Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus. OR AN APOLOGY FOR THE OATH of Allegiance, Against the two Breves of Pope PAULUS QVINTUS, and the late Letter of Cardinal BELLARMINE to G. BLACKWEL the Archpriest. Tunc omnes populi clamaverunt & dixerunt, Magna est Veritas, & praevalet. ESDR. 3. ¶ Authoritate Regiâ. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. ANNO 1607. AN APOLOGY FOR THE OATH of Allegiance. WHat a monstrous, rare, nay never heard of treacherous attempt, was plotted within these few years here in England, for the destruction of his Majesty, the Queen, their Posterity, the whole house of Parliament, and a great number of good Subjects of all sorts, and degrees, is so famous already through the whole World by the infamy thereof, as it is needless to be repeated or published any more, the horror of the sin itself doth so loudly proclaim it. For if those a Gen. 4 10. crying sins, (whereof mention is made in the Scripture) have that Epithet given them for their public infamy, and for procuring as it were with a loud cry from Heaven, a just vengeance, and recompense; and yet those sins are both old and too common, neither the world nor any one Country being ever at any time clean void of them: If those Sins, I say, are said in the Scripture to cry so loud; What must then this Sin do, plotted without cause, infinite in cruelty, and singular from all examples? What proceeded hereupon, is likewise notorious to the whole world, His majesties justice only taking hold upon the Offenders, and that in as Honourable and public a form of trial, as ever was used in this Kingdom. 2. For although the only reason they gave for plotting so heinous an attempt, was the zeal they carried to the Romish Religion; yet were never any other of that profession the worse used for that cause, as by his majesties gracious Proclamation immediately after the discovery of the said Fact doth plainly appear; Only at the next sitting down again of the Parliament, were there Laws made, setting down some such orders as was thought fit for preventing the like mischief in time to come. Amongst which, a form of Oath was framed to be taken by all his majesties Subjects, whereby they should make clear profession of their Resolution, faithfully to persist in his majesties obedience according to their natural Allegiance; To the end that hereby his Majesty might make a separation, not only between all his good Subjects in general, and unfaithful Traitors, that intended to with draw themselves from his majesties Obedience; But specially to make a separation between so many of his majesties Subjects, who although they were otherwise Popishly affected, yet retained in their hearts the print of their natural duty to their Sovereign; and those who being carried away with the like Fanatical zeal that the Powder Traitors were, could not contain themselves within the bounds of their natural Allegiance, but thought diversity of Religion a safe pretext for all kind of Treasons, and rebellions against their Sovereign. Which godly and wise intent God did bless with success accordingly: For very many of his majesties Subjects that were Popishly affected, aswell Priests, as Layicks, did freely take the same Oath: whereby they both gave his Majesty occasion to think the better of their fidelity, and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander, That although they were fellow professors of one Religion with the powder Traitors, yet were they not joined with them in Treasonable courses against their Sovereign; whereby all quietly minded Papists were put out of despair, and his Majesty gave good proof that he intended no persecution against them for conscience cause, but only desired to be secured of them for Civil obedience, which for Conscience cause they were bound to perform. 3. But the devil could not have devised a more malicious trick for interrupting this so calm and clement a course, than fell out by the sending hither, and publishing a Breve of the Popes, countermaunding all them of his profession to take this Oath; Thereby sowing new seeds of jealousy between his Majesty and his Popish Subjects, by stirring them up to disobey that lawful commandment of their Sovereign, which was ordained to be taken of them as a pledge of their fidelity; And so by their refusal of so just a charge, to give his Majesty so great and just a ground for punishment of them, without touching any matter of Conscience, throwing them needlessly into one of these desperate straits, Either with the loss of their lives and goods, to renounce their Allegiance to their natural Sovereign; Or else to procure the condemnation of their souls, by renouncing the Catholic faith, as he allegeth. 4. And on the other part, although disparity of Religion can permit no intelligence, nor intercourse of Messengers between his Majesty and the Pope; yet there being no denounced war between them, he hath by this Action broken the rules of common civility, and justice between Christian Princes, in thus condemning him unheard, both by accounting him a Persecutor, which cannot be but implied by exhorting the Papists to endure Martyrdom; As likewise by so straightly commanding all those of his profession in England, to refuse the taking of this Oath, Thereby refusing to profess their natural obedience to their Sovereign. For if he think himself his majesties judge, wherefore hath he condemned him unheard? And, if he have nothing to do with the King and his government, (as indeed he hath not) why doth he mittere falcem in alienam messem? to meddle between his Majesty and his Subjects, especially in matters that merely and only concern Civil obedience? And yet could Pius Quintus in his greatest fury, and avowed quarrel against the late Queen, do no more injury unto her, than he hath in this case offered unto his Majesty, without so much as a pretended or an alleged cause. For what difference there is, between the commanding Subjects to rebel, and losing them from their oath of Allegiance as Pius Quintus did, and the commanding of Subjects not to obey in making profession of their Oath of their dutiful Allegiance, as this Pope hath now done; No man can easily discern. 5. But to draw near unto his Breve. Wherein certainly he hath taken more pains than he needed, by setting down in the said Breve the whole body of the Oath at length, whereas the only naming of the Title thereof might as well have served for any answer he hath made thereunto, making una litura, that is, the flat and general condemnation of the whole Oath, to serve for all his refutation. Wherein he hath as well in this respect as in the former, dealt both undiscreetly with his Majesty, and injuriously with his own Catholics. With his Majesty, in not refuting particularly what special words he quarreled in that Oath; which if he had done, it might have been that his Majesty for the fatherly care he hath, not to put any of his Subjects to a needless extremity, might have been contented in some sort to have reform or interpreted those words: With his own Catholics, Either if his Majesty had so done, they had been thereby fully eased in that business; Or at least, if his Majesty would not have condescended to have altered any thing in the said Oath, yet would thereby some appearance or shadow of excuse have been left unto them for refusing the same, not as seeming thereby to serve from their Obedience and Allegiance unto his Majesty, but only being stayed from taking the same upon the scrupulous tenderness of their Consciences, in regard of those particular words which the Pope had noted and condemned therein. And now let us hear the words of his Thunder. POPE PAULUS the fifth, to the English Catholics. Well-beloved sons, Salutation The Pope his first Breve. and Apostolical Benediction. The tribulations and calamities, which ye have continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholic Faith, have always afflicted us with great grief of mind: But for as much as we understand, that at this time all things are more grievous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased. For we have heard how you are compelled by most grievous punishments set before you, to go to the Churches of Heretics, to frequent their Assemblies, to be present at their Sermons. Truly we do undoubtedly believe, that they which with so great constancy and fortitude, have hither to endured almost infinite and most cruel persecutions, that they may walk without spot in the Law of the Lord, will never suffer themselves to be defiled with the communion of those that have forsaken the divine Law. Yet notwithstanding, being compelled by the zeal of our Pastoral Office, and by our Fatherly care which we do continually take for the salvation of your souls, we are enforced to admonish, and desire you, that by no means you come unto the Churches of the Heretics, or hear their Sermons, or communicate with them in their Rites, lest you incur the wrath of God. For these things may ye not do without endamaging the worship of God, and your own salvation. As likewise you cannot without most evident and grievous wronging of God's Honour, bind yourselves by the Oath, which in like manner we have heard with very great grief of our heart is administered unto you, of the tenor under written. viz. I A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledge, The Oath. profess, testify, and declare in my conscience before God and the world, That our Sovereign Lord King JAMES, is lawful King of this Realm, and of all other his majesties Dominions and Countries; And that the Pope neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church or Sea of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath any power or authority to depose the King, or to dispose any of his majesties Kingdoms, or Dominions, or to authorize any foreign Prince, to invade or annoy him, or his Countries, or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance, and obedience to his Majesty, or to give Licence or leave to any of them to bear Arms, raise tumults, or to offer any violence, or hurt to his majesties Royal person, State or Government, or to any of his majesties Subjects within his majesties Dominions. Also I do swear from my heart, that notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of Excommunication, or deprivation made or granted, or to be made or granted, by the Pope or his successors, or by any Authority derived, or pretended to be derived from him, or his Sea, against the said King, his Heirs, or Successors, or any Absolution of the said subjects from their Obedience, I will bear faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against his or their Persons, their Crown and dignity, by reason or colour of any such Sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, all Treasons and traitorous Conspiracies, which I shall know or hear of, to be against him or any of them. And I do further swear, That I do from my heart abhor, detest and abjure, as impious and Heretical, this damnable doctrine and Position, That Princes which be Excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, may be deposed, or murdered by their Subjects, or any other whatsoever. And I do believe, and in conscience am resolved, that neither the Pope, nor any person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof, which I acknowledge by good and full Authority to be lawfully ministered unto me, and do renounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according to these express words by me spoken, and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I do make this Recognition and acknowledgement hearty, willingly and truly, upon the true Faith of a Christian. So help me God. Which things since they are thus; it must evidently appear unto you by the words themselves, That such an Oath cannot be taken without hurting of the Catholic Faith, and the Salvation of your Souls, seeing it contains many things, which are flat contrary to Faith and Salvation. Wherefore we do admonish you, that you do utterly abstain from taking this and the like Oaths: which thing we do the more earnestly require of you because we have experience of the Constancy of your Faith, which is tried like Gold in the fire of perpetual Tribulation. We do well know, that you will cheerfully undergo all kind of cruel Torments whatsoever, yea, and constantly endure death itself, rather than you will any thing offend the Majesty of God. And this our Confidence is confirmed by those things, which are daily reported unto us, of the singular virtue, valour and fortitude, which in these last times, doth no less shine in your Martyrs, than it did in the first beginnings of the Church. Stand therefore, your Loins being girt about with Verity, and having on the Breastplate of Righteousness, taking the Shield of Faith, be ye strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might; And let nothing hinder you. He which will crown you, and doth in Heaven behold your Conflicts, will finish the good work, which he hath begun in you. You know how he hath promised his Disciples, that he will never leave them Orphans: for he is faithful which hath promised. Hold fast therefore his correction, that is, being rooted and grounded in Charity, Whatsoever ye do, whatsoever ye endeavour, do it with one accord, in simplicity of Heart, in meekness of Spirit, without murmuring or doubting. For by this do all men know, that we are the Disciples of Christ, if we have Love one to another. Which Charity, as it is very greatly to be desired of all faithful Christians: So certainly is it altogether necessary for you, most blessed Sons. For by this your Charity, the Power of the Devil is weakened, who doth so much assail you, since that Power of his is especially upheld by the Contentions, and Disagreement of our Sons. We exhort you therefore by the Bowels of our Lord jesus Christ, by whose Love we are taken out of the jaws of eternal Death; That above all things, you would have mutual Charity among you. Surely Pope Clement the eight of happy memory, hath given you most profitable Precepts of practising brotherly Charity one to another, in his Letters, in form of a Breve, to our well-beloved Son M. George Arch priest of the Kingdom of England, dated the 5. day of the month of October, 1602. Put them therefore diligently in practice, and be not hindered by any difficulty or doubtfulness. We require you, that ye do exactly observe the words of those Letters, and that ye take and understand them simply as they sound, and as they lie, all Power to interpret them otherwise, being taken away. In the mean while, we will never cease to pray to the Father of Mercies, that he would with pity behold your afflictions, and your pains, And that he would keep and defend you with his continual Protection: whom we do gently greet with our Apostolical Benediction. Dated at Rome at S. Mark, under the Signet of the Fisherman, the tenth of the Calends of October, 1606. the second year of our Popedom. THE ANSWER TO the first Breve. FIrst the Pope expresseth herein his Sorrow for that Persecution, which the Catholics sustain for the faith's sake. Wherein, besides the main untruth, whereby the King our Master is so injuriously used, I must ever avow and maintain, as the truth is, according to mine own knowledge, that Her Majesty never punished any Papist for Religion, but that their own punishment was ever extorted out of her hands against her will, by their own misbehaviour, which both the time and circumstances of her Actions will manifestly make proof of. For before Pius Quintus his Excommunication giving her over for a Pray, and setting her Subjects at liberty to rebel, It is well known she never meddled with the blood or hard punishment of any Catholic, nor made any rigorous Laws against them. And since that Time, who list to compare with an indifferent eye, the manifold intended Invasions against her whole Kingdom, The foreign Practices, The internal public Rebellions, The private Plots and Machinations, poisonings, murders, and all sorts of devices, Et quid non? daily set abroach; and all these Wares continually fostered and fomented from Rome; Together with the continual corrupting of her Subjects, as well by temporal Bribes, as by fair and specious promises of eternal felicity; And nothing but book upon book publicly set forth by all her Fugitives, for approbation of so Holy designs: Who list, I say, with an indifferent eye, to look on the one part, upon those infinite and intolerable Temptations, And on the other part upon the just, yet moderate punishment of a part of these heinous Offenders; shall easily see that gracious Prince as free from persecution, as they shall free these hellish Instruments from the Honour of Martyrdom. 5. But now having sacrificed (if I may so say) to the Manes of my defunct Sovereign, as well for the discharge of my particular duty, as for love of Verity; I must next perform my duty to his Majesty present, in testifying likewise the truth of his Actions in this matter. Wherein I must for the love of Verity confess, That whatsoever was her just and merciful Government over the Papists in her Time, his majesties Government over them since hath so far exceeded hers, in Mercy and Clemency, as not only the Papists themselves grew to that height of Pride, in confidence of his mildness, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to themselves liberty of Conscience & Equality with us in all things; But even we, I must truly confess, his majesties best and faithfullest Subjects, were cast in great fear and amazement of his majesties Course and proceed, Ever prognosticating and justly suspecting that sour fruit to come of it, which showed itself clearly in the powder-Treason. How many did his Majesty honour with Knighthood, His majesties Benefits and Favours bestowed upon the Catholics. of known and open Recusants? How indifferently did his Majesty give audience, and access to both sides, bestowing equally all Favours and Honours on both Professions? How free and continual access, had all Ranks and Degrees of Papists in his Court and Company? And above all, how frankly and freely did his Majesty free Recusants of their ordinary payments? Besides, it is evident what strait order was given out of his majesties own mouth to his judges, to spare the Execution of all Priests, (notwithstanding their Conviction,) joining thereunto a Gracious Proclamation, whereby all Priests, that were at liberty, and not taken, might go out of the Country by such a day: his majesties General Pardon having been extended to all convicted Priests in prison, whereupon they were set at liberty as good Subjects, And all Priests that were taken after, sent over and set at Liberty there. But time and paper will rail me to make enumeration of all the Benefits and Gracious favours that his Majesty hath bestowed in general and particular upon Papists: In recounting whereof, every scrape of my pen would serve but for a blot of the Pope's ingratitude and Injustice, in meating him with so hard a measure for the same. So as I think I have sufficiently, or at least with good reason wiped the a Magno cum animi moerore. etc. Tears from the Pope's eyes, for complaining upon such persecution, who if he had been but politicly wise, although he had had no respect to justice and Verity, would have in this Complaint of his, made a difference between the times of the late Queen, and his Majesty now present; And in his commending of our Sovereign's Moderation, in regard of former times, might have had hope to have moved his Majesty to have continued in the same clement course. For it is a true saying, That alleged kindness upon noble minds doth ever work much. And for the main untruth of his majesties persecution, it can never be proved, that any were, or are put to death in his majesties time for cause of Conscience, except that now this discharge given by the Pope to all Catholics to take their Oath of Allegiance to his Majesty be the cause of the due punishment of many: which if it fall out to be, let the blood light upon the Pope's head, who is the only cause thereof. As for the next point contained in his Breve concerning his discharge of all Papists to come to our Church, or frequent our Rites and Ceremonies, I am not to meddle The intendment of this Discourse. at this time with that matter, because my Errand now only is to publish to the World the Injury and Injustice done unto his Majesty in discharging his own Subjects to make profession of their Obedience to him. Now as to the point wherein the Oath is quarreled, it is set down in few, but very weighty words; To wit, that it ought to be clear unto all Catholics, That this Oath cannot be taken with safety of the Catholic Faith, and of their Souls health, since it containeth many things that are plainly and directly contrary to their faith & salvation. To this, the old saying fathered upon the Philosopher may very fitly be applied, Multa dicit, sed pauca probat: Nay indeed, Nihil omnino probat. For how the profession of the natural Allegiance of Subjects to their Prince, can be directly opposite to the faith and salvation of souls, is so far beyond my simple reading in Divinity, as I must think it a strange and new Assertion, to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended general Pastor of all Christian souls. I read in deed, and not in one, or two, or three places of Scripture, that Subjects are bound to obey their Princes for conscience sake, whether they were good or wicked Princes. So said the people to a Josh. 1. 17. joshua, As we obeyed Moses in all things, so will we obey thee. So the b jere. 27. 12. Prophet commanded the people to obey the King of Babel, saying, Put your necks under the yoke of the King of Babel, and serve him and his people, that ye may live. So were the children of Israel unto c Exod. 5. 1. Pharaoh, desiring him to let them go. So to d Ezra. 1. 3. Cyrus, obtaining leave of him to return to build the Temple. And in a word, the e Rom. 13. 5. Apostle willed all men to be subject for Conscience sake. Agreeably to the Scriptures did the Fathers teach. f August in Psal. 124. Augustine speaking of julian, saith, julian was an unbelieving Emperor, was he not an Apostata, an Oppressor, and an Idolater? Christian Soldiers served that unbelieving Emperor: when they came to the cause of CHRIST, they would acknowledge no Lord, but him that is in Heaven. When he would have them to worship Idols and to sacrifice, they preferred GOD before him: But when he said, Go forth to fight, Invade such a nation, they presently obeyed. They distinguished their Eternal Lord from their temporal, and yet were they subject even unto their temporal lord for his sake that was their eternal Lord and Master. g Tertul. ad Scap. Tertullian saith, A Christian is enemy to no man, much less to the Prince, whom he knoweth to be appointed of God, & so of necessity must love, reverence & honour him, and wish him safe with the whole Roman Empire, so long as the world shall last: for so long shall it endure. We honour therefore the Emperor in such sort, as is lawful for us, and expedient for him, as a man, the next unto God, and obtaining from God whatsoever he hath, and only inferior unto God. This the Emperor himself would: for so is be greater than all, while he is inferior only to the true God. h Just Martyr Apol. 2. ad Ant. Imperat. justine Martyr; We only adore God, and in all other things cheerfully perform service to you, professing that you are Emperors and Princes of men. i Amb. in orat. con. Auxentium de basilicis traden. habetur. lib. 5. Epist. Amb. Ambrose; I may lament, weep, and sigh: My tears are my weapons against their Arms, Soldiers, and the Goths also, such are the weapons of a Priest: Otherwise neither ought I, neither can I resist. k Optat. contra Parme. lib. 3. Optatus; Over the Emperor, there is none but only God, that made the Emperor. And l Greg. Mag. Epist. lib. 2. indict. 11. Epist. 61. Gregory writing to Mauritius about a certain Law, that a Soldier should not be received into a Monastery, Nondum expleta militia; The Almighty God, saith he, holds him guilty, that is not upright to the most excellent Emperors in all things that he doth or speaketh. And then calling himself the unworthy servant of his Godliness, goeth on in the whole Epistle to show the Injustice of that Law, as he pretendeth: And in the end concludes his Epistle with these words; I being subject to your command have caused the same law to be sent through divers parts of your Dominions: and because the law itself doth not agree to the Law of the Almighty God, I have signified the same by my Letters to your most excellent Lordship: so that on both parts I have paid what I ought, because I have yielded Obedience to the Emperor, and have not holden my peace, in what I thought for God. Now how great a contrariety there is betwixt this ancient Pope's action in obeying an Emperor by the publication of his Decree, which in his own Conscience he thought unlawful, and this present Pope's prohibition to a King's Subjects from Obedience unto him in things most lawful and mere Temporal; I remit it to the Readers indifferency. And answerably to the Fathers spoke the Counsels in their decrees. As the Council of Concil. Arelatense sub Carolo Can. 26. Arles, submitting the whole Council to the Emperor in these words: These things we have decreed to be presented to the Emperor, beseeching his Clemency, that if we have done less than we ought, it may be supplied by his wisdom: if any thing otherwise then reason require, it may be corrected by his judgement: if any thing be well set down of us, it may be perfected by his aid and assistance. But why should I speak of Charles the Great, To whom not one Council, but six several Counsels, Frankford, Arles, Towers, Shallons, Mentz, & Rheims did wholly submit themselves? And not rather speak of all the general Counsels, that of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the four other commonly so reputed, which did submit themselves to the Emperor's wisdom, and Piety in all things? Insomuch as that of Ephesus repeated it four several times, That they were summoned by the emperors Oracle, beck, charge and command, and betook themselves to his godliness, a Vide epistolam generalis Con: ●d August. beseeching him, that the decrees made against Nestorius and his followers, might by his power have their full force and validity, as appeareth manifestly in the Epistle of the general Council of Ephesus written ad Augustos. I also read that Christ said, his a john 18. 36 kingdom was not of this world, bidding, Give to b Mat. 22. 21 Caesar what was Caesar's, and to God what was Gods. And I ever held it for an infallible Maxim in Divinity, That temporal Obedience to a Temporal Magistrate did nothing repugn to matters of Faith or salvation of souls. But that ever temporal Obedience was against Faith and salvation of souls, as in this Breve is alleged, was never before heard nor read of in the Christian Church; and therefore I would have wished the Pope, before he had set down this Commandment to all Papists here, That since in him is the Power, by the infallibility of his spirit, to make new Articles of Faith when ever it shall please him; That he had first set it down for an article of faith, before he had commanded all Catholics to believe and obey it. I will then conclude the Answer to this point in a Dilemma. Either it is lawful to obey the Sovereign Question. in Temporal things, or not. If it be lawful, (as I never heard nor read it doubted of) Then why is he so unjust, and so cruel towards his own Catholics, as to Command them to disobey their Sovereign's lawful Commandment? If it be unlawful, Why hath he neither expressed or any other, that either would profess, or any ways tolerate the professors of our Religion; contrary to his manifold vows and protestations, simul & eodem tempore, and as it were delivered uno & eodem spiritu, to divers of his majesties ministers abroad, professing such kindness, and showing such forwardness to advance him to this Crown. Nay, the most part of Catholics here, finding this Breve when it came to their hands, to be so far against Divinity, Policy, or natural sense, were firmly persuaded, that it was but a counterfeit Libel devised in hatred The Catholics opinion of the Breve. of the Pope; Or at the farthest, a thing hastily done upon wrong Information, as was before said. Of which opinion were not only the simpler sort of Papists, but even some amongst them of best account, both for learning and experience; whereof the Archpriest himself was one. But for solving of this objection, the Pope himself hath taken new pains, by sending forth a second Breve, only for giving faith and confirmation to the former: That whereas before, his sin might have been thought to have proceeded from rashness and misinformation, he will now wilfully and willingly double the same: whereof the Copy followeth. TO OUR Beloved sons the English Catholics, Paulus P. P. V tus. Beloved Sons, Salutation and The second Breve. Apostolical Benediction. It is reported unto us, that there are found certain men amongst you, who when as we have sufficiently declared by our Letters, dated the last year on the tenth of the Calends of October in the form of a Breve, that ye cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath, which was then required of you; And when as we have further straightly required you, that by no means ye should take it; yet there are some, I say, among you, which dare now affirm, That such Letters THE ANSWER TO the second Breve. NOw for this Breve, I may justly reflect his own phrase upon him, in terming it to be the craft of the Devil. For if the devil had studied a thousand years for to find out a mischief for our Catholics, here he hath found it in this, That now when many Catholics have taken their Oath, and some Priests also; yea, the Archpriest himself, without compunction or sticking, they shall not now only be bound to refuse the profession of their natural Allegiance to their Sovereign, which might yet have been some way coloured upon divers scruples conceived upon the words of the Oath; but they must now renounce and forswear their profession of obedience already sworn, and so must, as it were at the third Instance, forswear A double Oath of every Subject. their two former Oaths, first closely sworn by their birth in their natural Allegiance; and next, clearly confirmed by this Oath, which doth nothing but express the same; So as no man can now hold the faith, or procure the Salvation of his soul in England, that must not abjure and renounce his borne and sworn Allegiance to his natural Sovereign. And yet it is not sufficient to ratify the last years Breve by a new one come forth this year; But (that not only every year, but every month may produce a new Monster) The great and famous writer of the Controversies, The late Vn-Iesuited Cardinal Bellarmine must add his talon to this good work, by blowing the bellows of Sedition, and sharpening the Spur to Rebellion, by sending such a Letter of his to the Archpriest here, as it is a wonder how Passion, and an Ambitious desire of maintaining that Monarchy, should charm the wits of so famously learned a man. The Copy whereof here followeth. TO THE MOST Reverend Master GEORGE BLACKWEL Archpriest of the English: Robert of the holy Church of Rome Cardinal BELLARMIN, sendeth greeting. MOst reverend Sir, and Brother in Christ, It is almost forty years since we did see one the other: But yet I have never been unmindful of our ancient acquaintance, neither have I ceased, seeing I could do you no other good, to commend your labouring most painfully in the lords vineyard, in my prayers to God. And I doubt not, but that I have lived all this while in your memory, and have had some place in your prayers at the Lords Altar. So therefore even unto this time we have abidden, as S. john speaketh, in the mutual love one of the other, not by word or letter, but by labour and truth. But a late message which was brought unto us within a few days, of your bonds and imprisonment, hath enforced me to break off this silence; which message, although it seemed heavy in regard of the loss of your pastoral function which you have exercised in that Church, yet withal it seemed joyous, because you drew near unto the glory of Martyrdom, than the which thing there is no gift of God more happy; That you, who have fed your Flock so many years with the word and doctrine, should now feed it more gloriously by the example of your patience. But another heavy tidings did not a little disquiet and almost take away this joy, which immediately followed, of the adversaries assault, and peradventure of the slip and fall of your Constancy, in refusing an unlawful Oath. Neither truly (most dear brother) could that oath therefore be lawful, because it was offered in sort tempered and modified: for you know that those kind of modifications are nothing else, but sleights and subtleties of Satan, that the Catholic faith touching the Primacy of the Sea Apostolic, might either secretly or openly be shot at, for the which faith so many worthy Martyrs even in that very England itself, have resi stead unto blood. For most certain it is, that in whatsoever words the Oath is conceived by the adversaries of the faith in that Kingdom, it tends to this end, that the Authority of the head of the Church in England, may be transferred from the successor of S. Peter, to the Successor of K. Henry the eight. For that which is pretended of the danger of the King's life, if the high Priest should have the same power in England, which he hath in all other Christian Kingdoms, it is altogether idle, as all that have any understanding, may easily perceive. For it was never heard of from the Church's infancy until this day, that ever any Pope did command, that any Prince, though an Heretic, though an Ethnic, though a Persecuter, should be murdered, or did approve of the fact, when it was done by any other. And why, I pray you, doth only the King of England fear that, which none of all other the Princes in Christendom either doth fear, or ever did fear? But, as I said, these vain pretexts are but the Traps and Stratagems of Satan: Of which kind, I could produce not a few out of ancient Stories, if I went about to write a book, and not an Epistle. One only for example sake, I will call to your memory. S. Gregorius Nazianzenus in his first Oration against julian the Emperor, reporteth, That he, the more easily to beguile the simple Christians, did insert the Images of the false gods into the pictures of the Emperor, which the Romans did use to bow down unto with a civil kind of reverence; so that no man could do reverence to the emperors picture, but withal he must adore the Images of the false gods: Whereupon it came to pass, that many were deceived. And if there were any that found out the emperors craft, and refused to worship his picture, those were most grievously punished, as men that had contemned the Emperor in his Image. Some such like thing, me thinks, I see in the Oath that is offered to you, which is so craftily composed, that no man can detest Treason against the King, and make profession of his Civil subjection, but he must be constrained perfidiously to deny the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea. But the servants of Christ, and especially the chief Priests of the Lord ought to be so far from taking an unlawful Oath, where they may endamage their Faith, that they ought to beware that ry the Great hath written, in his 42. Epistle of his 11. book. Let not the Reverence due to the Apostolic Sea, be troubled by any man's presumption: for then the state of the members doth remain entire, when the head of the faith is not bruised by any injury. Therefore, by S. Gregory's testimony, when they are busy about disturbing or diminishing, or taking away of the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea, then are they busy about cutting off the very head of the faith, and dissolving of the state of the whole body, and of all the members. Which self same thing S. Leo doth confirm in his third Sermon of his Assumption to the Popedom, when he saith, Our Lord had a special care of Peter, and prayed properly for Peter's faith, as though the state of others were more stable, when their Prince's mind was not to be overcome. Whereupon himself in his Epistle to the Bishop of Vienna, doth not doubt to affirm, That he is not partaker of the Divine Mystery, that dare departed from the solidity of Peter: who also saith, That he who thinketh the Primacy to be denied to that Sea, he can in no sort lessen the Authority of it, but by being puffed up with the spirit of pride, doth cast himself headlong into hell. These and many other of this kind, I am very sure are most familiar to you: who besides many other books, have diligently read over the visible Monarchy of your own Saunders, a most diligent writer, and one who hath worthily deserved of the Church of England. Neither can you be ignorant, that most holy and learned men, john Bishop of Rochester, and Thomas More within our memory, for this one most weighty head of doctrine, led the way to Martyrdom to many others, to the exceeding glory of the English Nation. But I would put you in remembrance that you should take heart, and considering the weightiness of the cause, not to trust too much to your own judgement, neither be wise above that is meet to be wise: And if peradventure your fall have proceeded not upon want of consideration, but through human infirmity, and for fear of punishment, and imprisonment; yet do not prefer a temporal liberty to the liberty of the glory of the Sons of God, neither for escaping a light and momentany tribulation, lose an eternal weight world to wonder with me, at the committing of so gross an Error by so learned a man, as that he should have pained himself to have set down so elaborate a Letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken Question. For it appeareth, that our English Fugitives, of whose inward society with him he so greatly vaunteth, have so fast hammered in his head the Oath of Supremacy, which hath ever been so great a scar unto them, as he thinking by his Letter to have refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof only paid the Oath of Supremacy, which was most in his head; As a man that being earnestly carried in his thoughts upon another matter than he is presently in doing, will often name the matter, or person he is thinking of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand. For, as the Oath of Supremacy was devised for putting a difference between Papists, and them of our profession: So was this Oath, which he would seem to impugn, The difference between the Oath of Supremacy, and this of Allegiance. ordained for making a difference between the Civilly obedient Papists, and the perverse Disciples of the Powder-Treason. Yet doth all his Letter run upon an invective against the compulsion of Catholics to deny the authority of Saint Peter's successors, and in place thereof to acknowledge the successors of King Henry the eight. For, in King Henry the eights time was the Oath of Supremacy first made: By him were Thomas Moor and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it. From his time till now have all our Princes professing this Religion, successively in effect maintained the same: And in that Oath only is contained the King's absolute power to be judge over all persons aswell Civil as Ecclesiastical, excluding all foreign Powers and Potentates to be judges within his Dominions; Whereas this last made Oath containeth no such matter, only meddling with the Civil Obedience of Subjects to their Sovereign, in mere Temporal causes. And that it may the better appear, that whereas by name he seemeth to condemn the last Oath; yet indeed his whole letter runneth upon nothing, but upon the some other authority of the Church and Sea of Rome, yet by other means with others help he may depose our King. That the Pope may dispose of his majesties Kingdoms and Dominions. That the Pope may give authority to some Foreign Prince to invade his majesties Dominions. That the Pope may discharge his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty. That the Pope may give Licence to one or more of his majesties Subjects to bear Arms against his Majesty. That the Pope may give leave to the King his Subjects to offer violence to his majesties sacred person, or to his Government, or to some of his Subjects. That if the Pope shall by Sentence Excommunicate or depose our King, his Subjects are not to bear Faith and Allegiance to his Majesty. If the Pope shall by Sentence Excommunicate or depose his Majesty, his Subjects are not bound to defend with all their power his majesties Person and Crown. If the Pope shall give out any Sentence of Excommunication, or Deprivation against the King, the Subjects by reason of that Sentence, are not bound to reveal all Conspiracies & Treasons against the King, which shall come to their hearing and knowledge. That it is not Heretical and detestable to hold, that Princes being Excommunicated by the Pope, may be either deposed, or killed by their Subjects, or any other. That the Pope hath power to absolve his majesties Subjects from this oath, or from some part thereof. That this oath is not administered to his majesties Subjects, by a full and lawful Authority. That this oath is to be taken with Equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the true faith of a Christian man. These are the true and natural branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmative of all which Negatives do neither concern in any case the Pope's Supremacy in spiritual causes, nor yet were ever concluded, and defined by any complete general Council to Touching the pretended council of Later: See Plat. In vita innocen. 3. belong to the Pope's Authority: and their own school Doctors are at irreconcilable odds and jars about them. And that the world may yet farther see, his Majesties and whole States setting down of this oath, did not proceed from any new invention of theirs, but as it is warranted by the word of God: so doth it take the example The oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authority of Counsels. from an oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand years agone, which a famous Council then, together with divers other Counsels, were so far from condemning, (as the Pope now hath done this oath) as I have thought good to set down their own words here in that purpose, whereby it may appear that his Majesty craveth nothing now of his Subjects in this Oath, which was not expressly and carefully commanded then by the Counsels to be obeyed without exception of persons. Nay not in the very particular point of Equivocation, which his Majesty in this oath is so careful to have eschewed: but you shall here see the said Counsels in their The ancient Counsels provided for Equivocation. decrees, as careful to provide for the eschewing of the same, so as almost every point of that Action, and this of ours, shall be found to have relation and agreeance one with the other, save only in this, that those old Counsels were careful and straight in commanding The difference between the ancient Counsels and the Pope's counseling of the Catholics. the taking of the same: whereas by the contrary, he that now vaunteth himself to be head of all Counsels, is as careful and straight in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance. The words of the Council be these. Hear our Sentence. Whosoever of us, or of all the people throughout Concil. Toletan. 4. can. 74. all Spain, shall violate the Oath of his fidelity, which he hath given for the preservation of his Country, or of the King's Person, or shall go about by any Conspiracy or endeavour to touch the life of the King, or shall usurp by any power or Tyrannical presumption the Sovereignty of the Kingdom, let him be accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels, and be holden an Alien from the Catholic Church, which he hath profaned by his perjury; together with all Fidelity in their mouths; when they hold an impious perfidiousness in their minds. And f Concil. Tolc. 4. Cap. 75. again, They swear to their Kings, that thereupon they may prevaricate in the fidelity which they have promised. Neither do they fear the volume of God's judgement, in the which the curse of God is threatened upon them, which do swear in the Name of God deceitfully. To the like effect spoke they in the Council of a Concil. Aquisgran. sub Ludou. Pio & Greg. 4. can. 12. anno 836. Aquisgran, That whosoever, from the highest to the lowest of the Clergy, shall make defection from the Orthodox Emperor Lodowicke, or shall violate the Oath of Fidelity made unto him, or shall adhere to his Enemies; let him be deprived of all Honour and Dignity. And now to come to a particular answer of his Letter. First as concerning the sweet memory he hath of his old acquaintance with the Archpriest; it may indeed be pleasing for him to recount: But sure I am, his acquaintance with him, and the rest of his society our Fugitives, (whereof he also vaunteth himself in his preface to the reader, in his book of Controversies) hath proved sour to us and our State. For some of such Priests and jesuits as were the greatest Traitors and Fomenters of the greatest Conspiracies against her late Majesty, gave up Father Robert b Campion & Hart. See the conference in the Tower. Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles. And therefore, I do not envy the great honour he can win by his vaunt of his inward familiarity with an other Prince's Traitors, and Fugitives: whom unto, if he teach no better manners, than hitherto he hath done, I think his Fellowship are little beholding unto him. And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the altar of the Lord: If the Arch priests prayers prove no more profitable to his soul, than Bellarmine's counsel is like to prove profitable both to the soul and body of Blackwell (if he would follow it;) the author of this letter might very well be without his prayers. Now the first messenger that I can find, which brought joyful news of the Archpriest to Bellarmine, was he that brought the news of the Arch-priestes taking, and first appearance of Martyrdom. A great sign surely of the Cardinal's mortification, that he was so rejoiced to hear of the apprehension, imprisonment, and appearance of putting to death, of so old and dear a friend of his. But yet apparently he should first have been sure, that he was only to be punished for cause of Religion, before he had so triumphed upon the expectation of his Martyrdom. For first, by what rule of Charity was The Cardinal's charity. it lawful for him to judge the King our Sovereign a Persecutor, before proof had been made of it, by the said Arch-priestes condemnation and death? What could he know, That the said Archpriest was not taken upon suspicion of his guiltiness in the Powder-treason? What certain information had he then received upon the particulars, whereupon he was to be accused? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon he was to be accused? For at that time there was yet nothing laid to his charge. And if Charity should not be suspicious, what warrant had he absolutely to condemn our Sovereign of using persecution and tyranny, which could not but be implied upon his Majesty, if Blackwell was to be a Martyr? But surely it may justly be said of Bellarmine in this case, that our Saviour CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnal men, who think it enough to love their a Matth. 5. 43. friends, and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinal's charity extending no farther, then to them of his own profession. For what ever he added in superfluous charity to Blackwell in rejoicing in the speculation of his future Martyrdom, he detracted as much unjustly and uncharitably from his Majesty our Sovereign, in accounting of him thereby as of a bloody persecutor. And whereas this joy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the news of the said Archpriest his failing in his Constancy by taking of this Oath; he needed never to have been troubled, either with his former joy, or his second sorrow, both being alike falsely grounded. For as it was never his majesties intention to lay any thing unto the said Archpriests charge, as he hath never done to any, for cause of Conscience; So was blackwel's constancy never brangled by taking of this Oath; It being a thing, which he ever thought lawful before his apprehension, and whereunto he persuaded all Catholics to give obedience; like as after his apprehension, he never made doubt, nor stop in it, but at the first offering it unto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawful; Neither means of threatening, or flattery, being ever used unto him, as himself can yet bear witness. And as for the temperature and modification of this Oath, Except that a reasonable and lawful matter is there set down in reasonable and temperate words agreeing thereunto; I know not what he can mean, by quarreling it for that fault. For no temperateness nor modifications in words therein, can justly be called the devils craft, when the thing itself is so plain, and so plainly interpreted to all them that take it, as the only troublesome thing in it all, be the words used in the end thereof, for eschewing Equivocation and mental reservation; which new Catholic doctrine may far justlier be called the devils craft, than any plain and temperate words, in so plain and clear a matter. But what shall we say of these strange Agrestes, whom of with the Satire we may justly complain, that they blow both hot and cold out of one mouth? For Luther and all our bold and free speaking writers, are mightily railed upon by them, as hot brained fellows, and speakers by the devils instinct: And now if we speak moderately and temperately of them, it must be termed the devils craft. And therefore we may justly complain with CHRIST, that when we a Matt. 11. 17. mourn, they will not lament, and when we pipe, they will not dance. But neither john Baptist his severity, nor CHRIST his meekness and lenity can please them, who build but to their own Monarchy, upon the ground of their own traditions, and not to CHRIST, upon the ground of his Word and infallible Truth. But what can be meant by alleging, That the craft of the devil herein is only used for subversion of the Catholic Faith, and eversion of S. Peter's Primacy, had need be commented anew by Bellarmine himself. For in all this Letter of his, never one word is used to prove, that by any part of this Oath the primacy of Saint Peter is any way meddled with, except Master Bellarmine his bare alleging; which without proving it by more clear demonstration, can never satisfy the conscience of any reasonable man. For, for aught that I know, Heaven and Earth are no farther asunder, than the profession of a Temporal obedience to a Temporal King, is different from any thing belonging to the Catholic Faith, or Supremacy of Saint Peter. For, as for the Catholic No decision of any point of Religion in the Oath of Allegiance. Faith, can there be one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion? Doth he that taketh it, promise there to believe, or not to believe any Article of Religion? Or doth he so much as name a true or a false Church there? And as for Saint Peter's Primacy, I know no Apostles name that is therein named, but the name of our Sovereign james, though it please him not to deign to name him in all the Letter, albeit the contents thereof concern him in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either conceptis verbis, or by any other indirect means, either of the Hierarchy of the Church, of Saint Peter's succession, of the Sea Apostolic, or of any such matter: But that the Author of our Letter doth bravely make mention of Saint Peter's succession, bringing it in comparison with the succession of Henry the eight. Of which unapt and unmannerly Similitude, I wonder he should not be much ashamed. For, as our King Henry's successor, whom by he meaneth, never did, nor will presume to create any Article of Faith, or to be judge thereof, but to submit his exemplary obedience unto them, in as great humility, as the meanest of the land; So if the Pope could be as well able far more easy to prove his majesties succession from his Aucestors, than the Pope from S. Peter. to prove his, either Personal, or Doctrinal succession from S. Peter, as he is able to prove his lineal descent from the Kings of England and Scotland, there had never been so long ado, nor so much stir kept about this Question in Christendom; Neither had a Bella● de Rom Po●t. lib. 4 cap 〈◊〉 B●llar de Rom Pontif. lib. 2 cap. 12. M. Bellarmine himself needed to have bestowed so many sheets of paper, De summo Pontifice in his great Books of Controversies: And when all is done, to conclude with a moral certitude, and a pie credendum, bringing in the b Bellar de Rom. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 14. Popes, that are parties in this cause, to be his witnesses: And yet their Historical Narration must be no Article of Faith. And sure we are, that his Majesty our Sovereign, doth virtuously imitate the worthy Actions of his predecessors; In whom their Virtues do more brightly shine, then can be well proved the Popes in our age to be similes Petro, especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subjects from their Allegiance unto them. But now we come to his strongest Argument; which is, That he would allege upon our Sovereign a Panic terror, as if he were possessed with a needless fear. For, saith the Cardinal, from the beginning of the The Cardinal's weightiest Argument. Church his first Infancy, even to this day, where was it ever heard, that ever a Pope either commanded to be killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoever, whether he were an Heretic, an Ethnic, or Persecutor? But first, wherefore doth he here wilfully, and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing, degrading, stirring up of Arms, or Rebelling against them, which are as well mentioned in that Oath, as the kill of them? As being all of one consequence against a King, no Subject being so scrupulous, as that he will attempt the one, and leave the other unperformed if he can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it over, since he could not otherwise have eschewed the direct belying of himself in terms, which he now doth but in substance and effect. For a Bellar. de Rom. pontif. lib. 5. cap. 8. & lib. 3 cap. 16. as for the Pope's deposing and degrading of Kings, he maketh so brave vaunts and brags of it in his former Books, as he could never with civil honesty have denied it here. But to return to the Pope's allowing of killing of Kings, I know not with what face he can set so stout a denial upon it against his own knowledge. How many Emperors did the Pope raise war against in their own bowels? Who as they were overcome in battle, were subject to have been killed therein; which I hope the Pope could not but have allowed, when he was so far enraged at b Platina & Cusp●●nus in vita Henrici 4. Henry the fifth for giving burial to his father's dead corpse, after the Pope had stirred him up to rebel against his father, and procured his ruin. But leaving these old Histories to Bellarmine's own books, that do most authentically cite them, as I have already said, let us turn our eyes upon our own time, and therein remember what a Panegyrik c See the Oration of Sixtus Quintus made in the Consistory upon the death of Henry the 3. oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Friar and his fact, that murdered King Henry the third of France, who was so far from either being Heretic, Ethnic, or Persecutor in their account, that the said Popes own words in that Oration are, That a true Friar had killed a counterfeit Friar. And besides that vehement Oration, and congratulation for that fact, how near it scaped, that the said Friar was not Canonised for that glorious Act, is better known to Bellarmine and his followers, then to us here. But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not been more wise and circumspect in that errand, than the Pope himself was, the Popes own Calendar of his Saints would have sufficiently proved Bellarmine a liar in this case. And to draw yet nearer unto ourselves; How many Practices and Attempts were made against the late Queen our Sovereign's life, which were directly enjoined to those Traitors by their Confessors, and plainly authorized by the Pope's allowance? For verification whereof, there needs no more proof, then that never Pope either then or since, called any Churchman in question for meddling in those Treasonable conspiracies; Nay, the Cardinals own S. Sanderus mentioned in his Letter, could well verify this truth, if he were alive; and who will look his books, will find them filled with no other Doctrine than this. And what difference there is between the kill or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring up and approbation of practices to kill them, I remit to Bellarmine's own judgement. It may then very clearly appear, how strangely this Authors passion hath made him forget himself, by implicating himself in so strong a Contradiction against his own knowledge and conscience, against the the end that thieves might afterward take it from him. l Ecllar. de Pont. lib. 4. cap. 3. Peter did not lose that righteousness that was in his heart. Contrary, m Bellar. de Just lib 2 cap 14. Peter's sin was deadly. n Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. cap. 14. Antichrist shall be a Magician, and after the manner of other Magicians shall secretly worship the devil. o Ibid ex senten. H●pol. & Cyrilli & cap. 12 eiusd●m libri. Contrary, He shall not admit of idolatry: he shall hate idols, and re-edify the Temple. By the words of p Bellar. lib. 1. de missa cap. 27. Consecration the true and solemn Oblation is made. Contrary, The q Bellar. de miss lib. 2 cap. 11. Oblation is not made by the words, but doth consist in the offering of the thing itself. r Bellar de anim. Christ. lib. 4 cap 5 That the end of the world cannot be known. s Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3 cap. 17. Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall be but five and forty days till the end of the world. t Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3 cap. 14. That the ten Kings shall burn the scarlet whore, that is, Rome. u Bellar. ibidem. Contrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burn it. x Bellar de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31. The name of universal Bishop may be understood two ways; One way, that he which is said to be universal Bishop, may be thought to be the only Bishop; so that all other Bishops are but only his Vicars. Contrary, All ordinary y Bellar. de Pon. lib. 4. cap. 24. jurisdiction of Bishops doth descend immediately from the Pope. Which few places I have only selected amongst many the like, that the discreet and judicious Reader may discern Ex ungue Leonem. For when ever he is pressed with a weighty Objection, he never careth, nor remembreth how his Solution and Answer to that, may make him gainsay his own Doctrine in some other places, so it serve him for a shift to put off the present storm withal. But now to return to our matter again. Since Popes, saith he, have never at any time meddled against Kings, Wherefore, I pray you, should only the King of England be afraid of that, whereof never Christian King is, or was afraid? Was never Christian Emperor or King afraid of the Popes? How then were these miserable Emperors tossed and turmoiled, and in the end utterly ruined by the Popes, for proof whereof I have already cited Bellarmine's own books? Was not the a Abbas Vspergen. Lam. Scafen. Anno 1077. Plat. in vit. Greg. 7. Emperor afraid, who waited barefooted in the frost & snow three days at the Pope's gate, before he could get entry? Was not the b Alfons. Ciacou. in vit. Alex. 3. Geneb. Chronol. Emperor also afraid, who was driven to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread upon his neck? And was not another c Ranulph. in Polychronicon. lib. 7. Emperor afraid, who was constrained in like manner to endure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Imperial Crown with his foot? Was not d Abbas Vsperg. Philip afraid, being made Emperor against Pope Innocentius the thirds good liking, when he broke out into these words, Either the Pope shall take the Crown from Philip, or Philip shall take the Mitre from the Pope? Whereupon the Pope stirred up Otho against him, who slew him, and presently went to Rome, and was crowned Emperor by the Pope, though afterward the Pope deposed him too. Was not the Emperor e Petrus de vineis Epist. 2. lib. 2. & Cuspian in vit. Frederici. 2. Fredrick asraid, when Innocentius the fourth excommunicated him, deprived him of his Crown, absolved Princes of their Oath of Fidelity to him, and in Apulia corrupted one to give him poison? Whereof the Emperor recovering, he hired one Manfredus to poison him; whereof he died. What did f Paulus jonius Hist. lib. 2. Alexander the third write to the Sultan, That if he would live quietly, he should by some sleight murder the Emperor? And to that end sent him the emperors picture. And not g Cuspianus. Alexander the sixth take of the Turk Baiazetes two hundred thousand Crowns to kill his brother Gemen, or as some call him, Sisimus, whom he held Captive at Rome? Did he not accept of the conditions to poison the man, and had his pay? Was not our h Honenden pag. 539. Henry the second afraid after the slaughter of S. Becket, That besides his going barefooted in Pilgrimage, was whipped up and down the Chapterhouse like a schoolboy, and glad to escape so too? Had not the King of France his father reason to be afraid, when the i Gomecius de ●ebus gestis Fran. Ximenij Arch●e●is. Tolet. lib. 5. Pope gave away his Kingdom of Navarre to the King of Spain, whereof he yet possesseth the best half? Had not the King his son reason to be afraid, when he was forced to beg so submissively the relaxation of his Excommunication, as he was content likewise to suffer his Ambassador to be whipped at Rome for penance? And had not our late Sovereign reason to look to herself, when she was Excommunicated by Pius Quintus, her Subjects loosed from their Fidelity and Allegiance towards her, her Kingdom of Ireland given to the King of Spain, and that famous fugitive Divine, honoured with the like degree of a red Hat as Bellarmine is, is not ashamed to publish in print an a Card. Allens answer to Stan. Let. Anno 1587. Apology for Stanley's Treason, maintaining, That by reason of her Excommunication and Heresy, it was not only lawful for any of her Subjects, but even they were bound in Conscience to deprive her of any Strength, which lay in their power to do? And whether it were Armies, Towns, or Fortresses of hers which they had in their hands, they were obliged to put them in the King of Spain her enemy's hands, She no more being the right owner of any thing? But albeit it be true, That wise men are moved by the examples of others dangers to use Providence and caution, according to the old proverb, Tum tua res agitur, paries cùm proximus ardet: yet his Majesty our Sovereign was nearlier summoned to use this caution, by the practice of it in his own Person. First, by the sending forth of these Bulls, whereof I made mention already, for debarring him from Entry unto this Crown, and Kingdom. And next after his Entry and full possession thereof, by the horrible Powder-Treason, which should have bereft both him and his, both of Crown and Life. And howsoever the Pope will seem to clear himself of any allowance of the said Powder-Treason; yet can it not be denied, that his principal Ministers here, and his chief Mancipia the jesuits, were the plain practisers thereof: For which the principal of them hath died confessing it, and others have fled the Country for the Crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: And yet neither these that fled out of this Country for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Low-countryes', was of counsel in it, were ever called to account for it by And whereas for illustration of this strong Argument of his, he hath brought in for a similitude the history of a Nazianzenus in juliar. inu●ct●ua prima. julian the Apostata his dealing with the Christians, when as he straited them, either to commit idolatry, or to come within the compass of treason: I would wish the Author to remember, that although a similitude may be permitted claudicare uno pede; yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of The disproportion of the Cardinal's similitude. feet and hands, and every member of the body. For I shall in few words prove, that it agreeth in no one point, save one, with our purpose, which is, that julian was an Emperor, and our Sovereign is a King. First, julian was an Apostata, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which he had once professed, and became an Ethnic again, or rather an Atheist: Our Sovereign is a Christian, who never changed that Religion, that he drank in with his milk, nor ever was ashamed of his profession. julian dealt against Christians only for the profession of Christ's cause: His Majesty in this case dealeth with his Subjects, only to make a distinction between true Subjects and false hearted Traitors. julians' end was the overthrow of the Christians: His majesties end is, to maintain Christianity in a peaceable government. julians' drift was to make them commit idolatry: His majesties drift is, to make his Subjects to make open profession of their natural Allegiance, and civil Obedience. julians' means whereby he went about it, was by craft, and ensnaring them before they were aware: His majesties course in this is plain, clear, and void of all obscurity, never refusing leave to any that are required to take this Oath, to study it at leisure, and giving them all the interpretation of it they can crave. But the greatest dissimilitude of all is in this: That julian pressed them to commit idolatry to idols and images: But his Majesty and all his Subjects of his profession are so far from guilt in this point, as we are counted Heretics by you, because we will not commit idolatry. So as, in the main point of all, is the greatest contrariety: For, julian persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatry; and ye count his Majesty a persecutor, because he will not admit idolatry. So as to conclude this point, this old Poet's sentence may well be applied to Bellarmine, in using so unapt a similitude, Perdere quos vult jupiter, hos dementat. And therefore his uncharitable conclusion doth not rightly follow, That it seemeth unto him, that some such thing should be subtly or fraudulently included in this Oath; As if no man can detest Treason against the King, or profess Civil subjection, except he renounce the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea. But how he hath sucked this apprehension out at his finger's ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I have oft said, he never goeth about to prove it: And to answer an improbable imagination, is to fight against a vanishing shadow. It cannot be denied in deed, that many servants of CHRIST, as well Priests as others, have endured constantly all sorts of Torments, and Death for the profession of CHRIST: And therefore to all such his examples, as he bringeth in for verifying the same, I need not to give him any other answer, save only to remember him, that he playeth the part of a Sophister in all these his Examples of the constancy of Martyrs, ever taking Controuer sum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature. But yet that the Reader may the better discover, not only how unaptly his Similitudes are applied, but likewise how dishonestly he useth himself in all his citations; I have thought good to set down the very places themselves cited by him, together with a short deduction of the true state of those particular Cases: whereby, how little these Examples can touch our Case; nay by the contrary, how rightly their true sense may be used, as our own weapons to be thrown back upon him that allegeth them, shall easily appear. And first, for a 2. Macchabees cap. 6. vers. 18. Eleazar. If the Archpriest his ground of refusing his majesties Oath, were as good as Eleazar's was, to forbear to eat the Swine's An answer to the Cardinal's example of Eleazar. flesh, it might not unfitly be applied by the Cardinal to this purpose. For as Eleazar was a principal Scribe, so is he a principal Priest: As Eleazar's example had a great force in it, to animate the younger Scribes to keep the Law, or in his colourable eating it, to have taught them to dissemble; So hath the Archpriests, either to make the inferior Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground failing, the building cannot stand. For what example is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedience to the Oath of the King, or want of allegiance is allowed? If the Cardinal would remember, that when the Church maketh a law (suppose to forbidden flesh on certain days) he that refuseth to obey it, in curreth the just censure of the Church: If a man then ought to die rather than to break the least of God's Ceremonial Laws, and to pine and starve his body, rather than to violate the Church his positive law: Will he not give leave to a man to redeem his soul from sin, and to keep his body from punishment, by keeping the King's politic law, and by giving good example in his person, raise up a good opinion in his Majesty of like Allegiance in the inferiors of his order? This application, as I take it, would have better fitted this example. But let me remember the Cardinal of another a 1. Sam. 14. 24. Oath enjoined by a King to his people, whereby he endangered his own life, and hazarded the safety of the whole army, when he made the people swear in the morning, not to taste of any meat until night: which oath he exacted so strictly, That his eldest son and heir apparent jonathan for breaking of it, by taking a little honey, though he heard not when the King gave it, had well nigh died for it. And shall an oath given upon so urgent an occasion as this was, for the apparent safety of the King and his posterity, forbidding his people to drink so deeply in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornications, but that they may keep so much honey in their hearts, as may argue them still espoused to their Sovereign in the main knot of true allegiance; Shall this law, I say, by him be condemned to hell for a stratagem of Satan? I say no more, but God's lot in that oath of saul's, and his verdict upon this Oath of our Kings, seem not to be cast out of one lap. Now to his example of b Theodoret lib. 4. cap. 19 Basill, which is (as he saith) so fit for his purpose. First, I must observe, that if the Cardinal would An answer to the Card. example of S. Basil. leave a common and ordinary trick of his in all his citations, which is, to take what makes for him, and leave out what makes against him; and cite the authors sense, as well as his sentence; we should not be so much troubled with answering the Ancients which he allegeth. To instance it in this very place. If he had continued his allegation one line further, he should have found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to have moved Blackwell to take the Oath, then to have dissuaded him from it. For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris quidem amicitiam magni se pendere cum pietate; quâ remotâ, perniciosum esse dicere. But that it may appear, whether of us have greatest right to this place, I will in few words show the author's drift. The Emperor Valens being an Arrian, at the persuasion of his wife, when he had deprived all the Churches of their Pastors, came to Caesarea, where Saint a Theodoret lib. 4. cap. 19 Basill was then Bishop; who, as the Story reporteth, was accounted the Light of the world. Before he came, he sent his a Modestus, as Nazian. upon the death of Basill, calls him in his Orat. Deputy to work it, that Saint Basill should hold fellowship with Eudoxius, (which b Look cap. 12. ciusdem libri. Eudoxius was Bishop of Constantinople, and the principal of the Arrian Faction) or if he would not, that he should put him to banishment. Now when the emperors Deputy came to Caesarea, he sent for Basill, entreated him honourably, spoke pleasingly unto him, desired he would give way to the time, neither that he would hazard the good of so many Churches tenui exquisitione Dogmatis, promised him the emperors favour, and himself to be Mediator for his good. But Saint Basill answered, These enticing speeches were fit to be used to children, that use to gape after such things: But for them that were thoroughly instructed in God's word, they could never suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted. Nay, if need required, they would for the maintenance thereof, refuse no kind of death. Indeed the love of the Emperor ought to be greatly esteemed with Piety; But Piety taken away, it was pernicious. This is the truth of the Story. Now compare the case of Basill with the Archpriests. For otherwise so Orthodox a King ought not to be compared with so Arrian an Heretic. Basill was solicited to become an Arrian: The Archpriest not once touched for any Article of Faith. Basill would have obeyed the Emperor, but that the word of GOD forbade him: This man is willed to obey, because the word of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the emperors favour, if it might have stood with piety: The Archpriest is exhorted to reject it, though it stand with true godliness in deed to embrace it. But that he may The Card. assimilating of the Archpr. case to S. Peter's, and Marcellinus, considered. lay load upon the Archpriest, it is not sufficient to exhort him to Courage and Constancy by Eleazar's and Basils' examples, but he must be utterly cast down with the comparing his fall to S. Peter's and Marcellinus: which two men's cases were the most fearful, considering their persons and places, that are to be found, or read of either in all the Books of Divine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiastical Stories; the one denying the only true God, the other our Lord and Saviour JESUS CHRIST; the one sacrificing to Idols with the profane Heathen, the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hardhearted jews. Unless the Cardinal would drive the Archpriest to some horror of conscience, & pit of despair, I know not what he can mean by this comparison. For sure I am, all that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but wonder to hear of an oath of Allegiance to a natural Sovereign, to be likened to an apostates denying of God, & forswearing of his Saviour. But to let pass the Disdiapason of the Cases (as his ill favoured coupling Saint Peter the head of their Church, with an Apostate Pope.) I marvel he would remember this example of a Look Platina in vita Marcellini. Marcellinus, since his brother Cardinal Baronius, and the late Edition of the Counsels by b Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 222. Look Baronius Anno 302 ●●m. 96. Binnius seem to call the credit of the whole Story into question, saying, That it might plainly be refuted, and that it is probably to be showed, that the story is but obreptitious, but that he would not serve from the common received opinion. And Subjects from their obedience to their natural King, nor be so cruel to their own Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in jealousy of them, or them in hazard of their own lives. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinal will have him so called) I persuade myself I should do a good service to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reap this one fruit of it, to move the Cardinal to deal faithfully with the Fathers, and never to allege their opinions against their own purpose. For, this letter of Gregorius was written to john Bishop of a Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. Palermo in Sicily, to whom he granted usum pallij to be worn in such times, and in such order, as the Priests in the I'll of Sicily, and his Predecessors were wont to use: and withal giveth him a Caveat, that the reverence to the Apostolic Sea be not disturbed by the presumption of any▪ For then the State of the members doth remain sound, when the head of the faith is not broken by any injury, and the authority of the Canons remain safe and sound. Now let us examine the words. The Epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to grant him the use of the Pall; a ceremony and matter indifferent. As it appeareth, the Bishop of Rome took it well at his hands, that he would not presume to take it upon him without leave from the Apostolic Sea, and giving him that admonition which followeth in the words alleged out of him: which doctrine we are so far from impugning, that we altogether approve and allow of the same, That whatsoever Ceremony for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrate, and the Church, the same ought inviolably to be kept: And where the Head and governors in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needs run to Hellish confusion. But that Gregory by that term, Caput fidei, held himself the head of our Faith, and the head of all Religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings. For first, when an a johan. Constan. Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. other would have had this style to be called universalis Episcopus, he said, Whosoever would give himself that Title, was the Forerunner of Antichrist: Which notwithstanding was a Style far inferior to that of Caput fidei. And when it was offered to himself, the words of Saint Gregory be these, refusing that Title, a Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. & 36. That none of my Predecessors Bishops of Rome, ever consented to use this ungodly name of Universal Bishop. None of the Bishops of Rome ever took upon us this name of Singularity. We the Bishops of Rome will not receive this Honour being offered unto us. And now, I pray you, would he that refused to be called Universal Bishop, be styled Caput fidei, unless it were in that sense, as I have expressed? Which sense if you will not admit, give me leave to say that once of one, which himself saith often of many of the Fathers, b Bellar. de Rom. pontif. lib. 2. cap. ●0. & lib. 2 de Christo cap. 2. Minùs cautè locutus est. To redeem therefore our Apostle out of his hands, and to let him remain ours, and not his in this case; It is very true that he saith, in that sense he spoke it. When ye go about to disturb, diminish, or take away the Authority or Supremacy of the Church, which resteth on the head of the King within his majesties Dominions, ye cut off the head and chief Governor thereof, and disturb the State and members of the whole Body. And for a Conclusion of this point, I pray him to think, that we are so well persuaded of the good mind of our Apostle Saint Gregory to us, that we desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals, than our Apostle Saint Gregory desired the Deputy of the Emperor a Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1. Sabinian to suggest unto the Emperor and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is of which I would desire you would suggest it to your noble Lord and Master, That if I his servant would have had my hand in staying of the Lombard's, at this day the Nation of the Lombard's had neither had Kings, nor Dukes, nor Earls, and had been divided asunder in utter confusion: but because I fear God, I dread to have my hand in the blood of any man. And thus having answered to S. Gregory, An answer to the authority out of Leo. I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that he may see I have not in the former Citations quarreled him like a Sophister for contention sake, but for finding out of the Truth; I do grant, that the Authorities out of b Leo primus in di●●s●ump. suae ●d Pontificat. 〈◊〉 moan 3. Leo epist. 89 ad ●pisc. V en. Idem ibid. cap. 2. Leo are rightly alleged all three, the words truly set down, together with his true intent and purpose. But withal, let me tell him, and I appeal unto his own conscience whether I speak not truly, that what Tully said to c Cicero in Hort. Hortensius, when he did immoderately praise Eloquence, that he would have lift her up to heaven, that himself might have gone up with her; So his Saint Leo lift up Saint Peter with praises to the Sky, that he being his d For so he calleth himself in sermo. 1. in die ●ssum. heir, might have gone up with him. For his Saint Leo was a great Orator, who by the power of his Eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both e Exbreniario Romano. Attilas and Gensericus would have burnt it. Some fruits of this Rhetoric he bestowed upon Saint Peter, saying, The Lord f Epist. 89. did take Peter into the fellowship of the indivisible unity: which words being coupled to the sentence alleged by the Cardinal (That he hath no part in the divine Mystery that dare departed from the solidity of Peter) should have given him, I think, such a Sare, as he should never have dared to have taken any advantage by the words immediately preceding, for the benefit of the church of Rome, and the head thereof, since those which immediately follow, are so much derogatory to the divine Majesty. And again, My g Epist. 52. writings be strengthened by the merit, and Authority of my Lord most blessed Saint Peter. We h Epist. 89. beseech you to keep the things decreed by us through the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed Saint Peter. If i In ser. 2. in die an●●●er. as●um. suae. any thing be well done, or decreed of us; If any thing be obtained of God's mercy by daily prayers, it is to be ascribed to Saint Peter's works, and merits, whose power doth live, and Authority excel in his own Sea. He k Ser. 3. in die ann●. assump su● was so plentifully watered of the fountain of all Graces, that whereas he received many things alone, yet nothing passeth over to any man but by him. And in a word, he was so desirous to extol Saint Peter, That a message from him was an c Epist. 24. Embassage from S. Peter: Any thing done in his presence, was in Saint Peter's d Epist. 4. presence. Neither did he use all this Rhetoric without purpose: for at that time the Patriarch of Constantinople contended with him for Primacy. And in the Council of e Concil. Calced Act. 16. c. ●. 28 Chalcedon, the Bishops six hundred and more gave equal Authority to the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not admit any privilege to the Sea of Rome above him, but went against him. And yet he that gave so much to Peter, took nothing from Caesar, but gave him both his Titles and due, giving the power of calling a Council to the Emperor, as it may appear by these one or two places following of many. If it may please your f Epi. 9 Theodo sio. Godliness, to vouchsafe at our Supplication to condescend, that you will command a Council to be holden within Italy. And writing unto the Bishop of Constantinople: Because the most Clement g Epist. 16. Flaviano. Emperor, careful of the peace of the Church, will have a Council to be holden; Albeit it evidently appear, the matter to be handled doth in no case stand in need of a general Council. Albeit h Epist. 17. Theodosio. my occasions will not permit me to be present upon the day of the Council, which your Godliness hath appointed. So as by this it may well appear, that he that gave so much to Peter, gave also to Caesar his due and prerogative. But yet he playeth not fair play in this, that even in all these his wrong applied Arguments, and Examples, he produceth no other witnesses, but the parties themselves, bringing ever the Pope's Sentences for approbation of their own Authority. Now indeed for one word of his in the midst of his Examples, I cannot but greatly commend him, that is, that Martyrs ought to endure all sorts of tortures, and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God. Which lesson, if he and all the rest of his own profession would apply to themselves, than would not the Sacrament be administered sub unâ specie, directly contrary to Christ's Institution, the practice of the Apostles, and of the whole primitive Church for many hundred years: then would not the private Masses be in place of the Lords Supper: then would not the words of the a Bellar. de sacra. Eucharist. lib. 4. cap. 14. Canon of the Mass be opposed to the words of Saint Paul, and Saint Luke, as our Adversary himself confesseth, and cannot reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundreds other Traditions of men be set up in their Church, not only as equal, but even preferred to the word of God. But sure in this point I fear I have mistaken him: for I think he doth not mean by his Divina dogmata, the word of the God of heaven, but only the Canons and Laws of his Dominus Deus Papa: otherwise all his Primacy of the Apostolic Sea would not be so much sticken upon, having so slender ground in the word of God. And for the great fear he hath, that the suddainty of the Apprehension, the bitterness of the Persecution, the weakness of his Age, and other such infirmities might have been the cause of the Archpriests fall; in this, I have already sufficiently answered him, having declared, as the truth is, and as the said Blackwell himself will yet testify, That he took this Oath freely of himself without any inducement thereunto, either Precibus or Minis. But amongst all his citations, he must not Some of Sanders his worthy sayings remembered. forget holy Sanderus, and his Visibilis Monarchia, whose person and actions I did already a little touch. And surely, who will with unpartial eyes read his Books, they may well think, that he hath deserved well of his English Roman-Church: But they can never think, but that he deserved very ill of his English Sovereign and State. Witness his own books: whereout I have made choice to set down here these few Sentences following, as flowers picked out of so worthy a Garland. a Sand. de visib. monar. lib. 6. cap. 4. ELIZABETH Queen of England doth exercise the Priestly act of teaching and preaching the Gospel in England, with no less authority than CHRIST himself, or MOSES ever did. The Supremacy of a b Sand de cla. David. lib. 6. cap. 1. woman in Church matters, is from no other, then from the Devil. And of all Kings in general, thus he speaketh, The c Sand. de visib. Monar. lib. 2. cap. 4. King that will not enthrall himself to the Pope's authority, he ought not to be tolerated, but his Subjects ought to give all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoon as may be. A King that is an d Ibidem. Heretic, aught to be removed from the Kingdom that he holdeth amongst Christians, and the Bishops ought to endeavour to set up another, assoon as possibly they can. We do constantly e Ibidem. affirm, that all Christian Kings are so far under Bishops and Priests in all matters appertaining to Faith and Religion, that if they shall continue in a fault against Christian Religion after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may, and aught to be deposed by the Bishops from all the Authority they hold amongst Christians. f Ibidem. Bishops are set over Imperial Kingdoms, if those Kingdoms do submit themselves to the Faith of CHRIST. We do constantly g Sand. de clau. David. lib. 5. cap. 2. affirm, That all Secular power, whether Regal, or any other, is of Men. The h Ibidem. Anointing which is powered upon the head of the King by the Priest, doth declare that he is inferior to the Priest. It is altogether against the will of i Sand. de clau David lib. 5. cap. 4. CHRIST, that Christian Kings should have Supremacy in the Church. And whereas for the Crown, and conclusion of all his examples, he reckoneth his The Card. pair of Martyrs weighed. two English Martyrs, Moor and Roffensis, who died for that one most weighty head of Doctrine, as he allegeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacy; I must tell him, that he hath not been well informed in some material points, which do very nearly concern his two said Martyrs. For it is clear, and apparently to be proved by divers Records, That they were both of them committed to the Tower about a year before either of them was called in question upon their lives for the Pope's Supremacy; And that partly for their backwardness in the point of the establishment of the King's Succession, whereunto the whole Realm had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the matter of the holy a Called Anna Burton, See the Act of Parliament. maid of Kent, he being for his concealment of that false Prophet's abuse, found guilty of Misprision of Treason. And as these were the principal causes of their Imprisonment, (the King resting secure of his Supremacy as the Realm stood then affected, but especially troubled for settling the Crown upon the Issue of his second Marriage) So was it easily to be conceived, that being thereupon discontented, their humours were thereby made apt to draw them by degrees to further opposition against the King and his Authority, as indeed it fell out. For in the time of their being in prison, the King's lawful Authority in cases Ecclesiastical being published and promulged, as well by a general Decree of the Clergy in their Synod, as by an Act of Parliament made thereupon; they behaved themselves so peevishly therein; as the old coals of the King's anger being thereby raked up of new, they were again brought in question, as well for this one most weighty head of Doctrine of the Pope his Supremacy, as for the matter of the King's marriage and Succession, as by the confession of one of themselves, even Thomas Moor, is evident. For being condemned, he used these words at the Bar before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaveritis, videlicet ob id, quod nunquam voluerim assentire in Hist. aliquot Martyrum nostri seculi, Anno 1550. negotio Matrimonij Regis. That is, I am not ignorant why you have adjudged me to death: to wit, for that I would never consent in the business of the new marriage of the King. By which his own confession it is plain, that this great Martyr himself took the cause of his own death, to be only for his being refractory to the King in this said matter of Marriage and Succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of Martyrdom, as I conceive. And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr, (who could have been content to have taken the oath of the King's Supremacy, with a certain modification, which Moor refused) as his imprisonment was neither only, nor principally for the cause of Supremacy; so died he but a halting and a singular Martyr, or witness for that most weighty head of doctrine, the whole Church of England going at that time in one current and stream as it were against him in that Argument, divers of them being of far greater reputation for learning and sound judgement then ever he was. So as in this point we may well arm ourselves with the Cardinals own reason, where he giveth amongst other notes of the true Church, Universality for one, we having the general and Catholic conclusion of the whole Church of England on our side in this case, as appeareth by their book set out by the whole Convocation of England, called, The Institution of a Christian man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by divers particular learned men of our Church, as by Steven Gardiner in his book De vera Obedientia, with a Preface of Bishop Boner's adjoined to it, De summo & absoluto Regis imperio, published by Master Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesiae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop longland's Sermon, the letter of Tonstall to Cardinal Poole, and divers other both in English and Latin. And if the bitterness of Fisher's discontentment had not been fed with his daily ambitious expectation of the Cardinal's hat, which came so near as Calis before he lost his head to fill it with, I have great reason to doubt, if he would have constantly persevered in enduring his Martyrdom for that one most weighty head of doctrine. And surely these two Captains and ringleaders to Martyrdom were but ill followed by the rest of their countrymen: for I can never read of any after them, being of any great account, and that not many, that ever sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the true causes of their first falling in trouble (whereof I have already made mention) being rightly considered upon the one part; and upon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed; (a point so greatly accounted of by our Cardinal) there can but small glory redound thereby to our English Nation, these only two, Enoch, and Elias, serving for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine. And I am sure the Supremacy of Kings The supremacy of Kings sufficiently warranted by the Scriptures. may and will ever be better maintained by the word of God (which must ever be the true rule to discern all weighty heads of doctrine by) to be the true and proper office of Christian Kings in their own Dominions, than he will be ever able to maintain his annihilating Kings, and their Authorities, together with his base and unreverend speeches of them, wherewith both his former great Volumes, and his late Books against Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were directly a 2. Chron. 19 4. Governors over the Church within their Dominions, b 2. Sam. 5. 6. purged their corruptions, reform their abuses, brought the c 1. Chron. 13. 12. Ark to her resting place: the King e 2. Sam. 6. 16 dancing before it, f 1. Chro. 28. 6. built the Temple, g 2. Chron. 6. dedicated the same, assisting in their own persons to the sanctification thereof, h 2. King. 22 1 made the book of the Law newfound, to be read to the people; i Nehe. 9 38 David. Solomon. 2. Kings 8. 4. renewed the covenant between God, and his people; bruised the brazen Serpent in pieces, which was set up by the express commandment of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed k 1. Kings 15. 12. 2 kings 13. 4. all Idols, and false gods; made l 2. Chron. 7. 8. a public reformation, by a Commission of Priests and Secular men mixed for that purpose; deposed m 1. King's ●. 27. the High Priest, and set up another in his place: and generally, ordered every thing belonging to the Church-government, their Titles and Prerogatives given them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the n 2. Sam. 7 4 Sons of the Most High, nay Gods o Psal. 82. 6 & Exod. 23. 8 themselves; The p 1. Chron. 14. 8. Lords anointed; Sitting q 2. Sam. 3. 1● 2. Chron. 6. 15 in God's Throne; His ʳ servants: The Angels s 2 Sam. 14 ●0. of God: According to his t 1. Sam. 13. 4 hearts desire; The light u 2. Sam. 21 7 of Israel; The x Isa. 49. 23 nursing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such styles of honour, wherewith the old Testament is filled, whereof our Adversary can pretend no ignorance. And as to the New Testament, Every soul is commanded to be subject unto them, even for y Rom. 13 5 conscience sake: All men z 1. Tim. 2. 2 must be prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authority; that under them we may lead a godly, peaceable, and an honest life. The a Rom. 13. 4 Magistrate is the minister of God to do vengeance on him that doth evil, and reward him that doth well. Ye must obey all higher Powers, but b 1. Pet. 2. 13 especially Princes, and those that are Supereminent. Give every man his due, fear c Rom. 13. 7 to whom fear belongeth, and love to whom love belongeth. Give d Matth. 22 ●1. unto Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is Gods. e joh. 18. 36 Regnum meum non est huius mundi. f Luk. 12. 14 Quis me constituit judicem super vos? g Luke 22. 25. Reges gentium dominantur eorum; vos autem non sic. If these Sentences, Titles, and Prerogatives, and innumerable other in the old and new Testament, do not warrant Christian Kings within their own Dominions, to govern their Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custodes utriusque tabulae, not by making new Articles of faith, which is the Pope's office, as I said before, but by commanding obedience to be given to the word of God, by reforming the Religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the Spiritual power with the Temporal Sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by judging, and cutting off all frivolous Questions and Schisms, as Constantine did; And finally, by making Decorum to be observed in every thing, and establishing orders to be observed in all indifferent things for that purpose, which is the only intent of our Oath of Supremacy: If this Office of a King, I say, do not agree with the power given him by God's word, let any indifferent man void of passion judge. But how these honourable Offices, Stiles, and Prerogatives given by God to Kings in the old and new Testament, as I have now cited, can agree with the brave Styles and Titles that Bellarmine giveth them, I can hardly conceive. 1 De laicis ca 7. That Kings are rather slaves than Lords. 2 De Pont. lib. 1. cap. 7. That they are not only Subjects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but even to Deacons. 3 Ibidem. That an Emperor must content himself to drink, not only after a Bishop, but after a Bishop's Chaplain. 4 Ibidem, & de cler. cap 26. That Kings have not their Authority, nor Office from God, nor his Law, but only from the Law of Nations. 5 De Pont. lib. 3 cap. 16. That Popes have degraded many Emperors, but never Emperor degraded a Pope; nay, even Bishops, that are but the Pope's vassals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their Laws. 6 De laicis cap. 18. That Churchmen are as far above Kings, as the Soul above the Body. 7 De Pont. lib. 5. cap 8. That Kings may be deposed by their people for diverse respects. 8 De Pout. lib. 2. cap. 26. But Popes cannot be deposed: for no flesh hath power to judge of them. 9 De Pont. lib. ●. cap. 15. That obedience due to the Pope, is for Conscience sake. 10 De clericis cap. ●8. But the obedience due to Kings, is only for certain respects of Order & Policy. 11 I●idem. That these very Church men that are borne and inhabit in Sovereign Prince's Countries, are notwithstanding not their Subjects, and cannot be judged by them, although they may judge them; 12 Ibidem. And, that the obedience that Church men give to Princes, even in the meanest, and mere Temporal things, is not by way of necessary subjection, but only out of discretion for observation of good Order. These contrarieties between the Book of God, and Bellarmine's books, have I here set in opposition to other, ex contrarijs juxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus far I dare boldly affirm, That whosoever will indifferently weigh these inreconcileable Contradictions here set down, will easily confess, that GOD is no more contrary to Belial, Light to Darkness, and Heaven to Hell, than Bellarmine's estimation of Kings is to Gods. Now as to the conclusion of his Letter, which is only filled with strong and pithy Exhortations, to persuade and confirm Blackwell to the patiented and constant enduring of Martyrdom, I have nothing to answer, save by way of regrate; That so many good sentences drawn out of the Scripture, so well and so handsomely packed up together, should be so ill and untruly applied. But an evil Cause is never the better for so good a Cloak; And an ill matter never amended by good words: And therefore I may justly turn over that craft of the Devil upon himself, in using so Holy-like an exhortation to so evil a purpose. Only I could have wished him, that he had a little better observed his Decorum herein, in not letting slip two or three profane words amongst so many godly mortified Scripture sentences. For in all the Scripture, especially in the New Testament, I never read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that style to succeed to Numa Pompilius, and not to Saint Peter, who never heard nor dreamt of such an office. And for his Caput fidei, which I remembered before, the Apostles, I am sure, never gave that style to any but to CHRIST. So as these styles, whereof some were never found in Scripture, and some were never applied but to CHRIST in that sense, as he apply it, had been better to have been left out of so holy and mortified a Letter. To conclude then this present Discourse, I hearty wish all indifferent readers of the Breves and Letter, not to judge by the speciousness of the words, but by the weight of the matter; Not looking to that which is strongly alleged, but judiciously to consider what is justly proved; And for all our Sovereign's good Subjects, that their hearts may remain established in the Truth; That these foreign enticements may not seduce them from their natural duty; And that all, aswell Strangers as Natural Subjects, to whose eyes this Discourse shall come, may wisely and unpartially judge of the Verity, as it is nakedly here set down, for clearing these mists and clouds of Calumnies, which were injustly heaped upon our Sovereign: For which end only I hearty pray the courteous Reader to be persuaded, that this discourse was published.