King could not be endured. And this reformation might (me thinks) be made a worthy work, and well deserves a Parliament to be set of purpose for it.  
I know now that being upon this point of the Common Law, you look to hear my opinion concerning Prohibitions; and I am not ignorant that I have been thought to be an enemy to all Prohibitions, and an utter stayer of them: But I will shortly now inform you what hath been my course in proceeding therein. It is true that in respect of divers honourable Courts, and jurisdictions planted in this Kingdom, I have often wished that every Court had his own true limit, and jurisdiction clearly set down, and certainly known; which if it be exceeded by any of them, or that any of them encroach one upon another, than I grant that a Prohibition in that case is to go out of the King's Bench, but chiefliest out of the Chancery; for other Benches I am not yet so well resolved of their jurisdiction in that point. And for my part, I was never against Prohibitions of this nature, nor the true use of them, which is indeed to keep every River within his own banks and channels. But when I saw the swelling and overflowing of Prohibitions in a far greater abundance than ever before, every Court striving to bring in most moulture to their own Mill, by multitudes of Causes, which is a disease very natural to all Courts and jurisdictions in the world; Then dealt I with this Cause, and that at two several times, once in the midst of Winter, and again in the midst of the next following Summer; At every of which times I spent three whole days in that labour. And then after a large hearing, I told them as Christ said concerning Marriage, Ab initio non fuit sic. For as God contains the Sea within his own bounds and marches (as it is in the Psalms,) So is it my office to make every Court contain himself within his own limits; And therefore I gave admonitions to both sides: To the other Courts, that they should be careful hereafter every of them, to contain themselves within the bounds of their own jurisdictions; and to the Courts of Common Law, that they should not be so forward, and prodigal in multiplying their Prohibitions. Two cautions I willed them to observe in granting their Prohibitions: First, that they should be granted in a right and lawful form: And next, that they should not grant them, but upon a just and reasonable cause. As to the form, it was, That none should be granted by any one particular judge, or in time of Vacation, or in any other place, but openly in Court. And to this the judges themselves gave their willing assent. And as to the Cause, That they should not be granted upon every sleight furmise, or information of the party, but always that a due and grave examination should first precede. Otherwise if Prohibitions should rashly, and headily be granted, than no man is the more secure of his own, though he hath gotten a Sentence with him: For as good have no Law, or Sentence, as to have no execution thereof. A poor Minister with much labour and expense, having exhausted his poor means, and being forced to forbear his study, and to become non resident from his flock, obtains a Sentence, and then when he looks to enjoy the fruits thereof, he is defrauded of all by a Prohibition, according to the parable of Christ, That night when he thinks himself most happy, shall his soul be taken from him: And so is he tortured like Tantalus, who when he hath the Apple at his mouth, and that he is gaping and opening his mouth to receive it, then must it be pulled from him by a Prohibition, and he not suffered to taste thereof. So as to conclude this point, I put a difference between the true use of Prohibitions, and the superabounding abuse thereof: for as a thing which is good, ought not therefore be abused; so ought not the lawful use of a good thing be forborn, because of the abuse thereof.  
NOw the second general ground whereof I am to speak, concerns the matter of Grievances: There are two special causes of the people's presenting Grievances to their King in time of Parliament. First, for that the King cannot at other times be so well informed of all the Grievances of his people, as in time of Parliament, which is the representative body of the whole Realm. Secondly, the Parliament is the highest Court of justice, and therefore the fittest place where divers natures of Grievances may have their proper remedy, by the establishment of good and wholesome Laws. But though my Speech was before directed to the whole Body of Parliament; yet in this case I must address my Speech in special to you of the Lower House.  
I am now then to recommend unto your considerations the matter and manner of your handling and presenting of Grievances. As for the manner, though I will not deny, but that ye, representing the Body of the people, may as it were both opportunè and inopportunè (I mean either in Parliament as a Body, or out of Parliament as private men) present your Grievances unto me; yet would I have you to use this caution in your behaviour in this point: which is, that your Grievances be not as it were greedily sought out by you, or taken up in the streets (as one said) thereby to show a willingness that you would have a show made, that there are many abuses in the government, and many causes of complaint: but that according to your first institution, ye should only meddle with such Grievances, as yourselves do know had need of reformation, or had informations thereof in your countries for which you serve, and not so to multiply them, as might make it noised amongst the people, that all things in the government were amiss and out of frame: For even at the beginning of this very Session of Parliament, the general name of Grievances being mentioned among you, such a conceit came in the heads of many, that you had a desire to multiply and make a great muster of them, as every one exhibited what his particular spleen stirred him unto. Indeed there fell out an accident upon this occasion, for which I have reason to thank you of the Lower house, I mean for your fire work; wherein I confess you did Honour to me, and right to yourselves: For having one afternoon found many Grievances closely presented in papers, and so all thrust up in a sack together, (rather like Pasquil's, than any lawful Complaints) far against your own Orders, and divers of them proceeding from grudging and murmuring spirits; you, upon the hearing read two or three of the first lines of divers of them, were not content with a public consent to condemn them, and to discharge any further reading of them, but you also made a public bonfire of them. In this, I say, you showed your care and jealousy of my Honour, and I sent you thanks for it by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a member of your own House, who by your appointment, that same night acquainted me with your proceed; And by him also I promised at that time, that you should hear more of my thanks for the same at the first occasion; And now I tell you it myself, that you may know how kindly I take your dutiful behaviour in this case. But since this was a good effect of an evil cause, I must not omit also to admonish you upon the other part, to take a course amongst yourselves, to prevent the like accident in all times hereafter: otherwise the Lower house may become a place for Pasquil's, and at another time such Grievances may be cast in amongst you, as may contain Treason or scandal against Me, or my Posterity. Therefore in this case, look over your ancient Orders, & follow them, and suffer not hereafter any petitions or Grievances to be delivered obscurely or in the dark, but openly and avowedly in your Public house, and there to be presented to the Speaker. And as to the matter of your Grievances, I wish you here now to understand me rightly. And because I see many writing and noting, I will crave your pardons, to hold you a little longer by speaking the more distinctly, for fear of mistaking.  
First then, I am not to find fault that you inform yourselves of the particular just Grievances of the people; Nay, I must tell you, ye can neither be just nor faithful to me, or to your Countries that trust and employ you, if you do it not: For true Plaints proceed not from the persons employed, but from the Body represented, which is the people. And it may very well be, that many Directions and Commissions justly given forth by me, may be abused in the Execution thereof, upon the people: and yet I never to receive information, except it come by your means, at such a time as this is; (as in the case of Stephen Procter.) But I would wish you to be careful to avoid three things in the matter of Grievances.  
First, that you do not meddle with the main points of Government; that is my craft: tractent fabrilia sabri; to meddle with that, were to lesson me: I am now an old King; for six and thirty years have I governed in Scotland personally, and now have I accomplished my apprenticeship of seven years here; and seven years is a great time for a King's experience in Government: Therefore there would not be too many Phormios to teach Hannibal: I must not be taught my Office.  
Secondly, I would not have you meddle with such ancient Rights of mine, as I have received from my Predecessors, possessing them, More Maiorum: such things I would be sorry should be accounted for Grievances. All novelties are dangerous as well in a politic as in a natural Body: And therefore I would be loath to be quarreled in my ancient Rights and possessions: for that were to judge me unworthy of that which my Predecessors had, and left me.  
And lastly, I pray you beware to exhibit for Grievance any thing that is established by a settled Law, and whereunto (as you have already had a proof) you know I will never give a plausible answer: For it is an undutiful part in Subjects to press their King, wherein they know beforehand he will refuse them. Now, if any Law or Statute be not convenient, let it be amended by Parliament, but in the mean time term it not a Grievance: for to be grieved with the Law, is to be grieved with the King, who is sworn to be the Patron and maintainer thereof. But as all men are flesh, and may err in the execution of Laws; So may ye justly make a Grievance of any abuse of the Law, distinguishing wisely between the faults of the person, and the thing itself. As for example, Complaints may be made unto you of the high Commissioners: If so be, try the abuse, and spare not to complain upon it, but say not there shall be no Commission, For that were to abridge the power that is in me: and I will plainly tell you. That something I have with myself resolved annent that point, which I mean ever to keep, except I see other great cause which is, That in regard the high Commission is o● so high a nature, from which there is no appellation to any other Court, I have thought good to restrain it only to the two Archbishops, where before it was common amongst a great part of the Bishops in England. This Law I have set to myself, and therefore you may be assured, that I will never find fault with any man, nor think him the more Puritan, that will complain to me out of Parliament, aswell as in Parliament, of any error in execution thereof, so that he prove it; Otherwise it were but a calumny. Only I would be loath that any man should grieve at the Commission itself, as I have already said. Ye have heard (I am sure) of the pains I took both in the causes of the Admiralty, and of the Prohibitions: If any man therefore will bring me any just complaints upon any matters of so high a nature as this is, ye may assure yourselves that I will not spare my labour in hearing it. In faith you never had a more painful King, or that will be readier in his person to determine causes that are fit for his hearing. And when ever any of you shall make experience of me in this point, ye may be sure never to want access, nor ye shall never come wrong to me, in, or out of Parliament.  
And now to conclude this purpose of Grievances, I have one general grievance to commend unto you, and that in the behalf of the Countries from whence ye come. And this is, to pray you to beware that your Grievances savour not of particular men's thoughts, but of the general griefs rising out of the minds of the people, and not out of the humour of the propounder. And therefore I would wish you to take heed carefully, and consider of the party that propounds the grievance: for ye may (if ye list) easily discern whether it be his own passion, or the people's grief, that makes him to speak: for many a man will in your house propound a Grievance out of his own humour, because (peradventure) he accounts highly of that matter: and yet the country that employs him, may perhaps either be of a contrary mind, or (at least) little care for it. As for example, I assure you, I can very well smell between a Petition that moves from a general Grievance, or such a one as comes from the spleen of some particular person, either against Ecclesiastical government in general, or the person of any one Noble man, or Commissioner in particular.  
ANd now the third point remains to be spoken of; which is the cause of my calling of this Parliament. And in this I have done but as I use to do in all my life, which is to leave mine own errand hindmost.  
It may be you did wonder that I did not speak unto you publicly at the beginning of this Session of Parliament, to tell you the cause of your calling, as I did (if I be rightly remembered) in every Session before. But the truth is, that because I call you at this time for my particular Errand, I thought it fit to be opened unto you by my Treasurer, who is my public and most principal Officer in matters of that nature, then that I should do it myself: for I confess I am less naturally eloquent, and have greater cause to distrust mine elocution in matters of this nature, then in any other thing. I have made my Treasurer already to give you a very clear and true account both of my having and expenses: A favour I confess, that Kings do seldom bestow upon their Subjects, in making them so particularly acquainted with their state. If I had not more than cause, you may be sure I would be loath to trouble you: But what he hath affirmed in this, upon the honour of a Gentleman, (whom you never had cause to distrust for his honesty,) that do I now confirm and avow to be true in the word and honour of a King; And therein you are bound to believe me. Duty I may justly claim of you as my Subjects; and one of the branches of duty which Subjects own to their Sovereign, is Supply: but in what quantity, and at what time, that must come of your loves. I am not now therefore to dispute of a King's power, but to tell you what I may justly crave, and expect with your good wills. I was ever against all extremes; and in this case I will likewise wish you to avoid them on both sides. For if you fail in the one, I might have great cause to blame you as Parliament men, being called by me for my Errands: And if you fall into the other extreme, by supply of my necessities without respective care to avoid oppression or partiality in the Levy, both I and the Country will have cause to blame you.  
When I think upon the composition of this body of Parliament, I do well consider that the Upper house is composed of the Secular Nobility, who are hereditary Lords of Parliament; and of Bishops, that are live Renter Barons of the same: And therefore what is given by the Upper house, is given only from the true body of that House; and out of their own purposes that do give it; whereas the Lower house is but the representative body of the Commons, and so what you give, you give it aswell for others, as for yourselves: and therefore you have the more reason to eschew both the extremes. On the one part, ye may the more easily be liberal, since it comes not all from yourselves; and yet upon the other part, if ye give more than is fit for good and loving Subjects to yield upon such necessary occasions, ye abuse the King, and hurt the people; And such a gift I will never accept: For in such a case you might deceive a King, in giving your flattering consent to that which you know might move the people generally to grudge and murmur at it, and so should the King find himself deceived in his Caloule, and the people likewise grieved in their hearts; the love and possession of which (I protest) I did, and ever will account the greatest earthly security (next the favour of GOD) to any wise or just King. For though it was vainly said by one of your House, That ye had need to beware, that by giving me too much, your throats were not in danger of cutting at your coming home: yet may ye assure yourselves, that I will ever be loath to press you to do that which may wrong the people, and make you justly to bear the blame thereof. But that ye may the better be acquainted with my inclination, I will appeal to a number of my Privy Council here present, if that before the calling of this Parliament, and when I found that the necessity of my estate required so great a supply, they found me more desirous to obtain that which I was forced to seek, then careful that the people might yield me a supply in so great a measure as my necessities required, without their too great loss. And you all that are Parliament men, and here present of both Houses can bear me witness, if ever I burdened or employed any of you for any particular Subsidies, or sums by name, further than my laying open the particular necessities of my state, or yet if ever I spoke to any Privy councillor, or any of my learned Council, to labour voices for me to this end; I ever detested the hunting for Emendicata Suffragia. A King that will rule and govern justly, must have regard to Conscience, Honour and judgement, in all his great Actions, (as yourself M. Speaker remembered the other day.) And therefore ye may assure yourselves, That I ever limitall my great Actions within that compass. But as upon the one side, I do not desire you should yield to that extreme, in giving me more than (as I said formerly) upon such necessary occasions are fit for good and loving Subjects to yield; For that were to give me a purse with a knife: So on the other side, I hope you will not make vain pretences of wants, out of causeless apprehensions, or idle excuses, neither cloak your own humours (when yourselves are unwilling) by alleging the poverty of the people. For although I will be no less just, as a King, to such persons, than any other: (For my justice with God's grace, shallbe alike open to all) yet ye must think I have no reason to thank them, or gratify them with any suits or matters of grace, when their errand shall come in my way; And yet no man can say, that ever I quarreled any man for refusing me a Subsidy, if he did it in a moderate fashion, and with good reasons. For him that denies a good Law, I will not spare to quarrel: But for granting or denying money, it is but an effect of love: And therefore for the point of my necessities, I only desire that I be not refused in that which of duty I ought to have: For I know if it were propounded in the general amongst you, whether the King's wants ought to be relieved or not, there is not one of you, that would make question of it. And though in a sort this may seem to be my particular; yet it can not be divided from the general good of the Common wealth; For the King that is Parens Patriae, tells you of his wants. Nay, Patria ipsa by him speaks unto you. For if the King want, the State wants, and therefore the strengthening of the King is the preservation and the standing of the State; And woe be to him that divides the weal of the King from the weal of the Kingdom. And as that King is miserable (how rich soever he be) that rains over a poor people, (for the hearts and riches of the people, are the King's greatest treasure;) So is that Kingdom not able to subsist, how rich and potent soever the people be, if their King wants means to mainaine his State: for the means of your King are the sinews of the kingdom both in war and peace: for in peace I must minister justice unto you, and in war I must defend you by Arms: but neither of these can I do without sufficient means, which must come from your Aid and Supply. I confess it is far against my nature to be burdensome to my people: for it cannot but grieve me to crave of others, that was borne to be begged of. It is true, I crave more than ever King of England did; but I have far greater and juster cause and reason to crave, than ever King of England had. And though my Treasurer hath at length declared the reasons unto you of my necessities, and of a large supply that he craved for the same, wherein he omitted no arguments that can be used for that purpose; yet will I myself now shortly remember you some of the weightiest reasons that come in my head, to prove the equity of my demand.  
First, ye all know, that by the accession of more Crowns, which in my Person I have brought unto you, my charge must be the greater in all reason: For the greater your King be, both in his dominion and number of Subjects, he cannot but be forced thereby to be at the more charge, and it is the more your honour, so to have it.  
Next, that posterity and issue which it hath pleased God to send me for your use, cannot but bring necessarily with it a greater proportion of charge. You all know that the late Queen of famous memory (notwithstanding her orbity) had much given unto her, and more than ever any of her predecessors had before her.  
Thirdly, the time of creation of my Son doth now draw near, which I choose for the greater honour to be done in this time of Parliament. As for him I say no more; the sight of himself here speaks for him.  
Fourthly, it is true I have spent much; but yet if I had spared any of those things, which caused a great part of my expense, I should have dishonoured the kingdom, myself, and the late Queen. Should I have spared the funeral of the late Queen? or the solemnity of mine and my wives entry into this Kingdom, in some honourable sort? or should I have spared our entry into London, or our Coronation? And when most of the monarchs, and great Princes in Christendom sent their Ambassadors to congratulate my coming hither, and some of them came in person, was I not bound, both for my own honour, and the honour of the Kingdom, to give them good entertainment? But in case it might be objected by some, that it is only upon occasions of war, that Kings obtain great Supplies from their Subjects: notwithstanding my intern Peace, I am yet in a kind of war, which if it be without, the more is your safety: For (as the Treasurer told you at large) I am now forced both in respects of State, and my promise, and for the general cause of Religion, to send a Supply of forces to Cleves, and how long that occasion may last, or what greater supply the necessity of that Errand may draw me unto, no man can yet tell. Besides that, although I have put down that form of warlike keeping of Berwick; yet are all those commanders my pensioners that were the late Queen's soldiers. And I hope I sustain a pretty Seminary of Soldiers in my Forts within this Kingdom, besides the two cautionary Towns in the Low-countrieses, Flushing and Brill. And as for Ireland, ye all know how uncertain my charges are ever there, that people being so easily stirred, partly through their barbarity, and want of civility, and partly through their corruption in Religion to break forth in rebellions. Ye know, how unlooked for a Rebellion broke forth there the last year, which could not but put me to extraordinary charges. Besides I do maintain there continually an Army, which is a goodly Seminary of expert and old Soldiers. And I dare never suffer the same to be diminished, till this Plantation take effect, which (no doubt) is the greatest moat that ever came in the Rebels eyes: and it is to be looked for, that if ever they will be able to make any stir, they will press at it by all means, for the preventing and discouraging this Plantation. Now it is true, that besides all these honourable and necessary occasions of my charge, I have spent much in liberality: but yet I hope you will consider, that what I have given, hath been given amongst you; and so what comes in from you, goes out again amongst you. But it may be thought that I have given much amongst Scottishmen. Indeed if I had not been liberal in rewarding some of my old servants of that Nation, ye could never have had reason to expect my thankfulness towards any of you that are more lately become my Subjects, if I had been ingrate to the old: And yet ye will find, that I have dealt twice as much amongst English men as I have done to Scottishmen. And therefore he that in your House was not ashamed to affirm, that the silver and gold did so abound in Edinburgh, was very far mistaken; but I wish him no worse punishment, then that he should only live upon such profit of the money there. But I hope you will never mislike me for my liberality, since I can look very few of you this day in the face, that have not made suits to me, at least for some thing, either of honour or profit. It is true, a King's liberality must never be dried up altogether: for than he can never maintain nor oblige his servants and well deserving Subjects: But that vastness of my expense is past, which I used the first two or three years after my coming hither: And, as I oft used to say, that Christmas and open tide is ended: For at my first coming here, partly ignorance of this State (which no man can acquire but by time and experience) and partly the form of my coming being so honourable and miraculous, enforced me to extend my liberality so much the more at the beginning. Ye saw I made Knights then by hundreths, and Barons in great numbers: but I hope you find I do not so now, nor mind not to do so hereafter. For to conclude this point anent expenses, I hold that a King's expense must always be honourable, though not wasteful, and the charges of your King in maintaining those ancient honourable forms of living that the former Kings of England my Predecessors have done, and his living to be ruled according to the proportion of his greatness, is aswell for the honour of your Kingdom, as of your King. Now this cannot be supplied out of the air or liquid elements, but must come from the people. And for removing of that diffidence which men may have, that I mind not to live in any wasteful sort hereafter, will you but look upon myself and my posterity; and if there were no more but that, it will teach you that if I were but a natural man, I must needs be careful of my expenses: For as for my own person, I hope none that knows me well, can think me but as little inclined to any prodigal humours of unnecessary things, as any other reasonable man of a far meaner estate. Therefore since (as I have said) I cannot be helped but from the people; I assure myself that you will well allow me such measure of Supply, as the people may bear, and support him with more Honourable means than others have had, that (as I may say without vaunting) hath brought you more Honour than ever you had: For I hope there are no good Subjects either within, or out of the Parliament House, that would not be content for setting straight once and settling the Honourable State of their King, to spare so much every one of them out of their purses, which peradventure they would in one night throw away at Dice or Cards, or bestow upon a horse for their fancies, that might break his neck or his leg the next morning: Nay I am sure every good Subject would rather choose to live more sparingly upon his own, then that his King's State should be in want.  
For conclusion then of this purpose, I wish you now to put a speedy end to your business. Freeness in giving graceth the gift, Bis dat, qui citò dat; The longer I want help, the greater will my debt still rise: and so must I look for the greater helps. And now I would pray you to turn your eyes with me from home, and look upon foreign States. Consider that the eyes of all foreign States are upon this affair, and in expectation what the success thereof will be; And what can they think, if ye depart without relieving me in that proportion that may make me able to maintain my State, but that either ye are unwilling to help me, thinking me unworthy thereof, or at least that my State is so desperate, as it cannot be repaired, and so that the Parliament parts in disgrace with the King, and the King in distaste with the Parliament, which cannot but weaken my reputation both at home and abroad? For of this you may be assured, that foreign Princes care the more one for an other, if they may have reason to expect that they may be able to do them good or harm in Retribution. And ye know, that if a King fall to be contemned with his neighbours, that cannot but bring an oppression and war by them upon him, and then will it be too late to support the King, when the cure is almost desperate. Things foreseen and prevented, are ever easliest remedied: And therefore I would advise you now so to settle your business, as ye may not take in hand so many things at once, as may both cross my errand, and every one of them cross another. Ye remember the French Proverb, Qui trop embrace, rien estreint; We are not in this Parliament to make our Testament, as if we should never meet again, and that all things that were to be done in any Parliament, were to be done at this time: and yet for filling up of your vacant hours, I will recommend to your consideration such nature of things, as are to be specially thought upon in these times. First I will begin at GOD: for the beginning with him makes all other actions to be blessed: And this I mean by the cause of Religion. Next I will speak of some things that concern the Commonwealth. And thirdly, matters of Pleasure and ornament to the Kingdom.  
As for Religion, we have all great cause to take heed unto it; Papists are waxed as proud at this time as ever they were, which makes many to think they have some new plotin hand. And although the poorest sort of them be (God be thanked) much decreased, yet doth the greater sort of them daily increase, especially among the feminine Sex; nay they are waxed so proud, that some say, no man dare present them, nor judges meddle with them, they are so backed and upholden by divers great Courtiers. It is a surer and better way to remove the materials of fire before they be kindled, then to quench the fire when once it is kindled.  Nam levius laedit quicquid praevidimus antè. 
I do not mean by this to move you to make stronger Laws than are already made, but see those Laws may be well executed that are in force; otherwise they cannot but fall into contempt and become rusty. I never found, that blood and too much severity did good in matters of Religion: for, beside that it is a sure rule in Divinity, that God never loves to plant his Church by violence and bloodshed, natural reason may even persuade us, and daily experience proves it true, That when men are severely persecuted for Religion, the gallantness of many men's spirits, and the wilfulness of their humours, rather than the justness of the cause, makes them to take a pride boldy to endure any torments, or death itself, to gain thereby the reputatiom of Martyrdom, though but in a false shadow.  
Some doubts have been conceived anent the using of the Oath of Allegiance, and that part of the Act which ordains the taking thereof, is thought so obscure, that no man can tell who ought to be pressed therewith. For I myself, when upon a time I called the judges before me at their going to their Circuits, I moved this question unto them; wherein, as I thought they could not resolutely answer me: And therefore if there be any scruple touching the ministering of it, I would wish it now to be cleared. And since I have with my own pen brought the Pope's quarrel upon me, and proclaimed public defiance to Babylon in maintaining it; should it now sleep, and should I seem (as it were) to steal from it again?  
As for Recusants, let them be all duly presented without exception: for in times passed there hath been too great a connivence, and forbearing of them, especially of great men's wives, and their kin and followers. None ought to be spared from being brought under the danger of Law, and then it is my part to use mercy, as I think convenient. To wink at faults, and not to suffer them to be discovered, is no Honour, nor Mercy in a King, neither is he ever thanked for it; It only argues his dullness: But to forgive faults after they are confessed, or tried, is Mercy. And now I must turn me in this case to you, my Lords the Bishops, and even exhort you earnestly, to be more careful, than you have been, that your Officers may more duly present Recusants, than heretofore they have done, without exception of persons; That althought it must be the work of GOD that must make their minds to be altered, yet at least by this course they may be stayed from increasing, or insulting upon us.  
And that ye all may know the truth of my heart in this case, I divide all my Subjects that are Papists, into two ranks: either old Papists, that were so brought up in times of Popery, like old Queen Mary Priests, and those, that though they be younger in years, yet have never drunk in other milk, but been still nuzzled in that blindness: Or else such as do become apostates; having once been of our Profession, and have forsaken the truth, either upon discontent, or practise, or else upon a light vain humour of Novelty, making no more scruple to seek out new forms of Religion, then if it were but a new form of Garment, or a new cut or curtsy after the French fashion.  
For the former sort, I pity them; but if they be good and quiet Subjects, I hate not their persons; and if I were a private man, I could well keep a civil friendship and conversation with some of them: But as for those Apostates, who, I know, must be greatest haters of their own Sect, I confess I can never show any favourable countenance toward them, and they may all of them be sure without exception, that they shall never find any more favour of me, further than I must needs in justice afford them. And these would I have the Law to strike severeliest upon, and you carefullest to discover. Ye know there hath been great stir kept for begging Concealments these years past; and I pray you, let me beg this concealment both of the Bishops, and judges, That Papists be no longer concealed.  
Next, as concerning the Common wealth, I do specially recommend unto you the framing of some new Statute for preservation of woods. In the end of the last Session of Parliament, ye had a Bill amongst you of that subject; but because you found some faults therein, you cast out the whole Bill: But I could have rather wished that ye had either mended it, or made a new one; For to cast out the whole Bill because of some faults, was even as if a man, that had a new garment brought him, would choose rather to go naked, then have his garment made fit for him: But on my conscience, I cannot imagine why you should so lightly have esteemed a thing, so necessary for the Common wealth, if it were not out of a little frowardness amongst you at that time, that what I then recommended earnestly unto you, it was the worse liked of. The maintenance of woods is a thing so necessary for this Kingdom, as it cannot stand, nor be a Kingdom without it: For it concerns you both in your Esse, Bene esse, and in pleasures. Your Esse: for without it you want the use of one of the most necessary Elements (which is Fire and fuel to dress your meat with; for neither can the people live in these cold Countries, if they want fire altogether, nor yet can you dress your meat without it; and I think you will ill live like the Cannibals upon raw flesh: for the education of this people is far from that. As to your bene esse; The decay of woods will necessarily bring the decay of Shipping, which both is the security of this Kingdom, since God hath by nature made the Sea to be the wall of this Island; and the rather now, since God hath united it all in my Person and Crown; As also by the decay of Shipping will you lose both all your foreign commodities that are fit for this country, and the venting of our own, which is the loss of Trade, that is a main pillar of this kingdom. And as for Pleasure, ye know my delight in Hunting and Hawking, and many of yourselves are of the same mind; and all this must needs decay, by the decay of Woods: Ye have reason therefore to provide a good Law upon this Subject.  
Now as to the last point concerning matters of Pleasure, it consists in the preserving of Game, which is now almost utterly destroyed through all the Kingdom. And if you offer not now a better Law for this, than was made in the last Session of Parliament, I will never thank you for it: For as for your Law anent Partridge and Pheasant, you have given leave to every man how poor a farmer that ever he be, to take and destroy them in his own ground how he list. But I pray you, how can the Game be maintained, if Gentlemen that have great Lordships shall breed and preserve them there, and so soon as ever they shall but fly over the hedge and light in a poor fellows Close, they shall all be destroyed? Surely I know no remedy for preserving the Game that breeds in my grounds, except I cast a roof over all the ground, or else put veruels to the Partridges feet with my Arms upon them, as my Hawks have: otherwise I know not how they shall be known to be the King's Partridges, when they light in a farmers Close.  
And by your Law against stealing of Deer or Coneys, after a long discourse and prohibition of stealing them, you conclude in the end with a restriction, that all this punishment shall be understood to be used against them that steal the Game in the night: Which hath much encouraged all the loser sort of people, that it is no fault to steal Dear, so they do it not like thieves in the night. As was that Law of the Lacedæmonians against theft, that did not forbid theft, but only taught them to do it cunningly, and without discovery: Whereupon a foolish boy suffered a Fox to gnaw his heart through his breast. And this doctrine is like that Lesson of the Cannon Law, Si non castè, tamen cautè. I know you think that I speak partially in this case like a Hunter; But there is never a one of you that hears me, that cares the least for the sport, for preservation of the Game, but he would be as glad to have a pasty of Venison if you might get it, as the best Hunter would: And if the Game be not preserved, you can eat no Venison. As for Partridge and Pheasant, I do not deny that Gentlemen should have their sport, and specially upon their own ground. But first I do not think such Game and pleasures should be free to base people. And next I would even wish that Gentlemen should use it in a Gentlemanlike fashion, and not with Nets, or Guns, or such other ungentlemanlike fashions that serve but for utter destruction of all Game, nor yet to kill them at unseasonable times, as to kill the Pheasant and Partridges when they are no bigger than Mice, when as for every one their Hawks kill, ten will be destroyed with their Dogs and Horse feet; besides the great and intolerable harm they do to Corn in that season.  
And now in the end of all this faschious Speech, I must conclude like a Grey Friar, in speaking for myself at last. At the beginning of this Session of Parliament, when the treasurer opened my necessities unto you, than my Purse only laboured; But now that word is spread both at home and abroad of the demands I have made unto you; my Reputation laboureth aswellas my Purse: For if you part without the repairing of my State in some reasonable sort, what can the world think, but that the evil will my Subjects bear unto me, hath bred a refuse? And ye can never part so, without apprehending that I am distasted with your behaviour, and yet to be in fear of my displeasure. But I assure and promise myself far otherwise.  
THus have I now performed my promise, in presenting unto you the Crystal of your King's heart.  
Ye know that principally by three ways ye may wrong a Mirror.  
Frst, I pray you, look not upon my Mirror with a false light: which ye do, if ye mistake, or mis-understand my Speech, and so alter the sense thereof.  
But secondly, I pray you beware to soil it with a foul breath, and unclean hands: I mean, that ye pervert not my words by any corrupt affections, turning them to an ill meaning, like one, who when he hears the tolling of a Bell, fancies to himself, that it speaks those words which are most in his mind.  
And lastly, (which is worst of all) beware to let it fall or break; (for glass is brittle) which ye do, if ye lightly esteem it, and by contemning it, conform not yourselves to my persuasions.  
To conclude then: As all these three days of jubilee have fallen in the midst of this season of penitence, wherein you have presented your thanks to me, and I the like again to you: So do I wish and hope, that the end of this Parliament will be such, as we may all have cause (both I your Head, and ye the Body) to join in Eucharisticke Thanks and Praises unto God, for our so good and happy an end.   

A SPEECH IN THE starchamber, THE XX. OF JUNE. ANNO 1616.  
GIVE THY JUDGEMENTS TO THE KING, O GOD, AND THY RIGHTEOUSNESS TO THE KING'S SON.  
These be the first words of one of the Psalms of the Kingly Prophet David, whereof the literal sense runs upon him, and his son Solomon, and the mystical sense upon GOD and CHRIST his eternal Son: but they are both so woven together, as some parts are, and can only be properly applied unto GOD and CHRIST, and other parts unto David and Solomon, as this Verse, Give thy judgements to the King, O God, and thy Righteousness to the King's Son, cannot be properly spoken of any, but of David and his son; because it is said, Give thy judgements, etc. Now God cannot give to himself. In another part of the same Psalm, where it is said, that Righteousness shall flourish, and abundance of Peace, as long as the Moon endureth, it signifieth eternity, and cannot be properly applied but to GOD and CHRIST: But both senses, aswell literal as mystical, serve to Kings for imitation, and especially to Christian Kings: for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD, and they themselves are called Gods.  
And therefore all good Kings in their government, must imitate GOD and his Christ, in being just and righteous; David and Solomon, in being godly and wise: To be wise, is understood, able to discern, able to judge others: To be godly is, that the fountain be pure whence the streams proceed: for what avails it though all his works be godly, if they proceed not from godliness: To be righteous, is to a man's self: To be just, is towards others. But justice in a King avails not, unless it be with a clean heart: for except he be Righteous aswell as Just, he is no good King; and whatsoever justice he doth; except he doth it for justice sake, and out of the pureness of his own heart, neither from private ends, vainglory, or any other by-respects of his own, all such justice is unrighteousness, and no true justice. From this imitation of GOD and CHRIST, in whose Throne we sit, the government of all Commonwealths, and especially Monarchies, hath been from the beginning settled and established. King's are properly judges, and judgement properly belongs to them from GOD: for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD, and thence all judgement is derived.  
In all well settled Monarchies, where Law is established formerly and orderly, there judgement is deferred from the King to his subordinate Magistrates; not that the King takes it from himself, but gives it unto them: So it comes not to them Privatiuè, but cumulatiuè, as the Shoolemen speak. The ground is ancient, ever since that Counsel which jethro gave to Moses: for after that Moses had governed a long time, in his own person, the burden grew so great, having none to help him, as his father in law coming to visit him, found him so cumbered with ministering of justice, that neither the people were satisfied, nor he well able to perform it; Therefore by his advice, judges were deputed for easier questions, and the greater and more profound were left to Moses: And according to this establishment; all Kings that have had a formal government, especially Christian Kings in all aages have governed their people, though after a divers manner.  
This Deputation is after one manner in France, after another here, and even my own Kingdoms differ in this point of government: for Scotland differs both from France and England herein; but all agree in this, (I speak of such Kingdoms or States where the formality of Law hath place) that the King that sits in God's Throne, only deputes subaltern judges, and he deputes not one but a number (for no one subaltern judges mouth makes Law) and their office is to interpret Law, and administer justice. But as to the number of them, the form of government, the manner of interpretation, the distinction of Benches, the diversity of Courts; these vary according to the variety of government, and institution of divers Kings: So this ground I lay, that the seat of judgement is properly Gods, and Kings are Gods Vicegerents; and by King's judges are deputed under them, to bear the burden of government, according to the first example of Moses by the advice of jethro, and since practised by David and Solomon, the wisest Kings that ever were; which is in this Psalm so interlaced, that as the first verse cannot be applied properly but to David and Solomon, in the words, Give thy judgements to the King, etc. So the other place in the same Psalm, Righteousness shall flourish, and abundance of peace shall remain as long as the Moon endureth, properly signifieth the eternity of CHRIST. This I speak, to show what a near conjunction there is between God and the King upward, and the King and his judges downwards: for the same conjunction that is between God and the King upward; the same conjunction is between the King and his judges downwards.  
As Kings borrow their power from God, so judges from Kings: And as Kings are to account to God, so judges unto God and Kings; and both Kings and judges by imitation, have two qualities from God and his Christ, and two qualities from David and his Solomon: judgement and Righteousness, from God and Christ: Godliness and Wisdom from David and Solomon. And as no King can discharge his account to God, unless he make conscience not to alter, but to declare and establish the will of God: So judges cannot discharge their accounts to Kings, unless they take the like care, not to take upon them to make Law, but joined together after a deliberate consultation, to declare what the Law is; For as Kings are subject unto God's Law, so they to man's Law. It is the King's Office to protect and settle the true interpretation of the Law of God within his Dominions: And it is the judges Office to interpret the Law of the King, whereto themselves are also subject.  
Having now performed this ancient Proverb, A jove principium; which though it was spoken by a Pagan, yet it is good and holy: I am now to come to my particular Errand, for which I am here this day; wherein I must handle two parts: First, the reason why I have not these fourteen years, sithence my Coronation until now, satisfied a great many of my loving subjects, who I know have had a great expectation, and as it were a longing, like them that are with child, to hear me speak in this place, where my Predecessors have often sitten, and especially King Henry the seventh, from whom, as divers ways before, I am lineally descended, and that doubly to this Crown; and as I am nearest descended of him, so do I desire to follow him in his best actions.  
The next part is the reason, Why I am now come: The cause that made me abstain, was this: When I came into England, although I was an old King, past middle age, and practised in government ever sithence I was twelve years old; yet being here a stranger in government, though not in blood, because my breeding was in another Kingdom; I resolved therefore with Pythagoras to keep silence seven years, and learn myself the Laws of this Kingdom, before I would take upon me to teach them unto others: When this Apprenticeship was ended, than another impediment came, which was in the choice of that cause, that should first bring me hither. I expected some great cause to make my first entry upon: For I thought that having abstained so long, it should be a worthy matter that should bring me hither. Now every cause must be great or small: In small causes I thought it disgraceful to come, having been so long absent: In great causes, they must be either betwixt the King and some of his Subjects, or betwixt Subject and Subject.  
In a cause where myself was concerned, I was loath to come, because men should not think I did come for my own private, either Prerogative or profit; or for any other by-respect: And in that case I will always abide the trial of men and Angels, never to have had any particular end, in that which is the Main of all things, justice.  
In a great cause also between party and party, great in respect either of the question, or value of the thing, my coming might seem, as it were obliquely, to be in favour of one party, and for that cause this Counsellor, or that Courtier might be thought to move me to come hither; And a mean cause was not worthy of me, especially for my first entrance: So lack of choice in both respects kept me off till now: And now having passed a double apprenticeship of twice seven years, I am come hither to speak unto you. And next as to the reasons of my coming at this time, they are these.  
I have observed in the time of my whole Reign here, and my double Apprenticeship, divers things fallen out in the judicatures here at Westminster Hall, that I thought required and urged a reformation at my hands; whereupon I resolved with myself, that I could not more fitly begin a reformation, than here to make an open declaration of my meaning. I remember Christ's saying, My sheep hear my voice, and so I assure myself, my people will most willingly hear the voice of me, their own Shepherd and King; whereupon I took this occasion in mine own person here in this Seat of judgement, not judicially, but declaratorily and openly to give those directions, which, at other times, by piecemeal, I have delivered to some of you in divers less public places; but now will put it up in all your audience, where I hope it shall be truly carried, and cannot be mistaken, as it might have been when it was spoken more privately: I will for order sake take me to the method of the number of Three, the number of perfection, and upon that number distribute all I have to declare to you.  
FIrst, I am to give a charge to myself: for a King, or judge under a King, that first gives not a good charge to himself, will never be able to give a good charge to his inferiors; for as I have said, Good rivers cannot flow but from good springs; if the fountain be impure, so must the rivers be.  
Secondly, to the judges: And thirdly, to the Auditory, and the rest of the inferior ministers of justice.  
First, I protest to you all, in all your audience, here sitting in the seat of justice, belonging unto GOD, and now by right fallen unto me, that I have resolved, as Confirmation in majority followeth Baptism in minority; so now after many years, to renew my promise and Oath made at my Coronation concerning justice, and the promise therein for maintenance of the Law of the Land. And I protest in GOD'S presence, my care hath ever been to keep my conscience clear in all the points of my Oath, taken at my Coronation, so far as human frailty may permit me, or my knowledge inform me, I speak in point of justice and Law; For Religion, I hope I am reasonably well known already: I mean therefore of Law and justice; and for Law, I mean the Common Law of the Land, according to which the King governs, and by which the people are governed. For the Common Law, you can all bear me witness, I never pressed alteration of it in Parliament; but on the contrary, when I endeavoured most an Union real, as was already in my person, my desire was to conform the Laws of Scotland to the Law of England, and not the Law of England to the Law of Scotland; and so the prophecy to be true of my wise Grandfather Henry the seventh, who foretold that the lesser Kingdom by marriage, would follow the greater, and not the greater the lesser; And therefore married his eldest daughter Margaret to james the fourth, my great Grandfather.  
It was a foolish Querke of some judges, who held that the Parliament of England, could not unite Scotland and England by the name of Great Britain, but that it would make an alteration of the Laws, though I am since come to that knowledge, that an Act of Parliament can do greater wonders: And that old wise man the treasurer Burghley was wont to say, He knew not what an Act of Parliament could not do in England; For my intention was always to effect union by uniting Scotland to England, and not England to Scotland: For I ever meant, being ever resolved, that this Law should continue in this Kingdom, and two things moved me thereunto; One is, that in matter of Policy and State, you shall never see any thing anciently and maturely established, but by Innovation or alteration it is worse than it was, I mean not by purging of it from corruptions, and restoring it to the ancient integrity; Another reason was, I was sworn to maintain the Law of the Land, and therefore I had been perjured if I had altered it; And this I speak to root out the conceit and misapprehension, if it be in any heart, that I would change, damnify, vilify or suppress the Law of this Land: GOD is my judge I never meant it; And this confirmation I make before you all.  
To this I join the point of justice, which I call unicuique suum tribuere. All my Council, and judges dead and alive, can, and could bear me witness, how unpartial I have been in declaring of Law. And where it hath concerned me in my own inheritance, I have as willingly submitted my interest to the Law, as any my Subjects could do; and it becomes me so to do, to give example to others: much less than will I be partial to others, where I am not to myself. And so resolve yourselves, justice with me may be moderated in point of clemency: for no justice can be without mercy. But in matters of justice to give every man his own, to be blind without eyes of partiality; This is my full resolution.  
I used to say when I was in Scotland, if any man moved me to delay justice, that it was against the Office of a King so to do; But when any made suit to hasten justice, I told them I had rather grant forty of these suits, than one of the other: This was always my custom and shall be ever, with God's leave.  
Now what I have spoken of Law and justice, I mean by the Law kept in her own bounds: For I understand the inheritance of the King, and Subjects in this land, must be determined by the Common Law, &c. and that is, by the Law set down in our forefather's time, expounded by learned men divers times after in the declaratory Comments, called Responsa Prudentum; Or else by Statute Law set down by Act of Parliament, as occasion serves: By this I do not seclude all other Laws of England; but this is the Law of inheritance in this Kingdom.  
There is another Law, of all Laws free and supreme, which is GOD'S LAW: And by this all Common and municipal Laws must be governed: And except they have dependence upon this Law, they are unjust and unlawful.  
When I speak of that Law, I only give this touch, That that Law in this Kingdom hath been too much neglected, and Churchmen too much had in contempt; I must speak truth, Great men, Lords, judges, and people of all degrees from the highest to the lowest, have too much contemned them: And God will not bless us in our own Laws, if we do not reverence and obey GOD'S LAW; which cannot be, except the interpreters of it be respected and reverenced.  
And it is a sign of the latter days drawing on; even the contempt of the Church, and of the Governors and Teachers thereof now in the Church of ENGLAND, which I say in my Conscience, of any Church that ever I read or knew of, present or past, is most pure, and nearest the Primitive and Apostolical Church in Doctrine and Discipline, and is sureliest founded upon the word of God, of any Church in Christendom.  
Next unto this Law is the Law of Nations, which God forbidden should be barred, and that for two causes: One, because it is a Law to satisfy Strangers, which will not so well hold themselves satisfied with other municipal Laws: Another, to satisfy our own Subjects in matters of piracy, Marriage, Wills, and things of like nature: That Law I divide into Civil and Canon; And this Law hath been so much encroached upon, sithence my coming to the Crown, and so had in contempt, that young men are discouraged from studying, and the rest weary of their lives that do profess it, and would be glad to seek any other craft.  
So, speaking of the Common Law, I mean the Common Law kept within her own limits, and not derogating from these other Laws, which by longer custom have been rooted here; first, the Law of GOD and his Church; and next, the Law Civil and Canon, which in many cases cannot be wanting.  
To conclude this charge which I give myself, I profess to maintain all the points of mine Oath, especially in Laws, and of Laws, especially the Common Law.  
And as to maintain it, so to purge it; for else it cannot be maintained: and especially to purge it from two corruptions, Incertainty and Novelty: Incertainty is found in the Law itself, wherein I will be painful to clear it to the people; and this is properly to be done in Parliament by advice of the judges.  
The other corruption is introduced by the judges themselves, by Niceties that are used, where it may be said, Ab initio non fuit sic.  
Nothing in the world is more likely to be permanent to our eyes then iron or steel, yet the rust corrupts it, if it be not kept clean: which showeth, nothing is permanent here in this world, if it be not purged; So I cannot discharge my conscience in maintaining the Laws, if I keep them not clean from corruption.  
And now that I may be like the Pastor, that first takes the Sacrament himself, and then gives it to the people: So I have first taken my own charge upon me, before I give you your Charge, lest it might be said, Turpe est doctori, cùm culpa redarguit ipsum.  
NOw my Lords the judges for your parts, the Charge I have to give you, consists likewise in three parts.  
First in general, that you do justice uprightly, as you shall answer to GOD and me: For as I have only GOD to answer to, and to expect punishment at his hands, if I offend; So you are to answer both to GOD and to me, and expect punishment at GOD'S hands and mine, if you be found in fault.  
Secondly, to do justice indifferently between Subject and Subject, between King and Subject, without delay, partiality, fear or bribery, with stout and upright hearts, with clean and uncorrupt hands.  
When I bid you do justice boldly, yet I bid you do it fearfully; fearfully in this, to utter your own conceits, and not the true meaning of the Law: And remember you are no makers of Law, but Interpreters of Law, according to the true sense thereof; for your Office is Ius dicere, and not Ius dare: And that you are so far from making Law, that even in the higher house of Parliament, you have no voice in making of a Law, but only to give your advice when you are required.  
And though the Laws be in many places obscure, and not so well known to the multitude as to you; and that there are many parts that come not into ordinary practice, which are known to you, because you can find out the reason thereof by books and precedents; yet know this, that your interpretations must be always subject to common sense and reason.  
For I will never trust any Interpretation, that agreeth not with my common sense and reason, and true Logic: for Ratio est anima Legis in all human Laws, without exception; it must not be Sophistry or strains of wit that must interpret, but either clear Law, or  reason.  
But in Countries where the formality of Law hath no place, as in Denmark, which I may truly report, as having myself been an eye-witness thereof; all their State is governed only by a written Law; there is no Advocate or Proctor admitted to plead, only the parties themselves plead their own cause, and then a man stands up and reads the Law, and there is an end, for the very Lawbook itself is their only judge. Happy were all Kingdoms if they could be so: But here, curious wits, various conceits, different actions, and variety of examples breed questions in Law: And therefore when you hear the questions if they be plain, there is a plain way in itself; if they be such as are not plain (for men's inventions daily abound) then are you to interpret according to common sense, and draw a good and certain Minor of natural reason, out of the Mayor of direct Law, and thereupon to make a right and true Conclusion.  
For though the Common Law be a mystery and skill best known unto yourselves, yet if your interpretation be such, as other men which have Logic and common sense understand not the reason, I will never trust such an Interpretation.  
Remember also you are judges, and not a judge; and divided into Benches, which showeth that what you do, that you should do with advice and deliberation, not hastily and rashly, before you well study the case, and confer together; debating it duly, not giving single opinions, per emendicata suffragia; and so to give your judgement, as you will answer to God and me.  
Now having spoken of your Office in general, I am next to come to the limits wherein you are to bond yourselves, which likewise are three. First, Encroach not upon the Prerogative of the Crown: If there fall out a question that concerns my Prerogative or mystery of State, deal not with it, till you consult with the King or his Council, or both: for they are transcendent matters, and must not be sliberely carried with overrash wilfulness; for so may you wound the King through the sides of a private person: and this I commend unto your special care, as some of you of late have done very well, to blunt the sharp edge and vain popular humour of some Lawyers at the Bar, that think they are not eloquent and bold spirited enough, except they meddle with the King's Prerogative: But do not you suffer this; for certainly if this liberty be suffered, the King's Prerogative, the Crown, and I, shall be as much wounded by their pleading, as if you resolved what they disputed: That which concerns the mystery of the King's power, is not lawful to be disputed; for that is to wade into the weakness of Princes, and to take away the mystical reverence, that belongs unto them that sit in the Throne of God.  
Secondly, That you keep yourselves within your own Benches, not to invade other jurisdictions, which is unfit, and an unlawful thing; In this I must enlarge myself. Besides the Courts of Common Law, there is the Court of Requests; the Admiralty Court; the Court of the Precedent and Council of Walls, the Precedent and Council of the North; High Commission Courts, every Bishop in his own Court.  
These Courts ought to keep their own limits and bounds of their Commission and Instructions, according to the ancient Precedents: And like as I declare that my pleasure is, that every of these shall keep their own limits and bounds; So the Courts of Common Law are not to encroach upon them, no more than it is my pleasure that they should encroach upon the Common Law. And this is a thing Regal and proper to a King, to keep every Court within his own bounds.  
In Westminster Hall there are four Courts: Two that handle causes Civil, which are the Common-pleas, and the Exchequer: Two that determine causes Criminal, which are the king's-bench, and the starchamber, where now I sit. The Common-Pleas is a part and branch of the king's-bench; for it was first all one Court; and then the Common-Pleas being extracted, it was called Common-Pleas; because it meddled with the Pleas of Private persons, and that which remained, the king's-bench. The other of the Courts for civil Causes, is the Exchequer, which was ordained for the King's Revenue: That is the principal Institution of that Court, and aught to be their chief study; and as other things come orderly thither by occasion of the former, they may be handled, and justice there administered.  
Keep you therefore all in your own bounds, and for my part, I desire you to give me no more right in my private Prerogative, than you give to any Subject; and therein I will be acquiescent: As for the absolute Prerogative of the Crown, that is no Subject for the tongue of a Lawyer, nor is lawful to be disputed.  
It is Athiesme and blasphemy to dispute what God can do: good Christians content themselves with his will revealed in his word. so, it is presumption and high contempt in a Subject, to dispute what a King can do, or say that a King cannot do this, or that; but rest in that which is the Kings revealed will in his Law.  
The king's-bench is the principal Court for criminal causes, and in some respects it deals with Civil causes.  
Then is there a Chancery Court; this is a Court of Equity, and hath power to deal likewise in Civil causes: It is called the dispenser of the King's Conscience, following always the intention of Law and justice; not altering the Law, not making that black which other Courts made white, nor è converso; But in this it exceeds other Courts, mixing Mercy with justice, where other Courts proceed only according to the strict rules of Law: And where the rigour of the Law in many cases will undo a Subject, there the Chancery tempers the Law with equity, and so mixeth Mercy with justice, as it preserves men from destruction.  
And thus (as before I told you) is the King's Throne established by Mercy and justice.  
The Chancery is undependant of any other Court, and is only under the King: There it is written Teste meipso; from that Court there is no Appeal. And as I am bound in my Conscience to maintain every Court's jurisdiction, so especially this, and not suffer it to sustain wrong; yet so to maintain it, as to keep it within the own limits, and free from corruption. My Chancellor that now is, I found him Keeper of the Seal, the same place in substance, although I gave him the Style of Chancellor, and God hath kept him in it till now; and I pray God he may hold it long; and so I hope he will. He will bear me witness, I never gave him other warrant, then to go on in his Court according to Precedents, warranted by Law in the time of the best governing Kings, and most learned Chancellors: These were the limits I gave unto him; beyond the same limits he hath promised me he will never go.  
And as he hath promised me to take no other jurisdiction to himself, so is it my promise ever to maintain this jurisdiction in that Court: Therefore I speak this to vindicate that Court from misconceipt and contempt.  
It is the duty of judges to punish those that seek to deprave the proceed of any the King's Courts, and not to encourage them any way: And I must confess I thought it an odious and inept speech, and it grieved me very much, that it should be said in Westminster Hall, that a Praemunire lay against the Court of the Chancery and Officers there: How can the King grant a Praemunire against himself?  
It was a foolish, inept, and presumptuous attempt, and fit for the time of some unworthy King: understand me aright; I mean not, the Chancery should exceed his limit; but on the other part; the King only is to correct it, and none else: And therefore I was greatly abused in that attempt: For if any was wronged there, the complaint should have come to me. None of you but will confess you have a King of reasonable understanding, and willing to reform; why then should you spare to complain to me, that being the high way, and not go the other way, and backe-way, in contempt of our Authority?  
And therefore sitting here in a seat of judgement, I declare and command, that no man hereafter presume to sue a Praemunire against the Chancery; which I may the more easily do, because no Praemunire can be sued but at my Suit: And I may justly bar myself at mine own pleasure.  
As all inundations come with overflowing the banks, and never come without great inconvenience, and are thought prodigious by Astrologers in things to come: So is this overflowing the banks of your jurisdiction in itself inconvenient, and may prove prodigious to the State.  
Remember therefore, that hereafter you keep within your limits and jurisdictions. It is a special point of my Office to procure and command, that amongst Courts there be a concordance, and musical accord; and it is your parts to obey, and see this kept: And, as you are to observe the ancient Laws and customs of England; so are you to keep yourselves within the bound of direct Law, or Precedents; and of those, not every snatched Precedent, carped now here, now there, as it were running by the way; but such as have never been controverted, but by the contrary, approved by common usage, in times of best Kings, and by most learned judges.  
The starchamber Court hath been likewise shaken of late, and the last year it had received a sore blow, if it had not been assisted and carried by a few voices; The very name of starchamber, seemeth to procure a reverence to the Court.  
I will not play the Critic to descant on the name; It hath a name from heaven, a Star placed in it; and a Star is a glorious creature, and seated in a glorious place, next unto the Angels. The starchamber is also glorious in substance: for in the composition, it is of four sorts of persons: The first two are Privy counsellors and judges, the one by wisdom in matters of State; the other, by learning in matters of Law, to direct and order all things both according to Law and State: The other two sorts are Peers of the Realm, and Bishops: The Peers are there by reason of their greatness, to give authority to that Court: The Bishops because of their learning in Divinity, and the interest they have in the good government of the Church: And so, both the learning of both Divine and human Law, and experience and practise in Government, are conjoined together in the proceed of this Court.  
There is no Kingdom but hath a Court of Equity, either by itself, as is here in England, or else mixed, and incorporate in their Office that are judges in the Law, as it is in Scotland: But the order of England is much more perfect, where they are divided. And as in case of Equity, where the Law determines not clearly, there the Chancery doth determine, having Equity belonging to it, which doth belong to no other Court: So the starchamber hath that belonging to it, which belongs to no other Court: For in this Court Attempts are punishable, where other Courts punish only facts; And also where the Law punisheth facts easily, as in case of Riots or Combats, there the starchamber punisheth in a higher degree; And also all combinations of practices and conspiracies; And if the King be dishonoured or contemned in his Prerogative, it belongeth most properly to the Peers and judges of this Court to punish it: So than this Court being instituted for so great causes, it is great reason it should have great honour.  
Remember now how I have taught you brotherly love one toward another: For you know well, that as you are judges, you are all brethren, and your Courts are sisters. I pray you therefore, labour to keep that sweet harmony, which is amongst those sisters the Muses. What greater misery can there be to the Law, than contempt of the Law? and what readier way to contempt, then when questions come, what shall be determined in this Court, and what in that? Whereupon two evils do arise; The one, that men come not now to Courts of justice, to hear matters of right pleaded, and Decrees given accordingly, but only out of a curiosity, to hear questions of the jurisdictions of Courts disputed, and to see the event, what Court is like to prevail above the other; And the other is, that the Pleas are turned from Court to Court in an endless circular motion, as upon Ixion's wheel: And this was the reason why I found just fault with that multitude of Prohibitions: For when a poor Minister had with long labour, and great expense of charge and time, gotten a sentence for his Tithes, then comes a Prohibition, and turns him round from Court to Court, and so makes his cause immortal and endless: for by this uncertainty of jurisdiction amongst Courts, causes are scourged from Court to Court, and this makes the fruit of Suits like Tantalus fruit, still near the Suitors lips, but can never come to taste it. And this in deed is a great delay of justice, and makes causes endless: Therefore the only way to avoid this, is for you to keep your own bounds, and nourish not the people in contempt of other Courts, but teach them reverence to Courts in your public speeches, both in your Benches, and in your Circuits; so shall you bring them to a reverence, both of GOD, and of the King.  
Keep therefore your own limits towards the King, towards other Courts, and towards other Laws, bounding yourselves within your own Law, and make not new Law. Remember, as I said before, that you are judges, to declare, and not to make Law: For when you make a Decree never heard of before, you are lawgivers, and not Lawtellers.  
I have laboured to gather some Articles, like an Index expurgatorius, of novelties new crept into the Law, and I have it ready to be considered of: Look to Plowdens' Cases, and your old Responsa prudentum; if you find it not there, then (ab initio non fuit sic) I must say with CHRIST, Away with the new polygamy, and maintain the ancient Law pure and undefiled, as it was before.  
TO the Auditory I have but little to say, yet that little will not be ill bestowed to be said at this time.  
Since I have now renewed and confirmed my resolution to maintain my Oath, the Law and justice of the Land; So do I expect, that you my Subjects do submit yourselves as you ought, to the observance of that Law.  
And as I have divided the two former parts of my Charge; So will I divide this your submission into three parts, for orderly divisions and method, cause things better to be remembered.  
First in general, that you give due reverence to the Law; and this general divides itself into three.  
First, not to sue, but upon just cause.  
Secondly, being sued, and judgement passed against you, Acquiesce in the judgement, and do not tumultuate against it; and take example from me, whom you have heard here protest, that when ever any Decree shall be given against me in my private right, between me and a Subject, I will as humbly acquiesce as the meanest man in the Land. Imitate me in this, for in every Plea there are two parties, and judgement can be but for one, and against the other; so one must always be displeased.  
Thirdly, do not complain and importune me against judgements; for I hold this Paradox to be a good rule in Government, that it is better for a King to maintain an unjust Decree, then to question every Decree and judgement, after the giving of a sentence, for then Suits shall never have end: Therefore as you come gaping to the Law for justice, so be satisfied and contented when judgement is passed against you, and trouble not me; but if you find bribery or corruption, then come boldly: but when I say boldly, beware of coming to complain, except you be very sure to prove the justice of your cause: Otherwise look for Lex Talionis to be executed upon you; for your accusing of an upright judge, deserves double punishment, in that you seek to lay infamy upon a worthy person of that reverent calling.  
And be not tilled on with your own Lawyers tales, that say the cause is just for their own gain; but believe the judges that have no hire but of me.  
Secondly, in your Pleas, presume not to meddle with things against the King's Prerogative, or Honour: Some Gentlemen of late have been too bold this ways; If you use it, the judges will punish you; and if they suffer it, I must punish both them and you. Plead not upon new Puritanical strains, that make all things popular; but keep you within the ancient Limits of Pleas.  
Thirdly, make not many changes from Court to Court: for he that changeth Courts, shows to mistrust the justness of the cause. Go to the right place, and the Court that is proper for your cause; change not thence, and submit yourselves to the judgement given there.  
Thus having finished the Charge to myself, the judges and the Auditory, I am to crave your pardon if I have forgotten any thing, or been enforced to break my Method; for you must remember, I come not hither with a written Sermon: I have no Books to read it out of, and a long speech, manifold business, and a little leisure may well plead pardon for any fault of memory; and truly I know not if I have forgotten any thing or not.  
And now have I delivered, First my excuse, why I came not till now: Next, the reasons why I came now: Thirdly, my charge, and that to myself, to you my Lords the judges, and to the Auditory.  
I have also an ordinary charge that I use to deliver to the judges before my Council, when they go their Circuits; and seeing I am come to this place, you shall have that also, and so I will make the old saying true, Comb seldom, combesore, I mean by my long detaining you at this time, which will be so much the more profitable in this Auditory; because a number of the Auditory will be informed here, who may relate it to their fellow justices in the country.  
My Lords the judges, you know very well, that as you are judges with me when you sit here; so are you judges under me, and my Substitutes in the Circuits, where you are judges Itinerant to do justice to my people.  
It is an ancient and laudable custom in this Kingdom, that the judges go thorough the Kingdom in Circuits, easing the people thereby of great charges, who must otherwise come from all the remote parts of the Kingdom to Westminster Hall, for the finding out and punishing of offences past, and preventing the occasion or offences that may arise.  
I can give you no other charge in effect, but only to remember you again of the same in substance which I delivered to you this time Twelvemonth.  
First, Remember that when you go your Circuits, you go not only to punish-and prevent offences, but you are to take care for the good government in general of the parts where you travel, as well as to do justice in particular betwixt party and party, in causes criminal and civil.  
You have charges to give to justices of peace, that they do their duties when you are absent, aswell as present: Take an account of them, and report their service to me at your return.  
As none of you will hold it sufficient to give a charge, except in taking the account, you find the fruit of it: So I say to you, it will not be sufficient for you, to hear my charge, if at your return you bring not an account to the harvest of my sowing, which cannot be done in general, but in making to me a particular report what you have done.  
For, a King hath two Offices.  
First, to direct things to be done:  
Secondly, to take an account how they are fulfilled; for what is it the better for me to direct as an Angel, if I take not account of your doings.  
I know not whether misunderstanding, or slackness bred this, that I had no account but in general, of that I gave you in particular in charge the last year: Therefore I now charge you again, that at your next return, you repair to my Chancellor, and bring your accounts to him in writing, of those things which in particular I have given you in charge: And then when I have seen your accounts, as occasion shall serve, it may be I will call for some of you, to be informed of the state of that part of the country where your Circuit lay.  
Of these two parts of your service, I know the ordinary Legal part of Nisi prius is the more profitable to you: But the other part of justice is more necessary for my service. Therefore as CHRIST said to the Pharises, Hoc agite, as the most principal: yet I will say, Et illud non omittite: which, that you may the better do, I have allowed you a day more in your Circuits, than my Predecessors have done.  
And this you shall find, that even as a King, (let him be never so godly, wise, righteous, and just) yet if the subaltern Magistrates do not their parts under him, the Kingdom must needs suffer: So let the judges be never so careful and industrious, if the justices of Peace under them, put not to their helping hands, in vain is all your labour: For they are the King's eyes and ears in the country. It was an ancient custom, that all the judges both immediately before their going to their Circuits, and immediately upon their return, repaired to the Lord Chancellor of England, both to receive what directions it should please the King by his mouth to give unto them; as also to give him an account of their labours, who was to acquaint the King therewith: And this good ancient custom hath likewise been too much slacked of late; And therefore first of all, I am to exhort and command you, that you be careful to give a good account to me and my Chancellor, of the duties performed by all justices of Peace in your Circuits: Which government by justices, is so laudable and so highly esteemed by me, that I have made Scotland to be governed by justices and Constables, as England is. And let not Gentlemen be ashamed of this Place; for it is a place of high Honour, and great reputation, to be made a Minister of the King's justice, in service of the Commonwealth.  
Of these there are two sorts, as there is of all Companies, especially where there is a great number; that is, good and bad justices: For the good, you are to inform me of them, that I may know them, thank them, and reward them, as occasion serves: For I hold a good justice of Peace in his Country, to do me as good service, as he that waits upon me in my Privy Chamber, and as ready will I be to reward him; For I account him as capable of any Honour, Office, or preferment about my Person, or for any place of Council or State, as well as any Courteour that is near about me, or any that have deserved well of me in foreign employments: Yea, I esteem the service done me by a good justice of Peace, three hundred miles, yea six hundred miles out of my sight, as well as the service done me in my presence: For as God hath given me large limits, so must I be careful that my providence may reach to the farthest parts of them: And as Law cannot be honoured, except Honour be given to judges: so without due respect to justices of Peace, what regard will be had of the service?  
Therefore let none be ashamed of this Office, or be discouraged in being a justice of Peace, if he serve worthily in it.  
The Chancellor under me, makes justices, and puts them out; but neither I, nor he can tell what they are: Therefore we must be informed by you judges, who can only tell, who do well, and who do ill; without which, how can the good be cherished and maintained, and the rest put out? The good justices are careful to attend the service of the King and country, for thanks only of the King, and love to their country, and for no other respect.  
The bad are either idle Slowbellies, that abide always at home, given to a life of ease and delight, liker Ladies than men; and think it is enough to contemplate justice, when as Virtus in actione consistit: contemplative justice is no justice, and contemplative justices are fit to be put out.  
Another sort of justices are busy-bodies, and will have all men dance after their pipe, and follow their greatness, or else will not be content; A sort of men, Qui seprimos omnium esse putant, nec sunt tamen: these proud spirits must know, that the country is ordained to obey and follow GOD and the King, and not them.  
Another sort are they, that go seldom to the King's service, but when it is to help some of their kindred or alliance; So as when they come, it is to help their friends, or hurt their enemies, making justice to serve for a shadow to Faction, and tumultuating the country.  
Another sort are Gentlemen of great worth in their own conceit, and cannot be content with the present form of Government, but must have a kind of liberty in the people, and must be gracious Lords, and Redeemers of their liberty; and in every cause that concerns Prerogative, give a snatch against a Monarchy, through their Puritanical itching after Popularity: Some of them have showed themselves too bold of late in the lower house of Parliament: And when all is done, if there were not a King, they would be less cared for then other men.  
And now having spoken of the qualities of the justices of Peace; I am next to speak of their number. As I ever held the midway in all things to be the way of Virtue, in eschewing both extremities: So do I in this: for upon the one part, a multitude of justices of Peace in the country more than is necessary, breeds but confusion: for although it be an old Proverb, that Many hands make light work; yet too many make slight work; and too great a number of justices of Peace, will make the business of the country to be the more neglected, every one trusting to another, so as nothing shall be well done; besides the breeding of great corruption: for where there is a great number, it can hardly be, but some will be corrupted. And upon the other part, too few justices of Peace, will not be able to undergo the burden of the service; And therefore I would neither have too few, nor too many, but as many in every country, as may, according to the proportion of that country, be necessary for the performing of the service there, and no more.  
As to the Charge you are to give to the justices, I can but repeat what formerly I have told you; yet in so good a business, Lectio lecta placet, decies repetita placebit. And as I began with fulfilling the Proverb, A jove principium; so will I begin this Charge you are to give to the justices with Church-matters: for GOD will bless every good business the better, that he and his Church have the precedence. That which I am now to speak, is anent Recusants and Papists. You never returned from any Circuit, but by your account made unto me, I both conceived great comfort and great grief: Comfort, when I heard a number of Recusants in some Circuits to be diminished: Grief to my heart and soul, when I heard a number of Recusants to be in other Circuits increased.  
I protest unto you, nothing in the earth can grieve me so much, as men's falling away from Religion in my days; And nothing so much joys me, as when that Religion increaseth under me. GOD is my witness, I speak nothing for vainglory; but speak it again; My heart is grieved when I hear Recusants increase: Therefore I wish you judges, to take it to heart, as I do, and prevent it as you can; and make me known to my people, as I am.  
There are three sorts of Recusants: The first are they that for themselves will be no Recusants, but their wives and their families are; and they themselves do come to Church, but once or twice in a year, enforced by Law, or for fashion sake; These may be formal to the Law, but more false to GOD then the other sort.  
The second sort are they that are Recusants and have their conscience misled, and therefore refuse to come to Church, but otherwise live as peaceable Subjects.  
The third sort are practising Recusants: These force all their servants to be Recusants with them; they will suffer none of their Tenants, but they must be Recusants; and their neighbours if they live by them in peace, must be Recusants also.  
These you may find out as a fox by the foul smell, a great way round about his hole; This is a high pride and presumption, that they for whose souls I must answer to GOD, and who enjoy their lives and liberties under me, will not only be Recusants themselves, but infect and draw others after them.  
As I have said in Parliament house, I can love the person of a Papist, being otherwise a good man and honestly bred, never having known any other Religion: but the person of an Apostate Papist, I hate. And surely for those Polypragmaticke Papists, I would you would study out some severe punishment for them: for they keep not infection in their own hearts only, but also infect others our good Subjects. And that which I say for Recusants, the same I say for Priests: I confess I am loath to hang a Priest only for Religion sake, and saying Mass; but if he refuse the Oath of Allegiance (which, let the Pope and all the devils in Hell say what they will) yet (as you find by my book and by divers others, is merely Civil) those that so refuse the Oath, and are Polypragmaticke Recusants; I leave them to the Law; it is no persecution, but good justice.  
And those Priests also, that out of my Grace and Mercy have been let go out of prisons, and banished, upon condition not to return; ask me no questions touching these, quit me of them, and let me not hear of them: And to them I join those that break prison; for such Priests as the prison will not hold, it is a plain sign nothing will hold them but a halter: Such are no Martyrs that refuse to suffer for their conscience. Paul, notwithstanding the doors were open, would not come forth: And Peter came not out of the prison till led by the Angel of God: But these will go forth though with the angel of the Devil.  
I have given order to my Lord of Canterbury, and my Lord of London for the distinction, etc. of the degrees of Priests; and when I have an account from them, then will I give you another charge concerning them.  
Another thing that offendeth the Realm, is abundance of Alehouses; and therefore to avoid the giving occasion of evil, and to take away the root, and punish the example of vice, I would have the infamous Ale houses pulled down, and a command to all justices of Peace that this be done.  
I may complain of Alehouses, for receipt of Stealers of my Deer; but the country may complain for stealing their horses, oxen, and sheep; for murder, cutting of purses, and such like offences; for these are their haunts. Devouring beasts, as Lions and Bears, will not be where they have no dens nor covert; So there would be no thieves, if they had not their receipts, and these Alehouses as their dens.  
Another sort, are a kind of Alehouses, which are houses of haunt and receipt for debauched rogues and vagabonds, and idle sturdy fellows; and these are not properly Alehouses, but base victuallers, such as have nothing else to live by, but keeping houses of receipt for such kind of customers. I have discovered a strange pack of late, That within ten or twelve miles of London, there are ten or twelve persons that live in spite of me, going with Pistols, and walking up and down from harbour to harbour killing my Deer, and so shift from hold to hold, that they cannot be apprehended.  
For Rogues, you have many good Acts of Parliament: Edward the sixth, though he were a child, yet for this, he in his time gave better order than many Kings did in their age: You must take order for these Beggars and Rogues; for they so swarm in every place, that a man cannot go in the streets, nor in the high ways, norany where for them.  
Look to your houses of Correction, and remember that in the chief justice Pophams' time, there was not a wandering beggar to be found in all Somersetshire, being his native country.  
Have a care also to suppress the building of Cottages upon Commons, which are as bad as Alehouses, and the dwellers in them do commonly steal Dear, Coneys, sheep, oxen, horses; break houses, and do all manner of villainies. It is true, some ill justices make gain of these base things: take an account of the justices of Peace, that they may know they do these things against the will of the King.  
I am likewise to commend unto you a thing very necessary, Highways and Bridges; because no Commonweal can be without passage: I protest, that as my heart doth joy in the erection of Schools and Hospitals, which have been more in my time, then in many aages of my predecessors; so it grieves me, and it is wonderful to see the decay of charity in this; how scant men are in contributing towards the amendment of Highways and Bridges: Therefore take a care of this, for that is done to day with a penny, that will not be done hereafter with an hundred pounds, and that will be mended now in a day, which hereafter will not be mended in a year; and that in a year, which will not be done in our time, as we may see by Paul's Steeple.  
Another thing to be cared for, is, the new Buildings here about the City of London; concerning which my Proclamations have gone forth, and by the chief justice here, and his Predecessor Popham, it hath been resolved to be a general nusans to the whole Kingdom: And this is that, which is like the Spleen in the body, which in measure as it overgrowes, the body wastes. For is it possible but the Country must diminish, if London do so increase, and all sorts of people do come to London? and where doth this increase appear? not in the heart of the City, but in the suburbs; not giving wealth or profit to the City, but bringing misery and surcharge both to City and Court; causing dearth and scarcity through the great provision of victuals and fuel, that must be for such a multitude of people: And these buildings serve likewise to harbour the worst sort of people, as Alehouses and Cottages do. I remember, that before Christmas was Twelvemonth I made a Proclamation for this cause, That all Gentlemen of quality should departed to their own countries and houses, to maintain Hospitality amongst their neighbours; which was equivocally taken by some, as that it was meant only for that Christmas: But my will and meaning was, and here I declare that my meaning was, that it should always continue.  
One of the greatest causes of all gentlemen's desire, that have no calling or errand, to dwell in London, is apparently the pride of the women: For if they be wives, than their husbands; and if they be maids, than their fathers must bring them up to London; because the new fashion is to be had no where but in London: and here, if they be unmarried, they mar their marriages, and if they be married, they lose their reputations, and rob their husband's purses. It is the fashion of Italy, especially of Naples, (which is one of the richest parts of it) that all the Gentry dwell in the principal Towns, and so the whole country is empty: Even so now in England, all the country is gotten into London; so as with time, England will only be London, and the whole country be left waste: For as we now do imitate the French fashion, in fashion of Clothes, and Lackeys to follow every man; So have we got up the Italian fashion, in living miserably in our houses, and dwelling all in the City: but let us in God's Name leave these idle foreign toys, and keep the old fashion of England: For it was wont to be the honour and reputation of the English Nobility and Gentry, to live in the country, and keep hospitality; for which we were famous above all the countries in the world; which we may the better do, having a soil abundantly fertile to live in.  
And now out of my own mouth I declare unto you, (which being in this place, is equal to a Proclamation, which I intent likewise shortly hereafter to have publicly proclaimed,) that the Courtiers, Citizens, and Lawyers, and those that belong unto them, and others as have Pleas in Term time, are only necessary persons to remain about this City; others must get them into the Country; For beside the having of the country desolate, when the Gentry dwell thus in London, divers other mischiefs arise upon it: First, if insurrections should fall out (as was lately seen by the Levellers gathering together) what order can be taken with it, when the country is unfurnished of Gentlemen to take order with it? Next, the poor want relief for fault of the gentlemen's hospitality at home: Thirdly, my service is neglected, and the good government of the country for lack of the principal gentlemen's presence, that should perform it: And lastly, the Gentlemen lose their own thrift, for lack of their own presence, in seeing to their own business at home. Therefore as every fish lives in his own place, some in the fresh, some in the salt, some in the mud: so let every one live in his own place, some at Court, some in the City, some in the Country; specially at Festival times, as Christmas and Easter, and the rest.  
And for the decrease of new Buildings here, I would have the builders restrained, and committed to prison; and if the builders cannot be found, than the workmen to be imprisoned; and not this only, but likewise the buildings to be cast down; I mean such buildings as may be overthrown without inconvenience, and therefore that to be done by order and direction.  
There may be many other abuses that I know not of; take you care my Lords the judges of these, and of all other; for it is your part to look unto them. I hear say, robbery gins to abound more than heretofore, and that some of you are too merciful; I pray you remember, that mercy is the Kings, not yours, and you are to do justice where true cause is: And take this for a rule of Policy, That what vice most abounds in a Commonwealth, that must be most severely punished, for that is true government.  
And now I will conclude my Speech with GOD, as I began. First, that in all your behaviours, aswell in your Circuits as in your Benches, you give due reverence to GOD, I mean, let not the Church nor Churchmen be disgraced in your Charges, nor Papists nor Puritans countenanced: Countenance and encourage the good Churchmen, and teach the people by your example to reverence them: for, if they be good, they are worthy of double honour for their Office sake; if they be faulty, it is not your place to admonish them; they have another Forum to answer to for their misbehaviour.  
Next, procure reverence to the King and the Law, inform my people truly of me, how zealous I am for Religion, how I desire Law may be maintained and flourish; that every Court should have his own jurisdiction; that every Subject should submit himself to Law; So may you live a happy people under a just KING, freely enjoying the fruit of PEACE and JUSTICE, as such a people should do.  
Now I confess, it is but a Tandem aliquando, as they say in the Schools, that I am come hither: Yet though this be the first, it shall not, with the grace of GOD, be the last time of my coming, now my choice is taken away; for having once been here, a meaner occasion may bring me again: And I hope I have ever carried myself so, and by GOD'S grace ever will, as none will ever suspect, that my coming here will be to any partial end; for I will ever be careful in point of justice, to keep myself unspotted all the days of my life. And upon this my general protestation, I hope the world will know, that I came hither this day to maintain the Law, and do justice according to my Oath.   

IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY ROBERT BARKER, AND JOHN BILL, PRINTERS TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.  
ANNO DOM. 1616.  
Cum Privilegio.