An Apology for the Oath of ALLEGIANCE. FIRST SET forth WITHOUT a name: And now acknowledged by the Author, the Right High and Mighty Prince, JAMES, by the Grace of GOD, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland; Defender of the Faith, etc.  
Together with a PREMONITION of his Majesties, to all most Mighty monarchs, Kings, free Princes and States of Christendom.  PSAL. 2. Vers. 10. 
Et nunc Reges intelligite: Erudimini qui iudicatis terram.  ROME 14. Vers. 13. 
Non ergo ampliùs invicem indicemus. Sed hoc iudicate magis, ne penat●s offendiculum fratri, vel scandalum.  
¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty.  
April. 8. ANNO 1609. Cum privilegio Regali.   

  

TO THE MOST SACRED AND Invincible Prince, RODOLPH the II. by GOD'S Clemency Elect EMPEROR of the ROMANS; KING OF GERMANY, HUNGARY, BOHEME, DALMATIE, CROATIE, SCLAVONIE, etc.  
ARCHDUKE OF AUSTRIA, DUKE OF BURGUNDY, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, CARNIOLA, and WIRTEMBERG, etc. Earl of TYROLIS, etc.  
AND TO ALL OTHER RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTY KINGS; AND RIGHT EXCELLENT Free PRINCES and STATES of Christendom: Our loving BRETHREN, COUSINS, ALLIES, CONFEDERATES and FRIENDS:  
JAMES, by the grace of GOD, King of GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE and IRELAND; Professor, Maintainer and DEFENDER OF THE True, Christian, Catholic, and Apostolic FAITH, Professed by the ancient and Primitive Church, and sealed with the blood of so many holy Bishops and other faithful crowned with the glory of Martyrdom;  
WISHES everlasting felicity in CHRIST our Saviour.   

TO YOU, MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE EMPEROR; RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTY KINGS; RIGHT EXCELLENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES, MY LOVING BRETHREN AND COUSINS.  
To you, I say, as of right belongeth, do I consecrate and direct this Warning of mine, or rather Preamble to my reprinted Apology for the Oath of Allegiance. For the cause is general, and concerneth the Authority and Privilege of Kings in general, and all supereminent Temporal powers. And if in whatsoever Society, or Corporation of men, either in Corporations of Cities, or in the Corporation of any mechanike craft or handiwork, every man is careful to maintain the privileges of that Society whereunto he is sworn; nay, they will rather cluster all in one, making it a common cause, exposing themselves to all sorts of peril, then suffer the least breach in their Liberties; If those of the base sort of people, I say, be so curious and zealous for the preservation of their common privileges and liberties, as if the meanest amongst them be touched in any such point, they think it concerneth them all: Then what should we do in such a case, whom GOD hath placed in the highest thrones upon earth, made his Lieutenants & vicegerents, and even seated us upon his own throne to execute his judgements? The consideration hereof hath now moved me to expone a Case unto you, which doth not so nearly touch me in my particular, as it doth open a breach against our authority, (I speak in the plural of all Kings) and privilege in general. And since not only all ranks and sorts of people in all Nations do inviolably observe this Maxim, but even the Civil Law, by which the greatest part of Christendom is governed, doth give them an interest, qui fovent consimilem causam; How much more than have ye interest in this cause, not being similis or par causa to yours, but eadem with yours? and indeed ye all fovetis, or at lest fovere debetis eandem causam mecum. And since this cause is common to us all; both the civil Laws and the municipal Laws of all Nations, permits and warn them, that have a common interest, to concur in one for the defence of their common cause; yea, common sense teacheth us with the Poet, Ecquid 
Ad te pòst paulò ventura pericula sentis?  
Nam tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet.   
Awake then while it is time, and suffer not, by your longer sleep, the strings of your Authority to be cut in singulis, and one and one to your general ruin, which by your united forces, would rather make a strong rope for the enemy to hang himself in, with Achitophel, then that he should ever be able to break it. As for this Apology of mine, it is true, that I thought good to set it first out without putting my name unto it; but never so, as I thought to deny it, remembering well mine own words, but taken out of the Scripture, in the beginning of the Preface to the Reader, in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that nothing is so hid, which shall not be opened, &c: promising there, which with GOD his grace I shall ever perform, never to do that in secret, which I shall need to be ashamed of, when it shall come to be proclaimed in public.  
In deed I thought it fit, for two respects, that this my Apology should first visit the world without having my name written in the forehead thereof. First because of the matter, and next of the persons that I meddled with. The matter, it being a Treatise, which I was to write, containing reasons & discourses in Divinity for the defence of the Oath of Allegiance, and refutation of the condemners thereof; I thought it not comely for one of my place, to put my name to books concerning scholastic Disputations; whose calling is to set forth Decrees in the Imperative mood: for I think myself as good a man as the Pope, by his reverence, for whom these my Answerers make the like excuse; for that his Breves are so summary without yielding any reason unto them. My next reason was the respect of the persons whom with I meddled: Wherein, although I shortly answered the Pope's Breves; yet the point. I most laboured, being the refutation of Bellarmine's Letter, I was never the man, I confess, that could think a Cardinal a meet match for a King: especially, having many hundredth thousands of my subjects of as good birth as he. As for his Church dignity, his Cardinalship I mean, I know not how to rank or value it, either by the warrant of God his word, or by the ordinance of Emperors or Kings; it being indeed only a new Papal erection, tolerated by the sleeping connivence of our Predecessors (I mean still by the plural of Kings.) But notwithstanding of this my forbearing to put my name unto it, some Ambassadors of some of you (my loving Brethren and Cousins) whom this cause did neereliest concern, can witness, that I made Presents of some of those books, at their first printing, unto them, and that avowedly in my own name. As also the English Paragraphist, or rather perverse Pamphleter Parsons, since all his desciption must run upon a P. hath truly observed, that my Arms are affixed in the frontispiece thereof, which useth not to be in books of other men's doing; whereby his malice in pretending his ignorance, that he might pay me the soundlier, is the more inexcusable. But now that I find my sparing to put my name unto it hath not procured my sparing by these answerers, who have neither spared my Person directly in naming me, nor indirectly by railing upon the Author of the Book: it is now high time for me no longer to conceal nor disavow myself, as if I were ashamed of my own deed. And therefore that ye may the better understand the nature of the cause, I will begin at the first ground thereof.  
The never enough wondered at and abhorred POWDER-TREASON (though the repetition thereof grieveth, I know, the gentle hearted jesuit Parsons) this Treason, I say, being not only intended against me and my Posterity, but even against the whole house of Parliament, plotted only by Papists, and they only led thereto by a preposterous zeal for the advancement of their Religion; some of them continuing so obstinate, that even at their death they would not acknowledge their fault; but in their last words, immediately before the expiring of their breath, refused to condemn themselves & crave pardon for their deed, except the Romish Church should first condemn it; And soon after, it being discovered, that a great number of my Popish Subjects of all ranks and sexes, both men and women, as well within as without the Country; had a confused notion and an obscure knowledge, that some great thing was to be done in that Parliament for the weal of the Church; although, for secrecies cause, they were not acquainted with the particulars; certain forms of prayer having likewise been set down and used for the good success of that great errand; adding hereunto, that divers times, and from divers Priests, the Arch-traitors themselves received the Sacrament for confirmation of their heart, and observation of secrecy; Some of the principal jesuits likewise being found guilty of the foreknowledge of the Treason itself; of which number some fled from their trial, others were apprehended (as holy Gamet himself and Ouldcorne were) and justly executed upon their own plain confession of their guilt: If this Treason now, clad with these circumstances, did not minister a just occasion to that Parliament house, whom they thought to have destroyed, courageously and zealously at their next sitting down, to use all means of trial, whether any more of that mind were yet left in the Country; I leave it to you to judge, whom God hath appointed his highest Depute-Iudges upon earth: And amongst other things for this purpose, This Oath of Allegiance, so unjustly impugned, was then devised and enacted. And in case any sharper Laws were then made against the Papists that were not obedient to the former Laws of the Country; if ye will consider the time, place, and persons, it will be thought no wonder, seeing that occasion did so justly exasperate them to make severer Laws than otherwise they would have done. The time, I say, being the very next sitting down of the Parliament, after the discovery of that abominable Treason: the place being the same, where they should all have been blown up, and so bringing it freshly to their memory again: the persons being those very Parliament men whom they thought to have destroyed. And yet so far hath both my heart and government been from any bitterness, as almost never one of those sharp additions to the former Laws have ever yet been put in execution.  
And that ye may yet know further for the more convincing these Libelers of wilful malice, who impudently affirm, That this Oath of Allegiance was devised for deceiving and entrapping of Papists in points of conscience; The truth is, that the Lower house of Parliament at the first framing of this Oath, made it to contain, That the Pope had no power to excommunicate me; which I caused them to reform; only making it to conclude, That no excommunication of the Popes can warrant my Subjects to practise against my Person or State; denying the deposition of Kings to be in the Pope's lawful power, as indeed I take any such temporal violence to be far without the limits of such a Spiritual censure as excommunication is. So careful was I that nothing should be contained in this Oath, except the profession of natural Allegiance, & civil and temporal obedience, with a promise's to resist to all contrary uncivil violence.  
This Oath now grounded upon so great and just an occasion, set forth in so reasonable terms, and ordained only for making of a true distinction between Papists of quiet disposition, and in all other things good Subjects, and such other Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maxims, that the Powder-traitors did: This Oath, I say, being published and put in practice, bred such evil blood in the Pope's head and his Clergy, as Breve after Breve cometh forth, ut undam unda sequitur; prohibiting all Catholics from taking the same, as a thing clean contrary to the Catholic faith; and that the taking thereof cannot stand with the salvation of their souls.  
There cometh likewise a letter of Cardinal Bellarmine's to Blackwell to the same purpose; but discoursing more at length upon the said Oath. Whereupon, after I had entered in consideration of their unjust impugning that so just and lawful an Oath; and fearing that by their untrue calumnies and Sophistry the hearts of a number of the most simple and ignorant of my people should be misled, under that fair and deceitful cloak of conscience; I thought good to set forth an Apology for the said Oath: wherein I proved, that as this Oath contained nothing but matter of civil and temporal Obedience, due by Subjects to their Sovereign Prince: so this quarreling therewith was nothing but a late usurpation of Popes (against the warrant of all Scriptures, ancient Counsels and Fathers) upon the temporal power of Kings, where with only my Apology doth meddle. But the publishing of this Book of mine hath brought such two Answerers, or rather Railers upon me, as all the world may wonder at. For my Book being first written in English, an English Oath being the subject thereof, and the use of it properly belonging to my subjects of England; and immediately thereafter being translated into Latin, upon a desire that some had of further publishing it abroad it cometh home unto me now answered in both the Languages. And, I think, if it had been set forth in all the tongues that were at the confusion of Babel, it would have been returned answered in them all again. Thus may a man see how busy a Bishop the Devil is, and how he omitteth no diligence for venting of his poisoned wares. But herein their malice doth clearly appear, that they pay me so quickly with a double answer; and yet have never answered their own Archpriest, who hath written a book for the maintenance of the same Oath, and of the temporal authority of Kings, alleging a cloud of their own Scoolemen against them.  
As for the English Answerer, my unnatural and fugitive Subject; I will neither defile my pen, nor your sacred eyes or ears with the describing of him, who ashames, nay, abhors not to rail, nay, to rage and spew forth blasphemies against the late Queen of famous memory. A Subject to rail against his natural Sovereign by birth; A man to rail against a Lady by sex; A holy man (in outward profession) to insult upon the dead; nay, to take Radamanthus' office over his head, and to sit down and play the judge in hell; And all his quarrel is, that either her Successor, or any of her Servants should speak honourably of her. Cursed be he that curseth the Anointed of God: and destroyed mought he be with the destruction of Korah, that hath sinned in the contradiction of Korah. Without mought such dogs and swine be, cast forth, I say, out of the spiritual jerusalem.  
As for my Latin Answerer, I have nothing to say to his person; he is not my Subject; he standeth or falleth unto his own Lord: But sure I am, they two have casten lots upon my Book, since they could not divide it: the one of them, my fugitive, to rail upon my late Predecessor, (but a rope is the fittest answer for such an Historian;) the other, a stranger, thinketh he may be boldest both to pay my person and my book, as indeed he doth; which how justly either in matter or manner, we are now to examine.  
But first, who should be the true Author of this book, I can but guess. He calleth himself Matthaeus Tortus, Cardinal Beauties' Chaplain. A 
a Being a proper word to express the true meaning of Tortus.  thrown Evangelist indeed, full of throward Divinity; an obscure Author, utterly unknown to me, being yet little known to the world for any other of his works: and therefore must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his apprentisage, not only to refute, but to rail upon a King. But who will consider the carriage of the whole book, shall find that he writeth with such authority, or at the least tam elato stylo, so little sparing either Kings in general, or my person in particular; and with such a greatness, 
b P. 46.  Habemus enim exemplaria Brevium illorum in manibus, and 
c P. 63.  Decernimus: as it shall appear, or at least be very probable, that it is the Masters, and not the man's labour; especially in one place, where he quarreleth me for casting up his moralis certitudo and piè credi unto him; he there grossly forgetting himself, saith, malâ fide nobiscum agit, 
Pag. 69.  thereby making this Author to be one person with Bellarmine. But let it be the work of a Tortus indeed, and not of a personated Cardinal; yet must it be the Cardinal's deed, since Master Tortus is the Cardinal's man, and doth it in his master's defence. The errand then being the Cardinals, and done by his own man it cannot but be accounted as his own deed; especially since the English Answerer doth four times promise, that Bellarmine, or one by his appointment, shall sufficiently answer it.  
And now to come to his matter and manner of Answer: Surely if there were no more but his unmannerly manner, it is enough to disgrace the whole matter thereof. For first, to show his pride, in his Printers preface of the Po●itan edition of this elegans libellus, he must equal the Cardinal's greatness with mine in every thing. For though he confesseth this Master Tortus to be an obscure man; yet being the Cardinal's Chaplain, he is sufficient enough forsooth to answer an English book, that lacketh the name of an Author: as if a personated obscure name for Auhour of a Cardinal's book, were a meet match for answering a King's book, that lacketh the name of an Author; and a Cardinal's Chaplain to meet with the Dean of the King's Chapel, whom Parsons with the Cardinal have (as it seemeth) agreed upon to entitle to be the Author of my Apology. And not only in the Preface, but also through the whole Book doth he keep this comparative greatness. He must be as short in his answer, as I am in my book, he must refute all that I have said against the Popes second Breve, with equal brevity, and upon one page almost, as I have done mine: and because I have set down the substance of the Oath in 14. Articles in just as many Articles must he set down that Act of Parliament of mine, wherein the Oath is contained: And yet, had he contented himself with his own pride, by the demonstration of his own greatness, without further wronging of me, it had been the more tolerable. But what cause gave I him to farce his whole book with injuries, both against my person and book? For whereas in all my Apology I have never given him a foul word, and especially never gave him the Lie: he by the contrary giveth me nine times the Lie in express terms, and seven times chargeth me with a falsehood, which phrase is equivalent with a lie. And as for all other words of reproach; as nugae, convitia, temeritas, vanitas, impudentia, blasphemiae, sermonis barbaries, cum eadem felicitate scribendi, cavillationes, applicatio inepta, fingere historias, audacia que in hominem sanae mentis cadere non potest, vel sensu communi caret, imperitia & levitas, omnem omnino pudorem & conscientiam exuisse, malâ fide nobiscum agit ut lectoribus per fas & nefas imponat: of such like reproaches, I say, I doubt if there be a page in all his book free, except where he idly sets down the Pope's Breves and his own Letter. And in case this might only seem to touch the unknown Author of the book, whom notwithstanding he knew well enough, as I show before; he spareth not my Person with my own name: 
P. 47.  sometimes saying, that Pope Clement thought me to be inclined to their Religion: 
P. 98.  sometimes, that I was a Puritan in Scotland, and a persecutor of Protestants. In one place he concludeth, 
P. 87.  Quia jacobus non est Catholicus, hoc ipso Haereticus est. In another place, 
P. 98.  Ex Christiano Caluinistam fecerunt. In another place he saith, 
Ibid.  Neque omnino verum est, jacobum nunquam deseruisse Religionem quam primò susceperat. And in another place, after that he hath compared and ranked me with julian the Apostate, he concludeth, Cum Catholicus non sit, 
P. 97.  neque Christianus est. If this now be mannerly dealing with a King, I leave it to you to judge, who cannot but resent such indignities done to one of your quality.  
And as for the matter of his book, it well fits indeed the manner thereof: for he never answereth directly to the main question in my book. For whereas my Apology handleth only two points, as I told you before; One, to prove that the Oath of Allegiance doth only meddle with the civil and temporal obedience, due by Subjects to their natural Sovereigns; The other, that this late usurpation of Popes over the temporal power of Princes, is against the rule of all Scriptures, ancient Counsels and Fathers: he never improves the first, but by a false inference; that the Oath denieth the Pope's power of excommunication directly, since it denieth his authority in deposing of Kings. And for the second point, he bringeth no proof to the contrary, but, Pasce oves meas: and, Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum: and, That no Catholic ever doubted of it. So as I may truly say of him, that he either understandeth not, or at least will not seem to understand my Book, in never directly answering the main question, as I have already said; and so may I justly turn over upon himself that doom of ignorance, which in the beginning of his Book he rashly pronounceth upon me, saying that I neither understand the Pope's Breves, his Letter, nor the Oath itself; And as he delighteth to repeat over and over, I know not how oft, and triumpheth in this wrong inference of his; That to deny the Pope's power to depose Kings, 〈◊〉 ●o deny the Pope's Primacy, and his spiritual power of Excommunication: So doth he, upon that ground of Pasce oves meas, give the Pope so ample a power over Kings, to throne or dethrone them at his pleasure (and yet only subjecting Christian Kings to that slavery) as I doubt not but in your own Honours ye will resent you of such indignities; the rather since it concerns so many of you as profess the Romish religion, far more than me. For since he accounteth me an heretic, & like julian the Apostate; I am consequently extra caulam, and none of the Pope's flock, and so am in the case of Ethnic Princes, over whom he confesseth the Pope hath no power. But ye are in the Pope's fold; and you, that great Pastor may lead as sheep to the slaughter, when it shall please him. And as the asses ears must be horns, if the Lion list so to interpret it; so must ye be removed as scabbed sheep from the flock, if so be the Pope think you to be, though your skin be indeed never so sound.  
Thus hath he set such a new goodly interpretation upon the words of CHRIST, Pasce oves meas, as if it were as much to say, as depose Christian Kings; and that Quodcunque solueris gave the Pope power to dispense with all sorts of Oaths, Vows, Penalties, Censurers & Laws, even with the natural obedience of Subjects to their Sovereign Lords; much like to that new coined gloss that his brother 
a Senten. Card. Baron, super excom: Venet.  Baronius made upon the words in S. Peter's vision, Surge Petre, occide & manduca; That is, (said he to the Pope) Go kill and confound the Venetians.  
And because I have in my Book (by citing a place in his controversies) discovered him to be a small friend to Kings, he is much commoved. For whereas in his said Controversies, speaking the Clericis, 
Lib. de Cler. cap. 28.  he is so bold as to affirm, that Churchmen are exempted from the power of earthly Kings; and that they ought them no subjection even in temporal matters, but only virationis and in their own discretion, for the preservation of peace and good order; because, I say, citing this place of his in my Book, I tell with admiration, that he freeth all Churchmen from any subjection to Kings, even those that are their borne-Subiects: he is angry with this phrase, and saith it is an addition for breeding envy unto him, and raising of hatred against him. For saith he, although Bellarmine affirmed generally, that Churchmen were not subject to earthly Kings; yet did he not insert that particular clause [though they were borne and dwelling in their dominions] as if the words of Churchmen and earthly Kings in general imported not as much: for Layicks as well as Churchmen are subject to none but to their natural Sovereign. And yet doth he not stick to confess that he meant it, though it was not fit (he saith) to be expressed.  
And thus quarrels he me for revealing his Printed secret. But whose hatred did he fear in this? was it not yours? Who have interest, but KINGS, in the withdrawing of true Subjection from Kings? And when the greatest Monarches amongst you will remember, that almost the third part of your Subjects and of your Territories, is Churchmen and Church-livings; I hope, ye will then consider and weigh, what a feather he pulls out of your wings, when he denudeth you of so many Subjects and their possessions, in the Pope's favour: nay, what briars and thorns are left within the heart of your Dominions, when so populous and potent a party shall have their birth, education and livelihood in your Countries, and yet owe you no Subjection, nor acknowledge you for their SOVEREIGNS? So as where the Churchmen of old were content with their tithe of every man's goods; the Pope now will have little less than the third part of every King's Subjects and Dominions. And as in this place so throughout all the rest of his book, he doth nothing but amplify the Pope's power over Kings, and exaggerate my unreasonable rigour for pressing this Oath; which he will needs have to be nothing but a renewed Oath of Supremacy in more subtle and crafty terms only to rob the Pope of his Primacy and spiritual power: making his temporal power and authority over Princes, to be one of the chief ARTICLES of the Catholic faith.  
But that it may the better appear unto you, that all my labour and intention in this errand, was only to meddle with that due temporal Obedience which my Subjects owe unto me; and not to entrap nor enthrall their Consciences, as he most falsely affirms: Ye shall first see how far other Godly and Christian Emperors and Kings were from acknowledging the Pope's temporal Supremacy over them; nay, have created, controlled and deposed Popes: and next, what a number of my Predecessors in this Kingdom have at all occasions, even in the times of the greatest Greatness of Popes, resisted and plainly withstood them in this part.  
And first, all Christian Emperors were for a long time so far from acknowledging the Pope's Superiority over them, as by the contrary the Popes acknowledged themselves for their Vassals, reverencing and obeying the Emperors as their Lords; for proof whereof, I remit you to my Apology.  
And for the creating of Popes; the Emperors were in so long and continual possession thereof, as I will use for my first witness a Pope himself; who (in a 
a Sigebert, ad ann. 773. Walthram. Naumburg. lib. de Episc, investitura. Mart. Polon. ad ann. 780. Theod. à Niem. de privileg. & jurib. Imper. & dist. 30. C. Hadrian. 2.  Synod of an hundredth fifty and three Bishops and Abbots) did ordain, That the Emperor CHARLES the Great should have the Right of choosing the Pope, and ordaining the Apostolical Seat, and the dignity of the Roman Principality: nay, farther he ordained, That all Archbishops and Bishops should receive their investiture from the Emperor, or else be of no avail; And, that a Bishop wanting it should not be consecrate; pronouncing an Anathema against all that should disobey this Sentence.  
And that the emperors assent to the Pope's Election was a thing ordinary for a long time, 
b See Platin. in v●t. Pel●g. 2. Gregor. 1. & Severini.  Platina, and a number of the Popes own writers bear witness: And 
c Lib. de Clericis.  Bellarmine himself, in his book of Controversies, cannot get it handsomely denied. Nay, the Popes were even forced then to pay a certain sum of money to the Emperors for their Confirmation: And this lasted almost seven hundredth years after CHRIST; witness 
d In Chron. ad ann. 680.  Sigebert and 
e in vit. Agathon & Anast. in vit. eiusd. Agath. & Herm. Contract ad ann. 678. aedit. poster. & Dist. 63. c. Agatho.  Luitprandus, with other Popish Historians.  
And for emperors deposing of Popes, there are likewise divers examples. The Emperor 
f juitpr. Hist. lib. 6 c. 10, 11. Rhegino ad an. 963. & Platin in vit. joan. 13.  Ottho deposed Pope john the twelfth of that name, for divers crimes and vices; especially of lechery. The Emperor 
g Marianus Scot Sigeb. Abbas. Vrsp. ad ann. 1046. & Platin in vit. Greg. 6.  Henry the third in a short time deposed three Popes; Benedict the ninth, Silvester the third, and Gregory the sixth, as well for the sin of Avarice, as for abusing their extraordinary authority against Kings and Princes.  
And as for Kings that have denied this temporal Superiority of Popes; First, we have the unanime testimony of divers famous Historiographers for the general of many Christian Kingdoms. As, 
h Walthram. Naumburg. in lib.  Walthram testifieth That the Bishops of Spain, Scotland, England, 
li●. de invest. Episc. Vixit circae ann. 1110.  Hungary, from ancient institution till this modern novelty, had their investiture by Kings, with peaceable enjoying of their temporalities wholly and entirely; and whosoever (saith he) is peaceably solicitous, let him peruse the lives of the Ancients, and read the Histories, and he shall understand thus much. And for verification of this general assertion; we will first begin at the practice of the Kings of France, though not named by Walthram in this his enumeration of Kingdoms: amongst whom my first witness shall be that vulgarly known Letter of 
i See annal Franciae Nicolai. Gillij in Philip. Pulchro.  Philip le Bel King of France to Pope Boniface the viii. the beginning whereof, after a scornful salutation, is Sciat tua maxima fatuitas, nos in temporalibus nemini subesse.  
And likewise after that 
k Anno 1268 ex arrestis Senatus Parisiens'.  Lewes the ninth, surnamed Sanctus, had by a public instrument (called Pragmatica Sanctio) forbidden all the exactions of the Pope's Court within his Realm: Pope Pius 
l joan. Maierius, lib. de Scismat. & Concil.  the ij in the beginning of Lewes the eleventh his time, greatly misliking this Decree so long before made, sent his Legate to the said King Lewes with Letters patents, urging his promise which he had made when he was Dolphin of France, to repeal that Sanction if ever he came to be King. The King referreth the Legate over with his Letters-patents to the Council of Paris: where the matter being propounded, was impugned by joan. Romanus, the King's Attorney; with whose opinion the University of Paris concurring, an Appeal was made from the attempts of the Pope to the next general Council; the Cardinal departing with indignation.  
But that the Kings of France and Church thereof have ever stoken to their Gallican immunity, in denying the Pope any temporal power over them, and in resisting the Popes as oft as ever they priest to meddle with their temporal power, even in the donation of Benefices; the Histories are so full of them, as the only examples thereof would make up a big Volume by itself. And so far were the Sorbonists for the Kings and French Churches privilege in this point, as they were wont to maintain; That if the Pope fell a quarreling the King for that cause, the Gallican Church might elect a Patriarch of their own, renouncing any obedience to the Pope. And Gerson was so far from giving the Pope that temporal authority over Kings (who otherwise was a devout Roman Catholic) as he wrote a Book de Auferibilitate Papae; not only from the power over Kings, but even over the Church.  
And now permitting all further examples of foreign King's actions, I will only content me at this time with some of my own Predecessors examples of this Kingdom of England, that it may thereby the more clearly appear, that even in those times, when the world was fullest of darkened blindness and ignorance, the Kings of England have oftentimes, not only repined, but even strongly resisted and withstood this temporal usurpation and encroachment of ambitious Popes.  
And I will first begin at 
o Matt. Teris. in Henr. 1. anno ●100.  King Henry the first of that name, after the Conquest; who after he was crowned gave the Bishopric of Winchester to William Gifford, and forthwith invested him into all the possessions belonging to the Bishopric, contrary to the Canons of the new Synod, 
p Idem ibid. ann. 1113.  King Henry also gave the archbishopric of Canterbury to Radulph Bishop of London; and gave him investiture by a Ring and a Crosiers staff.  
Also Pope 
q Idem. ibid. anno. 119.  Calixtus held a Council at Rheims, whither King Henry had appointed certain Bishops of England and Normandy to go; Thurstan, also, elected Archbishop of York, got leave of the King to go thither, giving his faith that he would not receive Consecration of the Pope; And coming to the Synod, by his liberal gifts (as the fashion is) wan the Romans favour, and by their means obtained to be Consecrate at the Pope's hand. Which as soon as the King of England knew, he forbade him to come within his Dominions.  
Moreover King Edward the first, prohibited the Abbot of 
r Ex Archivis Regni.  Waltham and Dean of Paul's, to collect a tenth of every man's goods for a supply to the holy Land, which the Pope by three Bulls had committed to their charge; and the said Dean of Paul's compering before the King and his Council, promised for the reverence he did bear unto the King, not to meddle any more in that matter, without the King's good leave and permission. Here (I hope) a Churchman disobeyed the Pope from obedience to his Prince even in Church matters: but this new jesuited Divinity was not then known in the world.  
The same Edward I. impleaded the Dean of the Chapel of Vuluerhampton, because the said Deane had, against the privileges of the Kingdom, given a Prebend of the same Chapel to one at the Pope's command: whereupon the said Deane compeered, and put himself in the Kings will for his offence.  
The said Edward I. deprived also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties, for disobeying a prohibition of the Kings. So as it appeareth, the Kings in those days thought the Church men their SUBJECTS, though now we be taught other Seraphical doctrine.  
For further proof whereof john of Ibstocke was committed to the goal by the said King, for having a suit in the Court of Rome seven years for the rectory of Newchurch.  
And Edward II. following the footsteps of his Father; after giving out a Summons against the Abbot of Walden, for citing the Abbot of S. Albon and others in the Court of Rome, gave out letters for his apprehension.  
And likewise, because a certain Prebend of Banbury had drawn one Bevercoat by a Plea to Rome without the King's Dominions, therefore were Letters of Caption sent forth against the said Prebend.  
And Edward III following likewise the example of his Predecessors; Because a Parson of Liche had summoned the Prior of S. Oswalds before the Pope at Avignon; for having before the judges in England recovered the arrearage of a pension; directed a Precept, for seizing upon all the goods both spiritual and Temporal of the said Parson, because he had done this in prejudice of the King and Crown. The said King also made one Harwoden to be declared culpable and worthy to be punished, for procuring the Pope's Bulls against a judgement that was given by the King's judges.  
And likewise; Because one entered upon the Priory of Barnewell by the Pope's Bull, the said Intrant was committed to the Tower of London, there to remain during the King's pleasure.  
So as my Predecessors (ye see) of this Kingdom, even when the Popes triumphed in their greatness, spared not to punish any of their Subjects, that would prefer the Pope's obedience to theirs even in Church matters: So far were they then from either acknowledging the Pope for their temporal Superior, or yet from doubting that their own Churchmen were not their Subjects. And now I will close up all these examples with an Act of Parliament in King Richard 2. his time; whereby it was prohibited, That none should procure a Benefice from Rome, under pain to be put out of the King's protection. And thus may ye see, that what those Kings successively one to another by four generations have acted in private, the same was also maintained by a public Law.  
By these few examples now (I hope) I have sufficiently cleared myself from the imputation, that any ambition or desire of Novelty in me should have stirred me, either to rob the Pope of any thing due unto him, or to assume unto myself any further authority, then that which other Christian Emperors and Kings through the world, and my own Predecessors of England in especial, have long agone maintained. Neither is it enough to say (as Parsons doth in his answer to the Lord Cook) That far more Kings of this Country have given many more examples of acknowledging, or not resisting the Pope's usurped Authority; some perchance lacking the occasion, and some the ability of resisting them: for even by the civil Law, in the case of violent intrusion and long and wrongful possession against me, it is enough if I prove that I have made lawful interruption upon convenient occasions.  
But the Cardinal thinks the Oath, not only unlawful for the substance thereof, but also in regard of the Person whom unto it is to be sworn: For (saith he) The King is not a Catholic; And in two or three other places of his book, he sticketh not to call me by my name very broadly, an Heretic, as I have already told. But yet before I be publicly declared an Heretic; by the Pope's own Law my people ought not to refuse their Obedience unto me. And (I trust) if I were but a Subject, and accused by the Pope in his Conclave before his Cardinals, he would have hard proving me an Heretic, if he judged me by their own ancient Orders.  
For first, I am no Apostate, as the Cardinal would make me; not only having ever been brought up in that Religion which I presently profess, but even my Father and Grandfather on that side professing the same: and so cannot be properly an Heretic by their own doctrine, since I never was of their Church. And as for the Queen my Mother of worthy memory, although she continued in that Religion wherein she was nourished, yet was she so far from being superstitious or jesuited therein, that at my Baptism (although I was baptised by a Popish Archbishop) she sent him word to forbear to use the spittle in my Baptism; which was obeyed, being indeed a filthy and an apish trick, rather in scorn then imitation of CHRIST. And her own very words were, That she would not have a pocky Priest to spit in her child's mouth. As also the Font wherein I was Christened, was sent from the late Queen here of famous memory, who was my Godmother; and what her Religion was, Pius V. was not ignorant. And for further proof, that that renowned Queen my Mother was not superstitious, as in all her Letters (whereof I received many) she never made mention of Religion, nor laboured to persuade me in it; so at her last words, she commanded her Master-houshold, a Scottish Gentleman my servant, and yet alive, she commanded him (I say) to tell me; That although she was of another Religion then that wherein I was brought up; yet she would not press me to change, except my own conscience forced me to it. For so that I led a good life, and were careful to do justice and govern well, she doubted not but I would be in a good case with the profession of my own Religion. Thus am I no Apostate, nor yet a deborder from that Religion which one part of my Parents professed, and an other part gave me good allowance of. Neither can my Baptism in the rites of their Religion make me an Apostate, or Heretic in respect of my present profession, since we all agree in the substance thereof, being all baptised In the Name of the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost: upon which head there is no variance amongst us.  
And now for the point of Heretic, I will never be ashamed to render an account of my profession, and of that hope that is in me, as the Apostle prescribeth. I am such a CATHOLIC CHRISTIAN, as believeth the three Creeds; That of the Apostles, that of the Council of Nice, and that of Athanasius; the two latter being Paraphrases to the former: And I believe them in that sense, as the ancient Fathers and Counsels that made them did understand them. To which three Creeds all the Ministers of England do subscribe at their Ordination. And I also acknowledge for Orthodox all those other forms of Creeds, that either were devised by Counsels or paticular Fathers, against such particular Heresies, as most reigned in their times.  
I reverence and admit the four first general Counsels as Catholic and Orthodox. And the said four general Counsels are acknowledged by our Acts of Parliament, and received for Orthodox by our Church.  
As for the Fathers, I reverence them as much and more than the Jesuits do, and as much as themselves ever craved. For what ever the Fathers for the first five hundredth years did with an unanime consent agree upon, to be believed as a necessary point of salvation, I either will believe it also, or at least will be humbly silent; not taking upon me to condemn the same: But for every private Father's opinion, it binds not my conscience more than Bellarmine's; every one of the Fathers usually contradicting others. I will therefore in that case follow S. 
a Lib. 2. con. Cresconium. cap. 32.  Augustine's rule in judging of their opinions, as I find them agree with the Scriptures: what I find agreeable thereunto I will gladly embrace; what is otherwise I will (with their reverence) reject.  
As for the Scriptures; no man doubteth I will believe them. But even for the Apocrypha; I hold them in the same account that the Ancients did. They are still printed and bound with our Bibles, and publicly read in our Churches. I reverence them as the writings of holy and good men: but since they are not found in the Canon, we account them to be secundae lectionis, or 
b Lib. 1. de verb. Dei. c. 4.  ordinis (which is Bellarmine's own distinction) and therefore not sufficient whereupon alone to ground any article of Faith, except it be confirmed by some other place of Canonical Scripture; Concluding this point with Ruffinus (who is no Novelist, I hope) That the Apocryphal Books were by the Fathers permitted to be read; not for Confirmation of Doctrine, but only for instruction of the people.  
As for the Saints departed; I honour their memory, and in the honour of them do we in our Church observe the days of so many of them, as the Scripture doth canonize for Saints; but I am loath to believe all the tales of the Legended Saints.  
And first for the blessed Virgin MARIE, I yield her that which the Angel Gabriel pronounced of her, and which in her Canticle she prophesied of herself: that is, That 
a Luc. 1.28.  she is blessed amongst women, and 
b Ibid. ver. 48.  That all generations shall call her blessed. I reverence her as the Mother of CHRIST, whom of our Saviour took his flesh, and so the Mother of GOD, since the Divinity and Humanity of CHRIST are inseparable. And I freely confess, that she is in glory both above Angels and men, her own Son (that is both GOD and man) only excepted. But I dare not mock her and blaspheme against GOD, calling her not only Diua but Dea, and praying her to command and control her Son, who is her GOD, and her SAVIOUR. Nor yet can I think, that she hath no other thing to do in heaven, then to hear every idle man's suit and busy herself in their errands; whiles requesting, whiles commanding her son, whiles coming down to kiss and make love with Priests, and whiles disputing and brawling with Devils. In heaven she is in eternal glory and joy, never to be interrupted with any worldly business; and there I leave her with her blessed SON our Saviour and hers in eternal felicity.  
As for Prayer to Saints; Christ (I am sure) hath commanded us to Come all to him that are loaden with sin, 
Matth 11.28.  
Colos. 28.23.  and he will relieve us: and S. Paul hath forbidden us to worship Angels, or to use any such voluntary worship, that hath a show of humility in that it spareth not the flesh. But what warrant we have to have recourse unto these Dij Penates or Tutelares, these Courtiers of God, I know not; I remit that to these philosophical neoterike Divines. It satisfieth me to pray to God through Christ as I am commanded, which I am sure must be the safest way; and I am sure the Safest way is the best way in points of salvation. But if the Romish Church hath coined new articles of faith, never heard of in the first 500 years after Christ, I hope I shall never be condemned for an Heretic, for not being a Novelist. Such are the private Masses, where the Priest playeth the part both of the Priest and of the people; And such are the Amputation of the one half of the Sacrament from the people; The Transubstantiation, Elevation for Adoration, and Circumportation in procession of the Sacrament; the works of Supererogation, rightly named Thesaurus Ecclesiae, the baptizing of Bells, and a thousand other tricks: But above all the worshipping of Images. If my faith be weak in these, I confess I had rather believe too little then too much. And yet since I believe as much as the Scriptures do warrant, the Creeds do persuade, and the ancient Counsels decreed, I may well be a Schismatic from Rome, but I am sure I am no Heretic.  
For Relics of Saints, If I had any such that I were assured were members of their bodies I would honourably bury them, and not give them the reward of condemned men's members, which are only ordained to be deprived of burial: But for worshipping either them or Images, I must account it damnable idolatry.  
I am no Iconomachus, I quarrel not the making of Images, either for public decoration, or for men's private uses: But that they should be worshipped, be prayed to, or any holiness attributed unto them, was never known of the Ancients: and the Scriptures are so directly, vehemently and punctually against it, as I wonder what brain of man, or suggestion of Satan durst offer it to Christians; and all must be salved with nice Philosophical distinctions: As, Idolum nihil est: and, They worship (forsooth) the Images of things in being, and the Image of the true God. But the Scripture forbiddeth to worship the Image of any thing that GOD created. It was not a nihil then that GOD forbade only to be worshipped, neither was the brazen Serpent, nor the body of Moses a nihil; and yet the one was destroyed, and the other hidden for eschewing of Idolatry. Yea, the Image of GOD himself is not only expressly forbidden to be worshipped, but even to be made. The reason is given, That no eye ever saw GOD; and how can we paint his face, when Moses (the man that ever was most familiar with GOD) never saw but his back parts? Surely, since he cannot be draawen to the vive, it is a thankless labour to mar it with a false representation; which no Prince, nor scarce any other man will be contented with in their own pictures. Let them therefore that maintain this Doctrine, answer it to CHRIST at the latter day, when he shall accuse them of Idolatry; And then I doubt if he will be paid with such nice sophistical Distinctions.  
But Christ's Cross must have a particular privilege (say they) and be worshipped ratione contactus. But first we must know what kind of touching of Christ's body drew a virtue from it; whether every touching, or only touching by faith? That every touching of his body drew not virtue from it, is more than manifest. When 
a Luke 8.  the woman in the bloody flux touched him, she was healed by her faith: But Peter then told him that a crowd and throng of many people than touched him; and yet none of them received any benefit or virtue from him. judas touched him many and many a time, besides his last kiss; so did the villains that buffeted and crucified him, and yet I may safely pronounce them accursed, that would bestow any worship upon their relics: yea, we cannot deny but the land of Canaan itself (whereupon our Lord did daily tread) is so visibly accursed, being governed by faithless Turks, full of innumerable sects of heretical Christians, and the very fertility thereof so far degenerated into a pitiful sterility, 
Luc. 11.28.  as he must be accursed that accounteth it blessed. Nay, when a certain woman blessed the belly that bare Christ, and the breasts that gave him suck; Nay rather (saith he) Blessed are those that hear the Word of God and keep it. Except than they could first prove that Christ had resolved to bless that tree of the Cross whereupon he was nailed; they can never prove that his touching it could give it any virtue. And put the case it had a virtue of doing miracles, as Peter's shadow had, yet doth it not follow, that it is lawful to worship it, which Peter would never accept of. Surely the Prophets that in so many places curse those that worship Images that have eyes and see not, that have ears and hear not, would much more have cursed them that worship a piece of a stick, th●t hath not so much as any resemblance or representation of eyes or ears.  
As for Pugatorie and all the 
* jubilees, In dulgences, satisfactions for the dead, etc.  trash depending thereupon, it is not worth the talking of, Bellarmine cannot find any ground for it in all the Scriptures. Only I would pray him to tell me; If that fair green Meadow that is in Purgatory, have a brook running thorough it, 
Lib. 2 de Purgat cap. 7.  that in case I come there, I may have hawking upon it. But as for me; I am sure there is a Heaven and a Hell, praemium & poena, for the Elect and reprobate: How many other rooms there be, I am not on God his counsel. 
john 14.  Multae sunt mansiones in domo Patris mei, saith CHRIST who is the true Purgatory for our sins: But how many chambers and anti-chambers the Devil hath, they can best tell that go to him: But in case there were more places for souls to go to then we know of, yet let us content us with that which in his Word he hath revealed unto us, and not inquire further into his secrets. Heaven and Hell are there revealed to be the eternal home of all mankind: let us endeavour to win the one and eschew the other; and there is an end.  
Now in all this discourse have I yet left out the main Article of the Romish faith; and that is the Head of the Church or Peter's Primacy; for who denieth this, denieth fidem Catholicam, saith Bellarmine. That Bishops ought to be in the Church, I ever maintained it, as an Apostolic institution, and so the ordinance of GOD; contrary to the Puritans, and likewise to 
a Bellar lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25.  Bellarmine; who denies that Bishops have their jurisdiction immediately from God. (But it is no wonder he takes the Puritans part, since jesuits are nothing but Puritan-Papists,) And as I ever maintained the state of Bishops and the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy for order sake; so was I ever an enemy to the confused Anarchy or parity of the Puritans, as well appeareth in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Heaven is governed by order, and all the good Angels there; nay, Hell itself could not subsist without some order; And the very Devils are divided into Legions and have their chieftains: how can any society then upon earth subsist without order and degrees? And therefore I cannot enough wonder with what brazen face this Answerer could say, 
Page 98.  That I was a Puritan in Scotland, and an enemy to Protestants: I that was persecuted by Puritans there, not from my birth only, but even since four months before my birth? I that in the year of GOD 84 erected Bishops, and depressed all their popular Parity, I then being not 18. years of age? I that in my said Book to my Son, do speak ten times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists; having in my second Edition thereof affixed a long Apologetike Preface, only in odium Puritanorum? and I that for the space of six years before my coming into England, laboured nothing so much as to depress their Parity, and re-erect Bishops again? Nay, if the daily Commentaries of my life and actions in Scotland, were written (as julius Caesar's were) there would scarcely a month pass in all my life, since my entering into the 13. year of my age, wherein some accident or other would not convince the Cardinal of a lie in this point. And surely I give a fair commendation to the Puraitnes in that place of my book, where I affirm that I have found greater honesty with the highland and border thieves, then with that sort of people. But leaving him to his own impudence, I return to my purpose.  
Of Bishops and Church Hierarchy I very well allow (as I said before) and likewise of Ranks and Degrees amongst Bishops. patriarchs (I know) were in the time of the Primitive Church, and I likewise reverence that institution for order sake: and amongst them was a contention for the first place. And for myself (if that were yet the question) I would with all my heart give my consent that the Bishop of Rome should have the first Seat: I being a Western King would go with the Patriarch of the West. And for his temporal Principality over the Signory of Rome, I do not quarrel it neither; let him in God his Name be Primus Episcopus inter omnes Episcopos, and Princeps Episcoporum; so it be no other wise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum. But as I well allow of the Hierarchy of the Church for distinction of Orders (for so I understand it) so I utterly deny that there is an earthly Monarch thereof, whose word must be a Law, and who cannot err in his Sentence, by an infallibility of Spirit. Because earthly Kingdoms must have earthly monarchs; it doth not follow, that the Church must have a visible Monarch too: for the world hath not ONE earthly temporal Monarch. CHRIST is his Church's Monarch, and the holy Ghost his Deputy: Reges gentium dominantur eorum, 
Luk. 22.25.  vos autem non sic. CHRIST did not promise before his ascension, to leave Peter with them to direct and instruct them in all things; but he promised to send the holy Ghost unto them for that end. 
john 14.26.   
And as for these two before cited places, whereby Bellarmine maketh the Pope to triumph over Kings; I mean Pasce oves, and Tibi dabo claves: the Cardinal knows well enough, 
Matth. 18.18.  that the same words of Tibi dabo, are in another place spoken by Christ in the plural number. And he likewise knows what reason the Ancients do give, why Christ bade Peter pascere oves: and also what a cloud of witnesses there is, both of Ancients, and even of late Popish writers, yea divers Cardinals, that do all agree that both these speeches used to Peter, were meant to all the Apostles represented in his person: Otherwise how could Paul direct the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person cum spiritu suo, 
1. Cor. 5.4.  whereas he should then have said, cum spiritu Petri? And how could all the Apostles have otherwise used all their censures, only in Christ's Name, and never a word of his Vicar? Peter (we read) did in all the Apostles meetings sit amongst them as one of their number: And when chosen men were sent to Anti●chia from that great Apostolic Council at jerusalem (Acts 15. 
Act. 15.22, 23. ) The text saith, It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church, to send chosen men, but no mention made of the Head thereof; and so in their Letters no mention is made of Peter, but only of the Apostles, Elders, and Brethren. And it is a wonder, why Paul rebuketh the Church of Corinth for making exception of Persons, because some followed Paul, some Apollo's, some Cephas, 
1 Cor. 1.12.  if Peter was their visible Head, for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas, renounced the Catholic faith. But it appeareth well that Paul knew little of our new doctrine, since he handleth Peter so rudely, 
Galat. 2. ●  as he not only compareth but preferreth himself unto him. But our Cardinal proves Peter's superiority, 
Gal 1.18.  by Paul's going to visit him. Indeed Paul saith, he went to jerusalem to visit Peter, and confer with him; but he should have added, and to kiss his feet.  
To conclude then, The truth is that Peter was both in age, and in the time of CHRIST'S calling him, one of the first of the Apostles; In order the principal of the first twelve, and one of the three whom CHRIST for order sake preferred to all the rest. And no further did the Bishop of Rome claim for three hundred years after CHRIST: Subject they were to the general Counsels, and even but of late did the Council of Constance depose three Popes, and set up the fourth. And until Phocas days (that murdered his master) were they subject to Emperors. But how they are now come to be Christ's Vicars, nay Gods on earth, triple-Crowned, Kings of heaven, earth and hell, judges of all the world, and none to judge them, Heads of the faith, Absolute deciders of all Controversies by the infallibility of their spirit, having all power both Spiritual and Temporal in their hands, the high Bishops, monarchs of the whole earth, Superiors to all Emperors and Kings; yea, Supreme Vice-gods, who whether they will or not cannot err: how they are now come (I say) to this top of greatness, I know not: but sure I am, We that are KINGS have greatest need to look unto it. As for me, Paul and Peter I know, but these men I know not: And yet to doubt of this, is to deny the Catholic faith; Nay, the world itself must be turned upside down, and the order of Nature inverted (making the left hand to have the place before the Right, 
Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 1. cap 17.  and the last named to be the first in honour) that this primacy may be maintained.  
Thus have I now made a free Confession of my Faith: And (I hope) I have fully cleared myself from being an Apostate; and as far from being an Heretic, as one may be that believeth the Scriptures, and the three Creeds, and acknowledgeth the four first general Counsels. If I be loath to believe too much, especially of Novelties, men of greater knowledge may well pity my weakness; but I am sure none will condemn me for an Heretic, save such as make the Pope their God; and think him such a speaking Scripture, as they can define Heresy no otherwise, but to be whatsoever Opinion is maintained against the Pope's definition of faith. And I will sincerely promise, that when ever any point of the Religion I profess, shallbe proved to be new, and not Ancient, Catholic, and Apostolic (I mean for matter of Faith) I will as soon renounce it; closing up this head with the Maxim of Vincentius Lirinensis, 
Libello adversus haereses.  that I will never refuse to embrace any opinion in Divinity necessary to salvation, which the whole Catholic Church with an unanime consent, have constantly taught and believed even from the Apostles days, for the space of many ages thereafter without interruption. But in the Cardinal's opinion, I have showed myself an Heretic (I am sure) in playing with the name of Babylon, and the Town upon seven hills; as if I would insinuate Rome at this present to be spiritually Babylon. And yet that Rome is called Babylon, 
1. Pet. 5.13.  both in S. Peter's Epistle and in the Apocalyps, our Answerer freely confesseth. As for the definition of the Antichrist, I will not urge so obscure a point, as a matter of Faith to be necessarily believed of all Christians; but what I think herein, I will simply declare.  
That there must be an ANTICHRIST, and in his time a general Defection; we all agree. But the Time, Seat, and Person of this Antichrist, are the chief Questions whereupon we differ: and for that, we must search the Scriptures for our resolution. 
2. Thes. 2.  As for my opinion; I think S. Paul in the 2. to the Thessalonians doth utter more clearly that which S. ●ohn speaketh more mystically of the Antichrist.  
First that in that place he meaneth the Antichrist, it is plain, since he saith there must be first a Defection; 
Verse 3.  and that in the Antichrists time only that eclipse of Defection must fall upon the Church, all the Romish Catholics are strong enough: otherwise their Church must be daily subject to err, which is clean contrary to their main doctrine. Then describing him (he saith) that The man of Sin, 
Verse 3, 4.  Filius perditionis, shall exalt himself above all that is called God. 
Psal. 82.6.  But who these be whom of the Psalmist saith Dixi, vos Dijestis, Bellarmine can tell. In old Divinity it was wont to be Kings: Bellarmine will add Churchmen; Let it be both. It is well enough known, who now exalteth himself above both the swords.  
And after that S. Paul hath thus described the Person, he next describeth the Seat; and telleth that He shall sit in the Temple of GOD, 
2. Thes. 2.4.  that is, the bosom of the Church; yea, in the very heart thereof. Now where this Apostolic Seat is, I leave it to be guessed: And likewise who it is that sitting there, showeth himself to be God; pardoning sins, redeeming Souls, and defining Faith, controlling and judging all men, and to be judged of none.  
Anent the Time, S. Paul is plainest of all. For he calleth the Thessalonians to memory, 
Verse 5.  That when he was with them he told them these things: and therefore they know (saith he) what the impediment was, 
Verse 6.  and who did withhold that the man of sin was not revealed, although the mystery of iniquity was already working. 
Verse 7.  That the Roman Emperors in S. Paul's time needed no revealing to the Christians to be men of Sin or sinful men, no child doubteth: but the revelation he speaketh of was a mystery, a secret; It should therefore seem that he durst not publish in his Epistle what that impediment was. It may be he meant by the translating of the Seat of the Roman Empire, and that the translation there of should leave a room for the man of Sin to sit down in. And that he meant not that man of Sin of these Ethnic Emperors in his time, his introduction to this discourse maketh it more than manifest. For he saith (fearing they should be deceived, thinking the day of the Lords second coming to be at hand) he hath therefore thought good to forewarn them that this general Defection must first come. Whereby it well appeareth that he could not mean by the present time but by a future, and that a good long time. otherwise he proved ill his argument, that the Lords coming was not at hand. Neither can the form of the Destruction of this man of Sin agree with that manner of spoil, that the Goths & Vandals made of 
* For so doth Tortus call Rome when it was spoiled by them, though it was Christian many years before.  Ethnic Rome. For our Apostle saith, 
a Verse 8.  That this wicked man shallbe consumed by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, and abolished by his coming. Now I would think that the word of God and the Preaching thereof, should be meant by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, which should piece and piece consume and diminish the power of that man of Sin, till the brightness of the Lords second coming, should utterly abolish him. And by his expressing the means of his working, he doth likewise (in my opinion) explain his meaning very much. For he saith, 
Vers. 8.9.  It shall be by a strong delusion, by lying wonders, etc. Well, what Church it is that vaunteth them of their innumerable miracles, and yet most of them contrary to their own doctrine: Bellarmine can best tell you with his hungry Mare, 
Bellar. lib. 3. de Euchar. cap. 8.  that turned her tail to her provender and kneeled to the Sacrament; And yet (I am sure) he will be ashamed to say, that the holy Sacrament is ordained to be worshipped by Oues & Boves, & caetera pecora campi.  
Thus have I proved out of S. Paul now, that the time of the Antichrists coming, and the general Defection was not to be till long after the time that he wrote in; That his Seat was to be in the Temple and Church of God; and, That his Action (which can best point at his Person) should be to exalt himself above all that were called Gods. S. john indeed doth more amply, though mystically describe this Antichrist, which under the figure of a monstrous Beast, with seven heads and ten horns, he sets forth in the xiii. chap. and then interpreteth in the xvij. where he calls her a Whore sitting upon many waters, 
Revel. 17.51.  and riding upon the said monstrous Beast; 
Vers. 3.  concluding that Chapter with calling that Woman, 
Vers. 18.  that great city which reigneth over the Kings of the earth. 
Verse 5.  And both in that Chapter, and in the beginning of the next, he calls that great City, 
Cap. 18.52.  Babylon.  
So as to continue herein my formerly proposed Method, of the Time, Seat, and Person of Antichrist; this place doth clearly and undeniably declare that Rome is, or shallbe the Seat of that Antichrist. For first, no Papist now denieth that by Babylon here Rome is directly meant; and that this Woman is the Antichrist, doth clearly appear by the time of his working (described by 42. months in the xiii. Chap. 
Vers. 5. ) which doth justly agree with that three years and a halves time, which all the Papists give to the Reign of Antichrist. Besides that, the Beast itself with seven heads and ten horns, having one of her heads wounded and healed again, is described just alike in the xiii. and xvij. chap. being in the former proved to be the Antichrist by the time of her reign; and in the latter Rome by the name of Babylon, by the confession of all the Papists: so as one point is now clear, that Rome is the Seat of the Antichrist.  
Neither will that place in the xj. Chap. serve to shift off this point, and prove the Antichrists Seat to be in jerusalem, where it is said; That the Corpses of the Witnesses shall lie in the great City, 
Chap. 11.8.  spiritually Sodom and Egypt, where our Lord also was crucified. For the word spiritually is applied both to Sodom, Egypt, and jerusalem in that place; And when he hath named Sodom and Egypt, he doth not subjoin jerusalem with a single ubi; but with an ubi &, as if he would say; and this Antichrists abomination shall be so great, as his Seat shall be as full of Spiritual whoredoms and Idolatries, as Sodom and Egypt was; nay, and so bloody in the persecution of the Saints, as our Lord shall be crucified again in his members. And who hath so meanly read the Scriptures (if he have ever read them at all) that knoweth it not to be a common phrase in them, to call CHRIST persecuted and slain, when his Saints are so used? So did CHRIST say, 
Matt. 25.40.  speaking of the latter day; and in the same style did he speak to S. Paul at his conversion. 
Acts 9.4.  And that Babylon, or Rome (since Bellarmine is contented it be so called) is that great City, where our Lord was crucified, the last verse of the xviij. Chap. doth also clearly prove it. For there it is said, 
Revel. 18.24.  That in that City was found the blood of the Prophets, & of the Saints, and of all that were slain upon the earth; and I hope CHRIST was one of them that were slain upon the earth. And besides that, it may well be said that he was slain in that great City Babylon, since by the Roman authority he was put to death, under a Roman judge, and for a Roman quarrel: for he could not be a friend to Caesar, that was not his enemy.  
This point now being cleared of the Antichrists Seat, as I have already said; we are next to find out the Time when the Antichrist shall reign, if it be not already come. In the xiii. Chap. S. john saith, that this Beast with the seven heads and ten horns, 
Cap. 13.3.  had one of his heads wounded and healed again; and interpreting that in the xvij. he saith, that these seven heads are also seven Kings, 
Cap. 17, 10.  whereof five are fallen, one is, and an other is not yet come, and when he cometh he shall continue a short space. And the beast that was and is not, is the eight, 
Verse 11.  and yet one of the seven. By which Beast he meaneth the Antichrist, who was not then come, I mean in the Apostles days, but was to come after. So as between the time of the Apostles and the end of the world, must the Time of the Antichrists coming be; and with this the Papists do also agree. Whereby it appeareth that Babylon, which is Rome, shall be the Seat of the Antichrist; but not that Ethnic Rome which was in the Apostles days (for john himself professeth that he is to write of nothing, 
Revel. 1.1. & cap. 41.  but that which is to come after his time.) Nor yet that turning Christian Rome while she was in the converting, which immediately followed the Apostles time, glorious by the Martyrdom of so many godly Bishops: But that Antichristian Rome, when as the Antichrist shall set down his seat there; after that by the working of that Mystery of iniquity, Christian Rome shall become to be corrupted; and so that deadly wound, which the Goths and Vandals gave Rome, shall be cured in that Head or King, the Antichrist, who thereafter shall arise & reign for a long space.  
But here it may be objected, that the Antichrist cannot reign a long space; since S. john saith in two or three sundry places, that the Antichrist shall work but the space of three years and a half. Surely who will but a little acquaint himself with the phrases and Style of S. john in his Apocalyps, 
cap. 7.  shall find that he doth ordinarily set down numerum certum pro incerto. 
cap. 9.16.18.  So doth he in his twelve thousand of every tribe that will be safe; so doth he in his Army of two hundred thousand, that were sent to kill the third part of the men, and so doth he in divers other places. And therefore who will but remember that in all his Visions in the said Book, he directly imitates the fashions of the Prophet Ezekiels', daniel's, and Zacharies' Visions (borrowing their phrases that prophesied before CHRIST, to utter his Prophecies in, that was to speak of the last days) shall find it very probable that in these three days and a half he imitated daniel's Weeks, accounting for his Week the time between CHRIST'S first and second coming, and making Antichrist to triumph the half of that time or spiritual Week. For as to that literal interpretation (as all the Papists make it) of three years and a half, and that time to fall out directly the very last days, save five and forty, before CHRIST his second coming, it is directly repugnant to the whole New Testament. For CHRIST saith, That in the latter days men shall be feasting, marrying, & at all such worldly finesse, when the last hour shall come in a clap upon them; One shall be at the Mill. 
Matth. 24.41.  One upon the top of the house, and so forth. 
Matth. 25.  CHRIST telleth a Parable of the five foolish Virgins to show the unlooked-for coming of this hour; Nay, he saith the Son of man, nor the Angels in heaven know not this time. S. Peter biddeth us WATCH AND PRAY, ever awaiting upon that hour. And S. john in this same Apocalyps doth 
a Revel. 3.3. and 16.15.  twice tell us, that CHRIST will come as a thief in the night; And so doth CHRIST say in the 
b Matth. 24.44  evangel Whereas if the Antichrist shall reign three years and a half before the latter day, and that there shall be but just 45. days of time after his destruction; then shall not the just day and hour of the latter day, be unknown to them that shall be alive in the world at the time of antichrist's destruction. For first according to the Papists doctrine, all the world shall know him to be the antichrist, both by the two Witnesses doctrine, and his sudden destruction; And consequently they cannot be ignorant, that the latter day shall come just 45. days after: and so CHRIST shall not come as a thief, nor the world be taken at unawares; contrary to all the Scriptures before alleged, and many more. And thus have we proved Rome to be the Seat of the Antichrist, and the second half of that spiritual Week between the first and second coming of CHRIST, to be the time of his Reign. For in the first half thereof the mystery of iniquity began to work; but the man of sin was not yet revealed.  
But who these witnesses should be is a great question. The general conceit of the Papists is, that it must be Enoch and Elias: And herein is Bellarmine so strong, as he thinketh him in a great error (if not an Heretic) that doubteth of it. But the vanity of this jewish fable I will in few words discover.  
The Cardinal, 
Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 6.  in his book of Controversies bringeth sowerplaces of Scripture for probation of this idle dream: two in the Old Testament, Malachi and Ecclesiasticus, and two in the New, CHRIST in Matthew (he might have added Mark too) and john in the xi. of the Apocalyps. First, for the general of all those places, I dare boldly affirm, That there is not a word in them, nor in all the rest of the Scriptures that saith, that either Enoch or Elias shall return to fight against Antichrist, and shall be slain by him, nor any such like matter. Next as to every place in particular, to begin with Malachi, I know not who can better interpret him then CHRIST, who twice in Matthew, chap. xi. and xvij. and once in Mark tells both the multitude, 
Mat. 11.14. and 17.12. Mar. 9.13.  and his own Disciples, that john Baptist was that promised Elias. And herein doth Bellarmine deal most unfaithfully with CHRIST: for his demonstration that Antichrist is not yet come, because E●och and Elias are not yet returned; he, for his probation thereof, citeth these words of Christ in the xvij of Matthew, Elias shall indeed come and restore all things; but omits his very next word's interpreting the same, That he is already come in the person of john Baptist. Nay, whereby he taketh upon him to answer bibliander's objection, that CHRIST did by john the Baptist, understand the prophecy of Elias coming to be accomplished, he picketh out the words, Qui habet aures, audiat, in the xi. of Matthew, immediately following that purpose of Elias, making of them a great mystery: and never taketh knowledge, that in the xvij. by himself before alleged, CHRIST doth interpret Malachy in the same manner without any subjoining of these words, Qui habet aures, audiat; adjoining shamelessly hereunto a fowl Paraphrase of his own, telling us what CHRIST would have said; nay, in my conscience, he meant what CHRIST should and ought to have said, if he had been a good Catholic, setting down there a gloss of Orleans that destroys the Text. Thus ye see, how shamefully he abuseth CHRIST'S words, who in three sundry places (as I have said) interpreteth the second coming of Elias to be meant by john the Baptist. He likewise cavils most dishonestly upon that word Venturus. For CHRIST useth that word but in the repeating their opinion: but interpreting it, that he was already come in the person of john Baptist. 
Matt. 17.11.  As if he had said, The prophesy is indeed true that Elias shall come; but I say unto you that Elias iam venit, meaning of john Baptist: and so he first repeats the words of the prophesy in the future time, as the Prophet spoke them and next showeth them to be now accomplished in the Person of john, in the present time. 
Malac. 4.5. Matth 27.  Neither can these words of Malachi [Dies magnus & horribilis] falsify CHRIST'S Commentary upon him. For if that day whereupon the Saviour of the world suffered, when the 
a This obscuring of the Sun was so extraordinary and fearful, that Dionysius, only led by the light of nature and human learning, cried out at the sight thereof, Aut Deuspatitur, aut vices patientis dolet.  Sun was totally obscured from the sixth hour to the ninth; the vail of the Temple rend asunder from the top to the bottom; and the earth did quake, the stones were cloven, the graves did open themselves and the dead arose· If that day (I say) was not a great and horrible day, I know not what to call a horrible day. Which day no doubt had destroyed the whole nation of the jews without exception by a just anathema, 
Mala. 4.6.  if the said john the fore runner had not first converted many, by the doctrine of Repentance and by Baptism. But why should I presume any more to interpret Malachy, since it is sufficient that CHRIST himself hath interpreted him so? And since Ipse dixit; nay, ter dixit, per quem facta sunt omnia, what mortal man dare interpret him otherwise; nay, directly contrary?  

Eccle. 48 9  Now for that place of Ecclesiasticus; as the son of Syrach only borroweth it from Malachi (as appeareth by these words of his, 
Mala. 4.6.  of converting the sons hearts to their Fathers, which are Malachies' own words) so doth CHRIST'S Commentary serve as well to interpret the one as the other: it being no shame for that mortal jesus to be commented and interpreted by the immortal and true JESUS, though to the shame and confusion of the jesuits heresies herein.  
But Enoch must be joined to Elias in this errand, only to bear up the couples, as I think. For no place of Scripture speaketh of his returning again, only it is said in Ecclesiasticus the xliiij, that Enoch pleased GOD, and was translated to Paradise, 
Eccles. 44 16  ut daret Gentibus sapientiam, or poenitentiam; since they will have it so. And what is this to say? marry that Enoch shall return again to this world, and fight against the Antichrist. A pretty large Comment indeed, but no right Commentary upon that Text. When Bellarmine was talking of Elias; he insisted, That Elias must come to convert the jews principally, restituere tribus jacob. But when he speaketh here of Enoch, he must dare Gentibus poenitentiam, and not a word of jews. Belike they shall come for sundry errands, and not both for one: Or like Paul and Peter, the one shall be Apostle for the jews, and the other for the Gentiles. What need such wild racked Commentaries for such three words? Will not the sense stand well and clearly enough, that Enoch pleased GOD and was translated to Paradise; that by the example of his reward, the Nations might repent and imitate his holy footsteps? For what could more mightily persuade the Nations to repent; then by letting them see that holy Man carried quick up to Heaven, for reward of his uprightness; whereas all the rest of the people died and went to corruption? And where Scripture faileth, the Cardinal must help himself with the Fathers, to prove both that Enoch and Elias are yet alive, and that they shall hereafter die; but with the like felicity, as in his alleging of Scriptures; to use his own words of me in his 
a P. 27.  pamphlet. For which purpose he citeth five Fathers; Irenaeus, Tertullian, Epiphanius, Hierome and Agustine. Upon this they all agree in deed, that Enoch and Elias are still alive both, which no Christian (I hope) will deny. For Abraham, Isaac, and jacob are all still alive, 
Mat. 22 32.  as Christ telleth us; for God is Deus viventium, non mortuorum. Much more than are Enoch and Elias alive, who never tasted of death after the manner of other men. But as to the next point, that they should die hereafter, his first two witnesses, Irenaeus and Tertullian say the direct contrary. 
Lib. 5.  For Irenaeus saith, that they shall remain in Paradise till the consummation, conspicantes in corruptionem. Now to remain there till the consummation, and to see incorruption, is directly contrary to their returning to the world again and suffering of death. 
Lib. cont. jadaeos. cap. 2.  Tertullian likewise agreeing hereunto saith most clearly, That Enoch hath never tasted of death, ut aeternitatis candidatus: now he is ill privileged with eternity, if he must die again; As for his places cited out of the other three Fathers, they all confirm that first point, That they are still alive: but that they must die again, they make no mention.  
But here speaking of the Ancient Fathers, let me take this occasion to forewarn you concerning them: That though they mistake and understand not rightly many mysteries in the Apocalyps, it is no wonder. For the book thereof, was still sealed in their days. And though the Mystery of iniquity was already working, 
2. Thes. 2.  yet was not the man of Sin yet revealed. And it is a certain rule in all dark prophecies; That they are never clearly understood, till they be accomplished.  
And thus having answered his two places, in the Old Testament, by his third in the New Testament, containing Christ's own words: which being, luce clariora, I need speak no more of them. I am now to speak of the fourth place of Scripture, which is in the xj. of the Apocalyps. For the two witnesses (forsooth) there mentioned, must be Enoch and Elias. 
Revelat. 11.  But how this can stand with any point of Divinity or likelihood of Reason that these two glorified Bodies shall come down out of heaven or Paradise (make it what you will) preach, and fight against the Antichrist, be slain by him after many thousand years exemption from the natural course of death, rise again the third day in imitation of Christ; & then (having wrought many wonders) to go up again to Heaven; making an ordinary Post betwixt Heaven and Earth: how this (I say) can agree either with Divinity or good Reason, I confess it passeth my capacity. And especially that they must be clad in Sackcloth, whose bodies (I hope) have been so long agone so free from sin, as I think they should need no more such maceration for sin. For they must be now either in Heaven or Paradise. If in Heaven (as doubtless they are) their bodies must be glorified: for no corruptible thing can enter there; 
Revel. 21.27.  and consequently they can no more be subject to the sensible things of this world, especially to death. But if they be in earthly Paradise, we must first know where it is.  

Lib de Gra. ●rimi homini:  Bellarmine indeed in his Controversies is much troubled to find out the place where Paradise is, and whether it be in the earth, or in the air. But these are all vanities. The Scriptures tell us, 
Gene. 2.  that Paradise and the garden of Eden therein, was a certain place upon the earth, which God chose out to set Adam into, and having thereafter for his sin banished him from the same, it is a blasphemy to think that any of Adam's posterity came ever there again. For in Adam were all his posterity accursed, and banished from the earthly Paradise: like as all the earth in general, and Paradise in special were accursed in him; the second Adam having by grace, called a certain number of them to be Coheritors with him of the heavenly Paradise and jerusalem. And doubtlessly, the earthly Paradise was defaced at the Flood, if not before: and so lost all that exquisite fertility and pleasantness, wherein it once surpassed all the rest of the earth. And that it should be lifted up in the air, is like one of the dreams of the Alcoran. Surely no such miracle is mentioned in the Scriptures, and hath no ground but from the curious fancies of some boiling brains, who cannot be content, 
Rom. 12.3.  Sapere ad sobrietatem.  
In heaven then for certain are Enoch and Elias: 
Gene. 5.24.  for Enoch (saith the text) walked with GOD and was taken up, 
2. King. 2.11, 10.  and Elias was seen carried up to heaven in a fiery chariot. And that they who have been the Indwellers of Heaven these many thousand years, and are freed from the Laws of mortality; that these glorious and incorruptible bodies (I say) shall come into the world again, preach and work miracles, and fight against the Antichrist be slain by him, whom natural death could not before take hold of: as it is a fabulous invention, so is it quite contrary to the nature of such sanctified creatures. Especially I wonder, why Enoch should be thought to be one of these two witnesses for CHRIST. For it was Moses and Elias that were with Christ at the transfiguration, signifying the Law and the Prophets: which would be the fittest witnesses for convincing of Antichrist. But why they have exempted Moses, and put enoch's head in the yoke, I cannot conceive. But I have too much laboured in the refuting of this foolish, and indeed childish fable, which I am so far from believing in any sort, as I protest in GOD'S presence, I cannot hold any learned Divine (in our age now) to be a Christian, that will believe it; but worthy to be ranked with the Scribes & pharisees, that raved and dreamt upon the coming again of Elias, though CHRIST told them the contrary. As for some of the Ancients that mistook this matter, I do not censure them so hardly; for the reason that I have already alleged concerning them.  
And having now refuted that idle fable; that those two Witnesses were Enoch and Elias: it falleth me next to guess, what in my opinion should be meant by them. I confess, it is far easier to refu●e such a groundless fable as this is, contrary to all grounds of Divinity and Reason, then to set down a true interpretation of so high and dark a mystery. And therefore as I will not presume to bind any other man to my opinion herein, if his own reason leads him not thereunto, so shall I propone such probable conjectures, as (I hope) shall be free from Heresy, or unlawful curiosity.  
In two divers fashions may the mystery of these Witnesses be lawfully and probably interpreted, in my opinion. Whereof the one is, that by these two Witnesses should be meant the Old and New Testaments. For as the Antichrist cannot choose but be an adversary to the word of GOD, above all things; so will he omit no endeavour to disgrace, corrupt, suppress and destroy the same. And now whether this Book of the two Testaments, or two Witnesses of Christ, have suffered any violence by the Babylonian Monarchy or not, I need say nothing; Res ipsa loquitur. I will not weary you with recounting those Common Places used for disgracing it: as calling it a Nose of wax, a dead Letter, a leaden Rule, and a hundred such like Phrases of reproach. But how far the Traditions of men, and Authority of the Church are preferred to these witnesses, doth sufficiently appear in the Babylonian doctrine. And if there were no more but that little book with that pretty Inscription, Del' Insuffisance del' Escriture Saint, 
Cardinal Peron.  it is enough to prove it. And as to the corrupting thereof; 
Luke 15.8.  the corruptions of the old Latin translation must not be corrected, though it bid evertere domum in stead of everrere, for seeking of a penny; 
john 21.22, 23.  And though it say of john, Sic eum volo manner donec veniam, in place of Si, though it be known a plain lie, and that the very next words of the Text disprove the same. Nay, so far must we be from correcting it, as that the vulgar Translation must be preferred by Catholics, to the Bible in the own Original tongue. And is it a small corrupting of Scriptures to make all, or the most part of the Apocrypha of equal faith with the Canonical Scriptures, contrary to the Father's opinions and Decrees of ancient Counsels? And what blasphemous corrupting of Scripture is it, to turn Dominus into Domina throughout the whole Psalms? 
Made by Bonaventura Doctor Seraphicus.  And thus our Lady's Psalter was lately reprinted in Paris. Is not this to confound CHRIST'S person with hers? And as for suppressing of the Scriptures how many hundredth years were the people kept in such blindness, as these witnesses were almost unknown? for the Layicks durst not, being forbidden, and the most part of the Clergy, either would or could not meddle with them.  
Thus were these two witnesses of Christ (whom of himself saith, 
john 5.39.  Scrutamini Scripturas, illae enim testimonium perhibent de me) These 
a reve. 11.4.  two Olives bringing peace to all the believers, even peace of Conscience: These 
b Ibid.  two Candlesticks standing in the sight of GOD, and giving light to the Nations; represented by Candlesticks even in the very Order of the Roman Mass: 
See Expositio M●ssae, annexed to Ordo Romanus, set forth by G. Cassander.  Thus were these two Witnesses (I say) disgraced, corrupted and suppressed (nay, so suppressed and silenced, as he was brent for an Heretic that durst presume to look upon them) kept close in a strange tongue that they might not be understood, Legends and lying wonders supplying their place in the Pulpits. 
Verse 8.  And so did their Bodies lie in the Streets of the great City, spiritually Sodom, for spiritual fornication which is idolatry; spiritually Egypt, 
Colos. 2.20.  for bringing the Saints of God in bondage of human Traditions [Quare oneramini ritibus? 
Verse 8.  ] So did their bodies (I say) lie 3. days and a half; that is, the half of that spiritual Week between Christ his first and second coming; and as dead carcases indeed did the Scriptures than lie without a monument, being laid open to all contempt, cared for almost by none, understood by as few; nay, no man durst call for them for fear of punishment, as I have already said. And thus lying dead, as it were, without life or vigour (as the Law of God did till it was revived in josias time) 
2 Chro 34.14.  The Inhabitants of the earth, that is, worldly men, 
Verse 10.  rejoiced and sent gifts to other, for joy that their fleshly liberty was now no more awed, nor kerbed by that two edged sword: for they were now sure, that to do what they would, their purse would procure them pardons from Babylon. Omnia vaenalia Romae; so as men needed no more to look up to heaven, but down in their purses to find Pardons. Nay, what needed any more suing to heaven, or taking it by violence and fervency of zeal; when the Pardons came and offered themselves at every man's doors? And divers spiritual men vaunted themselves, that they neither understood Old Testament nor new.  
Thus were these two Witnesses used in the second half of this spiritual Week; who in the first half thereof were clad in sackcloth; 
Verse 3.  that is, preached repentance to all Nations, for the space of five or six hundredth years after Christ: GOD making his Word or Witness so triumph, 
Revel. 6.2.  riding upon the white Horse in the time of the Primitive Church, as that they overcame all that opposed themselves unto it, beating down every high thing, 
2. Cor. 10.4.  as Paul saith; excluding from heaven all that believe not therein: as strongly with the spiritual fire thereof, convincing the stiff-necked pride of unbelievers, as ever Moses or Elias did, by the plagues of Egypt and famine, convince the rebellious Egyptians and stiffnecked Israelites.  
Neither shall it be enough to disgrace, corrupt and suppress them; 
Revel. 11.7.  but KILLED must they be at the last. To which purpose cometh forth 
a Printed at Venice Anno 1562.  Censura generalis, ut mucrone censorio iugulare eas possit; and cutteth their throats indeed. For the Author ordaineth all Translations, but their own, to be burnt, which is yet commonly practised: nay he professeth, he cometh not to correct but to destroy them, controlling and calling every place of Scripture Heretical, that disagreeth front their Traditions (with almost as many foul words and railing epithets, as the Cardinal bestoweth on my Apology) not ruling, nor interpreting Scripture by scripture, but making their Traditions to be such a touchstone for it, as he condemneth of Heresy not only those places of Scripture that he citeth, but layeth the same general condemnation upon all other the like places wheresoever they be writin the Scriptures. And yet (praised be GOD) we begin now with our eyes, as our predecessors have done in some ages before, to see these Witnesses rise again, and shine in their former glory: GOD, as it were, 
Verse 11.  setting them up again upon their feet, 
12.  and raising them to the heavens in a triumphal cloud of glory, like Elias his fiery chariot. Which exalting of the Gospel again, 
13.  hath bred such an earthquake and alteration amongst many Nations; as a tenth part, or a good portion of these that were in subjection to that great City, to wit, Babylon, are fallen from her; seven thousand, that is, many thousands having been killed upon the occasion of that great alteration; and many others converted to the fear of GOD, and giving glory to the GOD of heaven. This now is one of the ways, by which (I think) this place of Scripture may be lawfully and probably interpreted.  
The other is more common, and seemeth more literally to agree with the Text. And this is to interpret, not the word of GOD, but the Preachers thereof to be meant by these Witnesses. Few they were that first began to reveal the man of Sin, and discover his corruptions; and therefore well described by the number of two Witnesses: 
Deut. 19.15.  Name in ore duorum aut trium testium stabit omne verbum. And in no greater number were they that begun this work, than the greatness of the errand did necessarily require, 
Revel. 11.3.  They prophesied in sackcloth, for they preached Repentance. That divers of them were put to cruel deaths, is notorious to the world And likewise that (in the persons of their Successors in doctrine) 
a Sauguis Martyrum est semen Eccles.  they rose again; and that in such power and efficacy, as is more than miraculous. 
Verse 11.  For where it is accounted in the Scriptures a miraculous work of GOD wrought by his holy Spirit, 
Acts 2.41.  when the Apostle S. Peter converted about three thousand in one day; these Witnesses I speak of, by the force of the same Spirit, converted many mighty Nations in few years: who still continue praising GOD, that he hath delivered us from the tyranny of Antichrist that reigneth over that great City; and with a full cry proclaiming, Go out of her my people, 
Revel. 18.4.  lest ye be partaker of her sins and of her plagues. Let therefore these miraclemongers that surfeit the world, and raise the prize of paper daily, with setting forth old, though new gilded Miracles and Legends of lies; 〈◊〉 such (I say) consider of this great and wonderful miracle indeed, and to their shame compare it with their paltry wares. Thus having in two fashions delivered my conjecture, what I take to be meant by these two Witnesses in the xj of the Apocalyps, there being no great difference between them: In the one, taking it to be the word of God itself; In the other, the word of God too, but in the mouths of his Preachers: It resteth now that I come to the third point of the description of Antichrist, which is anent his Person.  
That by the Whore of Babylon that rideth upon the Beast, is meant a Seat of an Empire, and a successive number of men sitting thereupon, and not any one man; doth well appear by the form of the description of the Antichrist throughout all the said Book. For in the last verse of the xvij. 
Cap. 17.  Chapter the Woman is expounded to be, That great City that reigneth over the Kings of the earth; 
Verse 18.  which cannot signify the only person of one man, but a successive number of men (as I have already said) whose seat that great City must be: like as in the same Chapter, 
Verse 9  The seven heads of the Beast are two ways expounded. First, they are called seven Hills, which is plain; And next they are called seven Kings, which cannot be meant by the Kings that shall give their power to the Beast, 
Verse 13.  and be subject unto her, which is immediately after expressed by the ten horns: 
Verse 12.  But rather appeareth to be those seven forms of government of that Seat: five of which had already been and fallen; As Kings, Consuls, Dictator's, Decemuiri, and Tribuni militum. The sixth was in the time of S. john his writing of this book, which was the Government of the Emperors. The seventh which was not yet come, and was to last but for a short space, was the 
a From the time of Constantine the great his removing of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople, t● the time of Boniface the third, to w●t, ●bout 276. years  Ecclesiastical Government by Bishops, which was to come upon the translation of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople; though their government was in a manner substitute to the Emperors. For though that form of Government lasted about the space of 276. years; yet was it but short in comparison of the long time of the reign of the Antichrist (not yet expired) which succeeded immediately thereunto. And the eighth, which is the Beast that was and is not, and is to go to perdition, 
Verse 11.  is the Antichrist: the eighth form of Government indeed by his absoluteness, and yet the seventh, because he seemeth but to succeed to the Bishops in an Ecclesiastical form of government, though by his greatness he shall make Babylon's Empire in glory, like to that Magnificence wherein that great City triumphed, when it most flourished: which in S. john's time was much decayed, by the factions of the great men, the mutinies of the armies, and the unworthiness of the Emperors. And so that flourishing state of that great City or Beast, which it was in before S. john's time, and Being much 
a Not in respect of the extent, and limits of the Empire: but in regard of the government thereof, and glory of the city. Revel. xviij. Verse 9 and 11. Verse 10.16.19.  decayed was but in a manner in his time, should be restored unto it again by Antichrist: who as he ascendteh out of the bottomless pit, so must he go to Destruction. And likewise by that great lamentation that is made for the destruction of Babylon in the xvij. Chapter, both by the Kings and by the Merchants of the earth; where it is thrice repeated for aggravating the pity of her desolation, that That great City fell in an hour: By that great lamentation (I say) it well appeareth, That the reign of Antichrist must continue longer than three years and a half, or any one man's time. For the Kings that had committed fornification with her, 
Verse 9  & in delicijs vixerant; behoved to have had a longer time for contracting of that great acquaintance: 
Verse 12.  And the Merchants of the earth set her forth and describe her at great length, as the very staple of all their riches; which could not be so soon gathered as in one man's time. And to conclude now this description of the Antichrist; I will set down unto you all that is spoken of him in the Apocalyps in a short method, for the further explaining of these three points that I have already handled.  
The Antichrist is four times (in my opinion) described by john in the Apocalyps, in four sundry visions; and a short Compendium of him repeated again in the xx. Chapter. 
1. Description of Antichrist  He is first described by a pale Horse in the vision of the Seals in the sixth Chapter. 
Revel. cap. uj  
Verse 2.  For after that CHRIST had triumphed upon a white Horse in the first Seal, by the propagation of the Gospel; 
Verse 4.  and that the red Horse in the second Seal, is as busy in persecution, as CHRIST is in overcoming by the constancy of his Martyrs; and that famine and other plagues signified by the black Horse in the third Seal, 
Verse 5.  have succeeded to these former persecutions: 
Verse 8.  Then cometh forth the Antichrist upon a pale Horse in the fourth Seal, having Death for his rider, and Hell for his convoy; which rider fitted well his colour of paleness: and he had power given 
a Or them, after other Translations, whereby is jointly understood the said pale horse, together with his rider and convoy, Death and Hell.  him over the fourth part of the earth (which is Europe) to kill with the sword and use great persecution; as Ethnic Rome did, figured by the red Horse: and to kill with spiritual hunger or famine of the true word of GOD; as the black Horse did by corporal famine and with death, whereby spiritual death is meant. For the Antichrist, signified by this pale Horse, shall afflict the Church both by persecution and temporal death; as also by alluring the Nations to idolatry, and so to spiritual death: and by the beasts of the earth shall he procure their spiritual death; for he shall send out the Locusts (over whom he is King) mentioned in the ninth Chapter of this book; and the three Frogs, mentioned in the xuj. of the same; for enticing of all Kings and Nations to drink of the cup of her abominations. That that description now of Antichrist endeth there, 
Verse 9  it is more than plain: for at the opening of the first Seal, 
Verse 10.  the souls and blood of the murdered Saints cry for vengeance and hasting of judgement; 
Verse 12.  which in the sixth Seal is granted unto them by CHRIST'S coming at the latter day; signified by heavens departing away, like a scrol when it is rolled: with a number of other sentences to the same purpose.  

The second description.  But because this might seem a short and obscure description of the Antichrist; he describeth him much more largely & specifikely, especially in the vision of the Trumpets in the ninth Chapter. 
Verse 1.  For there he saith, at the blowing of the fifth Trumpet, Heresies being first spread abroad in three of the four former blasts; to wit, in the first, third, and fourth blast (for I take temporal perecution to be only signified by the second blast) he then saw a star fall from Heaven, 
Verse 2.  to whom was given the key of the bottomless pit; which being opened by him, 
Verse 3.  with the smoke thereof came forth a number of Locusts, whom he largely describeth, both by their craft and their strength; and then telleth the name of this their King, who brought them out of the bottomless pit, which is, Destroyer: By this Star fallen from heaven, being signified, as I take it, 
Verse 11.  some Person of great dignity in the Church, whose duty being to give light to the world (as CHRIST saith) doth contrary thereunto fall away like Lucifer, and set up a Kingdom, 
Matth. 5.14.  by the sending forth of that noisome pack of crafty cruel vermin, described by Locusts: and so is the Seat of the Antichrist begun to be erected, whose doctrine is at length declared in the second woe, after the blast of the sixth Trumpet; where it is said, 
Verse. 13.  
Verse 20.  That the remnant of men which were not killed by the plagues, repented not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship Devils, and idols of gold, and of silver, and of brass, and of stone, and of wood, which neither can see, hear, nor go. (As for worshipping of Devils; 
Lib. de Cultu Adoration. lib. 3. disp. 1. cap. 5.  look your great jesuited Doctor, Vasques: and as for all the rest, it is the main doctrine of the Roman Church.) And then it is subjoined in this text, that they repented not of their murder, 
Verse 21.  their sorcery, their fornications, nor their theft.  
By their murder, their persecution is meant, and bloody massacres. For their Sorcery consider of their Agnus Dei, that will sloken fire; of the hallowed shirts, and divers sorts of Relics; and also of Prayers that will preserve men from the violence of shot, of fire, of sword, of thunder, and such like dangers; And judge, if this be not very like to Sorcery and incantation of charms.  
By their Fornication is meant both their spiritual fornication of Idolatry, and also their corporal fornication; which doth the more abound amongst them, as well by reason of the restraint of their Churchmen from marriage, as also because of the many Orders of idle Monastike lives amongst them, as well for men as women: And continual experience proveth, that idleness is ever the greatest spur to lechery. And they are guilty of Theft, in stealing from GOD the titles and greatness of power due to him, and bestowing it upon their head, the Antichrist: As also by heaping up their treasure with their juggling wares and merchandise of the souls of men, by jubiles, Pardons, Relics and such like strong delusions.  
That he endeth this description of Antichrist in the same ninth Chapter may likewise well appear, 
Cap. 10. ver. 6  by the Oath that that Mighty Angel sweareth in the sixth verse of the tenth Chapter: And after the blast of the sixth Trumpet, that time shall be no more, 
Verse 7.  and that when the seventh Angel shall blow his Trumpet, the mystery of GOD shallbe finished, as he had declared it to his servants the Prophets. 
Cap. xj.  Only in the eleventh Chapter he describeth the means whereby the Antichrist was overcome, whose reign he had before described in the ix. Chapter; and telleth us that the two witnesses, 
Verse 3.  after that they have been persecuted by the Antichrist shall in the end procure his destruction. And in case any should think, that the Antichrist is only spoken of in the xj. Chapter, and that the Beast spoken of in the xiii. and xvij. Chapters doth only signify Ethnic Room; there needeth no other refutation of that conceit, then to remember them, that the Antichrist is never named in all that xi. Chapter, 
Cap. xj.  but where he is called in the seventh verse thereof the Beast that cometh forth of the bottomless pit: 
Verse 7.  which by the description of the place he cometh out of proveth it to be the same Beast which hath the same original in the xvij. Chapter, and in the very same words▪ so as it is ever but the same Antichrist repeated, and diversly described in divers visions.  

The third description.  Now in the xii. and xiii. Chapters and so forth till the xvij. he maketh a more large and ample prophetical description of the state of the Church, and reign of the Antichrist. For in the xii. 
Cap. xii. Verse 6.  Chap. he figureth the Church by a Woman flying from the Dragon (the Devil) to the wilderness; And when the Dragon seeth he cannot otherwise overreach her, 
Verse 15.  he speweth forth waters like floods to carry her away; which signifieth many Nations, that were let loose to persecute and vex the Church. And in the xiii. Chapter, 
Cap. xiii.  out of that Sea of Nations that persecuted her ariseth that great City (Queen of all the Nations, and head of that persecution) figured by a Beast with seven heads and ten horns, 
Verse 1.  like a Leopard; 
Verse 2.  as well for the colour because it was full of spots, that is, defiled with corruptions; as also using a bastard form of government, in show spiritual, but in deed temporal over the Kings of the earth; like the Leopard that is a bastard beast betwixt a Lion and a Pard: having ●eete like a Bear, to signify his great strength; and the mouth of a Lion, to show his ravenous and cruel disposition.  
This Beast who had his power from the Dragon, and had gotten a deadly wound in 
Verse 3.  one of his heads, or forms of government (by the Goths and Vandals) and yet was healed again; opened his mouth to blasphemies, 
Verse 6.  and made war against the Saints: nay, 
Verse 7.  all the world must worship him; which worship Ethnic Rome never craved of any, being contented to call their neighbour Kings Amici & socij populi Romani. And whether worship or adoration, even with that same title, he used to Popes at their creation, our Cardinal can best tell you.  
But than cometh another beast up out of the earth, 
Verse 11.  having indeed a more firm & settled original: for she doth visibly and outwardly succeed to the true Church, and therefore she hath two horns like the Lamb, in outward show representing the spouse of CHRIST, and pretending CHRIST to be her defence: But she speaketh like the Dragon, teaching damnable and devilish doctrine. And this Apostatike (I should say Apostolic) Church, after that she hath made her great power manifest to the world, 
Verse 12.  by doing all that the first Beast could do, In conspectu eius; that is, by showing the greatness of her power, to be nothing inferior to the greatness of the former Ethnic Empire: she than is moved with so great a desire to advance this Beast, now become Antichrist, as she causeth the earth and all that dwell therein, to worship this former Beast or Roman Monarch; transferring so, as it were, her own power in his person. Yea, even Emperors and Kings shall be fain to kiss his feet. And for this purpose shall she work great Miracles, wherein she greatly prides herself, deceiving men with lying wonders and efficacy of lies, 
2. Thes. 2.9  as S. Paul saith. And amongst the rest of her wonders, 
Verse 13.  she must bring Fire out of heaven, Fulmen excommunicationis, which can dethrone Princes. 
Verse 15.  So that all that will not worship the image of the Beast, that is, his unlimited Supremacy, must be killed and burnt as Heretics. Yea, so peremptory will this Beast or false Prophet be (so called in the xuj. Chapter of this book) for the advancement of the other Beast, or Antichrist; 
Verse 17  as all sorts and ranks of people must receive the mark or name of that Beast in their right hand, or in their forehead; without the which it should be lawful to none to buy, or sell: 
Verse 16.  By the Mark in the forehead, signifying their outward profession and acknowledgement of their subjection unto her; And by the Mark in their right hand, signifying their actual implicit obedience unto her, who they think cannot err, though she should command them to rebel against their natural Princes; like that Coeca obediencia whereunto all the jesuits are sworn: and like those Romish priests in this Country, that have renounced and forsworn again that Oath of Allegiance; grounded upon their natural oath; which thought at their taking it, they confessed they did it out of conscience, and as obliged thereunto by their natural duty; yet now must they forswear it again, for obedience to the Pope's command; to whose will their conscience and reason must be blindly captivated. And who ever denied this absolute power, might neither buy nor sell; for no man was bound to keep any faith, or observe any civil contracts with Heretics: yea, to equivocate and commit perjury towards them, is a lawful thing in a Catholic.  
Now as to the Mystery anent the Number of his name, whether it shallbe understood by the number composed of the Letters in that Greek word ΛΑΤΕΙΝΟΣ, 
Verse 15.  which word well suits with the Romish Church, 
Irenaeus adversus Haeres. lib. 5.  Romish Faith, and Latin Service. Or whether, in respect that in the Text, it is called the number of the man, ye will take it for the number or date of the year of GOD, wherein that first Man lived, that first took the title of the Antichrist upon him, I leave it to the Readers choice. By that first Man, I mean Bonifacius tertius, who first called himself Universal Bishop, which S. Gregory that lived till within three years of his time, 
a Epistol. lib. 6. cap. 30.  foretold would be the style of the Antichrist, or his Praecursor: for though he died threescore years before the 666. of CHRIST, yet was that Title but fully settled upon his Successors, sixty years after his time. Or if ye list to count it from Pompey his spoiling of the Temple, to this same Man's time; it will go very near to make just up the said number 666.  
Now the reign of the Antichrist being thus prophetically described in the xiii. Chapter; 
Cap. xiv. Verse 3.  his fall is prophesied in the xiv. First by the joyful and triumphal New song of the Saints in heaven: And next by the proclamation of three Angels; 
Verse 6.  whereof the first having an everlasting Gospel in his hand to preach to all Nations (the true armour indeed wherewith the Witnesses fought against the Antichrist;) This first Angel, I say, 
Verse 7.  proclaimed Fear and glory to GOD, since the hour of his judgement was come. 
Verse 8.  And the second proclaimed the fall of Babylon, 
Verse 9  which is the destruction of the Antichrist. And the third prohibited under great pains, even the pain of eternal damnation, that none should worship the Beast, or receive his Mark. But though that in the rest of this Chapter the latter day be again prophesied, as a thing that shall come shortly after the revealing of the man of Sin; yet in the xv. Chap. he telleth of seven plagues, 
Cap. xv. Verse 1.  under the name of Vials, that shall first fall upon the Antichrist and his kingdom: which, being particularly set down in the xuj. 
Chap. xuj.  Chapter, hereckoneth amongst the rest. In the fifth Vial, the plague of darkness; 
Verse 10.  yea, such darkness as the kingdom of Antichrist shall be obscured: whereby at the pouring forth of the sixth Vial, the way of the Kings of the East shallbe prepared; 
Verse 12.  the man of Sin being begun to be revealed, and so all impediments removed that might let the invasion of that Monarchy: even as that great river Euphrates that runneth by the literal Babylon. guarded it from the Kings of the East, the Medes and Persians, the time of the Babylonian Monarchy, till by the drying thereof, or unexpected passage made through it by Cyrus, 
Dan. 5.3.  Babylon was won, and Balthasar destroyed, and his Monarchy overthrown: even while he was sitting in that literal Babylon, corporally drunken and quaffing in the vessels ordained for GOD'S Service; and so sitting as it were in the Temple of GOD, and abusing the holy Mysteries thereof.  
For remedy whereof, at the pouring forth of the sixth Vial, 
Verse 13.  three unclean Spirits, like frogs, shall then come forth out of the mouth of the Dragon, that Beast, and of the false Prophet; which I take to be as much to say, as that how soon as the kingdom of Antichrist shalb● so obscured, with such a gross and a palpable ignorance, as learning shall be almost lost out of the world, and that few of the very Priests themselves shall be able to read Latin, much less to understand it; and so a plain way made for the Destruction of Babylon: Then shall a new sect of Spirits arise for the defence of that falling Throne, called three in number, by reason of their threefold direction; being raised and inspired by the Dragon Satan, authorized and maintained by the Beast the Antichrist, and instructed by the false Prophet the Apostatike Church, that hath the horns like the Lamb, but speaketh like the Dragon. These Spirits indeed, thus sent forth by this threefold authority for the defence of their Triple crowned Monarch, are well likened to Frogs; for they are Amphibions, and can live in either Element earth or water: for though they be Churchmen by profession, yet can they use the trade of politic Statesmen; 
Verse 14.  going to the Kings of the earth, to gather them to the battle of that great day of GOD Almighty. What Massacres have by their persuasions been wrought through many parts of Christendom, and how evil▪ Kings have sped that have been counseled by them, all the unpartial Histories of our time do bear record. And whatsoever King or State will not receive them, and follow their advise, rooted out must that King or State be, even with Gunpowder ere it fail. And these Frogs had reason indeed to labour to become learned, thereby to dissipate that gross mist of ignorance, wherewith the reign of Antichrist was plagued before their coming forth. 
Verse. 17.  Then doth this Chapter conclude with the last plague that is poured out of the seventh Vial upon the Antichrist, which is the day of judgement: 
Verse. 19  for then Babylon (saith he) came in remembrance before God.  

The fourth description.  But in the xvij Chapter is the former Vision interpreted and expounded; and there is the Antichrist represented by a Woman, sitting upon that many-headed Beast; 
Cap. xvij. Verse 3.  because as CHRIST his true Spouse and Church is represented by a Woman in the xii. Chap. so here is the Head of his adulterous Spouse or false Church represented also by a woman, but having a cup full of abominations in her hand; 
Verse 4.  as herself is called a whore for her spiritual adultery, 
Verse 1.  having seduced the Kings of the earth to be partakers of her Spiritual fornication: 
Verse 2.  And yet wonderful gorgeous and glorious was she in outward show; but drunken with the blood of the Saints, by a violent persecution of them. 
Verse 6.  And that she may the better be known, he writeth her name upon her forehead agreeable to her qualities: A Mystery, that great Babylon, that mother of whoredoms and abominations of the earth. A Mystery is a name that belongeth unto her two manner of ways: One, 
Verse 5.  as she taketh it to herself; another, as she deserveth it indeed. To herself she taketh it, in calling herself the visible Head of the Mystical body of CHRIST, in professing herself to be the dispenser of the Mysteries of GOD, and by her only must they be expounded: This great God in earth and Head of the faith, being a Mists by his profession; that is, a Priest. And if the observation of one be true, that he had of old the word Mystery written on his Mitre; then is this prophecy very plainly accomplished. Now that indeed she deserves that name the rest of her Title doth bear witness, 
Verse 5.  that showeth her to be the Mother of all the whoredoms and abominations of the earth: and so is she under the pretext of holiness, a Mystery indeed of all iniquity and abominations; under the mark of pretended feeding of Souls, devouring Kingdoms, and making Christendom swim in blood.  
Now after that this scarlet or bloody Beast and her Rider are described, by their shape, garments, name and qualities: the Angel doth next interpret this vision unto john, expounding unto him what is signified both by the Beast and her Rider; telling him, the seven heads of the Beast are seven Hills, 
Verrse. 9  meaning by the situation of that City or seat of Empire; and that they are also seven Kings or forms of government in the said City, whereof I have told my conceit already. 
Verse 12.  As for the ten Horns, which he showeth to be ten Kings, that shall at one hour receive their power and Kingdom with the Beast, I take that number of ten to be Numerus certus pro incerto, even as the number of seven heads and ten horns upon the Dragon the Devil, cannot but be an uncertain number. And that he also imitates in those ten horns, the ten horns of the seven headed Beast in the seventh of Daniel: and therefore I take these ten Kings to signify, all the Christian Kings, and free Princes and States in general, even you whom to I consecreate these my Labours, and that of us all he prophesieth, that although our first becoming absolute and free Princes should be in one hour with the Beast (for great Christian kingdoms and monarchs did but rise, and receive their liberty by the ruins of the Ethnic Roman Empire, and at the destruction thereof) and at the very time of the beginning of the planting of the Antichrist there; and that we should for a long time continue to worship the Beast, 
Verse 13.  having one Catholic or common consenting mind in obeying her, yielding our power and authority unto her, and kissing her feet, drinking with her in her cup of Idolatry, and fight with the Lamb, 
Verse 14  in the persecution of his Saints, at her command that governeth so many Nations and people: yet notwithstanding of all this, 
Verse 16.  we shall in the time appointed by GOD, having thus fought with the Lamb, but being overcome by him, that is, converted by his word; we shall then (I say) hate the Whore, and make her desolate, and make her naked, by discovering her hypocrisy and false pretence of zeal; and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire. And thus shall the way of the Kings of the East be prepared, 
Revel. 16.12.  as ye heard in the xuj. Chapter. And then doth he subjoin the reason of this strange change in us: 
Verse 17  for (saith he) GOD hath put it in their hearts to fulfil his will, and with one consent to give their Kingdoms to the Beast, till the words of GOD be fulfilled, according to that sentence of Solomon; 
Prou. 21.1.  That the hearts of Kings are in the hands of GOD, to be turned at his pleasure. And having thus interpreted the Beast or Empire; he in a word expounds, that by the Woman that road upon her, or Monarch that governed her, 
Verse 18  was meant that great City that reigned over the Kings of the earth: by the Seat of the Empire pointing out the quality of the persons that should sit and domine there.  

Chap. xviij.  Then is the greatness of her fall, and the great lamentation that both the Kings and merchants of the earth shall make for the same, proclaimed by an other Angel in the xviij. Chapter. 
Verse 9.10.  The Kings lamenting her fall, because they lived in pleasure with her; which no Kings could do with Ethnic Rome, who conquered them by her sword: for she honoured them with Titles, and dispensed with their lusts and unlawful marriages. And the Merchants of the earth, 
Verse 11, 15, 16, 17, 18.  and all Shipmasters, and traffikers upon the Sea shall lament the fall of that great city, which never had a fellow, for the loss of their riches and traffic which they enjoyed by her means. 
Verse 12, 13.  And there he describeth all sorts of rich wares, whereof that great City was the Staple: for indeed she hath a necessary use for all such rich and glorious wares, as well for ornaments to her Churches and princely Prelates, as for garments and ornaments to her wooden Saints; for the blessed Virgin must be daily clothed and decked in the newest and most curious fashion, though it should resemble the habit of a Curtizane. And of all those rich wares, the most precious is last named, which is the Souls of men: 
Verse 13.  for so much bestowed upon Masses, and so much doted to this or that Cloister of Monks or Friars, but most of all now to that irregular and incomprehensible order of Jesuits; shall both redeem his own Soul, and all his Parents to the hundredth generation, from broiling in the fire of Purgatory. And (I hope) it is no small merchandise of Souls, when men are so highly deluded by the hopes and promise of Salvation, as to make a Friar murder his 
a Henry 3. K. of France.  Sovereign; a young knave attempt the murder of his next 
b Henry 4.  Successor; many one to conspire and attempt the like against the late Queen; and in my time, to attempt the destruction of a whole Kingdom and State by a blast of Powder: and hereby to play bankrupt with both the souls mentioned in the Scriptures, Animus & Anima.  
But notwithstanding of this their great Lamentation, they are commanded by a voice from heaven to do two things: 
Verse 4.  One, to flee from Babylon, lest they be partakers of her sins, and consequently of her punishment. Which warning I pray God that ye all, my Beloved Brethren and Cousins, would take heed unto in time, humbly beseeching him to open your eyes for this purpose. The other command is, to reward her as she hath rewarded you; 
Verse 6  yea, even to the double. For as she did fly but with your feathers, borrowing as well her Titles of greatness and forms of honouring her from you; as also enjoying all her temporal living by your liberalities; so if every man do but take his own again, she will stand up 
* Cornicula Aesopica.  naked; and the reason is given, because of her pride. For she glorifieth herself living in pleasure, 
Verse 7  and in her heart saith, she sitteth as a Queen (outward prosperity being one of their notes of a true Church) and is no Widow; for her Spouse CHRIST is bound to her by an inviolable knot (for he hath sworn never to forsake her) and she shall see no mourning: for she cannot err, nor the gates of Hell shall not prevail against her.  
But though the earth and worldly men lament thus for the fall of Babylon in this eighteenth Chapter, 
Cap. nineteen. Verse 1.  yet in the nineteenth Heaven and all the Angels and Saints therein do sing a triumphal cantic for joy of her fall; praising God for the fall of that great Whore: 
Verse 2.  Great indeed, for our 
* Bellar. in Resad Gerson. consid. 11.  Cardinal confesseth, that it is hard to describe what the Pope is, such is his greatness. And in the end of that Chapter is the obstinacy of that Whore described, 
Verse 19  who even fought to the uttermost against him that sat on the white Horse, 
Verse 20.  and his army, till the Beast or Antichrist was taken, and the false Prophet, or false Church with him, who by Miracles, and lying Wonders deceived them that received the mark of the Beast; and both were casten quick into the burning lake of fire and brimstone; unde null redemptio. Like as in the end of the former Chapter, to describe the fullness of the Antichristes fall (not like to that reparable wound that Ethnic Rome gate) it is first compared to a Millstone cast in the sea, 
Cap. 18.21  that can never rise and fleet again: 
Ibidem. Verse 22, 23  And next it is expressed by a number of joyful things that shall never be heard there again, where nothing shall inhabit but desolation. But that the patience and constancy of Saints on earth, and God his Elected may the better be strengthened and confirmed; their persecution in the latter days, is shortly prophesied and repeated again, 
Cap. xx. Verse 2  after that Satan hath been bound, or his fury restrained, by the world's enjoying of peace for a thousand years, or a great indefinite time; their persecutors being named Gog and Magog, 
Verse 8  the secret and revealed enemies of CHRIST. Whether this be meant of the Pope and the Turk, or not; (who both began to rise to their greatness about one time) I leave to be guessed; 
Verse 9  always their utter confusion is there assuredly promised: and it is said; that the Dragon, the Beast, 
Verse 10.  and the false Prophet, shall all three be cast in that lake of fire and brimstone, to be tormented for ever. And thereafter is the latter day described again (which must be hastened for the elects sake) and then for the further comfort of the Elect, 
Verse 11, 12, 13 Matth. 24 22  and that they may the more constantly and patiently endure these temporal and finite troubles, limited but to a short space; 
Chap. xxj. xxij  in the last two Chapters are the joys of the eternal jerusalem largely described.  
Thus hath the Cardinal's shameless wresting of those two places of Scripture, Pasce oves meas, and Tibi dabo claves, for proving of the Pope's supreme temporal Authority over Princes; animated me to prove the Pope to be THE ANTICHRIST, out of this foresaid book of Scripture; so to pay him in his own money again. And this opinion no Pope can ever make me to recant; except they first renounce any further meddling with Princes, in any thing belonging to their temporal jurisdiction. And my only wish shallbe, that if any man shall have a fancy to refute this my conjecture of the Antichrist; that he answer me orderly to every point of my discourse: not contenting him to disprove my opinion, except he set down some other method after his form for interpretation of that book of the Apocalyps, which may not contradict no part of the Text, nor contain no absurdities. Otherwise, it is an easy thing for Momus to pick quarrels in another man's tale, and tell it worse himself; it being a more easy practice to find faults, then to amend them.  
Having now made this digression anent the Antichrist, which I am sure I can better fasten upon the Pope, than Bellarmine can do his pretended temporal Superiority over Kings: I will return again to speak of this Answerer; who (as I have already told you) so fitteth his matter with his manner of answering, that as his Style is nothing but a Satire and heap full of injurious and reproachful speeches, as well against my Person, as my Book; so is his matter as full of lies and falsities indeed, as he unjustly layeth to my charge. For three lies he maketh against the Oath of Allegiance, contained and maintained in my Book: besides that ordinary repeated lie against my Book; of his omitting to answer my lies, trattles, injurious speeches and blasphemies. One gross lie he maketh even of the Pope's first Breve. One lie of the Puritans, whom he would gladly have to be of his party. And one also of the Powder-Traitors, anent the occasion that moved them to undertake that treasonable practice. Three lies he makes of that Act of Parliament wherein this Oath of Allegiance is contained. He also maketh one notable lie against his own Catholic Writers. And two, of the causes for which two Jesuits have been put to death in England. And he either falsifies, denies or wrists five sundry Histories and a printed Pamphlet: besides that impudent lie that he maketh of my Person; that I was a Puritan in Scotland, which I have already refuted. And for the better filling up of his book with such good stuff; he hath also five so strange and new principles of Divinity therein, as they are either new, or at least allowed by very few of his own Religion. All which lies, with divers others, and five strange, and (as I think) erroneous points of Doctrine, with s●n dry falsifications of Histories; are set down in a Table by themselves in the end of this my Epistle, having their Refutation annexed to every one of them.  
But as for the particular answering of his book; it is both unnecessary and uncomely for me to make a Reply. Unnecessary, because (as I have already told you) my Book is never yet answered so far as belongeth to the main question anent the Oath of Allegiance: the picking of advantage upon the wrong placing of the figures in the citations, or such errors in the Print by casual addition, or omission of words that make nothing to the Argument; being the greatest weapons wherewith he assaults my Book. And uncomely it must needs be (in my opinion) for a King to fall in altercation with a Cardinal, at least with one no more nobly descended than he is: That Ecclesiastical dignity, though by the sloth of Princes (as I said before) it be now come to that height of usurped honour, yet being in the true original and foundation thereof nothing else, but the title of the Priests and Deacons of the parish Churches in the town of Rome; at the first, the style of Cardinals being generally given to all Priests and Deacons of any Cathedral Church, though the multitude of such Cardinal Priests and Deacons resorting to Rome, was the cause that after bred the restraining of that title of Cardinal Priests and Deacons, only to the Parish priests and Deacons of Rome. And since that it is S. Gregory, who in his Epistles six hundredth years after CHRIST, maketh the first mention of Cardinals (and so these now electors of the Apostolic Sea, being long and many hundredth years unknown or unheard of, after the Apostolic age; and yet doth he speak of them but in this sense, as I have now described) I hope the Cardinal, who calleth him the Apostle of England, cannot blame me that am King thereof, to acknowledge the Cardinal in no other degree of honour, than our said Apostle did. But how they should now become to be so strangely exalted above their first original institution, that from Parish-priests and Deacons (Priests inferiors) they should now come to be Princes and Peers to Kings: and from a degree under Bishops (as both 
a Lib. de Clericis, cap. 16.  Bellarmine and 
b Lib. de Episcopatibus, Titulis & Diaconijs Cardinalium.  Onuphrius confess (to be now the Pope's sole Electors, supplying with him the place of a General Counsel; whereby the convening of general Counsels is now utterly antiquated and abolished; nay, out of their number only, the Pope to be elected; who claimeth the absolute Superiority over all Kings: how this their strange usurped exaltation (I say) should thus creep in and be suffered, it belongeth all them in our place and calling to look unto it; who being GOD his Lieutenant's in earth, have good reason to be jealous of such upstart Princes, mean in their original, come to that height by their own creation, and now accounting themselves Kings fellows. But the special harm they do us, is by their defrauding us of our common & Christian interest in general Counsels; they having (as I said) utterly abolished the same, by rolling it up and making as it were a Monopoly thereof, in their Conclave with the Pope. Whereas, if ever there were a possibility to be expected of reducing all Christians to an uniformity of Religion, it must come by the means of a general Council: the place of their meeting being chosen so indifferent, as all Christian Princes, either in their own Persons, or their Deputy Commissioners, and all Church men of Christian profession that believe and profess all the ancient grounds of the true, ancient, Catholic and Apostolic Faith, might have tutum accessum thereunto; All the incendiaries and Novelist firebrands on either side being debarred from the same, as well Jesuits as Puritans.  
And therefore having resolved not to pain myself with making a Reply for these reasons here specified, grounded as well upon the consideration of the matter, as of the person of the Answerer; I have thought good to content myself with the reprinting of my Apology: having in a manner corrected nothing but the Copiers or Printers faults therein, and prefixed this my Epistle of Dedication and Warning thereunto; that I may yet see, if any thing will be justly said against it: Not doubting but enough of my Subjects will reply upon these Libelers, and answer them sufficiently; wishing YOU deeply to consider, and weigh your common interest in this Cause. For neither in all my Apology, nor in his pretended Refutation thereof, is there any question made anent the Pope's power over me in particular, for the excommunicating or deposing of me. For in my particular; the Cardinal doth me that grace, that he saith, The Pope thought it not expedient at this time to excommunicate me by name; our question being only general, Whether the Pope may lawfully pretend any temporal power over Kings, or no?  
That no Church men can by his rule be subject to any temporal Prince, I have already showed you; And what obedience any of you may look for of any of them de facto, he plainly forewarneth you of, by the example of Gregory the Great his obedience to the Emperor Mauritius: not being ashamed to slander that great Personages Christian humility and obedience to the Emperor, with the title of a constrained and forced obedience, because he might, or durst do no otherwise. Whereby he not only wrongs the said Gregory in particular, but even doth by that means lay on an heavy slander and reproach upon the Christian humility and patience of the whole Primitive Church, especially in the time of persecution: if the whole glory of their Martyrdom and Christian patience shall be thus blotted with that vile gloss of their coacted and constrained suffering, because they could or durst do no otherwise; like the patience and obedience of the jews or Turkish slaves in our time clean contrary to S. Paul and S. Pe●●rs doctrine of obedience for conscience sake; 
Rom. 13.5. 1 Pet. 2.13.  and as contrary to Tertullians' Apology for Christians, and all the protestations of the ancient Fathers in that case. But it was good luck for the ancient Christians in the days of Ethnic Emperors, that this profane & new conceit was yet unknown among them: otherwise they would have been utterly destroyed and rooted out in that time, and no man to have pitied them, as most dangerous members in a Commonwealth, who would no longer be obedient, then till they were furnished with sufficient ability and power to resist and rebel.  
Thus may ye see, how upon the one part our Cardinal will have all Kings and Monarches to be the Pope's Vassals; and yet will not on the other side, allow the meanest of the Pope his vassals, to be subject to any Christian Prince. But he not thinking it enough to make the Pope our Superior, hath in a late Treatise of his (called the Recognition of his books of Controversies) made the people and Subjects of every one of us, our Superiors. For having taken occasion to revisit again his books of Controversies and to correct or explain what he findeth amiss or mistaketh in them; in imitation of S. Augustine his retractions (for so he saith in his Preface) he doth in place of retracting any of his former errors, or any matter of substance; not retract, but recant indeed, I mean sing over again, and obstinately confirm a number of the grossest of them. Among the which, the exempting of all Churchmen from subjection to any Temporal Prince, and the setting up not only of the Pope, but even of the People above their natural King; are two of his main points.  
As for the exemption of the clerics; he is so greedy there to prove that point, 
Acts 25.10.  as he denieth Caesar to have been Paul's lawful judge: contrary to the express Text, and Paul's plain Appellation, and acknowledging him his judge; besides his many times claiming to the Roman privileges, 
Acts 22.28.  and avowing himself a Roman by freedom; and therefore of necessity a Subject to the Roman Emperor. But it is a wonder that these Roman Catholics, who vaunt themselves of the ancienty both of their doctrine and Church, and reproach us so bitterly of our Novelties, should not be ashamed to make such a new inept gloss as this upon S. Paul's Text; which as it is directly contrary to the Apostles words, so is it without any warrant, either of any ancient Council, or of so much as any one particular Father that ever interpre●s that place in this sort: Neither was it ever doubted by any Christian in the Primitive Church, that the Apostles, or any other degree of Christians, were subject to the Emperor.  
And as for the setting up of the People above their own natural King, he bringeth in that principle of Sedition, that he may thereby prove, that Kings have not their power and authority immediately from God, as the Pope hath his: For every King (saith he) is made and chosen by his people; nay, they do but so transfer their power in the King's person, as they do notwithstanding retain their habitual power in their own hands, which upon certain ocasions they may actually take to themselves again. This, I am sure, is an excellent ground in Divinity for all Rebel's and rebellious people, who are hereby allowed to rebel against their Princes; and assume liberty unto themselves, when in their discretions they shall think it convenient.  
And amongst his other Testimonies for probation, that all Kings are made and created by the People; he allegeth the Creation of three Kings in the Scripture, Saul, David & jeroboam; and though he be compelled by the express words of the Text, to confess, that God by his Prophet Samuel anointed both 
a 1. Sam. 10.1  Saul and 
b 1. Sam. 16.12.13.  David; yet will he, by the post-consent of the people, prove that those Kings were not immediately made by God, but mediately by the people; though he repeat thrice that word of lot, by the casting whereof he confesseth that Saul was chosen. And if the Election by lot be not an immediate Election from God; 
Acts 1.  then was not Mathias, who was so chosen and made an Apostle, immediately chosen by God: and consequently, he that sitteth in the Apostolic Sea cannot for shame claim to be immediately chosen by God, if Mathias (that was one of the twelve Apostles, supplying judas his place) was not so chosen. But as it were a blasphemous impiety, to doubt that Mathias was immediately chosen by God, and yet was he chosen by the casting of Lots, as Saul was: so is it well enough known to some of you (my loving Brethren) by what holy Spirit or casting of Lots the Pope's use to be elected; the College of Cardinals, his electors, having been divided in two mighty factions ever since long before my time; and in place of casting of Lots, great fat pensions being cast into some of their greedy mouths for the election of the Pope, according to the partial humours of Princes. But I do most of all wonder at the weakness of his memory: for in this place he maketh the post consent of the people to be the thing that made both these Kings, notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anointment by the Prophet at GOD'S commandment; forgetting that in the beginning of this same little book of his, answering one that allegeth a sentence of S. Cyprian, to prove that the Bishops were judged by the people in Cyprians time, he there confesseth, that by these words, the consent of the people to the Bishop's election must be only understood. Nor will he there any ways be moved to grant, that the people's power, in consenting to or refusing the Election of a Bishop; should be so understood, as that thereby they have power to elect Bishops: And yet do these words of Cyprian seem to be far stronger for granting the people's power to elect Churchmen, than any words that he allegeth out of the Scripture are for the people's power in electing a King. For the very words of Cyprian by himself there cited are, 
Cyprian. lib. 1. Epist. 4.  That the very people have principally the power, either to choose such Priests as are worthy, or to refuse such as are unworthy: And, I hope, he can never prove by the Scripture, that it had been lawful to the people of Israel, or that it was left in their choice, to have admitted or refused Saul or David at their pleasure, after that the Prophet had anointed them, and presented them unto them.  
Thus ye see how little he careth (even in so little a volume) to contradict himself, so it may make for his purpose; making the consent of the people to signify their power of Election in the making of Kings, though in the making of Bishops, by the people's consent, their approbaven of a deed done by others must only be understood. And as for his example of jeroboams election to be king, 
1. King. 12.20  he knoweth well enough, that jeroboam was made King in a popular mutinous tumult and rebellion; only permitted by God, and that in his wrath, both against these two Kings and their people. But if he will needs help himself against all rules of Divinity, with such an extraordinary example for proof of a general Rule; why is it not as lawful for us Kings to oppose hereunto the example of jehu his Inauguration to the Kingdom; 
2. King 9.2, ●.  who upon the Prophet's private anointment of him, and that in most secret manner, took presently the King's office upon him, without ever craving any sort of approbation from the people?  
And thus may ye now clearly see, how deep the claim of the Babylonian Monarch toucheth us in all our common interest: for (as I have already told) the Pope, nor any of his Vassals, I mean Churchmen, must be subject to no Kings nor Princes: and yet all Kings and their Vassals must not only be subject to the Pope, but even to their own people. And now, what a large liberty is by this doctrine left to Churchmen, to hatch or foster any treasonable attempts against Princes, I leave it to your considerations, since do what they will, they are accountable to none of us: nay, all their treasonable practices must be accounted works of piety, and they (being justly punished for the same) must be presently enrolled in the list of Martyrs and Saints; like as our new printed martyrology hath put Garnet and Ouldcorne in the Register of English Martyrs abroad, that were hanged at home for Treason against the Crown and whole State of England: so as I may justly with Isaiah, 
Isai 5.20.  pronounce a Woe to them that speak good of evil, and evil of good; 
Verse 23.  which put light for darkness, and darkness for light; which justify the wicked for a reward, & take away the righteousness of the righteous from him. For even as in the time of the greatest blindness in Popery, though a man should find his wife or his daughter lying a bed in her Confessors arms; yet was it not lawful for him so much as to suspect that the Friar ahadny errand there, but to Confess and instruct her: Even so, though Jesuits practising in Treason be sufficiently verified, and that themselves cannot but confess it; yet must they be accounted to suffer Martyrdom for the Faith, and their blood work miracles, and frame a stramineum argumentum upon straws; when their heads are standing aloft, withered by the Sun and the wind, a public spectacle for the eternal commemoration of their treachery. Yea, one of the reasons, that is given in the Printers Epistle of the Colonian edition of the Cardinal or his Chaplains pamphlet, why he doth the more willingly print it, is; because that the innocency of that most holy and constant man Henry Garnet, is declared and set forth in that book; against whom, some (he knew not who) had scattered a false rumour of his guiltiness of the English treason.  
But, Lord, what an impudency or wilful ignorance is this, that he, who was so publicly and solemnly convicted and executed, upon his own so clear, unforced and often repeated confession, of his knowledge and concealing of that horrible Treason, should now be said to have a certain rumour spread upon him of his guiltiness, by I know not who? with so many attributes of godliness, constancy and innocency bestowed upon him, as if public Sentences and Executions of justice, were rumours of I know not who. Indeed, I must confess, the book itself showeth a great affection to perform, what is thus promised in the Preface thereof: for in two or three places therein, is there most honourable lying mention made of that straw Saint; wherein, though he confess that Garnet was upon the foreknowledge of the Powder-Treason, yet in regard it was (as he saith) only under the Seal of Confession, he sticketh not to praise him for his concealing thereof, and would gladly give him the crown of glory for the same: not being ashamed to proclaim it as a principal head of Catholic doctrine; That the secret of Sacramental con●ession ought not to be revealed, not for the eschewing of whatsoever evil. But how damnable this doctrine is, and how dangerously pre●udiciall to all Princes & States; I leave it to you to judge, whom all it most highly concerneth. For although it he true, that when the Schoolmen came to be Doctors in the Church, and to mar the old grounds in Divinity by sowing in amongst them their Philosophical distinctions: though they (I say) do maintain, That wha●soeeuer thing is told a Confessor under the vail of confession, how dangerous soever the matter be, yet he is bound to conceal the party's name: yet do none of them, I mean of the old Schoolmen, deny, that if a matter be revealed unto them, the concealing whereof may breed a great or public danger; but that in that case the Confessor may disclose the matter, though not the person, and by some indirect means make it come to light, that the danger thereof may be prevented. But that no treason nor devilish plot, though it should tend to the ruin or exterminion of a whole Kingdom, must be revealed, if it be told under Confession; no not the matter so far indirectly disclosed, as may give occasion for preventing the danger thereof: though it agree with the conceit of some three or four new jesuited Doctors, it is such a new and dangerous head of doctrine, as no King nor State can live in security where that Position is maintained.  
And now, that I may as well prove him a liar in facto, in his narration of this particular History; as I have showed him to be in iure, by this his damnable and false ground in Divinity: I will truly inform you of Garnets' case, which is far otherwise then this Answerer allegeth. For first, it can never be accounted a thing under Confession, which he that reveals it doth not discover with a remorse, accounting it a sin whereof he repenteth him; but by the contrary, discovers it as a good motion, and is therein not dissuaded by his Confessor, nor any penance enjoined him for the same: and in this form was this Treason revealed to Garnet, as himself confessed. And next, though he stood long upon it, that it was revealed unto him under the vail of Confession, in respect it was done in that time, while as the party was making his Confession unto him; Yet at the last he did freely confess, that the party revealed it unto him as they were walking, and not in the time of Confession: But (he said) he delivered it unto him under the greatest Seal that might be, and so he took that he meant by the Seal of Confession; And it had (as he thought) a relation to Confession, in regard that he was that party's Confessor, & had taken his Confession sometimes before, and was to take it again within few days thereafter. He also said, that he pretended to the party, that he would not conceal it from his Superior. And further it is to be noted, that he confessed, that two divers persons conferred with him anent this Treason; and that when the one of them, which was Catesby, conferred with him thereupon, it was in the other party's presence and hearing: and what a Confession can this be in the hearing of a third person? And how far his last words (whereof our Answerer so much vaunts him) did disprove it to have been under Confession, the Earl of northampton's Book doth bear witness.  
Now as to the other party's name, that revealed the Powder-Treason unto him, it was Greenwell the jesuit, and so a jesuit revealed to a jesuit this treasonable plot, the jesuit revealer not showing any remorse, and the jesuit whom to it was revealed not so much as enjoining him any penance for the same. And that ye may know that more Jesuits were also upon the party, Owldcorne the other Powder-Martyr, after the misgiving and discovery of that Treason, preached consolatory doctrine to his Catholic auditory; exhorting them not to faint for the misgiving of this enterprise, nor to think the worse thereof that it succeeded not; alleging divers Precedents of such godly enterprises that misgave in like manner: especially, one of Saint Lewis King of France, who in his second journey to the Holy land, died by the way, the greatest part of his army being destroyed by the plague; his first journey having likewise misgiven him by the Sultan's taking of him: exhorting them thereupon not to give over, but still to hope that God would bless their enterprise at some other time, though this did fail.  
Thus see ye now with what boldness and impudency he hath belied the publicly known verity in this errand, both in avowing generally that no jesuit was any ways guilty of that treason, for so he affirmeth in his Book; and also that Garnet knew nothing thereof, but under the Seal of Confession. But if this were the first lie of the affairs of this State, which my fugitive Priests and Jesuits have coined and spread abroad, I could charm them of it, as the proverb is. But as well the walls of divers Monasteries and jesuits Colleges abroad, are filled with the painting of such lying Histories, as also the books of our said fugitives are farced with such sort of shameless stuff; such are the innumerable sorts of torments and cruel deaths, that they record their Martyrs to have suffered here; some torn at four Horses; some sowed in Bears skins, and then killed with Dogs: nay, women have not been spared (they say) and a thousand other strange fictions, the vanities of all which I will in two words discover unto you.  
First as for the cause of their punishment, I do constantly maintain that which I have said in my Apology: That no man, either in my time, or in the late Queens, ever died here for his conscience. For let him be never so devout a Papist, nay, though he profess the same never so constantly, his life is in no danger by the Law, if he break not out into some outward act expressly against the words of the Law, or plot not some unlawful or dangerous practice or attempt; Priests and Popish Churchmen only excepted, that receive orders beyond the seas; who for the manifold treasonable practices that they have kindled & plotted in this country, are discharged to come home again under pain of treason, after their receiving of the said Orders abroad; and yet, without some other guilt in them then their bare home-comming, have none of them been ever put to death. And next, for the cruel torments & strange sorts of death that they say so many of them have been put unto; if there were no more but the Law and continually observed custom of England, these many hundred years, in all criminal matters, it will sufficiently serve to refute all these monstrous lies: for no tortures are ever used here, but the Manacles or the Rack, and these never but in cases of high Treason; and all sorts of Traitors die but one manner of death here, whether they be Papist or Protestant traitors; Queen Mary's time only excepted. For then indeed no sorts of cruel deaths were spared unexecuted upon men, women and children professing our Religion: yea, even against the laws of God and Nature, women with child were put to cruel death for their profession; and a living child falling out of the mother's belly, was thrown in the same fire again that consumed the mother. But these tyrannous persecutions were done by the Bishops of that time, under the warrant of the Pope's authority, and therefore were not subject to that constant order and forms of execution, which as they are here established by our Laws and customs, so are they accordingly observed in the punishment of all criminals. For all Priests and Popish Traitors here receive their judgement in the temporal Courts, and so do never exceed those forms of execution which are prescribed by the Law, or approved by continual custom. One thing is also to be marked in this case; that strangers are never called in question here for their Religion, which is far otherwise (I hope) in any place where the Inquisition domines.  
But having now too much wearied you with this long discourse, whereby I have made you plainly see, that the wrong done unto me in particular; first by the Pope's Breves, and then by these Libelers, doth as deeply interest you all in general, that are Kings, free Princes, or States, as it doth me in particular: I will now conclude, with my humble prayers to God, that he will waken us up all out of that Lethargike slumber of Security, wherein our Predecessors and we have lain so long; and that we may first gravely consider, what we are bound in conscience to do for the planting and spreading of the true worship of God, according to his revealed will, in all our Dominions; therein hearing the voice of our only Pastor (for his Sheep will know his voice, 
john 10.27.  as himself saith) and not following the vain, corrupt & changeable traditions of men. And next that we may providently look to the security of our own States, and not suffer this encroaching Babylonian Monarch to win still ground upon us. And if God hath so mercifully dealt with us, that are his Lieutenants upon earth, as that he hath joined his cause with our interest, the spiritual liberty of the Gospel with our temporal freedom: with what zeal and courage may we then embrace this work: for our labours herein being assured, to receive at the last the eternal and inestimable reward of felicity in the kingdom of Heaven; and in the mean time to procure unto ourselves a temporal security, in our temporal Kingdoms in this world.  
As for so many of you as are already persuaded of that Truth which I profess, though differing among yourselves in some particular points; I think little persuasion should move you to this holy and wise Resolution: Our Greatness, nor our number, praised be God, being not so contemptible, but that we may show good example to our neighbours; since almost the half of all Christian people and of all sorts and degrees, are of our profession; I mean, all gone out of Babylon, even from Kings and free Princes, to the meanest sort of people. But above all (my loving Brethren and Cousins) keep fast the unity of Faith amongst yourselves; Reject 
a 1. Tim. 1.4.  questions of Genealogies and 
b Ibid. c. 4.7.  Aniles fabulas, as Paul saith; Let not the foolish heat of your Preachers for idle Controversies or indifferent things, tear asunder that mystical Body, whereof ye are a part, since the very coat of him whose members we are was without a seam: And let not our division breed a slander of our faith, and be a word of reproach in the mouths of our adversaries, who make Unity to be one of the special notes of the true Church.  
And as for you (my loving Brethren and Cousins) whom it hath not yet pleased GOD to illuminate with the light of truth; I can but humbly pray with Elizeus, that it would please GOD to open your eyes, that ye might see what innumerable and invincible armies of Angels are ever prepared and ready to defend the truth of GOD: 
Acts 26.29.  and with S. Paul I wish, that ye were as I am in this case; especially that ye would search the Scriptures, and ground your Faith upon your own certain knowledge, and not upon the report of others; since every Man must be saf● by his own faith. 
Abac. 2 4.  But, leaving this to GOD his merciful providence in his due time, I have good reason to remember you, to maintain the ancient liberties of your Crowns and commonwealths, not suffering any under GOD to set himself up above you; and therein to imitate your own noble predecessors, who (even in the days of greatest blindness) did divers times courageously oppose themselves to the encroaching ambition of Popes. Yea, some of your Kingdoms have in all ages maintained, and without any interruption enjoyed your liberty, against the most ambitious Popes. And some have of very late had an evident proof of the Pope's ambitious aspiring over your temporal power; wherein ye have constantly maintained and defended your lawful freedom, to your immortal honour. And therefore I heartily wish you all, to do in this case the office of godly and just Kings and earthly judges: which consisteth not only in not wronging or invading the liberties of any other person (for to that will I never press to persuade you) but also in defending and maintaining these lawful liberties wherewith GOD hath endued you. For ye, whom GOD hath ordained to protect your people from injuries, should be ashamed to suffer yourselves to be wronged by any. And thus, assuring myself, that ye will with a settled judgement free of prejudice, weigh the reasons of this my Discourse, and accept my plainness in good part, gracing this my Apology with your favours, and yet no longer then till it shall be justly and worthily refuted; I end, with my earnest prayers to the Almighty for your prosperities, and that after your happy temporal Reigns in earth, ye may live and reign in Heaven with him for ever.   


A catalogue OF the Lies of Tortus, together with a brief Confutation of them.  

Tortus. Edit. Politan. pag. 9  
1 IN the oath of Allegiance the Pope's power to excommunicate even Heretical Kings, is expressly denied.   

Confutation.  
The point touching the Pope's power in excommunicating Kings, is neither treated of, nor defined in the Oath of Allegiance, but was purposely declined. See the words of the Oath, and the Praemonition. pag. 9   

Tortus. p. 10.  
2 For all Catholic writers do collect from the words of Christ, Whatsoever thou shalt lose upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven, that there appertaineth to the Pope's authority, not only a power to absolve from sins, but also from penalties, censures, laws, vows and oaths.   

Confutation.  
That all Roman-catholic writers do not concur with this Libeler, in thus collecting from Christ's words, Mat. 16. To omit other reasons, it may appear by this that many of them do write. That what Christ promised there, that he did actually exhibit to his disciples john 20. when he said, whose sins ye remit, they shall be remitted, thereby restraining this power of losing formerly promised, unto losing from sins, not mentioning any absolution from laws, vows and oaths in this place. So do Theophylact, Anselm, Hugo Cardin. & Ferus in Mat. 16. So do the principal Schoolmen. Alexand. Hales in Summa. part 4. q. 79. memb. 5. & 6. art. 3. Thom. in 4. dist. 24. q. 3. art. 2. Scotus in 4. dist. 19 art. 1. Pope Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. q. 2. de clavib. pag. 302. edit. Parsien. an. 1530. who also allegeth for this interpretation, Augustine and the interlinear Gloss.   

Tortus. p. 18.  
3 I abhor all Parricide, I detest all conspiracies: yet it cannot be denied but occasions of despair were given [to the Powder-plotters.]   

Confutation.  
That it was not any just occasion of despair given to the powder-Traitours, as this Libeler would bear us in hand, but the instructions which they had from the Jesuits, that caused them to attempt this bloody design: See the Praemonition, pag. 127. and the book entitled, The proceedings against the late Traitors.   

Tortus. p. 26.  
4 For not only the Catholics, but also the Calvinist-puritanes detest the taking of this Oath.   

Confutation.  
The Puritans do not decline the Oath of Supremacy, but daily do take it, neither ever refused it. And the same Supremacy is defended by Calvin himself, Instit. lib. 4. cap. 20.   

Tortus. p. 28.  
5 First of all the Pope writeth not, that he was grieved at the calamities which the catholics did suffer for the keeping of the Orthodox faith in the time of the late Queen, or in the beginning of King james his reign in England, but for the calamities which they suffer at this present time.   

Confutation.  
The only recital of the words of the Breve will sufficiently confute this lie. For thus writeth the Pope. The tribulations and calamities which ye have continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholic faith, have alway afflicted us with great grief of mind. But forasmuch as we understand, that at this time all things are more grievous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased.   

Tortus. p. 28.  
6 In the first article [of the Statute] the Laws of Queen Elizabeth are confirmed.   

Confutation.  
There is no mention at all made of confirming the Laws of Q. Elizabeth, in the first article of that Statute.   

Tortus. p. 29.  
7 In the 10. article [of the said Statute] it is added, that if the [Catholics] refuse the third time to take the Oath being tendered unto them, they shall incur the danger of losing their lives.   

Confutation.  
There is no mention in this whole Statute either of offering the oath the third time, or any endangering of their lives.   

Tortus. p. 30.  
8 In the 12. article, it is enacted, that whosoever goeth out of the land to serve in the wars under foreign Princes, they shall first of all take this Oath, or else be accounted for Traitors.   

Confutation.  
It is nowhere said in that Statute, that they which shall thus serve in the wars under foreign Princes, before they have taken this Oath, shallbe accounted for Traitors, but only for felons.   

Tortus. p. 35.  
9 We have already declared, that the [Pope's] Apostolic power in binding and losing is denied in that Oath [of Allegiance.]   

Confutation.  
There is no assertory sentence in that Oath, nor any word but only conditional, touching the power of the Pope in binding and losing.   

Tortus. p. 37.  
10 The Popes themselves, even will they, nill they, were constrained to subject themselves to Nero and Diocletian.   

Confutation.  
That Christians without exception, not upon constraint but willingly and for conscience sake, did subject themselves to the Ethnic Emperors, it may appear by our Apology, p. 23, 24. and the Apologetickes of the ancient Fathers.   

Tortus. p. 47.  
11 In which words [of the Breves of Clement the 8.] not only james King of Scotland, was not excluded, but included rather.   

Confutation.  
If the Breves [of Clement] did not exclude me from the Kingdom, but rather did include me, why did Garnet burn them? why would he not reserve them that I might have seen them, that so he might have obtained more favour at mine hands, for him and his Catholics?   

Tortus. p. 60.  
12 Of those 14. articles [contained in the Oath of Allegiance] eleven of them concern the Primacy of the Pope in matters spiritual.   

Confutation.  
No one article of that Oath doth meddle with the Primacy of the Pope in matters spiritual: for to what end should that have been, since we have an express Oath elsewhere against the Pope's Primacy in matters spiritual?   

Tortus. p. 64.  
13 Amongst other calumnies this is mentioned, that Bellarmine was privy to sundry conspiracies against Q Elizabeth, if not the author.   

Confutation.  
It is nowhere said [in the Apology] that Bellarmine was either the Author, or privy to any conspiracies against Queen Elizabeth but that he was their principal instructor and teacher, who corrupted their judgement with such dangerous positions & principles, that it was an easy matter to reduce the generals into particulars, and to apply the dictates which he gave out of his Chair, as opportunity served, to their several designs.   

Tortus. p. 64.  
14 For he [Bellarmine] knoweth, that Campian only conspired against Heretical impiety.   

Confutation.  
That the true and proper cause of Campians execution, was not for his conspiring against heretical impiety, but for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth, and the State of this Kingdom, it was most evident by the judicial proceedings against him.   

Tortus. p. 65.  
15 Why was H. Garnet, a man incomparable for learning in all kinds, and holiness of life, put to death, but because he would not reveal that which he could not do with a safe conscience?   

Confutation.  
That Garnet came to the knowledge of this horrible plot not only in confession, as this Libeler would have it, but by other means, neither by the relation of one alone, but by divers, so as he might with safe conscience have disclosed it; See the Premonition, p. 125, 126, etc. and the Earl of northampton's Book.   

Tortus. p. 71.  
16 Pope Sixtus 5. neither commanded the French King to be murdered, neither approved that fact, as it was done by a private person.   

Confutation.  
The falsehood of this doth easily appear by the Oration of Sixtus. 5.   

Tortus. p. 91.  
17 That which is added concerning Stanley his Treason, is neither faithfully nor truly related: for the Apologer (as his manner is) doth miserably deprave it, by adding many lies.   

Confutation.  
That which the Apology relateth concerning Stanley his Treason, is word for word recited out of Cardinal Allens Apology for Stanley●s treason, as it is to be seen there.   

Tortus. p. 93.  
18 It is very certain that H. Garnet at his arraignment, did always constantly avouch, that neither he nor any jesuit either were authors, or compartners, or advisers, or consenting any way [to the powder-Treason.] And a little after. The same thing he protested at his death in a large speech, in the presence of innumerable people.   

Confutation.  
The book of the proceedings against the late Traitors, and our Premonition, pag. 125, 126, etc. do clearly prove the contrary of this to be true.   

Tortus. p. 97.  
19 King james since he is no Catholic, neither is he a Christian.   

Confutation.  
Contrary: I am a true Catholic, a professor of the truly ancient, Catholic, and Apostolic faith: and therefore am a true Christian. See the confession of my faith in the Premonition. pag. 35, 36, etc.   

Tortus. p. 98.  
20 And if the reports of them, which knew him most inwardly, be true, When he was in Scotland, he was a Puritan, and an Enemy to Protestants: Now in England he professeth himself a Protestant, and an Enemy to the Puritans.   

Confutation.  
Contrary; and what a Puritan I was in Scotland: See my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and this my Premonition. p. 44, 45.    

¶ His falsifications in his alleging of Histories, together with a brief declaration of their falsehood.  

The words of Tortus. p. 70.  
1 IT was certain that he [Hnery 4. the Emperor] died a natural death.   

Confutation.  
It was not certain: since sundry Historians write otherwise, that he died upon his imprisonment by his son Henry 5. either with the noisomeness and loathsomeness of the prison, or being pined to death by hunger. Read Fasciculus temporum at the year 1094. Laziardus epitome. universal. Histor. c. 198. Paulus Langius in Chronico Citizensi at the year 1105. and jacobus Wimphelingus epitome Rerum Germanic. c. 28.   

Tortus. p. 83.  
2 Henry 4. the Emperor feared indeed, but not any corporal death, but the censure of Excommunication, from the which that he might procure absolution, of his own accord, he did thus demissely humble himself [before Gregory 7.]   

Confutation.  
That Henry 4. thus dejected himself before the Pope, it was neither of his own accord, neither upon any fear of the Pope's Excommunication, which [in this particular] he esteemed of no force: but upon fear of the loss of his kingdom and life, as the records of antiquity do evidently testify. See Lambertus Schafnaburg. at the year 1077. Abbas Vispergen at the year 1075. The author of the life of Henry 4. Bruno in his History of the Saxon war. Laziard. in epitome. universal. Histor. c. 193. Cuspian. in Henric. 4. Sigonius de Regno Italiae lib. 9   

Tortus. p. 83.  
3 The truth of the History [of Alexander 3. treading upon the neck of Frederick Barbarossa with his foot] may be justly doubted of.   

Confutation.  
But no Historian doubteth of it; and many do avouch it, as Hieronym. Bard. in victor. Naval. ex Bessarion. Chronico apud Baro. ad ann. 1177. num. 5. Gerson de potestate Ecclésiae consid. 11. jacob Bergom. in supplem. Chron. ad an. 1160. Nauclerus Gener. 40. Petrus justinian li. 2. Rerum Venetar. Papirius Masson. lib. 5. de Episcop. urbis, who also allegeth for this Gennadius Patriarch of Constantinople. Besides Alphonsus Ciacconius de vit. Pontif. in Alexand. 3. and Azorius the jesuit. Instit. Moral. part. 2. lib. 5. c. 43.   

Tortus. p. 83.  
4 What other thing feared Frederick Barbarossa but Excommuniticaon?   

Confutation.  
That Frederick feared only Pope Alexander his Excommunication, no ancient Historian doth testify. But many do write, that this submission of his was principally for fear of losing his Empire and Dominions. See for this, Martin. Polon. ad an. 1166. Platina in vita Alexand. 3. Laziard. in epitome. Historiae universal. c. 212. Naucler. generat. 40. jacobus Wimphelingus in epitome. Rerum Germanic. c. 32.   

Tortus. p. 88  
5 Add hereunto, that Cuspinian. [in relating the history of the Turks brother who was poisoned by Alexander 6.] hath not the consent of other Writers to witness the truth of this History.   

Confutation.  
The same History which is reported by Cuspinian, is recorded also by sundry other famous Historians. See Francis Guicciardin. lib. 2. Histor. Ital. Paulus iovius lib. 2. Hist. sui temporis. Sabellic. Ennead. 10. lib. 9 Continuator. Palmerij, at the year 1494.    

¶ The novel Doctrines, with a brief declaration of their Novelty.  

Novel doctrine, p. 9  
1 IT is agreed upon amongst all, that the Pope may lawfully depose Heretical Princes, and free their Subjects from yielding obedience unto them.   

Confutation.  
Nay, all are so far from consenting in this point, that it may much more truly be avouched, that none entertained that conceit before Hildebrand: since he was the first broacher of this new doctrine never before heard of, as many learned men of that age, and the age next following (to omit others of succeeding ages) have expressly testified. See for this point, the Epistle of the whole Clergy of Liege to Pope Paschal the 2. See the judgement of many Bishops of those times, recorded by Aventine in his history, lib. 5. fol. 579. Also the speech uttered by Conrade Bishop of Vtrecht, in the said 5. book of Aventine, fol. 582. And another by Eberhardus, Archbishop of Saltzburge. Ibid. lib. 7. p. 684. Also the judgement of the Archbishop of Triers, in constitut. Imperialib. à M. Haimensfeldio editis. pag. 47. The Epistle of Walthram Bishop of Megburgh, which is extant in Dodechine his Appendix to the Chronicle of Marianus Scotus, at the year 1090. Benno in the life of Hildebrand. The author of the book De unitate Ecclesiae, or the Apology for Henry the 4. Sigebert in his Chronicle, at the year 1088. Godfrey of Viterbio in his History entitled Pantheon, part. 17. Otho Frisingensis, lib. 6. c. 35. & praefat. in lib. 7. Frederick Barbarossa. lib. 6. Gunther. Ligurin. de gestis Frederici, and lib. 1. c. 10. of Raduicus, de gestis eiusdem Frederici. Vincentius in speculo historiali lib. 15. c. 84. with sundry others.   

Novel Doctrine. p. 51.  
2 In our supernatural birth in Baptism we are to conceive of a secret and implied oath, which we take at our new birth to yield obedience to the spiritual Prince, which is Christ's Vicar.   

Confutation.  
It is to be wondered at whence this fellow had this strange new divinity, which surely was first framed in his own fantastical brain. Else let him make us a Catalogue of his Authors, that hold and teach, that all Christians, whether infants or of age, are by virtue of an oath taken in their Baptism, bound to yield absolute obedience to Christ's Vicar the Pope, or baptised in any but in Christ.   

Novel Doctrine. p. 94.  
2 But since that Catholic doctrine doth not permit, for the avoidance of any mischief whatsoever, to discover the secret of Sacramental confession, he [Garnet] rather chose to suffer most bitter death, then to violate the seal of so great a Sacrament.   

Confutation.  
That the secret of Sacramental confession is by no means to be disclosed, no not indirectly, or in general, so the person confessing be concealed, for avoidance and prevention of no mischief, how great soever: Besides that it is a position most dangerous to all Princes and Common wealths, as I show in my Premonition, pag. 122, 123. it is also a Novel Assertion, not heard of till of late days in the Christian world: Since the common opinion even of the Schoolmen and canonists both old and new, is unto the contrary, Witness these Authors following: Alexand. Hales part. 4. qu. 78. mem. 2. art. 2. Thom. 4. dist. 21. q. 3. art. 1. ad. 1. Scotus in 4. dist. 21. q. 2. Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. ubi de Sacram. Confess. edit. Paris. 1530. pag. 289. Dominic. Sot. in 4. dist. 18. q. 4. art. 5. Francis. de victor. sum. de Sacram. n. 189. Navar. in Enchirid. c. 8. joseph. Angles in Florib. part 1. pag. 247. edit. Antuerp. Petrus Soto lect. 11. de confess. The Jesuits also accord hereunto, Suarez. Tom. 4. disp. in 3. part. Thom. disp. 33. §. 3. Gregor. de Valentia. Tom. 4. disp. 7. q. 13. punct. 3. who saith the common opinion of the Schoolmen is so.   

Novel Doctrine. p. 102.  
4 I dare boldly avow, that the Catholics have better reason to refuse the Oath [of Allegiance] then Eleazar had to refuse the eating of swine's flesh.   

Confutation.  
This assertion implieth a strange doctrine in deed, that the Pope's Breves are to be preferred before Moses Law: And that Papists are more bound to obey the Pope's decree, than the jews were to obey the Law of God pronounced by Moses.   

Novel Doctrine. p. 135.  
5 Churchmen are exempted from the jurisdiction of secular Princes, & therefore are no subjects to Kings: yet ought they to observe their Laws concerning matters temporal, not by virtue of any Law, but by enforcement of reason, that is to say, not for that they are their Subjects, but because reason will give it, that such Laws are to be kept for the public good, and quiet of the Commonwealth.   

Confutation.  
How true friends the Cardinal and his Chaplain are to Kings, that would have so many Subjects exempted from their power: See my Premonition, p. 20, 21. Also p. 114, 115. etc. But as for this and the like new Aphorisms, I would have these cunning Merchants to cease to vent such stuff for ancient and Catholic wares in the Christian world, till they have disproved their own Venetians, who charge them with Novelty, and forgery in this point,     

Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus. OR AN APOLOGY FOR THE OATH of Allegiance. Against the two Breves of Pope PAULUS QVINTUS, and the late Letter of Cardinal BELLARMINE to G. BLACKWEL the Archpriest.  
Tunc omnes populi clamaverunt & dixerunt,  
Magna est Veritas, & praevalet. ESDR. 3.  
¶ Authoritate Regiâ.  
¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. ANNO 1609.   

  

AN APOLOGY FOR THE OATH of Allegiance.  
WHat a monstrous, rare, nay never heard of Treacherous Attempt, was plotted within these few years here in England, for the destruction of Me, my bedfellow, and our Posterity, the whole house of Parliament, and a great number of good Subjects of all sorts and degrees: is so famous already through the whole world by the infamy thereof, as it is needless to be repeated or published any more; the horror of the sin itself doth so loudly proclaim it. For if those 
a Gen 4.10.  crying Sins (whereof mention is made in the Scripture) have that epithet given them for their public infamy, and for procuring as it were with a loud cry from heaven a just vengeance and recompense; and yet those sins are both old and too common, neither the world nor any one Country being ever at any time clean void of them: If those sins (I say) are said in the Scripture to cry so loud; What then must this sin do, plotted without cause, infinite in cruelty, and singular from all examples? What proceeded hereupon is likewise notorious to the whole world; our justice only taking hold upon the Offenders, and that in as honourable and public a form of Trial, as ever was used in this Kingdom.  
2. For although the only reason they gave for plotting so heinous an Attempt, was the zeal they carried to the Romish Religion; yet were never any other of that profession the worse used for that cause, as by our gracious Proclamation immediately after the discovery of the said fact doth plainly appear: only at the next sitting down again of the Parliament, there were Laws made, setting down some such orders as were thought fit for preventing the like mischief intime to come. Amongst which a form of OATH was framed to be taken by my Subjects, whereby they should make a clear profession of their resolution, faithfully to persist in their obedience unto me, according to their natural allegiance; To the end that I might hereby make a separation, not only between all my good Subjects in general, and unfaithful Traitors, that intended to withdraw themselves from my obedience; But specially to make a separation between so many of my Subjects, who although they were otherwise popishly affected, yet retained in their hearts the print of their natural duty to their Sovereign; and those who being carried away with the like fanatical zeal that the Powder-Traitors were, could not contain themselves within the bounds of their natural Allegiance, but thought diversity of religion a safe pretext for all kind of treasons, and rebellions against their Sovereign. Which godly and wise intent God did bless with success accordingly: For very many of my Subjects that were popishly affected, aswell priests, as layicks, did freely take the same Oath: whereby they both gave me occasion to think the better of their fidelity, and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander, that although they were fellow professors of one Religion with the powder Traitors, yet were they not joined with them in treasonable courses against their Sovereign; whereby all quietly minded Papists were put out of despair, and I gave a good proof that I intended no persecution against them for conscience cause, but only desired to be secured of them for civil obedience, which for conscience cause they were bound to perform.  
3. But the devil could not have devised a more malicious trick for interrupting this so calm and clement a course, than fell out by the sending hither, and publishing a Breve of the Popes, countermaunding all them of his profession to take this Oath; Thereby sowing new seeds of jealousy between me and my Popish Subjects, by stirring them up to disobey that lawful commandment of their Sovereign, which was ordained to be taken of them as a pledge of their fidelity; And so by their refusal of so just a charge, to give me so great and just a ground for punishment of them, without touching any matter of consy: throwing themselves needlessly 〈…〉 of these desperate straits: 〈…〉 loss of their lives and 〈…〉 their Allegiance to the●● 〈…〉; or else to procure the condemnation of their Souls by renouncing the Catholic faith, as he allegeth.  
4. And on the other part, although disparity of Religion (the Pope being head of the contrary part) can permit no intelligence nor intercourse of messengers betwerne me and the Pope: yet there being no denounced war between us, he hath by this action broken the rules of common civility and justice between Christian Princes, in thus condemning me unheard, both by accounting me a persecutor, which can not be but implied by exhorting the Papists to endure Martyrdom; as likewise by so straightly commanding all those of his Profession in England, to refuse the taking of this Oath; thereby refusing to profess their natural obedience to me their Sovereign. For if he think himself my lawful judge, wherefore hath he condemned me unheard? And, if he have nothing to do with me and my government (as indeed he hath not) why doth he mittere falcem in alienam messem, to meddle between me and my Subjects, especially in matters that merely and only concern civil obedience? And yet could Pius Quintus in his greatest fury and avowed quarrel against the late Queen, do no more injury unto her; then he hath in this cause offered unto me, without so much as a pretended or an alleged cause. For what difference there is, between the commanding Subjects to rebel, and losing them from their Oath of Allegiance as Pius Quintus did; & the commanding of Subjects not to obey in making profession of their Oath of their dutiful Allegiance, as this Pope hath now done: no man can easily discern.  
5. But to draw near unto his Breve, wherein certainly he hath taken more pains than he needed, by setting down in the said Breve the whole body of the Oath at length; whereas the only naming of the Title thereof might as well have served, for any answer he hath made thereunto (making una litura, that is, the flat and general condemnation of the whole Oath to serve for all his refutation) Therein having as well in this respect as in the former, dealt both undiscreetly with me, and injuriously with his own Catholics. With me; in not refuting particularly what special words he quarreled in that Oath; which if he had done, it might have been that for the fatherly care I have not to put any of my Subjects to a needless extremity, I might have been contented in some sort to have reform or interpreted those words. With his own Catholics: for either if I had so done, they had been thereby fully eased in that business; or at least if I would not have condescended to have altered any thing in the said Oath, yet would thereby some appearance or shadow of excuse have been left unto them for refusing the same: not as seeming thereby to serve from their Obedience and Allegiance unto me, but only being stayed from taking the same upon the scrupulous tenderness of their consciences, in regard of those particular words which the Pope had noted and condemned therein.  
And now let us hear the words of his thunder.  

POPE PAULUS the fifth, to the English Catholics.  
Well-beloved Sons, Salutation and Apostolical Benediction. 
The Pope his first Breve.  The tribulations and calamities, which ye have continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholic Faith, have always afflicted us with great grief of mind: But for as much as we understand that at this time all things are more grievous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased. For we have heard how you are compelled, by most grievous punishments set before you, to go to the Churches of Heretics, to frequent their assemblies, to be present at their Sermons. Truly we do undoubtedly believe, that they which with so great constancy and fortitude, have hitherto endured most cruel persecutions and almost infinite miseries, that they may walk without spot in the Law of the Lord; will never suffer themselves to be defiled with the communion of those that have forsaken the divine Law. Yet notwithstanding, being compelled by the zeal of our Pastoral Office, and by our Fatherly care which we do continually take sor the salvation of your souls, we are enforced to admonish and desire you; that by no means you come unto the Churches of the Heretics, or hear their Sermons, or communicate with them in their Rites, lest you incur the wrath of God. For these things may ye not do without endamaging the worship of God, and your own salvation. As likewise you cannot without most evident and grievous wronging of God's Honour, bind yourselves by the Oath, which in like manner we have heard with very great grief of our heart is administered unto you, of the tenor under written. viz.  

The Oath.  I A.B. do truly and sincerely acknowledge, profess, testify and declare in my conscience before God and the world, That our Sovereign Lord King JAMES, is lawful King of this Realm, and of all other his majesties Dominions and Countries: And that the Pope neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church or Sea o● Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath any power or authority to depose the King, or to dispose of any of his majesties Kingdoms or Dominions, or to authorize any foreign Prince, to invade or annoy him or his Countries, or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and obedience to his Majesty, or to give Licence or leave to any of them, to bear Arms, raise tumults, or to offer any violence or hurt to his majesties Royal person, State or Government, or to any of his majesties Subjects within his majesties Dominions. Also I do swear from my heart, that, notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of Excommunication, or deprivation made or granted, or to be made or granted, by the Pope or his Successors, or by any Authority derived, or pretended to be derived from him or his Sea, against the said King, his Heirs or Successors, or any Absolution of the said subjects from their Obedience; I will bear faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever, which shallbe made against his or their Persons, their Crown and dignity, by reason or colour of any such Sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto his Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, all Treasons and traitorous Conspiracies, which I shall know or hear of, to be against him or any of them. And I do further swear, That I do from my heart abhor, detest and abjure as impious and Heretical, this damnable doctrine and Position, That Princes which be excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, may be deposed or murdered by their Subjects, or any other whatsoever. And I do believe, and in conscience am resolved, that neither the Pope nor any person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof; which I acknowledge by good and full Authority to be lawfully ministered unto me, and do renounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according to these express words by me spoken, and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any Equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I do make this Recognition and acknowledgement heartily, willingly and truly, upon the true Faith of a Christian. So help my God.  
Which things since they are thus; it must evidently appear unto you by the words themselves, That such an Oath cannot be taken without hurting of the Catholic Faith, and the Salvation of your Souls; seeing it contains many things, which are flat contrary to Faith and Salvation. Wherefore we do admonish you, that you do utterly abstain from taking this and the like Oaths: which thing we do the more earnestly require of you, because we have experience of the Constancy of your Faith, which is tried like Gold in the fire of perpetual Tribulation. We do well know, that you will cheerfully undergo all kind of cruel Torments whatsoever, yea and constantly endure death itself, rather than you will in any thing offend the Majesty of God. And this our Confidence is confirmed by those things, which are daily reported unto us, of the singular virtue, valour and fortitude which in these last times doth no less shine in your Martyrs, than it did in the first beginnings of the Church. Stand therefore, your Loins being girt about with Verity, and having on the Breastplate of righteousness, taking the Shield of Faith, be ye strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might; And let nothing hinder you. He which will crown you, and doth in Heaven behold your Conflicts, will finish the good work which he hath begun in you. You know how he hath promised his Disciples, that he will never leave them Orphans: for he is faithful which hath promised. Hold fast therefore his correction, that is, being rooted and grounded in Charity, whatsoever ye do, whatsoever ye endeavour, do it with one accord, in simplicity of Heart, in meekness of Spirit, without murmuring or doubting. For by this do all men know that we are the Disciples of Christ, if we have Love one to another. Which Charity, as it is very greatly to be desired of all faithful Christians; So certainly is it altogether necessary for you, most blessed Sons. For by this your Charity, the power of the Devil is weakened, who doth so much assail you, since that Power of his is especially up held by the Contentions and Disagreement of our Sons. We exhort you therefore by the bowels of our Lord jesus Christ, by whose Love we are taken out of the jaws of eternal Death; That above all things, you would have mutual Charity among you. Surely Pope Clement the eight of happy memory, hath given you most profitable Precepts of practising brotherly Charity one to another, in his Letters in form of a Breve, to our well-beloved Son M. George Archpriest of the Kingdom of England, dated the 5. day of the month of October, 1602. Put them therefore diligently in practice, and be not hindered by any difficulty or doubtfulness. We command you that ye do exactly observe the words of those Letters, and that ye take and understand them simply as they sound, and as they lie; all power to interpret them otherwise, being taken away. In the mean while, we will never cease to pray to the Father of Mercies, that he would with pity behold your afflictions and your pains; And that he would keep and defend you with his continual Protection: whom we do gently greet with our Apostolical Benediction. Dated at Rome at S. Mark, under the Signet of the Fisherman, the tenth of the Calends of October, 1606. the second year of our Popedom.   

THE ANSWER to the first Breve.  
FIrst, the Pope expresseth herein his sorrow, for that persecution which the Catholics sustain for the faith's sake. Wherein, besides the main untruth whereby I am so injuriously used, I must ever avow and maintain, as the truth is according to mine own knowledge, that the late Queen of famous memory, never punished any Papist for religion, but that their own punishment was ever extorted out of her hands against her will, by their own misbehaviour, which both the time and circumstances of her actions will manifestly make proof of. For before Pius Quintus his excommunication giving her over for a prey, and setting her Subjects at liberty to rebel, it is well known she never meddled with the blood or hard punishment of any Catholic, nor made any rigorous laws against them. And since that time, who list to compare with an indifferent eye, the manifold intended Invasions against her whole Kingdom, the foreign practices, the internal public rebellilions, the private plots and machinations, poisonings, murders, and all sorts of devices, et quid non? daily set abroach; and all these wares continually fostered & fomented from Rome; together with the continual corrupting of her Subjects, as well by temporal bribes, as by fair and specious promises of eternal felicity; and nothing but book upon book publicly set forth by her fugitives, for approbation of so holy designs: who list, I say, with an indifferent eye, to look on the one part, upon those infinite & intolerable temptations, and on the other part upon the just, yet moderate punishment of a part of these heinous offenders; shall easily see that that blessed defunct Lady was as free from persecution, as they shall free these hellish Instruments from the honour of martyrdom.  
5. But now having sacrificed (if I may so say) to the Manes of my late predecessor, I may next with S. Paul justly vindicate my own fame, from those innumerable calumnies spread against me, in testifying the truth of my behaviour toward the Papists: wherein I may truly affirm, that whatsoever was her just and merciful Government over the Papists in her time, my Government over them since hath so far exceeded hers, in mercy and clemency, as not only the Papists themselves grew to that height of pride, in confidence of my mildness, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to themselves liberty of conscience and equality with other of my Subjects in all things; but even a number of the best and faithfullest of my said subjects, were cast in great fear & amazement of my course and proceedings, ever prognosticating and justly suspecting that sour fruit to come of it, which showed itself clearly in the powder-Treason. How many did I honour with knighthood, of known & open Recusants? How indifferently did I give audience, and access to both sides, bestowing equally all favours and honours on both professions? How free & continual access, had all ranks & degrees of Papists in my Court & company? And above all, how frankly and freely did I free Recusants of their ordinary payments? Besides, it is evident what straight order was given out of my own mouth to the judges, to spare the execution of all Priests, (notwithstanding their conviction,) joining thereunto a gracious Proclamation, whereby all Priests, that were at liberty, and not taken, might go out of the country by such a day: my general Pardon having been extended to all convicted Priests in prison: whereupon they were set at liberty as good Subjects: and all Priests that were taken after, sent over and set at liberty there. But time & paper will fail me to make enumeration of all the benefits and favours that I bestowed in general and particular upon Papists: in recounting whereof every scrape of my pen would serve but for a blot of the Pope's ingratitude and Injustice, in meating me with so hard a measure for the same. So as I think I have sufficiently, or at least with good reason wiped the 
a Magno cum animi moerore, etc.  tears from the Pope's eyes, for complaining upon such persecution, who if he had been but politicly wise, although he had had no respect to justice and Verity, would have in this complaint of his, made a difference between my present time, and the time of the late Queen, And so by his commending of my moderation, in regard of former times, might have had hope to have moved me to have continued in the same clement course. For it is a true saying, that alleged kindness upon noble minds, doth ever work much. And for the main untruth of any persecution in my time, it can never be proved, that any were, or are put to death since I came to the Crown for cause of Conscience: except that now this discharge given by the Pope to all Catholics to take their oath of Allegiance to me, be the cause of the due punishment of many: which if it fall out to be, let the blood light upon the Pope's head, who is the only cause thereof.  
As for the next point contained in his Breve concerning his discharge of all Papists to come to our Church, or frequent our rites and ceremonies, 
The intendment of this discourse.  I am not to meddle at this time with that matter, because my errand now only is to publish to the world the Injury and Injustice done unto me in discharging my subjects to make profession o● their obedience unto me. Now as to the point where the oath is quarreled, it is se● down in few, but very weighty words; to wit, That it ought to be clear unto all Catholics, that this oath cannot be taken with safety of the Catholic Faith, and of their soul's health, since it containeth many things that are plainly and directly contrary to their faith & salvation. To this, the old saying fathered upon the Philosopher may very fi●ly be applied, Mul ta dicit sed pauca probat: nay indeed, Nihil omnino probat. For how the profession of the natural Allegiance of Subjects to their Prince can be directly opposite to the faith & salvation of souls, is so far beyond my simple reading in Divinity, as I must think it a strange and new Assertion, to proceed out of the mouth of that pretended general Pastor of all Christian souls. I read indeed, and not in one, or two, or three places of Scripture, that Subjects are bound to obey their Princes for conscience sake, whether they were good or wicked Princes. So said the people to 
a Josh. 1.17.  joshua, As we obeyed Moses in all things, so will we obey thee. So the 
b jere. 27.12.  Prophet commanded the people to obey the King of Babel, saying, Put your necks under the yoke of the King of Babel, and serve him and his people, that ye may live. So were the children of Israel, unto 
c Exod. 5.1.  Pharaoh, desiring him to let them go: so to 
d Ezra. 1.3.  Cyrus, obtaining leave of him to return to build the Temple: and in a word, the 
e Rome 13.5.  Apostle willed all men to be subject to the higher powers for conscience sake. Agreeable to the Scriptures did the Fathers teach. 
f Augusi●in Psal. 124.  Augustine speaking of julian, saith, julian was an unbelieving Emperor: was he not an Apostata, an Oppressor, and an Idolater? Christian Soldiers served that unbelieving Emperor: when they came to the cause of CHRIST, they would acknowledge no Lord, but him that is in heaven: When he would have them to worship Idols and to sacrifice, they preferred GOD before him: But when he said, go forth to fight, invade such a nation, they presently obeyed. They distinguished their eternal Lord from their temporal, and yet were they subject even unto their temporal lord, for his sake that was their eternal Lord and Master. 
g Tertul●ad Scap.  Tertullian saith, A Christian is enemy to no man, much less to the Prince, whom he knoweth to be appointed of God: and so of necessity must love, reverence and honour him, and wish him safe with the whole Roman Empire, so long as the world shall last: for so long shall it endure. We honour therefore the Emperor in such sort, as is lawful for us, and expedient for him, as a man, the next unto God, and obtaining from God whatsoever he hath, and only inferior unto God. This the Emperor himself would: for so is he greater than all, while he is inferior only to the true God. 
h just. Martyr Apol. 2. ad Ant. Imperat.  justine Martyr; We only adore God, and in all other things cheerfully perform service to you, professing that you are Emperors and Princes of men. 
i Amb. in orat cont. Auxent●ū de basilicis traden. habetur lib. 5. Epist. Amb.  Ambrose; I may lament, weep and sigh: My tears are my weapons against their arms, soldiers, and the Goths also: such are the weapons of a Priest: Otherwise neither ought I, neither can I resist. 
k Optat. contra Parmen. lib. 3.  Optatus; Over the Emperor, there is none but only God, that made the Emperor. And 
l Greg. Mag. Epist. lib. 2. indict. 11. Epist. 61.  Gregory writing to Mauritius about a certain Law, that a soldier should not be received into a Monastery, nondum expleta militia, The Almighty God, saith he, holds him guilty, that is not upright to the most excellent Emperor in all things that he doth or speaketh. And then calling himself the unworthy servant of his Godliness, goeth on in the whole Epistle to show the injustice of that Law, as he pretendeth: and in the end concludes his Epistle with these words, I being subject to your command, have caused the same Law to be sent through divers parts of your Dominions: and because the Law itself doth not agree to the Law of the Almighty God, I have signified the same by my letters to your most excellent Lordship: so that on both parts I have paid what I ought: because I have yielded obedience to the Emperor, and have not holden my peace, in what I thought for God. Now how great a contrariety there is betwixt this ancient Pope's action in obeying an Emperor by the publication of his Decree, which in his own conscience he thought unlawful, and this present Pope's prohibition to a King's Subjects from obedience unto him in things most lawful and mere temporal; I remit it to the Readers indifferency. And answerably to the Fathers spoke the Counsels in their decrees. As the Council of 
m Concil. Arelatense sub Carolo Mag. Can. 26·  Arles, submitting the whole Council to the Emperor in these words: These things we have decreed to be presented to our lord the Emperor, beseeching his clemency, that if we have done less than we ought, it may be supplied by his wisdom: if any thing otherwise then reason requireth, it may be corrected by his judgement: if any thing be found fault with by us with reason, it may be perfected by his aid with God's favourable assistance.  
But why should I speak of Charles the Great, to whom not one Council, but six several Counsels, Frankford, Arles, Tours, Chalons, Ments & Rheims did wholly submit themselves? and not rather speak of all the general Counsels, that of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the four other commonly so reputed, which did submit themselves to the emperors wisdom, and piety in all things? Insomuch as that of Ephesus repeated it four several times, That they were summoned by the emperors Oracle, beck, charge, and command, and betook themselves to his Godliness, 
a Vide epistolam generalis Conc. Ephes. ad August.  beseeching him, that the decrees made against Nestorius and his followers, might by his power have their full force and validity, as appeareth manifestly in the Epistle of the general Council of Ephesus written ad Augustos. I also read that Christ said, his 
b john 18.36.  kingdom was not of this world, bidding, Give to 
c Mat. 22.21.  Caesar what was Caesar's, and to God what was Gods. And I ever held it for an infallible maxim in Divinity, That temporal obedience to a temporal Magistrate did nothing repugn to matters of faith or salvation of souls. But that ever temporal obedience was against faith and salvation of souls, as in this Breve is alleged, was never before heard nor read of in the Christian Church. And therefore I would have wished the Pope, before he had set down this commandment to all Papists here, That since in him is the power, by the infallibility of his spirit, to make new articles of faith when ever it shall please him; that he had first set it down for an article of faith, before he had commanded all Catholics to believe and obey it. I will then conclude the answer to this point in a Dilemma.  
Either it is lawful to obey the Sovereign in temporal things, or not. 
Question.   
If it be lawful, (as I never heard nor read it doubted of) then why is the Pope so unjust and so cruel towards his own Catholics, as to command them to disobey their Sovereign's lawful commandment?  
If it be unlawful, why hath he neither expressed any one cause or reason thereof, nor yet will give them leave, (nay rather he should command and persuade them in plain terms) not to live under a King whom unto they ought no obedience?  
And as for the vehement exhortation unto 
Answer to the Pope's exhortation.  them to persevere in constancy, and to suffer martyrdom, and all tribulation for this cause; it requireth no other answer then only this, That if the ground be good whereupon he hath commanded them to stand, than exhortation to constancy is necessary: but if the ground be unjust, and nought (as indeed it is, and I have in part already proved) then this Exhortation of his can work no other effect, then to make him guilty of the blood of so many of his sheep, whom he doth thus wilfully cast away, not only to the needless loss of their lives, and ruin of their families, but even to the laying on of a perpetual flaunder upon all Papists; as if no zealous Papist could be a true subject to his Prince; and that the profession of that Religion, and the temporal obedience to the Civil Magistrate, were two things repugnant & incompatible in themselves. But evil information, and untrue reports (which being carried so far as between this and Rome, 
Fama vires acquirit eundo.  cannot but increase by the way) might have abused the Pope, and made him dispatch this Breve so rashly. For that great City, Queen of the World, and as themselves confess, 
a Eusebius, Occumemus and Leo hold, that by Babylon in 1. Pet. 5.13 Rome is meant, as the Rhemists themselves confess.  mystically Babylon, cannot but be so full of all sorts of intelligencies. Besides, all complainers (as the Catholics here are) be naturally given to exaggerate their own griefs, and multiply thereupon. So that it is no wonder, that even a judge sitting there, should upon wrong information, give an unrighteous sentence; as some of their own party do not stick to confess, that Pius Quintus was too rashly carried upon wrong information, to pronounce his thunder of Excommunication upon the late Queen. And it may be, the like excuse shall hereafter be made for the two Breves, which 
b See the Relation of the whole proceedings against the Traitors, Garnet and his confederates.  Clemens octaws sent to England immediately before her death, for debarring me of the Crown, or any other that either would profess, or any ways tolerate the professors of our Religion; contrary to his manifold vows and protestations, simul & eodem tempore, & as it were, delivered uno & eodem spiritu, to divers of my ministers abroad, professing such kindness, and showing such forwardness to advance me to this Crown. Nay, the most part of Catholics here, finding this Breve when it came to their hands, to be so far against divinity, 
The Catholics opinion of the Breve  policy, or natural sense, were firmly persuaded, that it was but a counterfeit Libel, devised in hatred of the Pope; or at the farthest, a thing hastily done upon wrong information, as was before said. Of which opinion were not only the simpler sort of Papists, but even some amongst them of best account, both for learning and experience; whereof the Archpriest himself was one. But for solving of this objection, the Pope himself hath taken new pains by sending forth a second Breve, only for giving faith and confirmation to the former: That whereas before, his sin might have been thought to have proceeded from rashness, and misinformation, he will now wilfully and willingly double the same: whereof the Copy followeth.   

TO OUR Beloved sons the English Catholics, Paulus P.P. V ius.  
Beloved Sons, 
The second Breve.  Salutation and Apostolical benediction. It is reported unto us, that there are found certain amongst you, who when as we have sufficiently declared by our Letters, dated the last year on the tenth of the Calends of October in the form of a Breve, that ye cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath, which was then required of you; and when as we have further straightly commanded you, that by no means ye should take it; yet there are some, I say, among you, which dare now affirm, that such Letters concerning the forbidding of the Oath, were not written of our own accord, or of our own proper will, but rather for the respect and at the instigation of other men. And for that cause, the same men do go about to persuade you, that our commands in the said letters are not to be regarded. Surely this news did trouble us; and that so much the more, because having had experience of your obedience (most dearly beloved sons) who to the end ye might obey this holy Sea, have godlily, and valiantly contemned your riches, wealth, honour, liberty, yea and life itself; we should never have suspected, that the truth of our Apostolic letters could once be called into question among you, that by this pretence ye might exempt yourselves from our commandments. But we do herein perceive the subtlety and craft of the enemy of man's salvation; and we do attribute this your backwardness rather to him, then to your own will. And for this cause, we have thought good to write the second time unto you, and to signify unto you again, that our Apostolic letters dated the last year on the tenth of the Calends of October concerning the prohibition of the Oath, were written not only upon our proper motion, and of our certain knowledge, but also after long and weighty deliberation used concerning all those things, which are contained in them; and for that cause that ye are bound fully to observe them, rejecting all interpretation persuading to the contrary. And this is our mere, pure, and perfect will, being always careful of your salvation, and always minding those things which are most profitable unto you. And we do pray without ceasing, that he that hath appointed our lowliness to the keeping of the flock of Christ, would enlighten our thoughts and our counsels: whom we do also continually desire, that he would increase in you (our beloved Sons) faith, constancy, and mutual charity and peace one to another. All whom, we do most lovingly bless with all charitable affection.  
Dated at Rome at Saint Marks under the Signet of the Fisherman, the x. of the Calends of September, 1607. the third year of our Popedom.   

THE ANSWER to the second Breve.  
NOw for this Breve, I may justly reflect his own phrase upon him, in terming it to be The craft of the Devil. For if the Devil had studied a thousand years, for to find out a mischief for our Catholics hear, he hath found it in this: that now when many catholics have taken their Oath, and some Priests also; yea, the Archpriest himself, without compunction or sticking, they shall not now only be bound to refuse the profession of their natural Allegiance to their Sovereign, which might yet have been some way coloured upon divers scruples conceived upon the words of the Oath; but they must now renounce & forswear their profession of obedience already sworn, 
A double Oath of every Subject.  and so must as it were at the third instance forswear their former two Oaths, first closely sworn, by their birth in the natural Allegiance; and next, clearly confirmed by this Oath, which doth nothing but express the same: so as no man can now hold the faith, or procure the salvation of his sold in England, that must not abjure and renounce his borne and sworn Allegiance to his natural Sovereign.  
And yet it is not sufficient to ratify the last years Breve, by a new one come forth this year; but (that not only every year, but every month may produce a new monster) the great and famous Writer of the Controversies, the late un-iesuited Cardinal Bellarmine, must add his talon to this good work, by blowing the bellows of sedition, and sharpening the spur to rebellion, by sending such a Letter of his to the Archpriest here, as it is wonder how passion and an ambitious desire of maintaining that Monarchy, should charm the wits of so famously learned a man.  
The Copy where of here followeth.   

TO THE VERY Reverend Mr. George Blackwel, Archpriest of the English: Robert Bellarmine Cardinal of the holy Church of Rome, greeting.  
Reverend Sir, and Brother in CHRIST, It is almost forty years since we did see one the other: but yet I have never been unmindful of our ancient acquaintance, neither have I ceased, seeing I could do you no other good, to commend your labouring most painfully in the Lord's vineyard, in my prayers to God. And I doubt not, but that I have lived all this while in your memory, and have had some place in your prayers at the Lords Altar. So therefore even unto this time we have abidden, as S. john speaketh, in the mutual love one of the other, not by word or letter, but in deed and truth. But a late message which was brought unto us within these few days, of your bonds and imprisonment, hath enforced me to break off this silence; which message, although it seemed heavy in regard of the loss which that Church hath received, by their being thus deprived of the comfort of your pastoral function among them, yet withal it seemed joyous, because you drew near unto the glory of Martyrdom, than the which gift of God there is none more happy; That you, who have fed your flock so many years with the word and doctrine, should now feed it more gloriously by the example of your patience. But another heavy tidings did not a little disquiet and almost take away this joy, which immediately followed, of the adversaries assault, and peradventure of the slip and fall of your Constancy in refusing an unlawful Oath. Neither truly (most dear Brother) could that Oath therefore be lawful, because it was offered in sort tempered and modified: for you know that those kind of modifications are nothing else, but sleights & subtleties of Satan, that the Catholic faith touching the Primacy of the Sea Apostolic, might either secretly or openly be shot at, for the which faith so many worthy Martyrs even in that very England itself, have resisted unto blood. For most certain it is, that in whatsoever words the Oath is conceived by the adversaries of the faith in that Kingdom, it tends to this end, that the authority of the head of the Church in England, may be transferred from the successor of S. Peter, to the Successor of K. Henry the eight. For that which is pretended of the danger of the King's life, if the high Priest should have the same power in England, which he hath in all other Christian Kingdoms, it is altogether idle, as all that have any understanding, may easily perceive. For it was never heard of from the Church's infancy until this day, that ever any Pope did command that any Prince, though an Heretic, though an Ethnic, though a Persecutor, should be murdered; or did approve of the fact when it was done by any other. And why, I pray you, doth only the King of England fear that, which none of all other the Princes in Christendom either doth fear, or ever did fear?  
But, as I said, these vain pretexts are but the traps and stratagems of Satan: Of which kind I could produce not a f●we out of Ancient Stories, if I went about to write a book● and not an Epistle. One only for example sake I will call to your memory S. Gregorius Nazianzenus in his first Oration against julian the Emperor, reporteth, That he, the more easily to beguile the simple Christians, did insert the Images of the false gods into the pictures of the Emperor, which the Romans did use to bow dawn unto with a civil kind of reverence: so that no man could do reverence to the emperors picture, but withal he must adore the Images of the false gods; whereupon it came to pass that many were deceived. And if there were any that found out the emperors craft, and refused to worship his picture, those were most grievously punished, as men that had contemned the Emperor in his Image. Some such like thing, me thinks, I see in the Oath that is offered to you, which is to so craftily composed, that no man can detest Treason against the King and make profession of his Civil subjection, but he must be constrained perfidiously to deny the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea. But the servants of Christ, and especially the chief Priests of the Lord ought to be so far from taking an unlawful Oath, where they may endamage the Faith, that they ought to beware that they give not the least suspicion of dissimulation that they have taken it, lest they might seem to have left any example of prevarication to faithful people. Which thing that worthy Eleazar did most notably perform, who would neither eat swine's flesh, nor so much as fain to have eaten it, although he saw the great torments that did hang over his head; lest, as himself speaketh in the second book of the Maccabees, many young men might be brought through that similation, to prevaricate with the Law. Neither did Basil the great by his example, which is more fit for our purpose, carry himself less worthily toward Valens the Emperor. For as Theodoret writeth in his History, when the Deputy of that heretical Emperor did persuade Saint Basill, that he would not resist the Emperor for a little subtlety of a few points of doctrine; that most holy and prudent man made answer, That it was not to be endured, that the least syllable of God's word should be corrupted, but rather all kind of torment was to be embraced, for the maintenance of the Truth thereof. Now I suppose, that there wants not amongst you, who say that they are but subtleties of Opinions that are contained in the Oath that is offered to the Catholics, and that you are not to strive against the King's Authority for such a little matter. But there are not wanting also amongst you holy men like unto Basil the Great, which will openly avow, that the very lest syllable of God's divine truth is not to be corrupted, though many torments were to be endured, and death itself set before you. Amongst whom it is meet, that you should be one, or rather the Standerd-bearer, and General to the rest. And whatsoever hath been the cause, that your Constancy hath quailed, whether it be the suddenness of your apprehension, or the bitterness of your persecution, or the imbecility of your old age: yet we trust in the goodness of God, & in your own long continued virtue, that it will come to pass, that as you seem in some part to have imitated the fall of Peter, and Marcellinus, so you shall happily imitate their valour in recovering your strength, and maintaining the truth. For if you will diligently weigh the whole matter with yourself, truly you shall see, it is no small matter that is called in question by this Oath, but one of the principal heads of our faith and foundations of Catholic Religion. For hear what your Apostle S. Gregory the Great hath written, in his 24. Epistle of his 11. book. Let not the reverence due to the Apostolic Sea, be troubled by any man's presumption: for then the estate of the members doth remain entire, when the head of the faith is not bruised by any injury. Therefore by S. Gregory's testimony, when they are busy about disturbing or diminishing, or taking away of the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea: then are they busy about cutting off the very head of the faith, and dissolving of the state of the whole body, and of all the members. Which self same thing S. Leo doth confirm in his third Sermon of his Assumption to the Popedom, when he saith, Our Lord had a special care of Peter, & prayed properly for Peter's faith, as though the state of others were more stable, when their Prince's mind was not to be over come. Whereupon himself in his Epistle to the Bishops of the province of Vienna, doth not doubt to affirm, that he is not partaker of the divine Mystery, that dare depart from the solidity of Peter, who also saith, That who thinketh the Primacy to be denied to that Sea, he can in no sort lessen the authority of it: but by being puffed up with the spirit of his own pride, doth cast himself headlong into hell. These & many other of this kind, I am very sure are most familiar to you: who besides many other books, have diligently read over the visible Monarchy of your own Saunders, a most diligent writer, and one who hath worthily deserved of the Church of England. Neither can you be ignorant, that these most holy & learned men john Bishop of Rochester, and Tho. Moor, within our memory, for this one most weighty head of doctrine, led the way to Martyrdom to many others, to the exceeding glory of the English nation. But I would put you in remembrance that you should take heart, & considering the weightiness of the cause, not to trust too much to your own judgement, neither be wise above that is meet to be wise: and if peradventure your fall have proceeded not upon want of consideration, but through human infirmity, & for fear of punishment and imprisonment, yet do not prefer a temporal liberty to the liberty of the glory of the Sons of God: neither for escaping a light and momentany tribulation, lose an eternal weight of glory, which tribulation itself doth work in you. You have fought a good fight a long time, you have well near finished your course; so many years have you kept the faith: do not therefore lose the reward of such labours; do not deprive yourself of that crown of righteousness which so long agone is prepared for you, Do not make the faces of so many yours both brethren and children ashamed. Upon you at this time are fixed the eyes of all the Church: yea also, you are made a spectacle to the world, to Angels, to men; Do not so carry yourself in this your last act, that you leave nothing but laments to your friends, and joy to your enemies. But rather on the contrary, which we assuredly hope, & for which we continually power forth prayers to God, display gloriously the banner of faith, and make to rejoice the Church which you have made heavy; so shall you not only merit pardon at God's hands, but a crown. Farewell. Quite you like a man, and let your heart be strengthened. From Rome. the 28. day of September, 1607.  
Your very Reverendships' brother and servant in Christ, Robert Bellarmine Cardinal.   

THE ANSWER to the Cardinal's Letter.  
AND now that I am to enter into the field against him by refuting his Letter, I must first use this protestation; That no desire of vain glory by matching with so learned a man, maketh me to undertake this task; but only the care & conscience I have, that such smooth Circe's charms and guilded pills, as full of exterior eloquence, as of in ward untruths, may not have that public passage through the world without an answer: whereby my reputation might unjustly be darkened, by such cloudy and foggy mists of untruths and false imputations, the hearts of unstaid and simple men be misled, & the truth itself smothered.  
But before I come to the particular answer of this Letter, I must here desire the world to wonder with me, 
A great mistaking of the state of the Question and case in hand.  at the committing of so gross an error by so learned a man: as that he should have pained himself to have set down so elaborate a letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken question. For it appeareth, that our English Fugitives, of whose inward society with him he so greatly vaunteth, have so fast hammered in his head the Oath of Supremacy, which hath ever been so great a scar unto them, as he thinking by his letter to have refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof only paid the Oath of Supremacy, which was most in his head: as a man that being earnestly carried in his thoughts upon another matter, than he is presently in doing, will often name the matter or person he is thinking of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand.  

The difference between the Oath of Supremacy, and this of Allegiance.  For, as the Oath of Supremacy was devised for putting a difference between Papists, and them of our profession: so was this Oath, which he would seem to impugn, ordained for making a difference between the civilly obedient Papists, & the perverse disciples of the powder-Treason. Yet doth all his letter run upon an invective against the Compulsion of Catholics to deny the authority of Saint Peter's Successors; and in place thereof to acknowledge the Successors of King Henry the eight. For, in King Henry the eights time was the Oath of Supremacy first made: by him were Thomas Moor and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it. From his time till now have all the Princes of this land professing this Religion, successively in effect maintained the same and in that Oath only is contained the King's absolute power, to be judge over all persons, aswell Civil as Ecclesiastical; excluding all foreign powers and Potentates to be judges within his Dominions: whereas this last made Oath containeth no such matter, only meddling with the civil obedience of subjects to their Sovereign, in mere temporal causes.  
And that it may the better appear, that whereas by name he seemeth to condemn the last Oath; yet indeed his whole Letter runneth upon nothing, but upon the condemnation of the Oath of Supremacy: I have here thought good to set down the said Oath, leaving it then to the discretion of every indifferent reader to judge, whether he doth not in substance only answer to the Oath of Supremacy, but that he giveth the child a wrong name.  I A B. do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience, that the King's Highness is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm, and all other his highness Dominions and Counties, as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes, as Temporal: And that no foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Potentate, hath or aught to have any jurisdiction, Power, Superiority, pre-eminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm. And therefore, I do utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, Powers, Superiorities and authorities; and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highness, his Heirs and lawful Successors: and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, Privileges, Preeminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the King's Highness, his Heirs and Successors, or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of the Realm: So help me God: and by the Contents of this book. 
And that the injustice, as well as the error of his gross mistaking in this point, may yet be more clearly discovered; I have also thought good to insert here immediately after the Oath of Supremacy, the contrary Conclusions to all the points and Articles, whereof this other late Oath doth consist: whereby it may appear, what unreasonable and rebellious points he would drive my Subjects unto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is conceived. For he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of necessity hold all, or some of these propositions following.  
That I, King JAMES, am not the lawful King of this Kingdom, and of all other my Dominions.  
That the Pope by his own authority may depose me. If not by his own authority, yet by some other authority of the Church, or of the Sea of Rome. If not by some other authority of the Church & Sea of Rome, yet by other means with others help, he may depose me.  
That the Pope may dispose of my Kingdoms and Dominions.  
That the Pope may give authority to some foreign Prince to invade my Dominions.  
That the Pope may discharge my Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to me.  
That the Pope may give licence to one, or more of my Subjects to bear arms against me.  
That the Pope may give leave to my Subjects to offer violence to my Person, or to my Government, or to some of my Subjects.  
That if the Pope shall by sentence excommunicate or depose me, my Subjects are not to bear Faith and Allegiance to me.  
If the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose me, my Subjects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crown.  
If the Pope shall give out any Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation against me, my Subjects by reason of that sentence are not bound to reveal all Conspiracies and Treasons against me, which shall come to their hearing and knowledge.  
That it is not heretical and detestable to hold, that Princes being excommunicated by the Pope, may be either deposed or killed by their Subjects, or any other.  
That the Pope hath power to absolve my Subjects from this Oath, or from some part thereof.  
That this Oath is not administered to my Subjects, by a full and lawful authority.  
That this Oath is to be taken with Equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation: and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the true faith of a Christian man.  
These are the true and natural branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmative of all which negatives, do neither concern in any case the Pope's Supremacy in spiritual causes: nor yet were ever concluded, 
Touching the pretended Council of Lateran. See Plat. In vita Innocen. III.  and defined by any complete general Council to belong to the Pope's authority; and their own school Doctors are at irreconcilable odds and jars about them.  
And that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole States setting down of this Oath, did not proceed from any new invention of our own, 
The Oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authority of ancient Counsels.  but as it is warranted by the word of GOD: so doth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand years agone, which a famous Council then, together with divers other Counsels, were so far from condemning (as the Pope now hath done this Oath) as I have thought good to set down their own words here in that purpose: whereby it may appear that I crave nothing now of my Subjects in this Oath, which was not expressly and carefully commanded then, by the Counsels to be obeyed without exception of persons. Nay, not in the very particular point of equivocation, which I in this Oath was so careful to have eschewed: but you shall here see the said Counsels in their Decrees, 
The ancient Counsels provided for Equivocation  as careful to provide for the eschewing of the same; so as almost every point of that Action, and this of ours shall be found to have relation and agreeance one with the other, save only in this, that those old Counsels were careful and straight in commanding the taking of the same: 
The difference between the ancient Counsels, and the Pope counseling of the Catholics.  whereas by the contrary, he that now vaunteth himself to be head of all Counsels, is as careful and straight in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance.  
The words of the Council be these. Hear our Sentence.  
Whosoever of us, 
Concil. Toletan. 4 can 47. Ann. 633.  or of all the people throughout all Spain, shall go about by any means of conspiracy or practice, to violate the Oath of his fidelity, which he hath taken for the preservation of his Country, or of the King's life; or who shall attempt to put violent hands upon the King; or to deprive him of his kingly power; or that by tyrannical presumption would usurp the Sovereignty of the Kingdom: let him be accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels; and let him be made and declared a stranger from the Catholic Church, which he hath profaned by his perjury, & an alien from the company of all Christian people; together with all the complices of his impiety: because it behoveth all those that be guilty of the like offence, to under-lie the like punishment. Which sentence is three several times together, and almost in the same words, repeated in the same Canon. After this, the Synod desired, That this Sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed, might be confirmed by the voice and consent of all that were present. Then the whole Clergy and people answered, Whosoever shall carry himself presumptuously against this your definitive sentence, let them be Anathema maranatha, that is, let them be utterly destroyed at the Lords coming, and let them and their complices have their portion with judas Iscarioth. Amen.  
And in the fifth 
a Concil. Toletan. 5. Can. 7. anno. 636.  Council, there it is decreed, That this Act touching the Oath of Allegiance, shall be repeated in every Council of the Bishops of Spain. The Decree is in these words: In consideration that the minds of men are easily inclined to evil and forgetfulness, therefore this most holy Synod hath ordained; and doth enact, That in every Council of the Bishops of Spain, the Decree of the general 
b Synod. Toletan 4. universalis, & magna Synodus dicta, Syn. T●l 5. ca 2.  Council which was made for the safety of our Princes, shall be with an audible voice proclaimed & pronounced, after the conclusion of all other things in the Synod: that so it being often sounded in their ears, at least by continual remembrance, the minds of wicked men being terrified might be reform, which by oblivion & facility [to evil] are brought to prevaricate.  
And in the sixth 
a Concil. Tolet. 6. Can. 18 Anno 638.  Council, We do protest before God, and all the orders of Angels, in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles, and all the company of Martyrs, and before all the Catholic Church, and assemblies of the Christians; That no man shall go about to seek the destruction of the King: No man shall touch the life of the Prince; No man shall deprive him of the Kingdom; No man by any tyrannical presumption shall usurp to himself the sovereignty of the Kingdom; No man by any Machination shall in his adversity associate to himself any pack of conspirators against him; And that if any of us shallbe presumptuous by rashness in any of these cases, let him be strike with the anatheme of God, and reputed as condemned in eternal judgement without any hope of recovery.  
And in the tenth 
b Concil. Tolet. 10 Can. 2. Aera. 694.  Council (to omit divers others held also at Toledo) it is said; That if any religious man, even from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the Churchmen or Monks, shall be found to have violated the general Oaths made for the preservation of the King's person, or of the nation and Country with a profane mind; forthwith let him be deprived of all dignity, and excluded from all place and honour. The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath, was, That the Christians were suspected for want of fidelity to their Kings; and did either equivocate in taking their Oath, or make no conscience to keep it, when they had given it: as may appear by sundry speeches in the 
a Concil. Toletan. 4. cap. 74.  Council, saying, There is a general report, that there is that perfidiousness in the minds of many people of diverse Nations, that they make no conscience to keep the Oath and fidelity that they have sworn unto their Kings: but do dissemble a profession of fidelity in their mouths, when they hold an impious perfidiousness in their minds. And 
b Concil. Tolet 4. cap 74.  again, They swear to their Kings, and yet do they prevaricate in the fidelity which they have promised: Neither do they fear the volume of God's judgement, by the which the curse of God is brought upon them, with great threatening of punishments, which do swear lyingly in the Name of God. To the like effect spoke they in the Council of 
a Concil. A. quisgran sub Ludou. Pio, & Greg. 4. Can. 12. anno 836.  Aquisgran: If any of the Bishops, or other Churchman of inferior degree, hereafter thorough fear or covetousness, or any other persuasion, shall make defection from our Lord the Orthodox Emperor Lodowick, or shall violate the Oath of fidelity made unto him, or shall with their perverse intention adhere to his enemies; let him by this Canonical and synodal sentence be deprived of whatsoever place he is possessed of.  
And now to come to a particular answer of his letter. First as concerning the sweet memory he hath of his old acquaintance with the Archpriest; it may indeed be pleasing for him to recount: but sure I am, his acquaintance with him and the rest of his society, our Fugitives (whereof he also vaunteth himself in his preface to the Reader in his book of Controversies) hath proved sour to us and our State. For some of such Priests and jesuits, as were the greatest Traitors and fomenters of the greatest conspiracies against the late Queen, gave up father Robert Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles. 
Campian and Hart. See the conference in the Tower.  And therefore I do not envy the great honour he can win, by his vaunt of his inward familiarity with an other Prince's traitors and fugitives: whom unto if he teach no better manners than hitherto he hath done, I think his fellowship are little beholding unto him.  
And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the altar of the Lord: if the Archpriests prayers prove no more profitable to his soul, than Bellarmine's counsel is like to prove profitable, both to the soul and body of Blackwel (if he would follow it) the author of this letter might very well be without his prayers.  
Now the first messenger that I can find, which brought joyful news of the Archpriest to Bellarmine, was he that brought the news of the Archpriests taking, and first appearance of Martyrdom. A great sign surely of the Cardinal's mortification, that he was so rejoiced to hear of the apprehension, imprisonment and appearance of putting to death of so old and dear a friend of his. But yet apparently he should first have been sure, that he was only to be punished for cause of Religion, before he had so triumphed upon the expectation of his Martyrdom. For first, 
The Cardinal's charity.  by what rule of charity was it lawful for him to judge me a persecutor, before proof had been made of it by the said Arch-priestes condemnation and death? What could he know, that the said Archpriest was not taken upon suspicion of his guiltiness in the Powder-Treason? What certain information had he then received upon the particulars, whereupon he was to be accused? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon he was to be accused? For at that time there was yet nothing laid to his charge. And if charity should not be suspicious, what warrant had he absolutely to condemn me of using persecution and tyranny, which could not be but emplied upon me, if Blackwel was to be a Martyr? but surely it may justly be said of Bellarmine in this case, that our Saviour CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnal men, who think it enough to love their 
a Mat. 5.43.  friends and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinal's charity extending no farther, then to them of his own profession. For what ever he added in superfluous charity to Blackwel, in rejoicing in the speculation of his future Martyrdom; he detracted as much unjustly and uncharitably from me, in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody Persecutor. And whereas this joy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the news of the said Archpriest his failing in his constancy, by taking of this Oath; he needed never to have been troubled, either with his former joy or his second sorrow, both being alike falsely grounded. For as it was never my intention to lay any thing unto the said Archpriests charge, as I have never done to any for cause of conscience; so was blackwel's constancy never brangled by taking of this Oath; It being a thing which he ever thought lawful before his apprehension, and whereunto he persuaded all Catholics to give obedience; like as after his apprehension, he never made doubt or stop in it; but at the first offering it unto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawful; neither means of threatening or flattery being ever used unto him, as himself can yet bear witness.  
And as for the temperature and modification of this Oath; except that a reasonable and lawful matter is there set down in reasonable & temperate words, agreeing thereunto: I know not what he can mean, by quarreling it for that fault. For no temperateness nor modifications in words therein, can justly be called the devils craft, when the thing itself is so plain, and so plainly interpreted to all them that take it; as the only troublesome thing in it all, be the words used in the end thereof, for eschewing equivocation and mental reservation. Which new Catholic doctrine, may far justlier be called the devils craft, than any plain and temperate words, in so plain and clear a matter. But what shall we say of these strange country clowns, whom of with the Satire we may justly complain, that they blow both hot and cold out of one mouth? For Luther and our bold and free speaking Writers are mightily railed upon by them, as hot brained fellows, and speakers by the devils instinct: and now if we speak moderately and temperately of them, it must be termed the devils craft. And therefore we may justly complain with CHRIST, that when we 
a Matth. 11.17  mourn, they will not lament: and when we pipe, they will not dance. But neither john Baptist his severity, nor CHRIST his meekness and lenity can please them, who build but to their own Monarchy upon the ground of their own Traditions; and not to CHRIST upon the ground of his Word and infallible truth.  
But what can be meant by alleging, that the craft of the Devil herein, is only used for subversion of the Catholic faith, and eversion of S. Peter's Primacy; had need be commented anew by Bellarmine himself. For in all this Letter of his, never one word is used, to prove that by any part of this Oath the primacy of S. Peter is any way meddled with, except Master Bellarmine his bare alleging; which without proving it by more clear demonstration, can never satisfy the conscience of any reasonable man. For (for aught that I know) heaven and earth are no farther asunder, than the professon of a temporal obedience to a temporal King, is different from any thing belonging to the Catholic faith, or Supremacy of S. Peter. For as for the Catholic faith; 
No decision of any point of Religion in the Oath of Allegiance.  can there be one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion? Doth he that taketh it, promise there to believe, or not to believe any article of Religion? Or doth he so much as name a true or a false Church there? And as for S. Peter's Primacy; I know no Apostles name that is therein named, except the name of JAMES, it being my Christian name: though it please him not to deign to name me in all the Letter, albeit, the contents thereof concern me in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either disertis verbis, or by any other indirect means, either of the Hierarchy of the Church, of S. Peter's succession, of the Sea Apostolic, or of any such matter: but that the Author of our Letter doth bravely make mention of S. Peter's succession, bringing it in comparison with the succession of Henry the eight. Of which unapt and unmannerly similitude, I wonder he should not be much ashamed. For as to King Henry's successor (which he meaneth by me) as I, I say, never did, nor will presume to create any article of faith, or to be judge thereof; but to submit my exemplary obedience unto them, in as great humility as the meanest of the land: so if the Pope could be as well able to prove his either Person all or Doctrinal Succession from S. Peter, as I am able to prove my lineal descent from the Kings of England and Scotland; there had never been so long ado, nor so much stir kept about this question in Christendom; neither had 
a Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 6. Ibid. lib. 2. ca 12  M. Bellarmine himself needed to have bestowed so many sheets of paper De summo Pontifice, in his great books of Controversies: and when all is done, to conclude with a moral certitude, and a piè credendum: bringing in the 
b Idem. ibidem lib. 2. cap. 14.  Popes, that are parties in this cause, to be his witnesses: and yet their historical narration must be no article of faith. And I am without vantrie sure, that I do far more nearly imitate the worthy actions of my Predecessors, than the Popes in our age can be well proved to be similes Petro, especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subjects from their Allegiance unto them.  
But now we come to his strongest argument; which is, That he would allege upon me a Panic terror, as if I were possessed with a needless fear. For, 
The Cardinal's weighiest Argument.  saith the Cardinal, from the beginning of the Churches first infancy, even to this day, where was it ever heard, that ever a Pope either commanded to be killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoever, whether he were an Heretic, an Ethnic or Persecutor? But first, wherefore doth he here wilfully, and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing, degrading, stirring up of arms or rebelling against them, which are as well mentioned in tha● Oath, as the kill of them? as being all of one consequence against a King, no Subject being so scrupulous, as that he will attempt the one, and leave the other unperformed if he can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it over, since he could not otherwise have eschewed the direct belying of himself in terms, which he now doth but in substance and effect. For 
a Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 8. & lib. 3. cap. 16.  as for the Pope's deposing and degrading of Kings, he maketh so brave vaunts and brags of it in his former books, as he could never with civil honesty have denied it here.  
But to return to the Pope's allowing of killing of Kings, I know not with what face he can sent so stout a denial upon it against his own knowledge. How many Emperors did the Pope raise war against in their own bowels? Who as they were overcome in battle, were subject to have been killed therein; which I hope the Pope could not but have allowed, when he was so far enraged at 
b Gotfrid. Vite●b. Helmod. Cuspinian.  Henry the fifth for giving burial to his father's dead corpse, after the 
e Pascal. 2.  Pope had stirred him up to rebel against his father, and procured his ruin. But leaving these old Histories to Bellarmine's own books that do most authentically cite them, as I have already said; let us turn our eyes upon our own time, and therein remember what a Panegyrik 
a See the Oration of Sixtus Quintus, made in the Consistory upon the death of Henry the 3.  oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Friar and his fact, that murdered king Henry the third of France who was so far from either being Heretic, Ethnic or Persecutor in their account, that the said Popes own words in that oration are, That a true Friar hath killed a counterfeit Friar. And besides that vehement oration and congratulation for that fact; how near it scaped, that the said Friar was not canonised for that glorious act, is better known to Bellarmine and his followers, then to us here.  
But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not been more wise and circumspect in that errand, than the Pope himself was, the Popes own Calendar of his Saints would have sufficiently proved Bellarmine a liar in this case. And to draw yet nearer unto ourselves; how many practices and attempts were made against the late Queen's life, which were directly enjoined to those Traitors by their Confessors, and plainly authorized by the Pope's allowance? For verification whereof there needs no more proof, then that never Pope either then or since, called any Churchman in question for meddling in those treasonable conspiracies; nay, the Cardinals own S. Sanderus mentioned in his letter could well verify this truth, if he were alive; and who will look his books, will find them filled with no other doctrine than this. And what difference there is between the kill or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring up and approbation of practices to kill them; I remit to Bellarmine's own judgement. It may then very clearly appear, how strangely this Authors passion hath made him forget himself, by implicating himself in so strong a contradiction against his own knowledge and conscience, against the witness of his former books, and against the practice of our own times. But who can wonder at this contradiction of himself in this point, when his own great Volumes are so filled with contradictions? which when either he, or any other shall ever be able to reconcile, I will then believe that he may easily reconcile this impudent strong denial of his in his letter, of any Pope's meddling against Kings, with his own former books, as I have already said.  
And that I may not seem to imitate him in affirming boldly that which I no ways prove; I will therefore send the Reader to look for witnesses of his contradictions, in such places here mentioned in his own book. In his book, of 
a Bellar de justif. lib. 5. cap. 7.  justification, there he affirmeth, That for the uncertainty of our own proper righteousness, and for avoiding of vain glory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodness of God; 
b Contrary to all his five books the justificatione.  Which proposition of his, is directly contrary to the discourse, and current of all his five books the justificatione, wherein the same is contained.  
God doth not incline a man to evil, neither 
c Bellar. de amiss. gra. & s●at. pecca. lib. 2. cap. 13.  naturally or morally.  
Presently after he affirmeth the contrary, That God doth not incline to evil naturally, but 
d Ibidem paulò pòst.  morally.  
All the Fathers teach constantly, That 
e Bellar. de cleicis, lib. 1. cap. ●4.  Bishops do succeed the Apostles, and Priests the seventy disciples.  
Elsewhere he affirmeth the contrary, That 
f Bellar. de P●nt. lib. 4 cap. ●5.  Bishops do not properly succeed the Apostles.  
That 
g Bellar. de ●ont. lib. 1. cap. ●2.  judas did not believe  
Contrary, That 
h B●llar. de ●ustif. lib. 3. cap. 14.  judas was just and certainly good.  
The keeping of the 
i Bellar. de gra & lib. arbit. lib. 5. cap. 5.  Law according to the substance of the work, doth require that the Commandment be so kept, that sin be not committed, and the man be not guilty for having not kept the Commandment.  
Contrary, 
k Eodem lib. ●ap. 9  It is to be known, that it is not all one, to do a good moral work, and to keep the Commandment according to the substance of the work. For the Commandment may be kept according to the substance of the work, even with sin; as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust, to the end that thieves might afterward take it from him.  

l Bell. de Pont. lib. 4. cap. 3.  Peter did not lose that faith, whereby the heart believeth unto justification.  
Contrary, 
m Bell. de just. ●ib. 3. cap. 14.  Peter's sin was deadly.  

n Bell. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. ●ap. 14.  Antichrist shall be a Magician, and after the manner of other Magicians shall secretly worship the Devil.  

o Ibid. ex sen●ent. Hypol. & cyril. & cap. 12. eiusdem ●ibri.  Contrary, He shall not admit of idolatry: he shall hate idols, and re-edify the Temple.  
By the words of 
p Bellar. lib. 1. ●e missa. cap. 27  Consecration the true and solemn oblation is made.  
Contrary, The sacrifice doth not consist in the words: but in the 
q Bellar. de ●ss lib. 2. cap. 2.  oblation of the thing itself.  

r Bellar. de inim. Christ. ●●b. 4. cap. 5.  That the end of the world cannot be known.  

s Bellarm. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 17.  Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall be but five and forty days till the end of the world.  

t Bellarm. de ●on. lib 3. cap. 3.  That the ten Kings shall burn the scarlet Whore, that is Rome.  

u Bellarm. ibid.  Contrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burn it.  

x Bellarm. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31.  The name of universal Bishop may be understood two ways; one way, that he which is said to be universal Bishop, may be thought to be the only Bishop of all Christian cities; so that all others are not indeed Bishops, but only Vicars to him, who is called universal Bishop: in which sense, the Pope is not universal Bishop.  
Contrary, All ordinary 
y Bellar. de Pontif. lib. 2 cap. 24.  jurisdiction of Bishops doth descend immediately from the Pope; and is in him, and from him is derived to others. Which few places I have only selected amongst many the like, that the discreet and judicious Reader may discern ex ungue Leonem. For when ever he is pressed with a weighty objection, he never careth, nor remembreth how his solution and answer to that, may make him gainsay his own doctrine in some other places, so it serve him for a shift to put off the present storm withal.  
But now to return to our matter again: Since Popes, saith he, have never at any time meddled against Kings, wherefore, I pray you, should only the King of England be afraid of that, whereof never Christian King is, or was afraid? Was never Chistian Emperor or King afraid of the Popes? How then were these miserable Emperors tossed and turmoiled, and in the end utterly ruined by the Popes: for proof whereof I have already cited Bellarmine's own books? Was not the 
a Henry 4.  Emperor afraid, who 
b Abbas Vrspergen. Lamb. Scaffin. Anno 1077. Plat. in vit. Greg. 7.  waited barefooted in the frost and snow three days at the Pope's gate, before he could get entry? Was not the 
c Frederick Babarossa.  Emperor also afraid, 
d Naucler. gener 4●. jacob. Bergom. in Supplem chron. Alsons. Ciacon. in vit. Alex. 3.  who was driven to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread upon his neck? And was not another 
e Henry. 6.  Emperor afraid, 
f R H●ueden in Rich. 1. Ranulph in Polychronico. lib. 7.  who was constrained in like manner to endure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Imperial Crown with his foot? Was not 
g abba's Vrsper. ad Ann. 1191. Nauc. gen. 40. Cuspin. in Philippo.  Philip afraid, being made Emperor against Pope Innocentius the thirds good liking, when he broke out into these words, Either the Pope shall take the Crown from Philip, or Philip shall take the Mitre from the Pope? whereupon the Pope stirred up Ottho against him, who caused him to be slain; and presently went to Rome, and was crowned Emperor by the Pope, though afterward the Pope 
h Abbas Vrsper  deposed him too. Was not the Emperor 
i Matth Paris in Henr. 3. Petrus de Vineis Epist. lib. 1. & 2. & Cuspin. in Freder. 2.  Frederick afraid, when Innocentius the fourth excommunicated him, deprived him of his crown, absolved Princes of their Oath of fidelity to him, and in Apulia corrupted one to give him poison? whereof the Emperor recovering, he hired his bastard Son Manfredus to poison him; whereof he died. What did 
k Vita ●rederici Germaincè conscriptae.  Alexander the third write to the Sultan? That if he would live quietly, he should by some sleight murder the 
l Frederick Barbarossa.  Emperor; and to that end sent him the emperors picture. And did not 
m Paul iovius Histor. lib. 2. Cuspinian. in Bajazet. 11. Guicciard. lib. 2.  Alexander the sixth take of the Turk Baiazetes two hundred thousand crowns to kill his brother Gemen; or as some call him, Si●imus, whom he held captive at Rome? Did he not accept of the conditions to poison the man, and had his pay? Was not our 
n Hoveden pag. 308. Matth. Parls. in Henric. II. Walsinga. in Hypodig. Neustriae joan. Capgrave.  Henry the second afraid after the slaughter of Thomas Becket; that besides his going barefooted in Pilgrimage, was whipped up and down the Chapterhouse like a schoolboy, and glad to escape so too? Had not this French King his great Grandfather King john reason to be afraid, when the 
o Gometius de rebus gest. Fran. Ximenij Archiepis. Tolet lib. 5.  Pope gave away his kingdom of Navarre to the King of Spain, whereof he yet possesseth the best half? Had not this King, his Successor reason to be afraid, when he was forced to beg so submissively the relaxation of his Excommunication, as he was content likewise to suffer his Ambassador to be whipped at Rome for penance? And had not the late Queen reason to look to herself, when she was excommunicated by Pius Quintus, her Subjects loosed from their fidelity and allegiance toward her, her Kingdom of Ireland given to the King of Spain, and that famous fugitive divine, honoured with the like degree of a red hat as Bellarmine is, was not ashamed to publish in print an 
a Card. Allens Answer to Stan. let. Anno. 1587.  Apology for Stanley's Treason, maintaining, that by reason of her excommunication and heresy, it was not only lawful for any of her Subjects, but even they were bound in conscience to deprive her of any strength, which lay in their power to do? And whether it were armies, towns, or fortresses of hers which they had in their hands they were obliged to put them in the King of Spain her enemy's hands, she no more being the right owner of any thing? But albeit it be true, that wise men are moved by the examples of others dangers to use providence and caution, according to the old proverb, Tum tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet: yet was I much nearly summoned to use this caution, by the practice of it in mine own person.  
First, by the sending forth of these Bulls, whereof I made mention already, for debarring me from entry unto this Crown, and Kingdom. And next after my entry, and full possession thereof, by the horrible Powder-Treason, which should have bereft both me and mine, both of crown and lif●. And howsoever the Pope will seem to clear himself of any allowance of the said Powder-Treason; yet can it not be denied, that his principal ministers here, and his chief Mancipia the Jesuits, were the plain practisers thereof: for which the principal of them hath died confessing it, and other have fled the Country for the crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: and yet neither these that fled out of this country for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Lowe-countreyes, was of counsel in it, were ever called to account for it by the Pope: much less punished for meddling in so scandalous and enormous business. And now what needs so great wonder and exclamation, that the only King of England feareth: And what other Christian King doth, or ever did fear, but he? As if by the force of his rhetoric he could make me and my good Subjects to mistrust our senses, deny the Sun to shine at midday, and not with the serpent to stop our ears to his charming, but to the plain and visible verity itself. And yet for all this wonder, he can never prove me to be troubled with such a Panic terror. Have I ever importuned the Pope with any request for my security? Or have I either troubled other Christian Princes my friends & allies, to entreat for me at the Pope's hand? Or yet have I begged from them any aid or assistance for my farther security? No. All this wondredat fear of mine, stretcheth no further, then wisely to make distinction between the sheep and goats in my own pasture. For since, what ever the Pope's part hath been in the Powder-treason; yet certain it is, that all these caitiff monsters did to their death maintain, that only zeal of Religion moved them to that horrible attempt: yea, some of them at their death, would not crave pardon at GOD or King for their offence: exhorting other of their followers to the like constancy. Had not we then, and our Parliament great reason, by this Oath to set a mark of distinction between good Subjects and bad? Yea, between Papists, though peradventure zealous in their Religion, yet otherwise civilly honest and good subjects, and such terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintain the like maxims, which these powder-men did? Nay, could there be a more gracious part in a King, suppose I say it, toward subjects of a contrary Religion, then by making them to take this Oath, to publish their honest fidelity in temporal things to me their Sovereign, and thereby to wipe off that imputation and great slander which was laid upon the whole professors of that Religion, by the furious enterprise of these Powder-men?  
And whereas for illustration of this strong argument of his, he hath brought in for a similitude the history of 
a Nazianzenus in julian. invectiuâ primâ.  julian the Apostata his dealing with the Christians, when as he straited them, either to commit idolatry, or to come within the compass of treason: I would wish the author to remember, that although a similitude may be permitted claudicare uno pede; 
The disproportion of the Cardinal's similitude.  yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of feet and hands, and every member of the body. For I shall in few words prove, that it agreeth in no one point, save one, with our purpose, which is, that julian was an Emperor, and I a King. First, julian was an Apostata, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which he had once professed, and became an Ethnic again, or rather an Atheist: whereas I am a Christian, who never changed that Religion, that I drank in with my milk: nor ever, I thank God, was ashamed of my profession. julian dealt against Christians only for the profession of Christ's cause: I deal in this cause with my Subjects, only to make a distinction between true Subjects, and false hearted traitors. julians' end was the overthrow of the Christians: my only end is, to maintain Christianity in a peaceable government. julians' drift was to make them commit idolatry: my purpose is to make my Subjects to make open profession of their natural Allegiance, and civil obedience. julians' means whereby he went about it, was by craft, and ensnaring them before they were aware: my course in this is plain, clear, and void of all obscurity: never refusing leave to any that are required to take this Oath, to study it at leisure, and giving them all the interpretation of it they can crave. But the greatest dissimilitude of all, is in this: that julian pressed them to commit idolatry to idols and images: but as well I, as all the Subjects of my profession are so far from guilt in this point, as we are counted heretics by you, because we will not commit idolatry. So as, in the main point of all, is the greatest contrariety. For, julian persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatry; and ye count me a persecutor, because I will not admit idolatry. So as to conclude this point, this old sentence may well be applied to Bellarmine, in using so unapt a similitude, 
Perdere quos vult jupiter, hos dementat.   
And therefore his uncharitable conclusion doth not rightly follow: That it seemeth unto him, that some such thing should be subtly or fraudulently included in this Oath; as if no man can detest treason against the King, or profess civil subjection, except he renounce the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea. But how he hath sucked this apprehension out at his finger's ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I have oft said, he never goeth about to prove it: and to answer an improbable imagination, is to fight against a vanishing shadow. It cannot be denied indeed, that many servants of CHRIST, as well Priests, as others, have endured constantly all sorts of torments, and death, for the profession of CHRIST: and therefore to all such his examples, as he bringeth in for verifying the same, I need not to give him any other answer, save only to remember him, that he playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constancy of Martyrs: ever taking Controversum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature.  
But yet that the Reader may the better discover, not only how unaptly his similitudes are applied, but likewise how dishonestly he useth himself in all his citations: I have thought good to set down the very places themselves cited by him, together with a short deduction of the true state of those particular cases: whereby, how little these examples can touch our case; nay, by the contrary, how rightly their true sense may be used, as our own weapons to be thrown back upon him that allegeth them, shall easily appear. And first, for 
a 2. Macchabees cap. 6. vers● 18.  Eleazar: If the Archpriest his ground of refusing the Oath, were as good as Eleazar's was, to forbear to eat the swine's flesh, it might not unfitly be applied by the Cardinal to his purpose. 
An answer to the Cardinal● example of Eleazar.  For as Eleazar was a principal Scribe, so is he a principal Priest: As Eleazar's example had a great force in it, to animate the younger Scribes to keep the Law, or in his colourable eating it, to have taught them to dissemble: so hath the Archpriests, either to make the inferior Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground failing, the building cannot stand. For what example is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedience to the Oath of the King, or want of allegiance is allowed? If the Cardinal would remember, that when the Church maketh a law (suppose to forbid flesh on certain days) he that refuseth to obey it, incurreth the just censure of the Church: If a man then ought to die rather than to break the least of God's Ceremonial Laws, and to pine and starve his body, rather than to violate the Church his positive Law: will he not give leave to a man to redeem his soul from sin, and to keep his body from punishment, by keeping a King's politic law, and by giving good example in his person, raise up a good opinion in me of like Allegiance in the inferiors of his Order? This application, as I take it, would have better fitted this example.  
But let me remember the Cardinal of another 
a 1. Sam. 14.15.  Oath enjoined by a King to his people, whereby he endangered his own life, and hazarded the safety of the whole army, when he made the people swear in the morning not to taste of any meat until night: which Oath he exacted so strictly, that his eldest son, and heiere apparent jonathan for breaking of it, by tasting a little honey of the top of his rod, though he heard not when the King gave that Oath, had well nigh died for it. And shall an Oath given upon so urgent an occasion as this was, for the apparent safety of me and my posterity, forbidding my people to drink so deeply in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornications, but that they may keep so much honey in their hearts, as may argue them still espoused to me their Sovereign in the main knot of true allegiance; shall this law, I say, by him be condemned to hell for a stratagem of Satan? I say no more, but GOD'S lot in the Oath of Saul's, and Bellarmine's verdict upon this Oath of ours, seem not to be cast out of one lap.  
Now to his example of 
a Theodorit. lib. 4 cap. 19 An answer to the Card. example of S. Basil  Basil, which is (as he sayeth) so fit for his purpose. First, I must observe, that if the Cardinal would leave a common and ordinary trick of his in all his Citations, which is, to take what makes for him, and leave out what makes against him; and cite the Authors sense, as well as his Sentence, we should not be so much troubled with answering the ancients which he allegeth. To instance it in this very place: if he had continued his allegation one line further, he should have found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to have moved Blackwel to take the Oath, then to have dissuaded him from it. For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris quidem amicitiam magni se péndere, cum pietate; quâ remotâ, perniciosam esse dicere. But that it may appear, whether of us have greatest right to this place, I will in few words show the Authors drift.  
The Emperor Valens being an Arrian, at the persuasion of his wife, when he had deprived all the Churches of their Pastors, came to Caesarea, where 
a Theodorit. lib 4. cap. 19  S. Basill was then Bishop, who, as the History reporteth, was accounted the Light of the world. Before he came, he sent his 
b Modestus as Nazianzen upon the death of Basil calleth him in his oration.  deputy to work it, that S. Basill should hold fellowship with Eudoxius (which 
c Look cap. 12. eiusdem libr.  Eudoxius was Bishop of Constantinople, and the principal of the Arrian faction) or if he would not, that he should put him to banishment. Now when the emperors Deputy came to Caesarea, he sent for Basil, entreated him honourably, spoke pleasingly unto him, desired he would give way to the time, neither that he would hazard the good of so many Churches tenui exquisitione dogmatis: promised him the emperors favour, and himself to be mediator for his good. But S. Basill answered, These enticing speeches were fit to be used to children, that use to gape after such things: but for them that were thoroughly instructed in God's word, they could never suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted. Nay, if need required, they would for the maintenance thereof, refuse no kind of death. Indeed the love of the Emperor ought to be greatly esteemed with piety; but piety taken away, it was pernicious.  
This is the truth of the history. Now compare the case of Basill with the Archpriests: Basill was solicited to become an Arrian: the Archpriest not once touched for any article of faith. Basill would have obeyed the Emperor, but that the word of GOD for bade him: this man is willed to obey, because the word of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the emperors favour, if it might have stood with piety: the Archpriest is exhorted to reject it, though it stand with true godliness in deed, to embrace it. 
The Cardi. assimilating of the Arch pr. case to S. Peter's, and Marcellinus, considered  But that he may lay load upon the Archpriest, it is not sufficient to exhort him to courage and constancy by Eleazar's and Basils' examples; but he must be utterty cast down with the comparing his fall to S. Peter's, and Marcellinus: which two men's cases were the most fearful, considering their persons and places, that are to be found, or read of either in all the books of divine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiastical histories; the one denying the only true God, the other our Lord & Saviour JESUS CHRIST: the one sacrificing to idols, with the profane heathen: the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hardhearted jews. Unless the Cardinal would drive the Archpriest to some horror of conscience, and pit of despair, I know not what he can mean by this comparison. For sure I am, all that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but wonder to hear of an Oath of Allegiance to a natural Sovereign, to be likened to an apostates denying of God, and forswearing of his Saviour.  
But to let pass the Disdiapason of the cases (as his ill-favoured coupling S. Peter the head of their Church, with an apostate Pope) I marvel he would remember this example of 
a Look Platina in vita Marcellini.  Marcellinus, since his brother Cardinal Baronius, and the late edition of the Counsels by 
b Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 222. Look Baronius. Ann. 302. num. 96.  Binnius seem to call the credit of the whole history into question, saying, That it might plainly be refuted, and that it is probably to be showed, that the story is but obreptitious, but that he would not serve from the common received opinion.  
And if a man might have leave to conjecture; so would his Cardinalship too, if it were not for one or two sentences in that Council of Sinuessa, 
See Tom. 1. Concil. in Act. Concil. Sinews. san.  which served for his purpose: namely that, Prima sedes à nemine judicatur: And, judica causam tuam: nostrâ sententià non condemnaberis. But to what purpose a great Council (as he terms it) of three hundred Bishops and others, should meet together, who before they met, knew they could do nothing; when they were there, did nothing, but like Cuckoos, sing over and over the same song: that Prima sedes à nemine judicatur: and so after three days sitting (a long time indeed for a great and grave Council) broke so bluntly up: and yet, that there should be seventy two witnesses brought against him, and that they should subscribe his excommunication, and that at his own mouth he took the Anathema maranatha: how these untoward contradictions shall be made to agree, I must send the Cardinal to Venice, to Padre Paulo, who in his 
a Apol. Pat. Paul adversus opposite. Card. Bellar.  Apology against the Cardinal's oppositions, hath handled them very learnedly.  
But from one Pope, let us pass to another: 
An answer to the place alleged out of S. Gregory.  (for, what a principal article of faith and religion this Oath is, I have already sufficiently proved.) Why he called S. 
b Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42.  Gregory our Apostle, I know not, unless perhaps it be, for that he sent 
c Beda Ecclesi. Hist. gen. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 25.  Augustine the Monk, and others with him into England, to convert us to the faith of Christ, wherein I wish the Popes his successors would follow his pattern. For albeit he sent them by divine revelation (as he said) into England unto King Ethelbert; yet when they came, they exercised no part of their function, but by the King's leave and permission. So did King 
d Beda Ecclesiast. Hist. gen. Ang. iib. 1. cap. 4  Lucius send to Eleutherius his predecessor, and he sent him divers Bishops, who were all placed by the King's authority. These converted men to the faith, and taught them to obey the King. And if the Popes in these days would but insist in these steps of their forefathers, than would they not entertain Prince's fugitives abroad, nor send them home, not only without my leave, but directly against the laws, with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion, to draw Subjects from their obedience to me their natural King: nor be so cruel to their own Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in jealousy of them; or them in hazard of their own lives. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinal will have him so called) I persuade myself I should do a good service to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reap this one fruit of it, to move the Cardinal to deal faithfully with the Fathers, and never to allege their opinions against their own purpose. For, this letter of Gregorius was written to john Bishop of 
a Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42.  Palermo in Sicily, to whom he granted usum pallij, to be worn in such times, & in such order as the Priests in the I'll of Sicily, and his predecessors were wont to use: and withal giveth him a caveat: that the reverence to the Apostolic Sea, be not disturbed by the presumption of any: for then the state of the members doth remain sound, when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any injury, and the authority of the Canons always remain safe and sound.  
Now let us examine the words. The epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to grant him the use of the Pall; a ceremony and matter indifferent. As it appeareth, the Bishop- of Rome took it well at his hands, that he would not presume to take it upon him without leave from the Apostolic Sea, giving him that admonition which followeth in the words alleged out of him: which doctrine we are so far from impugning, that we altogether approve & allow of the same, that whatsoever ceremony for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrate, and the Church, the same ought inviolably to be kept: and where the head & governor in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needs run to hellish confusion. But that Gregory by that term, caput fidei, held himself the head of our faith, and the head of all Religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings. For first, when an 
a john of Constantinople. See Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32.  other would have had this style to be called universalis Episcopus, he said, 
b Lib. 6. Epist. 30.  I do confidently avouch, that whosoever calleth himself, or desireth to be called Universal Bishop, in this advancing of himself, is the forerunner of the Antichrist. Which notwithstanding was a style far inferior to that of Caput fidei. And when it was offered to himself, the words of S. Gregory be these, refusing that title: 
c Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. & 36.  None of my predecessors [Bishop's of Rome,] ever consented to use this profane name [of universal Bishop.] None of my predecessors ever took upon him this name of singularity, neither consented to use it, We the Bishops of Rome, do not seek, nor yet accept this glorious title, being offered unto us. And now, I pray you, would he that refused to be called universal Bishop, be styled Caput fidei, unless it were in that sense, as I have expressed? which sense if he will not admit, give me leave to say that of Gregory, which himself saith of 
a Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 10.  Lyra, Minus cautè locutus est: or which he elsewhere saith of Chrysostome, 
b Idem. lib. 2. de Missa cap. 10.  Locutus est per excessum. To redeem therefore our Apostle out of his hands, & to let him remain ours, & not his in this case; it is very true that he saith in that sense he spoke it. When ye go about to disturb, diminish, or take away the authority or Supremacy of the Church, which resteth on the head of the King, within his dominions, ye cut off the head & chief governor thereof, & disturb the state & members of the whole body. And for a conclusion of this point, I pray him to think, that we are so well persuaded of the good mind of our Apostle S. Gregory to us, that we desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals, than our Apostle S. Gregory desired 
a Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1.  Sabinian to suggest unto the Emperor and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is, of which I would have you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and Master: That if I his servant would have had my hand in slaying of the Lombard's, at this day the nation of the Lombard's had neither had king, nor dukes, nor earls, and had been divided asunder in utter confusion: but because I fear God, I dread to have my hand in the blood of any man.  

An answer to the authority out of Leo.  And thus having answered to S. Gregory, I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that he may see, I have not in the former citations, quarreled him like a Sophister for contention sake, but for finding out of the truth, I do grant, that the authorities out of 
b Leo trimus in die assume. su●e ad Pontif. sermon 3. Leo Epist 89. add Epist. Vien. Idem ibid. cap. 2  Leo, are rightly alleged all three, the words truly set down, together with his true intent and purpose: but withal, let me tell him, and I appeal unto his own conscience whether I speak not truly, that what Tully said to 
c Cicero in Hor.  Hortensius, when he did immoderately praise eloquence, that he would have lift her up to Heaven, that himself might have gone up with her; So his S. Leo lift up S. Peter with praises to the sky, that he being his 
a For so he calleth himself in serm. 1. in die assum.  heir, might have gone up with him. For his S. Leo was a great Orator, who by the power of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both 
b Ex●reuiario Romano.  Attilas and Gensericus would have burnt it.  
Some fruits of this rhetoric he bestowed upon S. Peter, saying, The Lord 
c Epist. 89.  did take Peter into the fellowship of the indivisible unity: which words being coupled to the sentence alleged by the Cardinal (That he hath no part in the divine Mystery, that dare depart from the solidity of Peter) should have given him, I think, such a scar, as he should never have dared to have taken any advantage by the words immediately preceding, for the benefit of the Church of Rome, and the head thereof; since those which immediately follow, are so much derogatory to the divine Majesty. And again, My 
d Epist. 52.  writings be strengthened by the authority and merit of my Lord most blessed S. Peter. We 
e Epist. 89.  beseech you to keep the things decreed by us through the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed S. Peter. If 
a In serm. 2. in die anniver. assum. suae.  any thing be well done, or decreed by us; If any thing be obtained of God's mercy by daily prayers, it is to be ascribed to S. Peter's works and merits, whose power doth live, & authority excel in his own Sea. He 
b Ser. 3. in die anni. assump. suae.  was so plentifully watered of the very fountain of all graces, that whereas he received many things alone, yet nothing passeth over to any other, but he was partaker of it. And in a word, he was so desirous to extol S. Peter, That a messenger from him was an 
c Epist. 24.  embassage from S. Peter: 
d Epist. 4.  any thing done in his presence, was in S. Peter's presence. Neither did he use all this Rhetoric without purpose: for at that time the Patriarch of Constantinople contended with him for Primacy. And in the Council of 
e Concil. Ch●lced. Act. 16. & c●n. 28.  Chalcedon, the Bishops six hundred and more, gave equal authority to the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not admit any privilege to the Sea of Rome above him; but went against him. And yet he that gave so much to Peter, took nothing from Caesar; but gave him both his Titles and due, giving the power of calling a Council to the Emperor; as it may appear by these one or two places following of many. If it may please your 
a Epist. 9 Theodosio.  godliness to vouchsafe at our supplication to condescend, that you will command a Council of Bishops to be holden within Italy. and writing unto the Bishop of Constantinople. Because the most clement 
b Epist. 16. Flaviano.  Emperor, careful of the peace of the Church, will have a Council to be holden; albeit it evidently appear, the matter to be handled doth in no case stand in need of a Council. And again, Albeit 
c Epist. 17. Theodosio.  my occasions will not permit me to be present upon the day of the Council of Bishops, which your godliness hath appointed. So as by this it may well appear, that he that gave so much to Peter, gave also to Caesar his due and prerogative. But yet he playeth not fair play in this, that even in all these his wrong applied arguments and examples, he produceth no other witnesses, but the parties themselves; bringing ever the Pope's sentences for approbation of their own authority.  
Now indeed for one word of his in the midst of his examples, I cannot but greatly commend him; that is, that Martyrs ought to endure all sorts of tortures and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God. Which lesson, if he and all the rest of his own profession would apply to themselves, than would not the Sacrament be administered sub unâ specie, directly contrary to Christ's institution, the practice of the Apostles and of the whole Primitive Church for many hundred years: then would not the private Masses be in place of the lords Supper: then would not the words of the 
a Bellar. de sacra Eucharist. lib 4. cap. 14.  Canon of the Mass be opposed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke, as our Adversary himself confesseth, and cannot reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundreds other traditions of men be set up in their Church, not only as equal, but even preferred to the word of God. But sure in this point I fear I have mistaken him: for I think he doth not mean by his Divina Dogmata, the word of the God of heaven, but only the Canons and Laws of his Dominus Deus Papa: otherwise all his Primacy of the Apostolic Sea would not be so much sticken upon, having so slender ground in the word of God.  
And for the great fear he hath, that the suddenness of the apprehension, the bitterness of the persecution, the weakness of his age, and other such infirmities might have been the cause of the Archpriests fall; in this, I have already sufficiently answered him; having declared, as the truth is, and as the said Blackwel himself will yet testify, that he took this Oath freely of himself, without any inducement thereunto, either Precebus or Minis. 
Some of Sanders his worthy sayings remembered.   
But amongst all his citations, he must not forget holy Sanderus and his Vi●ibilis Monarchia, whose person and actions I did already a little touch. And surely who will with unpartial eyes read his books, they may well think, that he hath deserved well of his English Roman-Church; but they can never think, but that he deserved very ill of his English Sovereign and State. Witness his own books; whereout I have made choice to set down here these few sentences following, as flowers picked out of so worthy a garland. 
a Sand. de visib. monar. lib. 6. cap. 4.  Elisabeth Queen of England, doth exercise the Priestly act of teaching and preaching the Gospel in England, with no less authority than Christ himself, or Moses ever did. The supremacy of a 
a Sand. de clau. David lib. 6. cap. 1.  woman in Church matters, is from no other, then from the Devil. And of all things in general, thus he speaketh, The 
b Sand. de visib. Monar. lib. 2. cap. 4.  King that will not enthrall himself to the Pope's authority, he ought not to be tolerated; but his Subjects ought to give all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoon as may be. A King that is an 
c Ibidem.  Heretic, aught to be removed from the kingdom that he holdeth over Christians; and the Bishops ought to endeavour to set up another, assoon as possibly they can. We do constantly 
d Ibidem.  affirm, that all Christian Kings are so far under Bishops and Priests in all matters appertaining to faith, that if they shall continue in a fault against Christian Religion after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may and aught to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporal authority they hold over Christians. 
e Ibid●m.  Bishops are set over temporal kingdoms, if those kingdoms do submit themselves to the faith of Christ. We do justly 
f Sand. de clau. David. lib. 5. cap. 2.  affirm, that all Secular power, whether Regal, or any other is, of Men. The 
g Ibidem.  anointing which is powered upon the head of the King by the Priest, doth declare that he is inferior to the Priest. It is altogether against the will of 
a Sand. de c●a. David lib. 5. cap. 4.  CHRIST, that Christian Kings should have supremacy in the Church.  
And whereas for the crown and conclusion of all his examples, 
The Cardinal's paice of Martyrs weighed.  he reckoneth his two English martyrs, Moor and Roffensis, who died for that one most weighty head of doctrine, as he allegeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacy; I must tell him, that he hath not been well informed in some material points, which do very nearly concern his two said martyrs. For it is clear and apparently to be proved by divers Records, that they were both of them committed to the Tower about a year before either of them was called in question upon their lives, for the Pope's Supremacy; And that partly for their backwardness in the point of the establishment of the King's succession, whereunto the whole Realm had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the matter of the holy 
b Called Elizabeth Barton. See the Act of Parliament.  maid of Kent, he being for his concealment of that false prophets abuse, found guilty of misprision of treason. And as these were the principal causes of their imprisonment (the King resting secure of his Supremacy, as the Realm stood then affected, but especially troubled for settling the crown upon the issue of his second marriage) so was it easily to be conceived, that being thereupon discontented, their humours were thereby made apt to draw them by degrees, to further opposition against the King and his authority, as indeed it fell out. For in the time of their being in prison, the King's lawful authority in cases Ecclesiastical being published and promulged, as well by a general decree of the Clergy in their Synod, as by an Act of Parliament made thereupon; they behaved themselves so peevishly therein, as the old coals of the King's anger being thereby raked up of new, they were again brought in question; as well for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his supremacy, as for the matter of the King's marriage and succession, as by the confession of one of themselves, even Thomas Moor, 
Histor. aliquot Mar●num nostri seculi, Ann. 1550.  is evident. For being condemned, he used these words at the bar before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaveritis; videlicet ob id, quod nunquam voluerim assentiri in negotio matrimonij Regis. That is, I am not ignorant why you have adjudged me to death: to wit, for that I would never consent in the business of the new marriage of the King. By which his own confession it is plain, that this great martyr himself took the cause of his own death, to be only for his being refractory to the King in this said matter of Marriage and succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of martyrdom, as I conceive.  
And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr (who could have been content to have taken the Oath of the King's Supremacy, with a certain modification, which Moor refused) as his imprisonment was neither only, nor principally for the cause of Supremacy, so died he but a halting and a singular Martyr or witness for that most weighty head of doctrine; the whole Church of England going at that time, in one current and stream as it were against him in that argument, diverse of them being of far greater reputation for learning and sound judgement, than ever he was. So as in this point we may well arm ourselves with the Cardinals own reason, where he giveth amongst other notes of the true Church, Universality for one, we having the general and Catholic conclusion of the whole Church of England, on our side in this case, as appear by their book set out by the whole Convocation of England, called, The institution of a Christian man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by divers particular learned men of our Church, as by Steven Gardiner in his book de vera obedientia, with a preface of Bishop Boner's adjoined to it, De summo & absoluto Regis Imperio, published by M Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesiasticae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop longland's Sermon, the letter of Tonstall to Cardinal Poole, and divers other both in English and Latin. And if the bitterness of Fisher's discontentment had not been fed with his daily ambitious expectation of the Cardinal's hat, which came so near as Calis before he lost his head to fill it with, I have great reason to doubt, if he would have constantly persevered in enduring his martyrdom for that one most weighty head of doctrine.  
And surely these two captains and ringleaders to martyrdom were but ill followed by the rest of their countrymen: for I can never read of any after them, being of any great account, and that not many, that ever sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the true causes of their first falling in trouble (whereof I have already made mention) being rightly considered upon the one part; and upon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed it; (a point so greatly accounted of by our Cardinal) there can but small glory redound thereby to our English nation, these only two, Enoch and Elias, serving for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine.  
And I am sure the Supremacy of Kings may, 
The Supremacy of Kings sufficiently warranted by the Scriptures.  and will ever be better maintained by the word of God (which must ever be the true rule to discern all weighty heads of doctrine by) to be the true and proper office of Christian Kings in their own dominions, than he will be ever able to maintain his annihilating Kings, & their authorities, together with his base & unreverend speeches of them wherewith both his former great Volumes, and his late Books against Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were directly 
a 2. Chron. 19.4.  Governors over the Church within their Dominions; 
b 2. Sam. 5.6.  purged their corruptions; reform their abuses, brought the 
c 1. Chron. 13.12.  Ark to her resting place, the King 
d 2. Sam. 6.16.  dancing before it; 
e 1. Chron. 28.6  built the Temple; 
f 2. Chron. 6.  dedicated the same, assisting in their own persons to the sanctification thereof; 
g 2. King. 22.11.  made the book of the Law new-sound, to be read to the people; 
h Nehe. 9.38. David. Solomon.  renewed the covenant between God and his people; 
* 2. King. 18.4.  bruised the brazen Serpent in pieces, which was set up by the express commandment of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed 
i 1· Kings 15.12.  all Idols, and false gods; made 
k 2. Chron. ●7. 8.  a public reformation, by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that purpose; deposed 
l 1 Kings 2.27.  the high Priest, and set up another in his place: and generally, ordered every thing belonging to the Church-goverment, their Titles and Prerogatives given them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the 
m 2. Sam. 7.14.  Sons of the most High, nay, Gods 
n Psal. 82.6. & Exod. 22.8.  themselves; The 
o 1. Sam. 24. 1●  Lords anointed; Sitting 
p 2. Chro. 9.8  in God's throne; His 
q 2. Chron. 6.15.  servants; The Angels 
r 2. Sam. 14.20  of God; According to his 
s 1. Sam. 13.14  hearts desire; The light 
t 2. Sam. 21.17  of Israel; The 
u Isa. 49.23.  nursing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such styles of honour, wherewith the old Testament is filled; whereof our adversary can pretend no ignorance. And as to the new Testament, Every soul is commanded to be subject unto them, even for 
x Rom. 13.5.  conscience sake. All men 
y 1. Tim. 2.2.  must be prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authority, that under them we may lead a godly, peaceable and an honest life.  
The 
a Rom. 13.4  Magistrate is the minister of God to do vengeance on him that doth evil, & reward him that doth well. Ye must obey all higher powers, but 
b 1. Pet. 2.13.  especially Princes, and those that are supereminent. Give every man his due, fear 
c Rom. 13.7.  to whom fear belongeth, and honour to whom honour. Give 
d Matth. 22.21.  unto Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is Gods. 
e john 18.36.  Regnum meum non est huius mundi. 
f Luke 12 14  Quis me constituit judicem super vos? 
g Luke 22.25.  Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. If these examples, sentences, titles, and prerogatives, and innumerable other in the old and new Testament, do not warrant Christian Kings, within their own dominions, to govern the Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custod es utriusque Tabulae, not by making new articles of faith, (which is the Pope's office, as I said before) but by commanding obedience to be given to the word of God, by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the spiritual power with the temporal sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by judging and cutting off all frivolous questions and Schisms, as 
a Euseb. lib. 3. de vita Constaetini.  Constantine did; and finally, by making decorum to be observed in every thing, & establishing orders to be observed in all indifferent things for that purpose, which is the only intent of our Oath of Supremacy: If this Office of a King, I say, do not agree with the power given him by God's word, let any indifferent man void of passion, judge. But how these honourable offices, styles, and prerogatives given by God to Kings in the old & new Testament, as I have now cited, can agree with the brave styles and titles that Bellarmine giveth them, I can hardly conceive.  
1. That Kings are rather slaves than Lords. 
1. De la●cis. cap. 7.   
2. That they are not only subjects to Popes, 
2. De Pont. lib. 1. cap. 7.  to Bishops, to Priests, but even to Deacons.  
3. 
3. Ibidem.  That an Emperor must content himself to drink, not only after a Bishop, but after a Bishop's Chaplain.  
4. 
4. Ibidem, & de cler. cap. 28.  That Kings have not their authority nor office immediately from God, nor his Law, but only from the Law of Nations.  
5. 
5. De P. nt. lib 3. cap. 16.  That Popes have degraded many Emperors, but never Emperor degraded the Pope; nay, even 
* De Rom. Pont lib 5. cap. 8.  Bishops, that are but the Pope's vassals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their laws.  
6. 
6. De laicis. cap 8.  That Churchmen are so far above Kings, as the soul is above the body.  
7. 
7. De Pont. lib 5. cap. 18.  That Kings may be deposed by their people, for divers respects.  
8. But Popes can by no means be deposed: 
8. De Pont. lib. 2. cap. 26.  for no flesh hath power to judge of them.  
9 That obedience due to the Pope, 
9 De Pont. lib. 4 cap. 15.  is for conscience sake.  
10. But the obedience due to Kings, 
10 De Clericis cap. 28.  is only for certain respects of order and policy.  
11. 
11. Ibidem.  That these very Churchmen that are borne, and inhabit in Sovereign Prince's countries, are notwithstanding not their Subjects, and cannot be judged by them, although they may judge them.  

12. Ibidem.  12. And, that the obedience that Churchmen give to Princes, even in the meanest and mere temporal things, is not by way of any necessary subjection, but only out of discretion, and for observation of good order and custom.  
These contrarieties between the book of God, and Bellarmine's books, have I here set in opposition each to other, Vt ex contrarijs juxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus far I dare boldly affirm, that whosoever will indifferently weigh these irreconcilable contradictions here set down, will easily confess, that CHRIST is no more contrary to Beliall, light to darkness, and heaven to hell, than Bellarmine's estimation of Kings, is to Gods.  
Now as to the conclusion of his letter, which is only filled with strong and pithy exhortations, to persuade and confirm Blackwell to the patient and constant enduring of Martyrdom, I have nothing to answer, save by way of regrate; that so many good sentences drawn out of the Scripture, so well and so handsomely packed up together should be so ill and untruly applied. But an evil cause is never the better for so good a cloak; and an ill matter never amended by good words: And therefore I may justly turn over that craft of the devil upon himself, in using so holy-like an exhortation to so evil a purpose. Only I could have wished him, that he had a little better observed his decorum herein, in not letting slip two or three profane words amongst so many godly mortified Scripture sentences. For in all the Scripture, especially in the new Testament, I never read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that style to succeed according to the Law and institution of Numa Pompilius, and not to S. Peter, who never heard nor dreamt of such an office.  
And for his Caput fidei, which I remembered before, the Apostles (I am sure) never gave that style to any, but to CHRIST. So as these styles, whereof some were never found in Scripture, and some were never applied but to CHRIST in that sense, as he applieth it, had been better to have been left out of so holy and mortified a letter.  
To conclude then this present discourse, I heartily wish all indifferent readers of the Breves and Letter, not to judge by the speciousnes of the words, but by the weight of the matter; not looking to that which is strongly alleged, but judiciously to consider what is justly proved; And for all my own good and natural Subjects, that their hearts may remain established in the truth; that these foreign enticements may not seduce them from their natal and natural duty; and that all, aswell strangers, as natural Subjects, to whose eyes this discourse shall come, may wisely and unpartially judge of the Verity, as it is nakedly here set down, for clearing these mists and clouds of calumnies, which were injustly heaped upon me; for which end only I heartily pray the courteous Reader to be persuaded, that I took occasion to publish this discourse.