AN ANSWER To A CATHOLIC ENGLISHMAN (SO BY HIMSELF ENTITLED) WHO, without a Name, passed his Censure upon the APOLOGY, made by the Right High and mighty Prince JAMES by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland etc. for the OATH of ALLEGIANCE; WHICH CENSURE IS HERE EXAMINED AND REFUTED By the BISHOP OF LINCOLN. PSAL. 63. 11. REX verôlatabitur in Deo, laudabuntur omnes qui JURANT in eo, quia obstructum est os loquentium IMPIA. LONDON, Printed by Thomas Haveland for Matthew Law, and are to be sold in Paules-Church-yard at the sign of the Fox near Saint Austines-gate. 1609. TO THE RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE, JAMES BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND IRELAND, DRFENDER OF THE FAITH: etc. MOST DREAD SOVEREIGN, that the worthy Acts of Eminent Persons, should always be attended with malignant Envy, is, unto ingenuous Pindarus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 natures a vexing indignity; though the avoidance thereof josephus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. doth appear unto some, a mere impossibility: Yet seeing the great Philosopher is of opinion, that there is a sort of men who Arist. Rhetor. are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as being above and without the reach thereof, because Envy stretcheth herself no higher than those which are a man's equals, or somewhat his Superiors: If any state or condition might claim the exemption, to say with the Poet invidia quia maior— who would not Horace. think, but that the height of Sovereignty, and the depth of the Grave, should be freed from this pursuing Fury? but that neither of these (whether Sceptre or Sepulchre) can prevail with some creatures, were there no other instance, the malice of English lesuits enraged with Envy of your majesties admirable judgement, singular learning, and constant Resolution for Religion; together with the flourishing prosperity of these your Churches and Kingdoms, gives evidence sufficient; and among them a principal, this Antapologer, shrouded under the title of a BANISHED CATHOLIC, who hath singled out no meaner object, against whom to discharge his rancour, than your SACRED MAJESTIES both Person and Apology through his whole Pamphlet; and also, in a chief part thereof, the blessed memory of that Lady (in her time peerless) QUEEN ELIZABETH, from before her birth, and below her grave. An infallible demonstration of his degenerous and unregenerate mind. For none use to be more spitefully malicious, or Censoriously contumelious, than the debosched abject, & unreformed Hypocrite; whom a man can neither avoid without Calumny, nor encounter but with blot of Infamy, nor Conquer with hope of any Mastery. That your Majesty vouchsafed not the Conflict with such a Rake-shame, but adjudged a Rope the fittest answer for him; Premonition before the Apology pag. 13 therein your Majesty showed your magnanimous spirit, giving unto him his just doom. And with all humbleness, I could heartily wish, that your HIGHNESS would be pleased, from henceforth, to contemn all the rest, as Him, and not to go forth any more unto these Battles (they will glory in it though they be sure to receive the foil) even the General of their Camp, were his learning greater, or his Crown higher, is no match for SUCH a King. Shall they then pass altogether unconfronted? In no wise; the Infection spreads to far, and silence (though with contempt) they of that rank will accounted an overthrow. But I trust your Majesty shall find, among your Subjects, many, which may with more truth and less vaunt, say as much as Campian their highly Concert. Eccles. Anglic. Plutar. de sui laud. reputed martyr did for them, that there is a great number and a continual succession which are ready for this cause, and already entered the Combat; and as the courageous Spartans' were wont to sing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Try them when, and wherein you please. The meanest among those many I confess myself to be; yet in zeal toward your Majesty, and in just indignation against this Rabshekah, I have undertaken the answer to his Censure; which, being finished, I humbly present to your majesties Patronage, for two principal respects: first, because it is in the true justification of your majesties late unanswerable Apology for that OATH of ALLEGIANCE, which, like to jeptha his shibboleth, discovereth the true Israelite from the falseharted judg. 12. 6. Fugitive, and rebellious Ephraemite. Secondly, because what is in it for soundness of Argument, or truth of Story, is, in a manner, your majesties own; who, at the first sight of both these Antapologists, could readily discern their falsities, and presently refel with sound answer any quarrel that they made. If, therein, some terms have passed, not fully Episcopal, or not so fitting (perhaps) the calling and place, which, under your Majesties, and by your Gracious favour, I hold in the Church; I trust the Readers eye will from Me be first turned upon Him that provoked; who is known for these many years to be of a prostitued Conscience and Impudence, not caring what he writes; nor whom he reviles; nor how 'tis taken: as also to those excellent Personages, TWO SACRED PRINCES successively reigning; whom he hath in the basest sort (with his scorning Ribaldry) defiled and besmeered: that gulf in Rome being not so unsavorlie noisome to the City, as his reproachful Contumelies and opprobrious slanders, odious and offensive to the best affected Subjects of this your Land. Into which Gulf, if by casting myself (of Duty to your Royal Majesty, and in memory of my late dear Mistress, and for contentment of your true-harted people) I prove not so happy, as that Roman was by Curtius' apud Livium. running into the other, to choke up the sink from sending out, for ever after, such loathsome savour; yet this good (at lest) I shall do, by drawing ALL the filth upon MYSELF, keep it off, either from further annoyance of your Sacred Majesty or from a general noisance. For seeing he can not hold, but must needs regorge (his spirit is so turbulent and unquiet) and as jerom speaketh of helvidius, Maledicere omnibus bonae conscientiae signum arbitratur, he thinks his conscience Hieronim ad. ver. Heluid, then best discharged, when he hath reviled most: against ME let him empty his whole quiver of reproaches; all of them, I hope, will be like the Romish arrows shot against Sebastian, drawn with bend force, loo'st with much ease, but received with strong comfort; Et quem veritate Ambros. in. Psal. 118. Idem. non potest, laceret convitijs, since he is too weak to dispute, let him lash on with his tongue. This ONE advantage he shall be sure to get by that licence, that he shall put me to silence; for personal Calumnies I regard not, especially from Parsons, whose very name is the Epitome of all Contumely, being as currant in a Proverb as was once the name of Daedalus, in omni Fabula, Vide Erasm. Chiliad. & Daedali execratio: for no Libel can come from Rome, but PARSONS is presently supposed and noised to be the Author; and the more vile, the more PARSON'S like. If the objection be, that I have not spared from reproaching HIM, I deny it not; how could I forbear, or who can blame me? None, that hath either Loyal heart to your Majesty, being our Gracious Sovereign, or Christian regard of Her (who late was) that ever-blessed Queen. Yet there, in have I dealt with him no otherwise, than the Apostle with the Cretians: as he out of a Poem of their own Prophets; so I, out of the Tit. 1. 12 Books. of his Fellow-Preists, give him the same Quodlibet. just. defence. etc. (and no other) terms of reproach or bitterness, which men of the same religion with him, have described him by, in Print; and, unto the world's view have confidently a vowed of him. If he SO requited me, and quote the printed Authors, I open myself unto HIM, and will endure THEM; If otherwise, I must repute him as a Slanderer, and wear them as my Garland: comforting myself with that Conclusion of S. Hierom, Caninam jerom. ubi supra. facundiam servus Domini pariter experiatur, & unctus, accounting it my Glory, that the same Creature should rage's and snarl at ME the Lords unworthy Minister, which hath not spared TWO ROYAL MONARCH Sthe Lords anointed, and amounted. In handling the main points, I trust it will appear that I have neither dallied with him, nor illuded the Reader; so that, from any sound reply thereto I dare assure myself security from HIM. Verbalize he can, dispute he cannot; In Stories he is a great flourisher, but a false Relator of them: who so inioines him a modest answer, doth undo him; neither his age, nor profession; neither shame of the world, nor fear of God, nor grace of the spirit, can mortify his nature, or restrain his tongue. But be the Reply any, or none, modest or distempered, your Sacred Majesty I trust, shall be freed; whom, I beseech the eternal God, still to preserve, in prolonging your days to your subjects comfort; and in strengthening your arm, not with Pen any more to confute (it gives them too great Honour) but with justice to confounded, and with courage to cast off such seducing spirits; restless in nourishing disloialties; cruel in plotting mischieus; and too subtle in veiling Treasons under the title of Religion: and accounted this as your great blessing (amongst the rest) from the great God that he hath made your Majesty (a thing rare in so high a State) a Protector of the Faith, both with Pen and Sword; and a partaker also of his sons reproach, for So being. To the saving grace of which blessed jesus, I, in all humbleness commend your Highness, resting Your Royal majesties Faithful and loyally devoted Chaplain. W. LINCOLN. An Admonition to the Reader. GENTLE READER, the JESVIT his speeches, through this whole book, are printed in the smaller letter, all ways with this mark" in the beginning of the line prefixed. HIM I have termed the EPISTLER, CENSURER, and ANTAPOLOGER, because in a pretended LETTER, he passeth his CENSURE against that learned & religious APOLOGY, made and set forth by our most Gracious & truly renowned Sovereign. The style, in respect of my place and profession, may, peradventure, be adjudged too bitter; but compared with his Person, and reviling vein against two such Christian monarchs, not one IOTE thereof in exact Survey of better judgement, is either pared off, or spared at all. Faults many have escaped tn printing partly upon negligence, partly ihrough haste; but the most of them, are but either a few letters misplaced, or dropped out; or else points not so curiously set, or some matginall quotations drawn a little higher or lower, perhaps, than they should; which an ingenuous Reader will pardon, & a learned will espy: those which HE or any such as HE can carp at, are very few; which it may please thee with thy pen to amend, btfore thou read it. NUMB. 1. THere is no END of making many books (saith the Preacher in the end of his Eccl. 12. 12. book) especially if they be books of Encounter: Whereof there is no End, either for Cessation, because revengeful spirits, fostered with rancour, are ever restless; which made Plato Sympos. the Philosopher to say, that Brawls were easily begun, not so soon taken up: nor End, for Profit; So Nazianzene expounds that speech of Solomon, because Metaph. in Eccles. the parties interessed (which the Orator observed) either through self-love, or pertinacy, will not be drawn from what they have published, by any arguments of the adverse side, though many and forcible: and the indifferent Reader finding in such writings more partial bitterness then sound Tul. Acad. dealing, looseth his time, which is precious in itself, and might in more profitable studies be employed: whereof Cal●…ach. came the Heathens proverbial sentence, that a great Book was a great Mischief. 2 All which, the Critical Censurer of the Triplex Cuneus (if we be not deceived in the Author) acknowledgeth Preface to his Manifestation. elsewhere, and preferreth a reposed life, before such contentious jangling: which if he did truly affect, not in pretence, he might well have left the blunting or dislodging of the tripled wedge, either to him that wears the tripled Crown, or to him, who under his Redcap breathes after it: for this business concerned them both, the Pope for his Breves, the Cardinal for his Letter: this Censuring Epistler it touched no whit. 3 Whom to answer, might be thought both endless and needless: needless, for his Letters being only a farthel of conceits, either sleight and unsound, or malicious and untrue, they carry their answer with them, and, as the Prophet speaketh in an other case, Agnitio vultus earum respondet eyes: They bear there own confutation in their foreheads. Esa. 3. 9 Endless, for an itching arm desires still to be scrubbed, and an Eel delights not more in troubled waters, than he, whose only glory is in scornful invectives, rejoiceth to have occasion given for his busy pen. 4. Yet since his Censure unanswered might infect others, and give him occasion to triumph in his own vanity: and peradventure some partially affected might imagine, that not contempt of his reasonless railing, but lack of good grounds for reply had enforced a silence; I have hearkened to King Solomon his affirmative advise, and for suiting an answer in some measure proportionably, have Prou. 26. 5. taken no other than his own unmethodical Method, both for his trebled Paragraph, and his multiplied Numbers, which is more sincere dealing than he affordeth the Apopologie; for what he could wrist or cavil at, that we find answered: that which apposeth him, he passed in silence, and we take it granted as truth: (for silence implieth, if not consent, yet no denial.) Not that I mean De reg. juris. verbatim to answer every Number, that were to grace a Pamphlet with a Volume: but directed by his own Index, to take the sum and substance (such as it is) of so many Sect●…ons, as serve to the proof of each chief point, as he entitles them. 5 For example. Paragraph. 1. Numb. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Wherein, first, as if he were in a troubled pool, he casteth out his angle to fetch out an Author; and jest either his bait or skill should seem to fail him (as Anthony deal with Cleopatra at his fishing in Egypt) he fasteneth to his Hook one out of his own store, namely: Plut. in Anto●… Another T. M. (forsooth) an inferior Minister near his Majesty, to whom he might show the Book, and so publish it with his majesties authority, print and Arms; marry his Majesty is so far from being the author thereof, as that (in this Critics persuasion) he did not so much as read all the Contents advisedly; many passages therein being contrary to the King's judgement & Honour. Numb. 2. Namely for judgement, first altering the Question twice or thrice. Secondly charging Bellarmine (so great a man) with eleven Contradictions, not one of them so to be proved, as not only learned but unlearned will found. Numb. 3. As in that concerning justification and Antichrist particularly. Num 4. 5. but especially, both in that general assertive note, that Bellarmine, being driven to a pinch, careth not to contradict himself for a present avoidance; as also in that stinging conclusion, that Heaven & Hell do not more differ, than God's Books and Bellarmine's works do, concerning the dignity of Temporal Princes. Numb. 7 Secondly, for honour; there being such Phrases of contempt against the Pope, and against the great Cardinal also, calling him Master Bellarmine, which his Majesty would, in Law of Honour, surely condemn. Numb. 6. 6 To tread his steps, we might also dally with the Reader to retrieve an Author, and inquire (as he doth) pro & cotra, who this English Exile, this Epistling Censurer should be? whether R. P. or N. D. or F. P. or P. R. or Doleman, that is, under all these Ciphers, Parsons the jesuite? whom his own brother entitleth a Raunging-voluntary Under his own hand. Quodlib. pa. 238. 239. Runagate, not in Exile by authority; whom his own Priests do style an Hispanized Chameleon, the Brat of an Incubus, filius terrae, no true Englishman, either in heart or by birth. 7 That HE should not be the man, these rea●…ons are probable; First, it much grieveth HIM yea, HE accounts it a violence offered him to interrupt the course of his peaceable Preface to his Manifestation Priestly labours, by entering into a war of writing: therefore for HIM, like an other G●…liah, (Pigmae as he is) to enter this combat, not provoked there unto, and upon such disadvantage, cannot sort with HIS retired profession. Secondly, that HE, a man of no inferior talon (so he pub lisheth of himself) an Author of no mean labours, should, like an other Ahimaas, needs thrust himself to carry a Manifestation pag. 51. 2. Sam. 18. 12. Message, having neither leave nor errand; that is, should writ so shallow a Pamphlet, whereout, rid those offals of Sophistry, Rail, and some addle Discourses; of the remnant ye may truly say, as Ahimaaz of his own message, Vidi tu multum, sed nesc●… al●…ud, is scarcely conjectural. Vers. 29. Thirdly, if Parsons were ever famous for any good thing, he won himself credit by the book of Resolution, though not invented (as the Priests say) but borrowed piece-meal from others; translated only, and methodized by him: which Quodlib. pa. 71. 237. when a man reads, he will take the Compiler or translator to be that very Crucifix of Mortification described by Saint Gal. 6. 14. Paul, The world crusified unto him, and he unto the world: now that HE should fall into such passionate profane, and Barbarously-distempered Pag. 27. etc. reviling of a Christian Princess, the mirror of the world while she lived, some years dead, and laid up in rest with her Fathers; as if the very mention of HER Sacred Name, were an Eleborous purge to make him disgorge the gall of his bitterness, and the venomous rancour of his cankered heart, by his Rabshakeis' pen; no man that professeth the name of Christ, can believe it to be the labour of one that is ingralted into Christ: For they that are Christ's, have Gal 5. 24. crucified the flesh with the passions and lusts; saving that one of his own Priestly Coat assureth us, that, for all this Resolved or Resolving Divinity, he hath not as yet fully cast off the just. defene. pag. 297. outward man. 8 And yet that he should be the Author, besides the gerall report, and certain intelligence, First, his straining at the elder T. M. as he calls him, is euid●…nce sufficient; whose Discovery of Romish Doctrine, and Practices for heinous Rebellion; as also his full Satisfaction for Heathenish equivocation Tho. Morton Deane of Gloucester. (which Parsons under the dumb Characters of P. R. undertakes to patronize by a Mitigation) like Pope Adrians' Fly, will not leave troubling the jesuits throat till he hath forced out his gall, heart and all. Secondly, the so cunningly concealing his knowledge of the Apologies true Author, wherein he showeth himself to be right Doleman, not as himself derives the name of Dolour, virdolorum, as a man of Manifestat. page 51. grief, replete wi●…h sorrows, (blasphemously applying the title of our Saviour Christ unto himself, and quotes the place of Scripture in the margin for it) but of Dolus, vir dolorum, Es. 53. being, as his own Priests term him, the Abstract quintessence of all coins, coggeries, and forgeries; that lies, dissembles, and equivocates at every word. Quodlib. page 236. 9 For is it probable that Parsons, who makes himself another Elizeus, takes upon him to know what is done 2. Reg. 6. 12. and spoken in the King's Privy Chamber, (as it seems by that he writ's page 37. concerning T. M. the younger) that HE, the great Intelligencer among States, who weekly spends five or six Crowns for postage of letters only (as the Priests of his own rank report) should be ignorant that our Sovereign King himself was Author of the Apology, just. defence. page 236. it being not only in every man's mouth styled by the name of the King's Book, but the warrant in the frontispiece (which this Confuter observeth) Autoritate Regiâ, ●…owing, though not proclaiming it to the world, that it was his majesties doing? (for you shall not find, to my remembrance, a book of an English man extant, in those words warranted, but the King himself hath a hand in it) which the jesuite knew well enough, as under those Ciphers of T. M. he implies; for by them, if he will speak without equivocation, he meant TVA or TANTA MAIESTAS: but being guilty to himself that he cannot writ with modesty, he feigns an adversary to himself, through whose sides he might lash his Sacred majesty with le●…e envy, and more liberty; as Ajax the whipper in the Tragedy, wreaking his teen upon a Ram for Ulysses; he madly; this jesuite Sop●…oc. Ajax. purposely. 10 This quarrel of the Oath which received life by his majesties Royal assent, and whose safety it principally concerns to be secured, by all means, of his subjects loyalty, among whom a great many by those Breves and Letters (as the Israelites by the detracting message of the Esp●…ls) staggered and mut●…ered, it behoved his Majesty to ●…pouse Num. 13. and undertake. But to front the Apology with his own Name, being a King of so Royal Descent and Blood, had been a displayed disparagement of so great a Majesty, the adverse parties (with whom he was to cope) being no other but Burghesie and Bellarmine, men of no eminent birth, except as Sixtus Quintus, another manner of Pope than the first of these that is, or the second that would be, Ci●…rella in Sixto qu●…ato. they would pled themselves Ortos ex illustrious Familia, and (as he) to come out of an illustrious and resplendent family, because the Cottage wherein he was borne was so poor and ragged that the house was gloriously bright by the Suns and Moons shine through the walls and roof thereof day and night. 11. Nor yet concealed he his Name as ashamed of the Work, for it is his most Kingly Resolution, not to harbour the secretest thoughts (they are his own words) but such as in Presace of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●…o the Reader. the own time he will confidently and openly avouch; examining ever so the secretest of his drifts before he gave them course, as how they might some day abide the touch stone of a public trial: Much less for fear of any defaults by gainesaiers, to be detected therein, especially if no other or greater than this scribbling Lynceus hath alight upon. 12. For to omit till their due place, whereunto he referreth us, page 3. the Challenges of the King's judgement in matter of altering the state in question; of Bellarmine's contradictions; and his abasing Royal dignity: that one main blarre of incivility, wherewith he doth here besme●…re his Majesty (as appeaching the King's honour, Numb. 6. for a great contempt offered by his Majesty, in calling the Cardinal Master Bellarmine) must first be wiped out. Wherein humbly craving pardon of his Majesty for doing him this wrong, Compare we the Persons; the Uncivil Stile-giver, a King, a Name and dignity founded by God himself, and fastened by him upon Abraham's seed as Pro. 8. 25. the chiefest part of his blessing; and which is more, the Gen. 17. 6. KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, one of the most absolute monarch of Christendom: the great party so styled, a Cardinal. Search the Scriptures; there appears no shadow of such an Office, unless as souters their leather Polydor. de in vent. lib 4. ca 9 with their teeth (it is the comparison of one of their own in this very case) so they will stretch the Scriptures, (namely 1. Sam. 〈◊〉. that place, Domini sunt Cardines terrae) to serve this their purpose. Peruse all the Fathers (I speak not of Gregory and Bernard) say if you find it once named, as now ca●…ed, Interpre. vocl●… Ecclesiast. unless with Onuphrius you will fetch it from Cyprian, because he writes of the CARDINAL works of Christ; and yet that is not Cyprians book: reckon all the Ecclesiastical degrees, greater, lesser, higher, lower, which the ancient Counsels record, in that row you find them not:— Sicnou●…s imponunt nomina rebus: a dignity denominated either of the Carpenters Mortizes, out of Vitrunius, as being Incardinated (it is Gregory's word) that is Mortized or riveted Onuphr. ubi supra. to a Church, as a hinge to a door; or of the four winds out of Servius upon Virgil, as bearing the principal sway where he hath the title. 13 Now for the King, so great a King, to call such an Upstart Officer, that knows not where to rake for the beginning of his sublimity (as Polydore confesseth) to call HIM Vbi supra. (I say) Master, is as unmannerly an oversight, saith this CARDINAL WOULD-BEE (the Priests say he went to Rome for it, and had Scarlet brought him) and no Quodlib. pa. 121. less dissonant, then if a man should call the chief Officers of Estate by that name, as Master Chancellor, Master Treasurer, Master Duke, Master Earl. etc. 14 Such a dignity it may be, that Master prefixed before it, may prove a diminishing Term; but if put to the Surname of any man, i●… is an addition of Worship. Did his Majesty call him Master Cardinal? then had those instances some semblances of fit application. Not, but he called him Master Bellarmine. And is the styling him Master Bellarmine, such a Scandalum magnatum? In which of the words rests it? in Bellarmine? This Censurer within the compass of Pa. 3 5. one leaf, doth thrice Bellarmine him barely, without all preface either of Honour or Worship. Belike familiaruie may do more than Sovereignty; and a jesuite with his Superior jesuite, may be more bold than a King. 15 Is it in Master? Better men, both for honour and virtue than the Cardinal ever will be, have not refused that title in any age or language. Take the Hebrew Rabbi, it was given our Saviour Christ by those that wished him neither Contempt nor disgrace, as by Nicodemus a Ruler of the jews (and therefore knew what belonged to manners) who was no bad friend to our blessed Saviour, as appeareth john. 7. and he So saluted him; as also by the holy convert Mary Magdalen, who called him Rabboni, that is to joh. 7. 51. say) saith the Evangelist) Master. Briefly, by all his Disciples, which our Saviour acknowledgeth and approveth, joh. 20. 16. Ye call me Lord and Master, ye say well, for so I am. Take the Greek; whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, how could this Great joh. 13. 13. Man be fitted better than with the first, were he among the Cardinals, as Saul among the Israelites more eminent than the rest? or with the second, were he the principal of the Conclave; or with the third, as he is the great Reader of Controversies? for these all import nothing but Master: & in Hieronym. in Catalogo. Latin when S. Cyprian would grace Tertullian most, he would call for him in that title Da Magistrum; and Peter Lombard hath the name Master given unto him above all their School Doctors, as an Autonomastical eminence of note and style. 15 And therefore, seeing neither God himself, nor God's Lieutenants on earth, whether Emperors or Kings (from whom all true titles of honour are derived) have given this name or dignity, but a Pope only invented it, without sound warrant; what reason had his Majesty to take such respectful knowledge thereof? Of which, even a Bishop did make so mean account, that he refused then to be created a Cardinal, because (he said) he would not descend from a higher to a lower place. For the true first institution of Cardinals was but to be Vicar; of the particular Parish-churches of Rome, under the Bishop thereof; howsoever now, by the iniquity of time, the pride of Popes, and the sloth of Christian Princes, they are start up from Parish-Priest's to be Prince's Peers, taking it in scorn to be called Master's, even by Princes. And yet, if his Majesty had either continually thorough the Book, or at lest at his first naming of him, called him Master, it had been some thing, but since he is so far from being ceremonious in giving of Titles unto him, as sometimes he calleth him Bellarmine, sometimes Cardinal, sometimes Cardinal Bellarmine, and seldomest Master Bellarmine of any of them, hereby may the groundless and malicious quarrel of this shallow wrangler most clearly appear. 16 But why is it not as lawful for so Mighty a King to call the Cardinal Master Bellarmine, as for every Popish Scribbler (even this fugitive Tenebrio, Parsons himself) having occasion to name our archbishops and Bishops (dignities merely Apostolical, and therefore more honourable) never to style them otherwise but Master Cranmer, and Master Whitguift, Master Ridley, and Master jewel? Yea, we must be beholden unto them, if they be pleased to afford them a title so mannerly and civil. But enough of this; the truth and conclusion whereof is, if this MASTER (forsooth) of Ceremonies had the grace to leave Aequiuocating, his secret intendment and drift is (what Prep●…●…b. f●…de 〈◊〉. ●…t. o●…n ●…n etc. vide Pl●…ra apud. Cass●…d. some Canonists have openly avowed) that Cardinals are Kings compeers and Equals, and therefore that the King should have spoken of the Cardinal as of a King. Mean while is it not a saucy part of Robin Cowbucke (for that is his right name, by the wrong man that knew his mother Quodlib. pa. 109. (as the Priests say) to twit a King with incivility, and (Su●… Mineruam) to teach his Majesty Ceremonies of civil respect? 17 We now come to his Censure (such as it is) of the Apologies substance; the reducing whereof into an orderly Analysis for answer (of which he made no conscience at all in his Pamphlet) will trouble a man more than the answering itself. The Preamble to the Breves, concerning the nature of the Oath, the Contents thereof, with the Pope's proceeding therein; the Examination of Bellarmine's Letter to the Arch priest is the Division he makes of the Apology, Num. 8. (or rather was made to his hand, for he shows not so much Logic in his whole Censure.) Paragraph 1. Numb. 9 10. 11. 18 The Preamble is a Coloquintida unto him, not so much in respect of the Epithets given to the POWDER-TREASON, of monstrous, rare, nay never heard of treacherous, famous and infamous attempt; it deserves them, saith he: but first, that it should be SINGULAR FROM ALL EXAMPLES, there having been the like done by Protestants (though not in specie, yet in individuo) as at Autwrep, the Hage, & in Scotland. Secondly, that it should be Crambe his posita so often repeated, the parties being executed. Thirdly, that the King's promise and Proclamation being, that other Catholics Garnet resolved it to be lawful when the Parliament house should have been blown up. shall not far the worse for it; yet * the innocent for the nocent are punished, at lest oppressed, as by Libels, invectives, and by searching of houses; with other outward afflictions: so above all, which this NEW DEVISED OATH, for their inward pressure of Soul and Conscience. This is Mors in Olla, and makes him dilate his Style into dolefully Rhetorical expostulations. 19 The Epithets please them well now, which aggravate the detestation of the fact; but had there not been (as Decad. 1. lib. 1. Livy speaketh in a Case of treachery) error insidiatoris, their applause had been greater in the attestation thereof; Such actions are not commended but when they are finished: So Hall (alias Old cor●…) the jesuit said of this Plot when it was discored. The murder of a King alone, pleased a Pope so well, that he made a solemn panegyric in praise of the Murderer; and we make no doubt, but if the Parliament House had burned, that the jesuits (who were the principal privy Counsellors in that bu●…nes) would with Nero have been Suetoni. in eius vita. pleasant Spect●…ors thereof, as at a Feu-de-ioy, and have sung to their instruments the Destruction of Troy in that combusture of the Senate, and graced it with no less Epithets than Sixtus the Pope did the murder of Henry the third to be Rarum, ensign, memorabile Facinus. 20 But were the attempt so odious and loathsome, as this tender-stomacks Censurer maketh it, wherefore is the Coriphaus of that Complot (Garnet I mean) turned to a Miracle and his Face made to aequivoate after his death? one rotting upon the Bridge for his horrible Treason, the other shining in a straw for his Ghostly purity? and why in Spain is his Picture drawn with two ropes about his neck, & his bowels (like an other judas) trilling down his body, with the inscription of a Martyr for the Catholic cause? yea, by this Censurer his fellow-Traytor himself so entitled and maintained? In his Epistle to Sir Ed. Cook. Sect. 51. but that their meaning is to enamel, with a glorious pretence of Sacramental Confession, the counseling, supporting and Concealing an HIDEOUS TREASON. 21 Which, howsoever this Censurer strains at it, is, both in Specie & individuo SINGULARFROM ALL EXAMPLES, and not to be Paralleled with any one out of ancient or modern Historian or Poet, either in Fact or Fiction; as if of purpose their meaning were to do an Act which should put the Holy Ghost to School, and censure his Maxim penned by Solomon, that Nihil nowm sub sole. For weighing all circumstances, of conspiracy, parties, Eccles. 19 objects, instruments, cruelty, pretence in this Prodigious attempt; it deserveth to be graced with that Motto of singularity from all other, Ecce hoc recens est: unless they will accounted all murders in hostile arms, or private feud, done verse 10. by Gunpowder, to be matches aquivalent. 22 And it seems this Censurer doth; else would he not mention those of Antwerp, Hage and Scotland; the first in open Hostility, what time all actions for discomfiture are lawful, either by sleight or Force: the other a plot of one single man, and in revenge upon the States for giving him discontent, and by the report of some writers he was Meteranus Lib. 11. distraught and mad. But by his noting of the last he discovereth the rancour of his heart against our Sovereign; for though the execution of Parricides and murders upon Princes, hath eftsoones alighted upon some of the greatest and best of that royal sort, that ever were, and therefore no dishonour to them nor their posterity; yet to cast up such a disastrous example in his majesties teeth, proveth well that he is sorry that his Majesty escaped the like peril, whom he so earnestly wished to have been his Father's successor in such a fortune, as having by hope devoured the same, he came on his journey a good step (as some report) towards England, that he might have sung a Te Deum in his native Country, for the good success of that happy exploit. And yet that all men may see how malice blindeth judgement in this his resemblance, the truth is that his Majesties rather was not blown up with Gunpowder, but after that the murderers had strangled him in his bed sleeping, he was carried out to the Garden, and then was the house blown up, to make the world believe that it was but a Casual accident of fire: and so what semblance of comparison is there between the Powder-Treason and it? 23 Which, howsoever it cannot, by a proper title, be expressed to the full, yet it being in the nature of those designments, quae plus famae apud posteros habiturae essent quam Livius. Decad. 1. Lib. 2. fidei, which are rather memorable for the singularity, then credible for the horror (let the repetition thereof grieve this Epistler never so much, and it is the second block he stumbles at; and transpose he the Project with a Lap wings-cry, upon certain unfortunate Gentlemen, thereby to remove the Crime from the jesuits, the Principal Instigators of the Pioning Traitors to the Act, and the kind Receptors of the Fugitive after the Detection, (for who entertained Gerrard but Parsons?) we say with the Apostles that we cannot but reco●…d the things which we have heard and seen, neither will we be Act. 4. 20. silent thereof— rumpantur ilia Romae, so long as we have either pens to writ, or tongues to speak; or a generation living, or a posterity succeeding, but we will Report it and Repeat it, both unto God with the Psalmists Memorandum Remember O Lord the children of Edom (that is, the bloody Scarlet Generation) how in the day of Jerusalem, they said. Edom is read or bloody Gen. 25 30. Psal. 137. 7. Ezech. 24 2. Down with it, down with it, even to the ground: and to men also with Gods own Memorandum, for the Day assigned, Son of man, writ thee the name of the day, even of this same Day for the King of Babel (the Pope forsooth is a temporal Prince) did set himself against Jerusalem, even this very Page 4. day. 24 Execution of such Offenders, must not be the silencing of their offence; death is the last punishment, for sense and passion, not for sins of that nature and condition: their bodies deserved not entering in Grave, much less their vices, burial in oblivion. The Relics of their dismemberd carcases are erected for a prey to the Fowls of the Air to feed on, the villainy of their designed Cruelty to be reiterated upon all occasions, for the Nations of the earth, and all Posterity to wonder at. And therefore have patience (Gentle jesuite) for our so often repeating it; we first say with Chrysostome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if the Repetition be so odious and burden●…ome, (as in your margin you note it) how odious was the Fact itself, so complotted and engined? Secondly, we say with Saint Paul to inculcate these same things often, to us it is not grievous, and for you it is surely Philip. 3. 1. profitable, if not to work your conversion by repentance, yet to make men, at lest, enamoured with your Profession, that warranteth such Acts good in Religion. 25 And therefore ye did well to call those detestable Traitors (after the Discovery and Convictions) CATHOLIC Gentlemen, as if ye would insinuate, that they died in a Catholic Cause; and in an other place, INFORTUNATE GENTLEMEN, not for their fortunes and state in the world, (they were too great, unless they had more grace) but for their UNLUCKY SUCCESS, in missing their designed purpose. Sic foelix scelus virtus vocatur. Had it been effected, Moses and Phinees should have been reported inferior to those Gentlemen in zeal for God's cause. Else why did Hall the forenamed jesuite (a Ringleader of this desperate crew) comfort himself and Littleton with the defeature and discovery of those horrible Traitors, by the Examples of the Eleven Tribes of Israel twice discomfited, though sent by God's especial Commandment, (mark that:) then of Lewis the French King, overthrown in sight against Infidels in a case of Religion: and lastly, of the Christians vanquished by the Turks in the defence of Rhodes? but that hereby he would conclude they were unfortunate Gentlemen, scilicet, that their cause for undertaking was good, but their luck was ill in missing: otherwise it is too gentle a title for such odious creatures. 26 And so this Censurer also (a parttaker no doubt, in the Complot) cheers up himself not only persuading, but definitively determining, that Both afflictions outward, and pressures of conscience inward, caused this POWDER TREASON: which is a shameless untruth (yea even themselves being judges) for that the Conspiracy was plotted before any hard measure thought of, by their own confession is manifest. For the Lands Invasion (a Treason no less desperate, though more manly and visible than the POWDER-PLOT) in the late Queen's time of famous memory motioned, was immediately and hotly pursued by those very parties; and advertisements given to Foreign States, whose aid they requested, that our King WAS LIKE to proceed rigorously (this fellow saith, that the rigour was put in execution) with the Catholics, and to run the same course which the late Queen did. 27 Secondly, these Conspirators were combined in the first year of the King, when (so far was the thought of any Severity) that, as it was openly proved, for the space of a Preceeding against the late Traitors. whole year and four months, no Penalty by Statute was taken of Recusants: Insomuch that Doctor Bishop, who wrote his book in Anno 1604. even the year before the detecting of the POWDER-TREASON, acknowledged the Kings most mild carriage in government THITHERTO: Epist. dedica. to the King. pa. 10. and yet, it's worth the inquiry, what the same Doctor should mean by those desperate words in the very same Epistle, when he saith, That the state being now settled, and a continual posterity like to ensue in one nature, God knoweth what that forcible weapon of necessity may drive men to at the length. It seems then some such thing was plotting, even in that Eadem pag. 12 confessed time of mildness. 28 Thirdly their own reason of their engining against the Parliament house, because say they, unjust Laws had there formerly (not in the King's time any) been made against the Catholics, confutes this bold assertion: which were it true, that Severity in executing some Laws went before this plot, did not the Priest Treason, even at the King's first entrance justly enforce it? Belike it grieves them that his Majesty (as the Prophet speaketh) would not corpus dare percutientibus, yield his body to the Smiters, Es. 50. 6. and his cheeks to the nippers; and still like a Lamb before the Butcher, not once open his mouth: or rather it vexeth them, as it did Fimbria in Tully, that his Majesty had not taken into his body the whole weapon like Ehuds' judge 3. 22. dagger, bl●…de, hilts and a●…l, but suffer his land to be betrayed, his Person hazarded, his subjects alienated, his succession extinguished, his state brandled: and in the mean time, like the Pro con●…ul of Achaia, Et nihil corum Gallioni curae erat, Act 18 17. he must sit still, look on and say nothing: or as Caesar wounded and environed with stabbing knives, only cry out, Et Sueton. julius ca●…. 8●…. ●…u fili? Make no resistance, but speak with pity, and die by Treason. 29 But what are these A●…greeuances & Pressures of rigour, that either preceded or ensued that desperate Plot? First, infamous Libels (forsooth) Et tute Lepuses? and who hath scattered more than Parsons? who is noted, by the Priests themselves, to be the Pope's PEN-POST, and the Pasquil in Print of all shameless slanders, that sets out no one Book (which is the fashion of all jesuits, they say) but stuffed with Rebellion, Conspiracy and Treason. Quodl b. li 3. a. 〈◊〉. 6. 30 M●…rry principally T. M. the Elder his Discovery. Will it not out man? Excrea. I told you it was a burr in his throat like the Ravenous fellow in Athenaeus, he hath chopped in a Dipnos. lib. 3. creature, and will neither let it go for curst-heart, nor can take it down, the crust is so harsh: all that he can do is to cry out as that fellow did, O scelera●…um Edul●…um; a shameless Libel, but will neither be silent of it, and cannot answer it. 31 Secondly, searches of houses, Attachments, vexations etc. This verifies that speech of Solomon, Mul●…er scort●…ns P●…o. 30. 21. comedit, & deinde abstergit os suum. Look back, & see in one small compass of five years (when Rome swayed England for Religion) 300. innocent Christians for profession of the Gospel cruelly burnt to Ashes, not only their houses searched, and goods spoiled, & that was no aggreevance, but justice against Heretics. In fifty years of two Protestant Princes, scarce 60 p●…sons executed, all Guilty of Treasonable Practices, either for Complotting Treasons, or harbouring disloyal Seducers, who (as his Majesty hath excellently observed) Apolog. pa. 3. do make diversity of Religion, a safe Pretext for all kind of Disloyalty and Rebellion: which the Secular Priests acknowledge and a●…ow, especially in the jesuited sort; who (say they) under colour of Religion, and zealous desire of our Country's Conversion, labour to stir up all men against our Quod lib. pa. 149. Sovereign & the present state: now for us to feret & knetch these Ve●…min; to search & attach such dangerous Vipers, is a rigour and cruelty of Persecution. 32 And were it so? how is it that Father Parsons is thus Metamorphised, to become— é vulture Turtur? thus dolefully to bewail the aggreevances of their Catholics, which compared to them in Queen Elizabeth's time, are by their own confession, but easy Censurers: yet when they were at the hottest and sorest, Parsons himself thought it stood not with Policy or Wisdom, neither did he wish, that the said Persecution should cease in England in Quod lib. pa. 21. afflicting them. 33 But the third, which of all other is the Phallaris Bull, this NEW OATH is the most grievous. Is the aggreevance in the abstract, because there is an OATH commanded? The highest judge allows it: both by his own Example, swearing by himself to Abraham: and by precept Gen. 26. 3. to us; Thou shalt fear the Lord, and swear by his Deut. 6. 13. name. The unsearchable fraudulency of man's heart, which jeremy laments, exacteth it; for Honey being in the tongue jerem. 17. 9 and treachery in the heart (as the same Prophet elsewhere complaineth:) the best way to make words and thoughts Cap. 9 8. appear semblable, is by OATH which the holy Ghost doth therefore call Vinculumanimae, because it doth (or should at lest) both link heart and tongue together in the same promise; and also bind the party to perform, without Numb. 39 3. starting what he hath so promised. 34 Indeed to be tied in bonds, is an aggreevance to man's nature, which desireth liberty; but of all other unto jesuited Catholics it can be none: who with their Paganish equivocation, vocally swearing, but mentally distinguishing, can, with Sampsons' s●…ight, break new Cords, as a thread jud. 16. 9 of tow is broken when it feeleth ●…e, though they be sevenfold, so is an Oath, & so to be reputed; by the Hebrews therefore Shebuaah 1. Shebaah. originally derived from that number, Seven, as being a bond multiplied and indefezable. 35 Perhaps then the aggreevance is in the Epithet, because it is a NEW OATH; so did a Pagan call the Christian Sueton. N●…ro Cap. 6. Religion Novam & maleficam. But how is it new? Never heard before? SINGULAR FROM ALL EXAMPLES? Be it so, dignum Patella operculum (quoth Saint Hierome) such an Vl●…er, such an emplaster; Ex ipso 'bove Lora; evil manners procure good Laws; Hierom. ad C●…rom. Pl●…tar. de ●…ua vit. vivendo. and extraordinary Treasons must have extraordinary Preventions. For though the Children of this world be wiser (by our saviours judgement) in their generation, than the Children of Light: yet give us leave, sithence (with Saint Luc. 16. 2. Cor. 2. 11. Paul) we are not ignorant of Satan's Engines, to be as waty in preventing, as they are Wily to invent Mischiefs. 36 ●…s the matter of the OATH NEW? That subjects should bind their allegiance to their Sovereign for his security by OATH, hath been both usual in all Nations Christian and Heathen, and as ancient a Custom in our Land to the Princes thereof, as that juramentum fidelitatis exacted by the Pope of his Vassals; commended by Bellarmine De Pontif. Rom. lib. 7. cap 11. for antiquity, because continued from the time of Gregory the great; and is grounded upon Scripture, both in the examples of holy Kings, and the Apostles definition of an Oath; namely that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the end of all Heb. 6. 16. Controversy. Wherein take this very case; the Antilogia or controversy whereof is, Whether any Romish Catholic can be are any true allegiance in his heart, unto the King's Majesty? This jesuite in many places of his book holds the affirmative; we by effects of so many Treasonable Plots of Priests and jesuits, do hold the contrary: yea, the Priests of the same Religion are merely contradictory to him, while they say, that the Execution of Priest hood and Treason are now so linked together by the jesuits in England, Quodlib. pag. 304. as they cannot exhort any to the Catholic faith, but dogmatizando in so doing they draw him in effect to Rebellion. For the taking up of the antilogy, and the better securing himself of his own safety, and his subjects loyalty, what other Remedy could his Majesty think of then this of the Apostles, by OATH, both assertory for the present, and promissory for the future assurance? which is no other but what his Royal Ancestors in this Island have done before him many Vide our Chronicles & Polyd. Virgil. and often. 37 The NOVELTY then, belike is in the form of the Oath; not as it is received by them tactis Euangelijs, that is justinian. in Authent. no modern invention; justinian long since prescribed it: but as it is conceived by the State to be done in the true Faith of a Christian without equivocation. This is, in sooth, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that pressure of conscience under which he groaneth, as appeareth by him, where he complaineth, Pag. 19 & 32. that the OATH excludes them from all Aequiuocating: the Trial of which complaint we refer to that place, or rather (though it grieve him) to the elder T. M. that is, Tuus Mastix (in that point) Fa. Parsons. In the mean time observe the integrity and divinity of this Censurer, who makes that a New Pressure of Soul, which Saint Augustine (grounding himself upon that speech of the Psalmist, Qui Psal. 15. 4. jurat proximo & non decipit) concluces to be of old, the full and faithful discharge of Conscience; namely, that a man A●…g. ●…l. 224. ad Alipium. should swear according to the mind of him that ministereth, not of him that taketh the Oath, especially when he knoweth the judges mind, by the words of the Oath. 38 And now we follow him to examine the weight of this pressure, which he aggravateth by an Ironical Sarcasmus against his Majesty, under the Ciphers of T. M. For using the word ONLY, (an exception mitigating;) as if the taking of this Oath were so lightly to be esteemed, as to be thrust upon them with an ONLY, (scilicet, the King intended no hard Usage to the Catholics, ONLY a form of oath was framed to be taken &c.) as if that were so easy a thing which is an extremity of Rigour: for if it be taken, it hazards the Soul by swearing against their Conscience; if not taken, it endangereth their worldly estate by loss of goods, life, and liberty. Num. 12. 39 To be Verborum auceps, is a right Aequivocators' trick. Who knoweth not, that the word ONLY doth not so much signify an hypocoristicall alleviation, as a Compendiary limitation? He that said to our Saviour, ONLY Math. 8. 8 speak the word, did not thereby extenuate the power of Christ, as if healing in absence, by a speech, had been a more easy miracle, then by approach to touch the party; but thereby wished a course more easeful to the body, not less powerful to show the Deity of our Saviour. And so his Majesty by the word ONLY, signifieth, that omitting all other courses of inquiry into his subjects allegiance, he took that ONLY course to frame an OATH: not hereby implying the taking of an Oath to be an easy charge, (because Oaths press upon the Soul) but more expedit for evidence, and the readier way for the assurance of his own State, and the manifestation of his subjects affections. But grant that ONLY be an alleviating particle, yet it is so by comparison: and so is an OATH, a trial of more ease, both to body and mind then are those other means by Racks and tortures (usual in the Inquisition:) for as the pains are unsufferable to flesh and blood, so have they a very perculsive force even upon the Soul, Nam & innocentes cogit mentiri dolour, saith the Stoic, because in so many streights, of terror, Seneca. pain, hope, fear, nihil veritati loci relinquitur, as the Orator well observed, (let Aelian speak of the Egyptians courage or insensibleness what he will): men will say Ci●…●…ro. Sylla. A●…in. var. hist lib. 7. any thing (though most unture) for ease and release from such pangs. 40 And this Oath (saith this Censurer) doth as much; for it drives men into David's dilemma of streights, to fall either into the hands of God or men; of God, if the Oath be taken, because they swear against their conscience; of men, in that their goods, life & liberty are liable to law. And good reason for the last; because every Statute having the Penalty annexed, none can be more fit and proper for the breach of this, than Confiscation and death: for he is unworthy to enjoy either wealth, ease, or life, under a Christian King, who being required, denieth to swear his Allegiance and obedience to his Sovereign against all persons; which every true affected subject should voluntarily offer. For the first, their swearing against Conscience, the answer must be referred, where he enlargeth that point; for he runs the wilde-goose-chase, backward and forward: within two leaves he confesseth (as if he lost himself) two returns. In the mean time he must know that a Conscience may be misled by error, or stiffened by pertinacy: and then the Greek Divines will tell him, that unsoundness in the judgement, and obstinacy Pa 30. sect. 33. in the Will, makes but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a conscience so Chrys. Oecumenius. nicknamed, which is more properly to be called ignorance and perverseness, and rather to be censure then tendered. 41 But all this his Majesty had by a double anticipation prevented; first, that neither the OATH NOR PENALTY Apolog. pa. 4. thereof was intended against any for their opinion and conscience, but only for acknowledgement and assurance of their Civil Obededience: Secondly, that many of both sorts, popishly affected, had freely taken it, and thereby had freed both themselves from suspicion of disloyalty, and the Oath from the slander of pressure: and both these the Censurer observeth and answereth, Num. 13. the first by a concession: If it be so, the matter is ended, saith he: for no Catholic will deny to swear all Civil Obedience THAT HE OWES TO HIS MAJESTY. 42. Wherein I pray you mark how Sorex seipsum, how Treason hatched in the heart cannot conceal itself from uttering, though in hidden terms; for observe those words, ALL OBEDIENCE THAT HE OWES TO HIS MAJESTY: what is that, and how far extends it? Saint Peter stretcheth it without limitation, Submit yourselves to all manner ordinance for the Lords sake. Peter's Successor (so called) he limits it, with 1. Pet. 5. 13. Saluâ semper autoritate Apostolicâ, as in the Council of Trent: the Successors Parasite, this Traitorous Claw-back minseth it with a distinction in ordine ad spiritualia: whereupon, Numb. 30. as Tertullian saith in an other case, Nisihomine Deus placuerit, Deus non erit; so, if the King please not the Pope, Apologet. he shall be denounced an Heretic, and so Cataloguised on Holy-Thursday: he shall be pronounced no Christian, as Matth. Tortus page 97. the writhen-vexed Cardinal (so he entitles himself, and indeed writes as though he were wrong with the colic) hath already passed his Sentence; and so consequently no King; or if a King, yet without Subjects: for they must renounce their Obedience, and the King his safety and authority. 43 The second he answereth by an Interrogation, such as the Rhetoricians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a question reprehensive at lest expostulatory, why Blackwell and Charnocke, having Hermogen. taken the Oath, are still imprisoned! 44 This Polypragmon would feign be a privy Councillor: he hath wrong that his Majesty acquainteth him not with all occurrences of State, and reasons of his proceed. To resolve his question either by conjecture or truth, I endeavour not; Jam not his Intelligencer: to answer a scorn is folly. Only as the parents said of their son borne blind, miraculously cured, so say I for Master Blackwell, Aetatem habet: and if he might freely speak, he john 9 would say with David, Let the righteous smite me, that's a benefit: Oleum autem peccatoris, but let not their precious Psal. 141. 5. blames moisten my head, nor let me eat of their delicates: or as the vulgar hath it, Non communicabo cum electis eorum: Keep me from the company of them that make themselves the Choice Company: for jesuits are unmerciful, ask the Priests else, who have protested they would rather Quodlib. 1. art. 2. live under the Turks for security of their souls, then come under the jesuits hands. Blackwell (as the Proverb is) in Aristoph. Gr●…matic. holmo cubat, by the example of Tempest and Benson; He divines and foresees his usage, and therefore (its like) had rather choose restraint by authority, than dismission with liberty: for were he once lose, order should be taken with him for taking any more Oaths, yea, it's thought, for speaking any more words. Greater men than he have been so served, if their own Catholics do truly instance in the Bishop of Cassana; Cardinals, Allen and Tollet; yea Quodlib. pag. 84. Pope Sixtus Quintus himself, all figged away in a trice, for crossing, at lest not serving the jesuits humours in their designments. 45 After this (as if he had all this while spoke by rote) he returns (as he saith) to the book, where his Majesty avoweth, that the Devil could not have devised a more malicious Apolog. pag. 4. trick, to interrupt this so calm and clement a course, than the Pope did, by countermanding the taking of this Oath, in his published Breve: which this fellow answereth, first by deducing the cause that brought forth the Breve, namely a doubt made about the Oath. Secondly, the doubt consulted Apud Procop. l●…b. 3. de bello. Vandal. and canvased abroad and at home: and here, as the Proverb is, Gamma Betam persequitur, the Garnetists differed from the Blackwellists, some allowing equivocation in ●…ters of faith, others not: and among these principally (which allowed no equivocation in matters of faith) saith he, are the jesuits, though they be accounted the forwardest abet●…ers of equivocation. 46 (For the truth of this, though it grieve him, we refer him again to the elder T. M. that is, the True Manifestator of their equivocation, even in matters of Faith and Religion.) 47. Thirdly, in this pother of different opinions, recourse is had to the Great Oracle for HIS determination: HIS Sentence is negative, drawn into a BREVE, published and sent. For indifying whereof, this Libeler spends four whole Numb. 15. 16. 17. 18. to show how THAT cou●…se was over used by English Catholics, as so warranted by Catholic doctrine, in matters of doubt to Consult with the Pope. 48 And here (as Plutarch saith of Lucullus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plut. in Lucul. etc. he rolls in his element: scarce any Epistle, Preface, Pamphlet, Book, or Petition, wherein HE hath a hand, but this is his Cypress tree; a theme in which he is very perfect and rhetorical, to tell us what a loadstone Rome Simulare Cupressum, Ho ratius. hath been to England; for drawing thither the trial of our Gold in both senses, as well that of the MIND (to which S. Paul resembles the doctrine of faith) when no other 1. Cor. 3. could be currant but what Rome had coined and stamped; as that also of the MINT, equal yearly to a King's revenue, if Bonner said truly; without which neither would Rome afford instruction, neither could our Preface before Gardiner de vera obe, dieutia. Land be quiet for fear of interdictions: In which Argument, HE, and ALLEN before him (from whose Apology this Centonist hath borrowed all that he hath spoken, concerning the OATH and flying to Rome) have received full satisfactory answers; namely, that if they understood the purer times of Rome, when the Bishops there behaved themselves as religious members, not as presumptuous Heads of the Church; and lived as ghostly Fathers to counsel and comfort, not as Superiors to control and depose Princes, the Realm being then rude, Learning scant, Religion newly sprung, and no where settled; recourse was thither had upon devotion and mere necessity, and yet not then without leave of the Prince: if after, when Popes left their Keys, and took them to their twohand sword, the running then to Rome was not for devotion, but by constraint, either wrought by the Pope's Tyranny Ecce d●…o gladii. 1. Reg. 12. and cunning, (as Hieroboam, who made all Israel to sin by drawing them to his Calves in Dan) threatening Interdictions, exacting Levies, intruding corrupt Teachers, and suppressing (even by death) the detectors of his errors: or else yielded unto by timorous Princes, ambitious and tumultuous Prelates; enuassalled Parasites; or the overawed superstition and blind ignorance of the people: which made one of their own Historians to call England Matth. Paris. the Pope's Ass. And yet even then many restraints were made under severe penalties, which this Rhetorculist himself confesseth, though he minseth it, Numb. 17. All these reasons he doth well not to acknowledge, jest he should want matter for his next work, (for he is one of those busy deceitful workers of whom the Apostle speaketh) and therefore, being nothing to the purpose in hand 2. Cor. 11. (himself confesseth it to be a digression, Numb. 19) the fittest answer is in brief: 49 First, that of the Apostles, Is there not a wise man among you of all the Priests Secular and jesuited in England, 1. Cor 6 5. that can determine a Controversy about the OATH of Allegiance? Might not your Archpriest Blackwell, so authorised by the Pope, so commended and countenanced by two Cardinals, Caietan and Burghesius, so entrusted with regency of Souls over the whole Land, to whom all were enjoined to repair for decisions and questions; might not (I say) HIS judgement carry as much sway for the KING'S SOVEREIGNTY against some few jesuited, as HIS Censure alone against all the Seculars, yea against the definitive of the whole faculty of Divines in Declarat. motunm. pag. 1 10. Paris, for the support of his own authority? 50. In the case and doubts about the late horrible Treason, Garnet and Hall were thought sufficient Oracles to resolve and determine for it against the King, without recourse to the Pope (for aught HE would be known:) In cases concerning loyalty and allegiance to his Majesty, Blackwell and many his associates cannot resolve for the King but the Pope must be first consulted. Was it because there is no God in Israel to inquire of his word, said Elias of 2. Reg. 1. 16. Ahaziah, that you must sand Messengers to Baalzebub the God of Ekron? Hath not God answered by urim, nor by Prophets? 1. Sam. 28 6. is not his will concerning allegiance to Kings in so many places sufficiently revealed in his word, but recourse must be had to a Soothsayer in Endor? I will not urge that bitter speech of the Secular Priests, it is to sharp; yet the time is not long, since they said, that for the decision of doubts, the Catholics must depend upon the Archpriest, the Quodlib. pa. 151. Archpriest upon Garnet; Garnet upon Parsons; and Parsons upon the Devil: yet then there was a Pope able to judge: but only it would be known which is the second answer fitting this point. 51 What there is in THIS Pope for judgement in Divinity, that His determination should be expected about the OATH of allegiance to his Majesty, more than in his predecessor Clemens, whose opinion was not inquired of about the OATH for conspiracy against the whole Realm; Of Pius Quintus, who absolved the late Queen's Subjects from their obedience, it was said by some of his own, that he was Homo pius & doctus, sed nimis credulus, religious, and learned, but to easy of belief: Of this Paulus Quintus, who hath interdicted the subjects of our sovereign King, to swear their obedience, either for his divinity or piety, we have heard nothing. S. Peter, whose successor he is styled, S. Paul, whose name he hath borrowed, had their divinity indeed by infusion; but their writings revealed it to the world: so that Peter we know and Paul we know to be singular divines, but WHO IS THIS? No man who seeketh to be famous, doth any things in secret, say the Brethrens of our Saviour. joh. 7. 4. Where then are his labours; his Sermons; his Treatises; his Commentaries; his Epistles Theological, his Doctrinal determinations; his judicial decisions? all which are the usual attractives to draw an opinion upon a man, that he is a sound Resoluer: but in all these, as the Greek Poet speaketh Plut. Lucull. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if he were Pythagoras his Scholar, he is wholly silent. 52 Into his qualities I will not enter: he stands and falls to his own Master: but if he be that Cardinal Burghesius whom some of the Secular Priests have sometime described, M. Bluet. etc. and have assured us that to be true in him, which Plut. in Tiber. is spoken of Tiberius Gracchus, that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: A rash speaker, and an heady undertaker; of a most violent spirit, and impatient of contradiction, in whatsoever he hath but once imagined: if this I say, be true, (which God forbidden in so great a Churchman) now surely he is not the fittest judge to be resorted unto in cases of conscience, especially of such nature and consequence as this in Temp. Henr. 7. hand. Wherein (as a learned Poet once merrily said, there stands Latro at the bar, and Fur sits on the bench) himself becomes both party and judge. When Popes allege Popes for proof of their Supremacy, the Canonists say it is Familia is probatio: certainly this must needs be a more familiar proof, when reference is made to the Pope in his own cause. 53 For the knot of the quarrel between these differing Catholics, if there were any concerning the OATH, and that which vexeth them most, was the point of the Pope's authority in deposing Princes, and absolving from the OATH; for, so far as touched Civil Obedience, THAT stuck not with them, they say. Hear is the Pope become a party. Who now must unloose this knot, and determine the quarrel? None but the Pope. If I should bear witness joh. 5. 32. of MYSELF, saith our Saviour Christ, MY witness were not true: yea, but saith this jesuite, the Pope being Pag. 10. no. 15. the supreme Pastor, to him, by the principles of their Religion, Catholics believe that our Saviour giveth assistance for the direction of men's souls. Heres the Pope made a judge. Certes, had he determined negatively against himself, he had been to blame, at lest his authority for ever after, might have been encountered with Serve nequam Luk. 19 22. ex Ore tuo. Would not the Israelites themselves (though it were their misery, that they might have neither weapon for 1. Sam. 13. 19 war, nor tool for work, but they must fetch them from the Ph●…listines) have justly laughed at them, if the Philistine would have either hammered the one, or steeled the other, or furnished them with either? And if the Pope, in whose alone determination the Catholics must rest, would give any arguments of Resolution against his own challenge, if it had not been ridiculous, sure it had been miraculous. The Apologue is known, if the Lion may be judge in the division of the prey, his fellow-hunters shall Aesop. have but a small share: and Kings shall be sure august sedere, (as Tully said to Caesar) have both straight limits and unquiet Ma●…o. Sat. 2. seats, if the Pope may determine their Bounds and States. 54 But let Fa. Parsons say in sooth (if there can be any sooth in a man of such singular honesty as the Priests describe him, intituling him an impostume of all corruptions) Quod lib. p. 237 was there any such reference made out of England unto the Pope for his Resolution? Was it by Petition written, or by Message of mouth delivered? Let him show the State of the Question, as it was framed; put down the arguments of the difference, to and fro, as they were objected; and make knowea the reason of the Pope's negative decision: this were plain dealing in him, and had been fair dealing in the Pope, if, before he had sent his Breves of Interdiction, he had acquainted his Majestic with the encounters of doubt that had bred the quarrel, and the overswaying reason which carried him to the Negative. This being omitted, his Majesty gave his decision the right name, when he called it a malicious truck of the Devil. 55 For there was both malice in the Sentence, because done of purpose, and not out of passion, but after due deliberation, Numb. 15. (saith this Epistler) and that is malice in any sin, as the Schoolmen define it: Secondly, in the intent there Aquinas. 12ae. q. 47. & 78. was extreme malice, thereby to foster in his majesties heart jealousy of his Subjects; and in them disloyalty to their Sovereign: and all this, which is truth indeed, upon the only information, advice, and instigation of a known Incendiary, Parsons; who ever since he ran out of his Country, like traitorous Absalon, cares not to set his own friends Land, yea to see his native soil on a light 2. Sam 14. 30. fire, so he may purchase the Pope's favour, as the other did joabs corn, to approach his father's presence. Thirdly, malice in the whole action, busily interposing himself in other States which concern him nothing (for that is noted as a great part of the devils malice, that he is Magnus ille Peripateticus, and takes upon him to be the general job 1. Surveyor and Compasser of the whole earth.) For what hath the Bishop of Rome to do with the King and Subjects of England in matters of Religion? Much less of State: especially seeing he meddleth not for good, but for evil, (cven as that other universal Rector in the air, quaerens quem devoret) not instructing, but interdicting? 1. Pet. 5. 8. 56 We say with the Fathers in the Council of Carthage, when they took the Bishop of Rome his Advocates cardie, and falsaries in his challenge for the cognisance of all Ecclesiastical differences to belong to HIM: Aliae Ecclesiae habent Spiritum Sanctum, ut causas cognoscere & dijudicare Concil. Cartha. 6. possint. Nay (saith this Censurer) the Pope only hath, Numb, 20 supposing as we do in matters Catholic, concerning persons Catholic, that England is the Pope's harvest, and the Catholics therein, his flock; the division of the Island by Sea not making any separation from him their general Head for dependence. 57 This is a strong Argument, no doubt; the Pope hath to do in England, because some Catholics SUPPOSE he hath: but before that SUPPOSAL be brought into a positive and resolute Conclusion, it will ask a longer time than such a Pamphlet as his Letter is will require; and more deep divinity than Parsons hath, if it be true which the Priests report of him, that he is neither acute Schoolman, nor profound divine, but a mean Preacher, and a barren Ghostly Counsellor. Quodiib. page 237. 58 For whether Saint Peter be made Terminus â quo, or ad quem, either to derive the universality from him to the Pope, or reduce it from the Pope to him, many a knottre question is to be decided: as first, Whether the Government of the Church should be Monarchical? Whether that Monarch should be Saint Peter, as superior to the rest of the Apostles? Whether the Charge of the Keys were given to him, alone? Howfarre the jurisdiction of the Keys will reach? Whether feed my Sheep and Lambs be an universal charge, and to Peter alone? If all this true; how comes it to the Bishop of Rome, rather than an other? Whether Peter appointed him his Successor? Whether he hath it jure divino, or Ecclesiastico? Whether that same one Pastor & one flock be not proper to Christ alone? Why not an universal Emperor as well as an universal Pope? with many other such, which would trouble a better Clerk than this jesuite, even to discuss: for hot brains as they undertake matters busily, so they perform nothing sound or indiciously. 59 If other states and Nations brook the Pope for their judge (and yet in most of them which he names, they do but Quatenus) it is either their voluntary submission, not his just claim; or else his violent usurpation forced on them by terror, not their spiritual subjection, warranted by divinity. And therefore it argued some ingenuity in the man, that he made it but a SUPPOSAL. For if all the rest of the Apostles were not Ordered Bishops by Saint Peter, (saith Bellarmine) then 〈◊〉. Rom 〈◊〉. l. ca, 23. cannot the Church of Rome be the Mother of all other Churches: (much less the Bishop of Rome be the Universal Bishop) & whether it were so or not, the best writing jesuits Salmer. in Gal. 1. Victor. Rel. 2. con. 3. Suarez in Tho. Tom. 4. disp. 16 Greg. de valet. Anal. fid. li. 7. cip, 2. do indeed make it but a SUPPOSAL; the most favourable of them, that it is but Likely; an other, that it is uncertain; but others, that it is scarce probable: yea, that it is an opinion, neither generally received, norgreatly necessary. 60 A fourth trick of Malice, mixed with Craft, (two properties of the envious man, that sowed tars in sleeping time) was the Pope's Riddle, rather than answer, in not particularizing Mat. 13. 25. the specialties to be excepted in the OATH: his Craft, jest straining at that point which touched his authoritic in deposing and absolving, he should reveal his partiality; for so, as Demetrius the Ephesian, his clamorous Act. 19 24. plea for his Diana, in respect of his private gain, and credit of the City, or rather of the See, would have been too manifest. His Malice, closely insinuating the whole OATH to be utterly unlawful, even that very point of swearing Civil obedience; for so he saith, Such an Oath cannot be taken (this mincing distinguisher puts in [as it lay] without annoyance of the Catholic faith. All this the Censurer repeateth, but refelleth not. Num. 19 61 And this was his majesties just agreevance; that how soever in matter of Religion the Pope would meddle; yet in things that merely and only concern Civil obedience, that he should interpose himself, could not but argue him to be Curiosus in aliena Republica, a busy Polypragmon where he had nothing to do; which this jesuite confesseth to be a just mislike if it prove true. 62 Now then this must be cleared, whether the OATH doth only concern Civil Obedience, yea or not? That it doth not, he takes upon him to satisfy in eight Numbers; from the 20. to the 28. and that four several ways, as he saith; First, Out of the words of the OATH, wherein 1 the Pope's authority is limited (indeed this is it which startles them;) Secondly, Out of the Pope's words marshalling 2 the taking of the Oath, thus mixed with clauses concerning Religion, with repairing to our Church assemblies, arguing that he forbade the OATH so far as it was an Act Spiritual. Thirdly, Out of the Cardinal's Letter, who after Consultation with others, (scil. with a Traitor 3 called Parsons) doth therein include the OATH to be unlawful because it is compounded by joining of spiritual and Temporal things together, as julian his Picture, with the Images of the Paynim Gods. 〈◊〉 63 (This Bellarmine doth in cold blood, as he is Ro bertus Cardinalis, covertly resembling his Majesty to that Apostata; but when he is by his Metamorphosis, or Metonomasie translated into Mathaeus Tortus, that is a Publican vexed, either with wrath or fury, or malice, or all, than he particularizeth the comparison, and makes his Majesty no better, yea worse than julian.) 64 Fourthly, by are all offer on the Catholic part; the 4 former whereof he draws and divides, First affirmative two ways, viz. That so much of the OATH as concerneth Civil obedience, every Catholic shall take (marry with a restraint twofold) as much as any Catholic hath done in time of Popery, or any Foreign Subject doth to a Popish Prince. Secondly, Concerning the Pope, this Catholic shall swear, that he hopes, that his Holiness will do nothing in prejudice of his Majesty, yea, he will labour to stay him if he do, and will pray for them both: the other part is negative; that the Catholics shall not touch any part of the OATH which seemeth to impeach the Pope's Authority; therefore that more is required then Civil Obedience, by this it is evident.; By what? because the Pope deciares so; & the Cardinal writes so, & this jesuit says so? 65 But we laying this for our ground, first, that both swearing and performing Civil Obedience is aswell negative, against any intruder, Challenger, or Usurper; as affirmative, for the lawful Governors and Sovereigns: Secondly, that this challenge of the Pope in dethroning and deposing Princes, is a temporal intrusion, and no spiritual jurisdiction, do conclude with as strong and apparent evidence, that the whole bulk of the OATH, both in the submissive and exclusive part, doth only concern Civil obedience. Of the first ground there is no doubt; for Art thou on our side, or on our adversaries? was a proper and fit question moved by a resolute Governor: lukewarm josh. 5. 13. Subjects being as odious and dangerous in a State Politic, Apoc 3. 16. as such professors are in Religious Societies, justly to be vomited out of the Realm, as Solon his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Plut. Sol n. Neutrals from his commonwealth. Of the second, we make as little doubt; the proofs thereof, by so many that have debated that controversy, are so plentiful, so pregnant and impregnable: but seeing we mean this jesuite a favour, we will remit him to T. M. the elder (he D. Mort●…bis full satisfact. part. 3. had as lief go to the Rack) who, among many other, hath canvased this point, in a Confutation, to the Pope's confusion. 66 For this authority of the Pope, if it be a spiritual jurisdiction, it must be either from heaven or of men, grounded upon law either Divine or Ecclesiastical: Nam Bern. ad Eug●…. quod amplius est, à malo est, saith a devout Father to a great Pope: All execution thereof, not derived from either of these, implies a tyranny, imports no right. If upon Divine Law, then either the Old or the New Testament; not the Old, the Priests among the jews had no such authority over their Kings, either united to their Priesthood by God, or assumed by themselves; confessed so by a jesuite, that the state Salmer, in Epist. Pauli, disp. 12. of the jews was rather earthly then heavenly: therefore the carnal part was more eminent, that is, Kings had the Sovereignty over the Priests. 67 Not in the New: for then S. Peter should have had it, either when the Keys were given him, Matt. 16. or when that trebled Pasce was enjoined him, joh. 21. If it be so, then had he this jurisdiction directly from Christ, and universally over the world: but that is not so, saith Robert the Cardinal, and this Robert his Echo, but only over Bellar. lib. 5. de Pontis. Rom. cap. 4 &. 6. Christian Princes, and that indirectly and obliquely, in Ordine ad Deum. Nay, neither directly nor indirectly, saith Saunders; for there being a double power of Christian De clave, lib. 2. cap. 13. fortitude, constant suffering, and courageous attempting, that power of suffering (as the more excellent) Christ chose, as the fittest sibi & suis, for himself and those that belong to him; or, if you will, for himself and his Apostles. So, then to suffer oppression under Kings, not to infer upon them Rebellion and Disloyalty, was the power Apostolical in respect of Princes. 68 By Law Divine than it was excluded; for no man can transfer that to another, which he hath not himself; but this royal Sovereignty over Princes, to depose them, or dispose of their States, Christ had not as he was man (and yet he said Omnis potest as data est mihi in Coelo & in Terra) Math. 28. 18. yea such power had been unprofitable and superf●…uous (saith Vbi supra. the Grand Cardinal) therefore he could not transfer it to Saint Peter, or the rest. 69 For Ecclesiastical Law; no Canon, Council, Decree, Practise extant, reckon to 600. years after Christ, by Bellarmine's De Concil. lib. 1. ca 13. Bercla●…us. li. 6. cap. 26. Sigeb●…ri. in. an 1088. confession, yea to 1000 & amplius, saith one of their own Writers, doth avow it; insomuch that a Friar of account, writing in the year 1088. calls then the doctrine thereof a Novelty, if not an Heresy. And that Act of Hildebrand, that famously infamous Pope, who first took upon him to deprive an Emperor of his regiment, is by a Popish Divine called Novellum Schisma, a rent, & a rent Clau. Espencaeus in Tim. Digres. li. 2. cap. 6. of Novelty: the challenge of this authority utterly unknown to the Fathers, who have pronounced Kings to be no way liable to any violent Censure, or penal Law of man, tuti imperii potestate, their Empire and Sovereignty exempting Ambros. Apolog. David. cap. 4. &. 10. and priveledging them therefrom. 70 Therefore this authority of the Pope, thus proclaimed by himself, thus patronized by the jesuits, being merely temporal, neither Scripture, Father, Council, or Practise, for so many years, warranting it, and by consequent, an human Invention and Intrusion, presumptuous in the Pope against a Civil Magistrate (which is God's Ordinance) and prejudicial to Kings in disquieting their states, and disparaging their Sovereignties: the matter of the Rom. 13. whole OATH both submissive for affirmative allegiance, and exclusive for negative acceptance of foreign disturbers, must needs be merely Civil and Temporal; and the whole OATH to be as entirely taken of English Subjects for their King and Sovereign against the Pope, claiming and usurping part of his right, as well as that of jehoiada by the men of juda for joaz their King, against Athalia that usurped 2. Reg. 11. 4. his state. 71 Neither doth that point of the OATH more concern Religion, then if any other Prince, Christian or Heathen, should have been put in the same, and the Pope jest out. For this authority of the Pope, so excluded in the OATH, must be as he is either a Temporal Prince, (and then the OATH is merely Civil) or else as he is a spiritual judge; which, if it be a point of true Religion, must have the warrant in Scriptures, and by the donation of the Keys Matth. 16. if in any Scripture. 72 'tis so, saith Saunders: for S. Peter with THEM, Vbi supra c. 10. received both Powers, Temporal and Civil, to build and destroy Uictoria, Rel. 1. Sect. 2. Kingdoms. Not so, saith a jesuite, for this power of the Keys, est alia á Civili Potestate. Thus they jar. Mean while, we are sure that this is a Precept in true Religion, Rom. 13. Every soul to be subject to the higher powers. But if there be a Religion, such as he calls Catholic, which exempts any when the Apostle includes all, I say no more but that which our Saviour said to the Pharisees, Hypocritae, Mat. 15. 6. irritum fecistis mandatum Dei propter Traditionem vestram. and that which he said of them when they were offended at that speech, Every plant which my heavenly Father hath not Verse. 14. planted, shall be rooted out. And perhaps this ruffling of the Pope with his BREVES against his Majesty, argues as well for him, as it did for an other Ruffler elsewhere, that he hath great wrath, Sciens quod BREVE tempus habet, knowing his Apoc. 12. 12. time is but a BREVE. 73 Now we proceed to remove two blocks at which this jesuite stumbles, but he goes back to fetch them, for this fellow treads the Maze; he was even now at the 6. and now he is come to the 4. page, wherein he takes two exceptions against his Majesty: first, in that it is said Many Popishly affected of both sorts did freely take this OATH. Secondly, that their so taking of it is called a blessed success of so good adevice and intent in proposing such an OATH. In the first, the Assertion he denies not, that many did so; but he sticks at the adverb FREELY. God loves adverbs, say the Canonists, the Devil doth not; for, that the adverb doth make the action commendable, yea, denominate the action, is an Axiom both in Divine and Human learning. Now, lost this action of theirs should be commended too much, he first descants upon the word FREELY, and disprooues it by the Statute penalty, and a distinction of Philosophy: for the statute inflicting upon the refuser so straight a punishment, Aristotle in his Ethics, and Thomas in his Sum, are so far from accounting it a FREE action, that the Schoolmen determine it to be Inuoluntarium secundum quid; and the Philosopher Inuoluntarium simpliciter: much like the instance which Aristotle gives, and the owner of the ship (wherein S. Paul was a passenger) felt, the throwing of all the fraught into the Sea to savemens' lives: whereunto Act. 27. this case is semblable either for me to take the OATH, which is against Conscience; or endure a strict penalty, which cannot be FREEDOM: for that FREEDOM (saith he) requireth liberties, that is FREEDOM to both extremes or objects. And here, as if with Aesop's hen he had laid a golden egg, he cackles out a Triumph: Let the discreet Reader (saith he) consider what coherence there is in this tale; namely, that there should be a penalty upon the Refuser, and yet the taking of the OATH to be called a FREEDOM. 74. And is there then such an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and disagreement, between the pain of a Statute-Law, and the will of a Subject, that he which obeys the Law so enjoining, shall not be accounted a Free-subiect for his Obedience? then are all the people of the Christened world Slaves, not Freemen. For what Nation is there governed by Laws, not enjoined by sharp penalties? Were all subjects Saint Paul's true Scholars, and would obey their Superiors for Conscience sake, all Penalties were then unnecessary restraints; or were all Princes Draco-like, who having such Subjects, would writ each law in blood, such penal Laws were Tyrannical enforcements: but the subjects of the best Princes being of divers dispositions, some willingly submitting themselves to the streitest Laws, not for fear of the punishment, but for conscience to God, and duty to their Sovereign: others refractory, whose mouths must be holden with bit and bridle, because without a penal constraint they will wax wild, and yield no obedience: therefore in the best managed States, are all, or the most Laws backed with penalties, and yet the subjects liberty no way infringed. It is Licence, not Liberty that admits no penalty. The Law of God itself is imposed with penalties, and yet man's Obedience yielded thereunto, is not Thraldom but Freedom; which made the Apostle say, That the Law was not given unto the righteous man; for his direction, 1. Tim. 1. 9 Gal. 3. 23. no doubt it was, it is our Schoolmaster unto Christ; but not for his terror, because his willingness prevents the Constraint, and his obedience the Censure. But to the Wicked and rebellious it is given, not thereby abridging their Freedom, but punishing their contempt. 75 Were the Statute enforced peremptorily and no leisure granted for deliberation, or after deliberation no liberty of choice, but enforced upon them to take it whether they will or not: then might the OATH be accounted a pressure, and the acceptance thereof a slavery. But first, time being given to consider thereof: and after consideration, leave granted to choose or refuse, this in their own school-learning is True & Full Liberty: for to it they annex these two conditions. 1. indeterminationem judicij ad deliberandum, Medina in primam 〈◊〉. quest. 6 art. 2. an unlimited scope for the judgement to deliberate. 2. facultatem eligendi vel refutandi quod deliberandum est, power either to choose or refuse what is deliberated. The first is Radix Libertatis, the source or fountain of Liberty; the other is ipsa Libertas, Freedom itself, saith Medina. And that's the very case between the King and his subjects in this matter of the OATH; so that the very refusal (after deliberation) argues, that, either to take it or not, they had liberty of choice; but in refusing it, no loyalty of affection. 76 But what if by the word Freely, his Majesty meant either a voluntary offer of some, who to show their loyalty to their Sovereign, of themselves desired to take the OATH; or, being required, after view thereof, without either respecting the penalty, or doubting of the lawfulness, Readily yielded that pledge of their allegiance, by taking the OATH? Than let the discreet Reader, (to whom he appeals) consider what a trifling Sophister this is, to pick quarrels at words, by wrists and strains neither to purpose nor to sense: for that his majesties meaning was so by the Latin translation, is manifest; where these words Many FREELY took the OATH, are there translated Permulti Sacramento se obstringere non DUBITARUNT, Apolog. lat. pag. 4. lin. 6. that is, they stuck not at it, but without terror or doubt took it. And this the makebate knew wellinough, but that he would perhaps take a small occasion to vindicate his credit (which the Priests have somewhat impaired, by assuring the world, that he is no Scoole-divine) by showing his skill in Aquine and in a piece of Aristotle, which every Puny hath by roar. 77 Secondly, jest this their acceptance of the OATH should be too much commended, he takes upon him to interpret their meaning; wherein let the Reader consider what an Hypocrite he is: for it is an inseparable mark of an Hypocrite, to judge of other men's consciences. The Mat. 7. heart of man is God's peculiar: for any man to place his Consistory there, is an high presumption; and therefore when some have taken the OATH, and swear they do it heartily, we say with Nazian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for us to Nazi. in Epist. dive into their conceits, and to judge with what affection (either of fear of punishment; or hope of favour; or love to their Prince) they do it, it is not our purpose, nor comes it within our reach: and yet this Serpens Epidaurius can see more in them, than their selves will acknowledge; and Horace. though they swear they do it willingly, yet he can assure both them and us, that they do it by constraint. 78 Et nunquid Saul inter Prophetas? yea surely, for he can prophecy, that though they swear they do it hearty, 1. Sam. 10. 11. and without any mental evasion, yet he is persuaded, and would persuade us, that they do it neither Freely, that is Willingly, without fear of coercion; nor Freely, that is plainly, but with a reserved distinction. And now again, let the Reader, (whose help he craves) behold a malicious trick of a notable Aequivocator, that cannot be contented to be himself alone (for doubling and dissembling) the devils Scholar (that ancient Aequivocator, that can be the Prince of darkness, and an Angel of light all at once) but must also be his Divilitie Reader or Schoolman, to teach 2. Cor. 11. others to distinguish themselves to Hell fire, and that is, Num. 30. Wherein he shows himself to be, verè Spiritus mendaex in ore Prophetarum, framing two distinctions like the two horns of Sedechias (such another as himself, full 1. Reg. 22. 22. of that spirit) and putting them into their mouths: the first, that the Popehath not authority without Just cause, to proceed against Princes: the second, that the Pope hath not his authority directly, but indirectly, & in ordine ad spiritualia, and for the Catholic cause: Et in his ventilabis Syriam, vers. 11. saith the false Prophet, of his horns: and with these distinctions, saith this jesuite, the OATH- taking may satisfy the Statute, and reserve integrity and sincerity of true Catholic doctrine. 79 As if he should say, though they swore (as it is in the OATH) that they believe, and in conscience are resolved that the Pope hath no authority upon his excommunicating of Princes, to absolve Subjects from their Obedience; and that they swore this according to the express words by them spoken, and according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reseration whatsoever, (all which are the words of the OATH:) yet if in their mind they shall secret●…y conceive these two distinctions, No authority without JUST CAUSE, or not DIRECTLY: though the Pope shall after he hath excommunicated a Prince, absolve his Subjects, they must persuade themselves notwithstanding, that they have sworn truly; and yet that the Pope hath done that, which in their consciences is just; in that his so proceeding is either upon just Cause, or by his indirect authority. 80 And now let a Christian Reader (that makes conscience either of God, or common honesty) consider whether these be not profunda Satanae in the Revelation, even the very mist and mystery of miquity; wherein he may Apoc. 24. demand of this jesuite, first whether this be not a Paganish delusion both of God and men! the very same of Lysander and Dyonisius, that Children are to be moked with toys, and men with Oaths! Nay more than heathenish; for Aristotle Pl●…. was of opinion, that he which doubleth in his Oath (for that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to swear with a mental addition) hath neither fear of God's vengeance, nor shame of men's reproof. Secondly, if the OATH may by such distinctions, R●…d Alax and Ca 18. according to the true Catholic Religion (for so this Censurer saith) be interpreted and expounded, why did not the Pope by his Breves, rather ratify these as lawful evasions, then at the first dash thunder out his awful Interdictions? Thirdly, if the OATH be so thin a Cobweb, that two such Flies may so easily break through it; why doth this jesuite so often term it a pressure of Conscience, forcing men to despair? Lastly he might ask of this banished Catholic, whether that part of the OATH, touching the Pope's authority, upon which he thus mentally didistinguisheth, be a matter of Faith, or no ●…sno; then the OATH bindeth to no other thing, than the acknowledgement of mere Civil Obedience: if yea; then in ●…o secretly distinguishing, they did a thing unlawful: for no sort of equivocation (saith Fa. Persons) is lawful in matters of Faith and Religion. Yes (saith Fa. Parsons) their so Aequiuocating in this matter of faith, is lawful, and may stand Num 14. Num 30. with the integrity and sincerity of true Catholic doctrine. So then in matters of Faith and Religion it is not lawful in any sort to Aequiuocate; but in this matter, though it concern Faith and Religion, it is lawful. Will not the discre●…t Reader conclude these to be ropes of Sand? and to have less coherence then that which he strains at for dissonancy in the Apology? 81 And yet (saith he) Num. 31. Unless these distinctions may be admitted, he that swears honestly, and takes the OATH simply as it lieth, and is meant by the Magistrate that offers it (namely that the Pope hath no authority upon what occasion so ever, for never so much good of Christian Religion to proceed against any Prince, either by himself, or by permission of other Princes to do the same) doth contradict the consent of all Catholic Divines, and professeth that God's providence is defectuous in care of his Church. 82 Dolosum versar●…in universalibus, and for him that meaneth deceitfully, to speak generally, is an old Proverb, upon an old Custom. The first of these Assertions, that the Pope's authority for deposing of Kings, is concluded by Content of all Catholics Divines; if by them he mean Scriptures, Counsels, Fathers, Stories for 1000 years after Christ, the Reader must take it for a mendatious vanity, and let it pass for no better. But if in that number he accounted Popes testifying of themselves; or Canonists Paraziting to Popes; or Glosses hyperbolising the flatteries of the Canonists; or Schoolmen blasphemously detorting Scriptures; or adulterate and partial stories, forging a Mathematical Donation (quae palea est, at Ecclesia pro grano habet, which is but Chaff indeed, though the Church hold it in Alu●…r. Pel. de Plan. Eccles. lib. 1. Cap. 13. the granary for good Corn, saith an ancient Canonist of their own) he must expect no fit answer than that which our Saviour gave to him, that challenged to himself to be the Great Donor of the Kingdoms of the World, cum mendacium john. 8. 44. loquitur, de proprijs loquitur; to bring credit to their own sab●…es, they must bring in witnesses (like Knights of the Post) of their own humours. 83 The second, as it is a trivial Objection, and borrowed by this Epistler from Allens Apology; so, as by one of their Glossaries it was first uttered, it is a charge favouring of Blasphemy, namely, that if this transcendent power over all Bertian. in addit. a●… Gloss. V●…am sa●…cta. Ex●…. V●…es in Aug. de C●…it. dei. lib. 10. cap 16. things, (even for deposing Princes) were not proper to the Pope, OUR LORD saving his reverence, saith he, had failed in his discretion for government of his Church. 84 Vives, upon Saint Augustine, telleth us o●… one that persuaded his neighbours on a dark night, that unless the Moon were in his Assesbelly (for sine she drunk it up of late shining in the Pool) the world should want that light for ever. Parsons upon Allen would persuade ●…s that unless God's providence be so tied to the Pope's Diadem that he may Triple it with supremacy of control over all Princes Christened, the Church should want that pillar for support, and that eye for direction in government: the first, being a fancy of an Io●…or, is but a merriment of folly; this challenge, s●…riously maintained, and a main argument among jesuits is a presumptuous challenge of arrogant impiety. 85 That men in agony of grief; or torment of pain; or discontentment of humour; or rage of passion; or in cases of distress and disgrace, will speak irreverently of God (or as the Hebrew hath it Dare insulsum Deo, will charge God with folly) through impatience, it is usually by Poets feigned; and by stories of good job. 1. 22. note, in men of good parts, sometimes observed: but that Pride should so far oversway men's affections, that to maintain their ambition and tyranny, they should so much forget God their Saviour, as to challenge him of Improvidence towards his Church (which is as dear unto him as the apple of his eye; which he hath purchased with his Blood; which he hath handfastned unto himself for his spouse; and to which he hath promised his perpetual assistance) is singular from all examples; admirable, but intolerable: only that it favoureth of the spirit of Antichrist, who as in his pride he lifteth up himself above all that is called God, so for the support of his pride, sticketh 2. Thes. 2. not to charge with indiscretion, and want of foresight even the very true God. 86 Whose Providence is as his power; this, most puissant where the means are most weak: that, most Vigilant 2. Cor. 12. where the means are least seen. Et quod stultum videtur homi●…ibus, that which the world counteth folly, is God's 1. Cor. 1. 26. wisdom; to pass by the mighty and the noble, and to choose the weak things of the world to confounded the mighty; yea, things vile and despisable, to abate and pull down things lofty and Honourable: not by curse of mouth, or dint of sword, but by patience of spirit, and power of his word. For God's providence in his Church-government by Church men is Operative, not vindicative; that same Vlcisci in promptu, that 2. Cor. 10. 5. 6. vengeance in a readiness against all disobedience, whereof the Apostle speaketh, leveling every high thing that is exalted against the knowledge of God, and captivating every thought to the obedience of Christ, like the ru●…nating of Hierichoes walls by Rams-hornes is powerful not violent spiritual but not visible, josh. 6. ●…0. by means weak in show, mighty in effect. Those Compedes ad alligan does Reges in the Psal. Those fetters made to Psal. 149 8. Aquin. in 2. 2 Cor. 10. bind Kings are DOCUMENTS OF FAITH, saith Thomas, not Thunders of disturbance. 87 Yea, had not God in the depth of his wisdom, and providence of the Church, kept that conceit, (or any the lest occasion to breed it) even from the thoughts of Princes; that the same snake, which (being almost statued to death with hard and cold weather, they should warm succour and nourish in their bosoms, would, when she had go●…ten liberty and strength, first st●…ke them: and that the Roman Bishops brought so low in the world by pou●…tie and persecution, after their advancement by them, would have grown to that height of insolence, as to am●…te them: still should they have lain forlorn and vnp●…tied, at lest unfurnished of those large endowments, frank immunities, vast privileges, and honourable places, which now they hold, and wherewith they are uphold 〈◊〉. 88 'tis natural to Kings to be jealous of their Thrones, wherein they can abide neither Mate for division, n●…r Check mate for scorn. It cost Ado●…ah his life for ask 〈◊〉. Reg. 2. 20. Abishag to wife, because Solomon did thereby take occasion to suspect, that he which desired the Father's bedfellow, would also aspire to the brother's Throne. It was not the blasphemy laid to our saviours charge by the jews, that moved Pilate to sentence him; th●… which hastened his death, was a jealous opinion, though a false persuasion▪ that he should be a King, and thereby defeat Caesar of his claim joh. 19 12. 13. to jury. 89 In that point therefore we shall see God himself to be very wary; for even that Psalm (which of all the Scriptures is most threatfull to Kings, and gins with a Psal. 2. 1. thundering expostulation) Quare fremuerunt Gentes, & astiterunt Reges? It pleaseth him to conclude it not with a minacing ex●…rusion, but with a calm persuasion, Osculemini filium, or as the vulgar hath it, Apprehend●… Disciplinam: and what is that? Be wise, o ye King●…, and 〈◊〉 the Lord in fear: I●… not, what is the da●…▪ Nepereat●…s de via justa, that is, jest you loose the righ●… way to Heaven, and your right in the Crown of Heaven: He said no●…, your Titles to your Kingdoms, no●… right to your Crowns on earth. God 〈◊〉 thought it fit to support his Church, by daring of Princes, Professors of his name; for that had been the way to make them not nourishing F●…s, but either Esa. 19 23. pinching supprest●…, or at lest cold and wary fauo●…s of the same. 90. As therefore in the time of the Law, he had a Church, flourishing and famous, to the worlds astonishment, In jury was God known, his Name was great in Israel, Psal. 76. 1. where there were Pr●…ests of ve●…y ●…nent port and ●…te: yet, that they were subject to their Kings (both for reu●…rent demeanour to their persons, and all due obedi●…nce, to their Commands, both in civil affairs, and for Ecclesiastical charge,) argued no de●…ect in God's prou●…ence or di●…tion: So in the p●…itiue time of the Gospel, the purity of doctrine, the increase for number, the success by the large prop●…tion of Christianity, was far more eminent in the world; and the Evidence of God's Providence more apparently demonstrated, when the blood of Martyred Bishops was the Seed of the Church (at what time the Title of Christ's Vicar General was not heard of) then since the challenge and claim of this Papal supremacy; the issues whereof ha●… been the bloody Massacres of Christian Princes, designed and abe●…ted by the Successors of those Bishops, successors (I say) in Seat, (and yet that is a question) but not in ●…aith. 91 And the Christian world can witness, to God's glory, and the Pope's regret, that the vigilant eye of God's Providence, for support both of sincerity in doctrine, and integ●… of di●…, and public maintenance of bo●…h, where Bishops and Priests use the Keys committed to them, toward, their Sovereigns for winning their souls, not for disturbing their states; for preaching to them, ●…ot factioning against them; in exhorting, not threatening the●…; in praying for them, not ●…sing them, is more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…visible then where the pope and all his gimmals the P●…sh Priests o●… C●…rats of Rome (that is their true 〈◊〉 in S●…atuscons. Fra●…. num 58. original) who for their often winding and turning are only called Cardinals, do practise their usurped claim, in ●…acing Interdictions, managing Rebellions, allowing Perjuries, instilling and complotting Treasons. But in brief if it were seriously propounded, what became of God's Prou●…dence when there was no Pope at all (as at once for s●…uen years and a half, anothertime for three years together the See was vacant?) And to which of the Pope's God's Providence for Church-government was tied in the Anti-papacie or duplicity of Popes for so many years, it would pin●…h the jesuite to answer it. 92 Now from his Doctor's Chair, where he hath been urging the lawfulness of his distinctions, he descendeth, & falls on his knees. Num. 32. And as before he framed an Oath for a Mitigation, so now he puts up a request for an exposition (which is indeed an oblation for our OATH) where he propoundeth three offers; that it would please his Majesty either, first, to admit of these Mental Evasions; or, secondly, to wipe out the last words in the Statute against equivocation; or, lastly, not to think much if they utterly refuse the OATH.;; 93 It may be said to him as unto Cain (in their own Translation) Recté offers, sed non recté diuid●…s: his submission is good, but his proffer●… are not so: it becomes him to be Gen. 4. humble, but not thus to Capitulate: wherein he seems to honour the King, (as Bernard noteth of an hypocrites sacrifice) it is munere foetido. For the sum of In Cant. ser. 24 his Petition is this, that either the OATH might not at all be imposed (and so his Majesty should have of them no bo●…d of allegiance) or else that it might be taken with the forenamed Reservations; that so (as the same Father speaketh) Vbi supra. they may dare manum devotioni, & animum livori, swear loyalty on the book, but hatch Treason in their hea●…s. Notwithstanding (saith the jesuite,) the rather 〈◊〉 this be yeel●…ed unto, because both the chiefest learned of their Church have judged the OATH unlawful (as it is now framed) and also their chief Pastor, hath v●…erlie condemned it. And this indeed hath caused (saith he) the great scruple and repugnancy of Conscience. 95 How holds this together? He told us before, that it was the Scruple of Conscience, which caused them to seek Num. 15. beyond the Seas, both to inquire of the learned there, and to consult with the Pope: now he tells us that this scruple is an effect engendered in them, by the resolution of those Learned, and the peremptory Sentence of their Pastor. Et pergit vobiscum Papa perplex loqui! Doth the Pope breed scruples in their minds which consult him? He hath Privilegium infirmitat is saith Canus) and cannot err; therefore his resolution should remove all doubts, 'cause none; should settle the conscience, not startle it. 96 But take it either way, either as a cause moving, or an effect succeeding; it bewrays in both a singular disloyalty in the affection. Did the scruple cause the inquiry and consultation? That argued alienated dispositions; for true love obeys, disputes not; yields, and doubts not. David noted it in his Subjects, in auditu auris, they no sooner Psal. 18. 44. Den●…t. & ●…gra ca 69. 1. john. 5. 3. heard, but obeyed him. Omnia charitati facilia, Love makes all things light, saith S. Augustine: and therein is S. john's speech made good, that our Lords Commandments are not grievous. The weight of an Injunction is not so much in the Vbi supra. Object as in the Subject. Potest esse cordis affectus, cui nil grave sit (saith the same Father) There may be such an affection Matth. 11. 28 in the heart, which may make a Yoke easy, and a Burden light●… such an unwillingness again there may be, john. 6. 60. that Durus est hic sermo, shall be pronounced upon a commandment, be it never so easy. 97 The holy Ghost notes it, that when jeremy willed the jews to put their necks under the Yokes of Nebuchadnezar, they which made a scruple, and (upon that scruple) inquired of some Prophets, whether they should serve him or not, God himself doth, pronounce both them that moved jerem. 27. 12. the doubt, to be authors of their own misery, and those Prophets that dissuaded them, to be liars in themselves, and not authorised by him. Much more when a Christian King requires a bond of Obedience from his native Subjects, only for his Temporal indemnity and security: In that case (bl●…nch it as they will) every d●…ubtful inquiry is an Impostume of Disloyalty; it is not a 〈◊〉 of Conscience, it is a 〈◊〉 at the hea●…: which because those doubting Catholics could not 〈◊〉 (for a potsherd, though it be guilt, will sh●…w itself to be earth) and yet were loathe to bewray it, they t●…ke Sanctu●… P●…o. 26. 13. 〈◊〉 at Rome, as enquiring of that Oracle, thereby to cover their wilful refusal, under the pretence of the Popes Ne gative Resolution; that so they might answer, wh●…n th●…y were called to the OATH, We are willing to doe●…t, bu●… our chief Pastor hath forbidden us, and thinks it unlawful. Sic Coelum, non animum mutant: The 〈◊〉 they carried out, returned with them. 98 Was this scruple an effect? and did it follow upon the Resolution of those Learned, and the Pope's Breve? then is it worse, because now it is Armata impietas, Disobedience authorised. As for those chiefest learned (as he in●…itles them) they are all but one Bellarmine (for aught that appeareth to the world) whose opinion in this case, what it is, his 〈◊〉 manifesteth, and the Apology hath discussed it. Learned he is, his works do show it; and yet he that should say they are more painful than learned, should do him ●…o wrong, no●… judge of them 〈◊〉. This we are 〈◊〉, that as learned as he, and better minded than he, are of a con●…arie judgement to him for the Prince's immuni●…ie from the Pope's Sovereignty, as will appear when we come to his Let●…er. 99 But the Pope's Brene, that is a Persian Decree, and his Interdixit, an 〈◊〉 dixit. It may not be disputed, much less dissauow●…d. In this very case, Et si Regum Iura pervertat (●…aith a jesuite) though he pervert the Laws of Kings, Az●…rius jesuit. either by sinister const●…uctions, or pri●…y subornations; prey for him they may; judge of him they may not; obey him they must. Now this reliance unrepealable (though he call it in the Catholics, a scruple of Conscience) yet is it not in them, thus tied, a vassalage of slavery? and in the Pope, thus binding them (look to himself) an oultrecuidance of Tyranny? and, in respect of Kings, a licence for disloyalty in their Subjects, and the Allumettes of Treason to their persons? For what greater slavery, then if Popes carry troops to hell, yet men must follow them, and not argue with them? So saith Boniface the Archbishop of Mentz: and Boniface. apud Grat. d, 40. what more dreadful instability to Kings, then to enact Laws for their Subjects, to try and tie their Allegiance, and a foreign Countermand must be sent to free them, and affright them from Obedience? 100 A second stay, which holds him so long in this Preface (he calls it the third point) is that speech in the Apology, that it argued God's blessing upon the devised OATH, that so many Popishly affected, did take the OATH: This he trips at, and gives his reason, That if it be a blessing, it must be so; first, to the takers, which are of two sorts, either in act, which are sworn already; or in desire, which wish they might, but dare not. The first have no outward blessing of Liberty, for they are still imprisoned; if inward blessing of Comfort, he knows not: but to the other, it is the greatest pressure of Conscience, and angaration of mind, that ever befell them; for that oppression exceeds all other, either corporal for pains, or worldly for loss. 101 Indeed the the trouble of Conscience is a fearful vexation: but the next that comes to it (because it is a mental work) is the trouble in answering a Cavilling Sophister; who having some remnants of commonplaces, wherein he is perfect (like one ready to be drowned, that lays hold of any thing, though a rush or stick) snatcheth at words, to give vent to his notes, neither well couched, nor properly applied. 102 His majesty concluding, as the Scripture directs, and as man may judge God's approbation by an outward and unexpected success; that so ma●…y of the Clergy and La●…tie, (diversly affected in Religion) did take the OATH, whereby he was secured of their allegiance, and they freed from his ie●…lousie, whom his M●…iestie might otherwise have suspected, (because there is no such alienation, as that which is caused by difference in Religion) calls this success, GOD'S BLESSING: for multiplication, whether of wealth or people, is a benediction; and therefore in Scripture often conjoined. Of Just job, saith the wicked spirit, Benedixist●…, & crevit possessio. Of the same man, I●…b. 1. 10. job. 42. 12. saith the Holy spirit, the Lord BLESSED his last days, for his substance & Family INCREASED. Of all the faithful the Ps●…lmist pronounceth it, He BLESSED them, Psal. 107. 38. and they MULTIPLIED exceedingly. 103 In the MULTITUDE of a People is the honour of the King, sait●… Solomon, because his strength lieth in them. But if (as David his Father described some) they be Pro. 14. 28. 〈◊〉 contradictionis, a muttering and a disloyal people; Filij alien●…, mentientes, & claudicantes, of estranged affections, Psa. 18. 43 44. etc. dissembling tongues, false hearts; the King might then say (with the Prophet) multiplicasts Gentem. non multiplicasti La●…tiam; the more the worse: for it is Populus voluntarius, Esa. 9 3. or as the Hebrew hath it, Populus devotionum (we see it in Gedeons' Army) which maketh d●…em fortitudinis (●…aith Psal. 110. 3 the Psalmist) that giveth courage to the King's mind, and strength to his battles; which words the vulgar hath left out. 104 Now God having blessed his Majesty with an accrument of a great and mighty Nation; but finding with all, that rule in Vegetius to be true, that it is not numerus but virtus, not multitude but Loyalty, which in time of exi gence must prevail; to assure himself that his Subjects, will be neither filij Ephraim a saint-hearted people, with their bows bend, ready to turn their backs upon him, Psal. 78. 9 fail him at his most need; nor filij Belial, a falsehearted people, either vilifying his person (as some did Sauls at 1. Savi. 10. 27. his first entrance) or turning their weapons against him, as David was served, both by the son of his loins, and 2. Sam, 15. 12. his great Councillor of State; the rather having been already in David's Case, affrighted with the bloody hands of strange Children, whose mouth talked of Vanity, and their right hand was the right hand of iniquity. He devised this OATH Psal 144. for a pledge of his assurance, for abond of their allegiance, which accordingly succeeded; because what he hoped, happened; yea, more than he expected. For many vnrequired, came and showed themselves to be Populus voluntarius, FREELY offering to take the OATH; and this the King truly calleth a BLESSING of God upon the devise. 105 For mortal men must judge the best of God's proceed by outward happy successes; and what more happy to Kings, than a sure est●…blishment in their Th●…oanes? and none surer among men, than investiture, confirmed by Conuenant and OATH. For David was the King of Israel, even while he was in Hebron; but when the Tribes came and passed their Covenant with him of Allegiance, t●…en, and not before, he calls himself a King established, and exalted, which he only attributes unto God's blessing. And 2. Sam 5. 〈◊〉. 3. Vers. 12. Apol. Lat. pa. 4 lin. 3. that this was his majesties only meaning, the Latin translation clears it by the word fortunavit, arguing thereby, that is was a blessing outward and visible. 106 Now what hath the commonplace of the Conscience Grief to do with this blessing, that is, this event thus fortunately succeeding? Not more than it had before to Numb. 12. do with the adverb ONLY, saving that of a word of exaltation he would make a Tragedy of Angariation. Wherein to answer him once for all; First, if the Catholics (as he calls them) have vexed Consciences, it is no marvel, in two respects; for Idolatry being mixed with Superstition, and Superstition never voided of fear, (because, as it supposeth there be many Gods, so it wisheth th●…re were none) Plut. de Superstit. Vincen. adver. Here. fear must needs work a vexation of the mind: but Heresy is Idolatry, (saith Vincentius) for so many self conceits, are so many Gods, yea, the basest kind of Idolatry (saith Saint Augustine,) this, adoring the woks of men's Deveia relig. cap. 38. hands, the other, worshipping fancies of their own brains. 107 Again, where the mind hath no certain stay for her Vltima resolutio, in matters and cases of Faith and Conscience, there must neceslarily follow a miserable vexation; which is the Case of those Catholics, whose dependence for Resolution, must ●…est upon the supreme Pastor's determination, than which what ●…s more uncertain? For what one Pope decrees, another disalowes. It is observed of some, that from the time of Stephanus Sixtus, it hath been the custom of Popes, that the succeeding Bishops, Acta Specul. Pontisi priorum aut infringerent, aut omnino tollerent, would either narrowly empale, or v●…terly repeal their Predecessors Decrees. And will any call that Conscience, that hath this Dependence? Our Sovereign King hath given it the right name, when he saith, That Conscience not grounded upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pa. 18. sure knowledge, is either an ignorant fancy, or an arrogant vanity: and what resolved comfort can be in either of these? 108 Secondly, if pressure of conscience may serve for good Plea of recusancy to Prince's Laws, there is neither malefacton for crime, nor Heretic for schism (never so great) but will make that his Apology against any Censure. The making of Laws, and the execution thereof, must depend upon the Magistrates will directed by God's word, not upon other men's Consciences, whether tender as unresolved, or peevish, as never satisfied. 109 Thirdly, the answer may be with that of our Math. 6. 23. Saviour, If the light which is within you be darkness, how great is that darkness? because it is with the Conscience of man, as with the Eye of the body: be the object never so bright and visible, if there be in the Eye any thing which may Ferus in ill●…m ●…cum. impeach the sight, either mist, or dust, or lime (which one of their own writers very elegantly doth allegorize) either fancies of their own brain (which is Caligo tenebrarum in this life, and dusketh the eyes of the understanding to a man's perdition, for if our Gospel be yet hid, it is hid to them that are lost;) or worldly delights of honour and wealth, 2. Cor. 4. 4. (for that's pulvis pigmentarius, the merchants dust, which tickleth the eyes, and blinds the sight of the wisest) or Envy Cani. 3. 6. by Emulation, or prejudice of affection, or wilfulness Deut. 16. 19 by opposition, which like lime torments the eye, and perverts the judgement concerning the Object; where lieth the fault then? 110 If the jews to this day behold not what they should, nay what they might; but whatsoever is spoken of Christ (though never so demonstratively) they do reject it, because they conceive it not; Is it (saith S. Paul) because the veil is not removed from Moses face? or that the Law is still Typical? Nay, that is gone, but the veil is now spread, by their own wilfulness, over their own hearts. Such is the Conscience of those Catholics whom he bemoaneth; who either led by their own conceit (obstinate by some former impression) or misled, what with future hopes buzzed into their ears, or by present terrors of Church's Censure, or relying upon the Pope, as the jews upon Moses (though these last have the better warrant) do name that to be Conscience, which is but Error; and angariation of spirit, which is naught else but peevishness. The issue, either of superstitious fear, or malignant opposition, or slavish dependence, for to be grieved with that which is good, is not weakness, but wickedness. 111 To a corrupt stomach, even the lightest meats are burdensome; but cleanse it, and then it will easily concoct, and orderly digest the strongest food: So to the unclean and unpure, nothing is clean; for even their minds 2. Cor. 3. 14. 15 Tit. 1. 15. and consciences are defiled (saith the Apostle;) but rectify and cleanse the Conscience, Et lapides isti panes fient, quoth S. Bernard, that which now pincheth for a pressure, will pass for a Comfort. And so the conclusion shall be for this Bern. in Cant. point of Conscience, which (as his Maieslie once well obsetued 〈◊〉. 21. 15. many p●…attle of, but few feel. If any which hau●… taken the OATH, be tormented in mind for abjuring that unjust claim of the Pope, it is not Conscience but fancy that a●…slicts them; without reason on their parts, o●… occasion of ours. It is not the Statute which must bear the blame but either their own inconstant affections, variing in themselves; or their enthralled judgements overawed by the Pope; or hopes, or fears, whispered in by others, raising a storm where there was a settled quietness. 112 For them which are to take it, if they refuse it, the penalty is before them, their conscience is free. But his Majesty (no doubt) will be ware of them, and the State observe them as men branded by the Apostle, seduced with the error of Balaams' wages, and penshing in the contradiction of Corah and Dathan. 2. Pet. 2. 113 The Censurer goeth on, to show, that as not the Takers, so not the Exhibiters of this Oath can accounted it a Blessing; and that for two reasons: First because whereas they think hereby to assure the King of his subjects allegiance, they rather make them to grow desperate: for when their Consciences tell them they have taken an unlawful Oath; they are more exasperated against their Sovereign, then before; this grief of their working in them an aversion of heart, no fastness of loyalty to his Majesty: for they that will upon passion swear, will, upon a secondpassion, break out against that which they have sworn: and for ex●…mple he cities the story of Count julians' passion, Numb. 34. Secondly, this Imposition of an Oath is a Scandal active, for it forceth men with repugnance of their Conscience to s●…are; w●…ich is a sin reciprocal, both in the Taker and in the Exhibiter, but especially in the last Num. 35. 114 Thus you see how this one word Bless hath cased his note book of three Common-places; Angariation of Conscience, Enforcement to desperation, and giving Scandals. All borrowed ●…rom Allens apology; and either join them, or sever them, neque Coelum neque Terram attingunt; Lucian. according to the Proverb. As they sin●… not very fitly with that word in the Apology, so in general they are extravagant from all Divinity and Policy Of Conscience we have already spoken; Now for Desperation. First, even in Policy; Are severe Laws not to be made? Or being made, the severity to be abated, for fear that some (either froward or dissolute) will either fall into despair of mind, or ●…ush into some desperate act? Hoc est terrere pietatem, saith Epist. 50. S. Augustine, this were to affright justice, and cross S. Paul's doctrine, who telleth us, that the Magistrate carries not the Rom. 13. 4. swo●…d in vain. In vain he should carry it, if he would be afraid of every terror. 115 It was the furious fancy of the Donatists'; rather than they would be forced from their schismatical opinions, in a desperate rage, either to lay violent hands upon themselves; or (if they were strong enough, and could make their party good) to put them of the contrary opinion, either to torment, or to death: but this stated not the Church from compelling them (notwithstanding their furious courses) by rigorous Laws, either to unite themselves, or bear the penalty; little regarding their threats, or Acts of Desperation; which Rigour the same Father calleth Mercy, because by it many of them were reclaimed from their error, Aug. ubi supra and in that Church willingly gave thanks for their conversion, to which they were unwillingly, and by rigour drawn. 116 But for Divinity; are their Catholics no better instructed by their Ghostly Priests? Than, if they may not do (as in Israel, when here was no King) every man what judg. 17. 6. is good in his own ●…ies; out, because they take their Sovereign to be austerus homo, severe in his government, as Luc. 19 21. one that takes a strict account of his servants; presently they must break out into a desperate Rebellion, and the watchword to be, Nolumus hunc regnare? Belike with them Verse. 14. Lenity must breed Insolent Treasons, (whence else came that of the Priests?) and Severity must work Desperate Martial. Treasons; and thence came the Powder-plot. Nobis non licet esse tam disertis, qui Musas colimus severiores: We English Boz●…s, Staplet. Allen, 〈◊〉. 1. Pet. 2. 18. contemptible Divines (so the Romanists accounted us) have thought S. Peter's Divinity to be better, when he exhorteth Servants to their Masters (much more Subjects to their Sovereign) to be buxom and obedient with all fear, not only to the kind and courteous, but also to the froward and implacable: For were there no rigour, there should be no trial of Christian patience: the Philosopher could say, Imperia dura si tollas, Seneca. quid virtus erit? 117 So that, admit his Majesty (by his Laws) were more severe; true Catholic Divinity teacheth men, either (by submissive duty) a ready obedience to them, if they think them lawful: or if not, but either through weakness they cannot, or repugnancy of Conscience they dare not be so persuaded, then to endure the penalty with all humble patience: for that is thanks worthy, if a man for conscience sake Petrus ubi supra. towards God, endure grief wrongfully, because our Master did so; Who when he suffered, threatened not, but committed his cause to him that judgeth righteously. But belike some Desperate Treachery is hatching, wherewith this Boutifeaux is acquainted: what else it his meaning, — ut precibusque minas tam fortiter addat, Plut Lysand. that thus stripping his Fox's case, he now shows himself in his Lion's skin? and from his Suppliant Petition, to threaten some Act of Desperation? even as HE once said, who having his hand on his sword, when entreaty could not prevail, cried, At hic faciet. This threat of his (and let his example Count. julian. ex Hisp. Hist be marked, of no less moment then translating an Empire, upon a desperate passion) may be a Caveat to the State: and so an end. 118 The other about the Scandal Active, is as frivolous and impertinent as the former; for he frames it (as the rest) upon a false surmise. Doth the Magistrate enforce any to the OATH against his Conscience? Not, but if any pled Conscience, the Magistrate endeavours to inform him, and rectify it: if then he refuse, the penalty ensueth; which, he that knows what Conscience is indeed, will rather endure (though to the loss of life) then venture upon the check of that indwelling and upbraiding witness. it argues they have but a Leprous Conscience (as his majesty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pa. 15. well calls it) that dread more the Censure of a Civil Bench, than the fearful daily Doom of that in bred and unseparable Remembrancer. 119. But in this point of Scandal, will this great Di●…ine vouchsafe to learn a lesson from their own schoolman Aquinas. ! Is the exacting of this OATH a Scandal Active in our Magistrates? Than is it Passive in their Catholics; for it is no Scandal given, if it be not taken. If their Consciences be offended at it, they are (saith Aquinas) either In 1. job. 2. 10. simply ignorant, or wickedly malicious, and the last rather; for he that is well instructed, or truly sanctified, can take no offence, though given never so openly: which he confirmeth by that place of David. Great is their peace which l●…ue thy L●…w, Et non est illis scanned ALUM: He Psal. 119. 165. which truly loves God, neither doth scandalise by sin●…ing, nor is scandalised by repining, quicquid ei fiat; because love endureth all things, and therefore whatsoever is imposed, Compatitur, & tollerat, he suffereth, and frets Aquin. ubi sapra. not: he beareth, and rebels not. 120. But what if there be none, or few that make such Conscience, or take such Offence as he speaketh of? but that the ease he with them as once with some Donatists', Qui nobis quotidie confitentur, (saith S. Augustine) many of them Epist. 50. confessing, that they would long since have been conformable to the State, but that they were overawed by those, Inter quos si unum verbum pro Catholicâ dicerent, If they should speak but one word of this submitting themselves to the Kings will, Et ipsi, & domus eorum everterentur, if not actually (as with the Donatists') yet spiritually: they are threatened to be Apostates, to have renounced their first Faith; and to be no members of the Catholic Church of Christ. It was Balaams' fault (and let the Supreme Pastor (as they call him) for his Breves; and Bellarmine, the chief learned (as they style him) for his letters, look to it) branded upon him in an everlasting Record, for a perpetual remembrance, Quia docebat Bala●…c mittere SCAN DALUM coram filijs Israel. Apoc. 2. 1●…. 121. Now at last he shuts up his Myndian Gate, his long Counter-Preface: wherein, if the Reader observe him (as if he had been brought up in Lambs-lease) he seems for the most part very tenderly affected, and pitsfullie complaining of the hard measure which the Catholics endure by our Laws; but above all, this last OATH of abjuring the Pope's authority in Deposing Princes: as if the Church wherein he lives, and the Religion which he professeth, did neither practice, nor allow such enforcing Pressures upon men's Consciences: If it do, then Hypocrita Matth. 7. eijce Trabem, & medice teipsum: when their Inquisition is suppressed, then let them pinch at this OATH, and our joh. 2. Statutes: otherwise (as the Poet said) Nil mihi vis, at vis cuncta licere tibi? Martial. What should they compel, and not we? 122. This he is guilty of, and therefore by an anticipating Concession he grants it true, but prevents an Objection, which we might, and have often justly made; that if they by their (more than Hellish) Tortures, force men (as they do) both innocent and ignorant (even against the Law of Nations) travelers, Merchants, strangers, to renounce and abjure the persuasion of their Faith; Much more may our Sovereign, by OATH, enforce (under penalty) his native Subjects, to abjure the Pope's Temporal authority in deposing Kings. 123. To which he maketh answer, both negative, and untrue: negative, that they enforce none to swear, if they suppose they do it with repugnance of Conscience: (not more do we; for if any be required, and take the OATH, we accept it: if heresuse, we press him not: if he swear, he doth it willingly, (and the words of the OATH are so) we judge not the heart: the overt-act and the word uttered is the utmost that man's judgement can reach unto.) Untrue; for if the party convented refuse to abjure his opinions (notwithstanding he pled the repugnancy of his Con●…ience) they put him to Tortures, and the most extreme violence that flesh can endure, or malice invent. In which kind, Rome (both Heathen and Popish) hath been noted most exquisite. If, thus tormented, he renege and deny his profession, can the Inquisitors be persuaded he doth it without reluctance of Conscience? But if, thus mangled, he resist (as the Apostle speaketh) ad Cruorem, even to Blood, Heb. 12. 4. Tam bibit HUNC avidè, quam bibit ante merum, was sung long since in Rome of a great Ruler therein: To death he must. 124. And this the jesuite confesseth and answereth: First, affirmatively, that THEY may lawfully do so. Secondly, negatively, that WE may not do it. His principal reason, for affirming, is, because the Catholic Church hath Ius acquisitum, an ancient right over Heretics, in that they were baptised into her, and after left her. 125. It is an excellent liberty, to encounter an adversary never extant, and to argue upon Conclusions never granted: he takes it pro concesso, that the Church of Rome is the Catholic Church; which we deny; and the chiefest learned on their side, as yet, could never evict our denial: for whether they take Catholic for Universal, as containing all the members of Christ's Church, militant and triumphant within it, Rome (being but a particular City, and the true jurisdiction confined within a limited Diocese or Province) cannot be it: or take Catholic for the profession of the true Faith (as S Cyprian, for that purpose, calls that Ep. 55. ad Cornel. of Africa, the Catholic Church) neither can the Romish Church be, in that respect, so entitled. For what was said of the Church of the jews in her corrupt state, is too true of Rome: Her gold is mixed with dross: and She, whose faith Esa. 1. 23. was plight to Christ, is become an Adulteress. 126. And if Vincontius his rule be true, that it Only is to be accounted Catholic Doctrine, Quod semper, ubique & ab ●…irinen. adversus Haer. omnibus creditum est, neither shall Rome be proved Catholic, nor England Heretic. When either of these is sound determined, then let him pled her Ius acquisitum. So truly called indeed as Rome now stands possessed thereof, per usurpationem non bonafidei, having achieved it by fraud and ●…ine force, where she hath interest: (& this is HER Torment, that in England, where she once had that Ius acquisitum, awing our Princes, enuassaling our Prelates, exhausting our substance, and selling our dignities, it is now Ius amissum.) 127. For that right which the true Catholic Church of Christ, and every visible part thereof, within her compass, respectively, hath against Heretics, either for their conversion or chastisement, is Ius innatum, bred within it, and unseparable from it: for no sooner was there a Church designed, but this right was annexed: Semen Multeris conteret Gen. 3. Caput Serpentis: as the enmity for contradiction, so the right for suppression, is native. 128. If the challenge of Acquisition be in respect of Baptism (which is Allens claim, and this Page of his doth soothe him in it) as it is an injury to our Church, so is it a blasphemy against Christ. Neither the Spiritual Mystery, nor the prescribed form, nor the intended effect of Baptism, directing any way, or making us in any thing liable to the Church of Rome. First, in Baptism for the Mystery; there is an Indument and a stripping, which the ancient Church reduced to two words, Credo, Abrenuntio: in the first, there is the putting on of our Lord jesus Christ: For as many as are Rom. 13. 14. ●…al. 3. 25. baptised, have put on Christ: First, as a Lord, acknowledging no other Master, whose voice to hear, whose doctrine to rely upon, but only his. Secondly, as jesus, assuring themselves, that there is no other name under Heaven whereby they may be saved. Thirdly, as Christ, aswell their anointed King, submitting themselves to his will, giving their names to his wars, and swearing themselves his Subjects: as also their anointed Priest, resting in his One Sacrifice, as the Only sufficient. here's no mention of Rome's Church. In the stripping part, they renounce and forsake the works of the Devil and Flesh: and into that part, indeed, (if with Saint Paul) Heresies be marshaled, Gal. 5. 20. Rome (the nurse of them) is renounced in Baptism. 129. For the Form, it is by our Saviour appointed to be in the name of the Three Persons of the indivisible Trinity, Mat. 28. 10. and so it is performed; neither of Cephas the surnamed 1. Cor. 1. Rock, nor of Paul though a great Apostle, much less of Peter's successor, that beareth Paul's Name. For the End, they which are baptised, are thereby made both the Sons Gal. 3. 26. of God, by adoption and grace, invested with an Inheritance everlasting; and Priests to God, to Offer and slay; to Offer Apoc. 1. 5. Mal. 1. & Cyril. Alex. in eum. that mundam oblationem (which Cyril expoundeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the clean and unbloody Sacrifice of Prayers, and Thanks, ●…o Slay themselves, mortifying their affections Rom. 12 1. and lusts. 130. And what makes all this to the Ius acquisitum of the Romish Church over them that are Baptized? yea, though they were Baptized in the midst of Rome? unless they can sound prove it to be the Only, true, and unerring Church; and that it neither hath swerved, nor doth add to that faith and doctrine, which they that are truly Baptized are bound (by the Scriptures) to profess in Baptism? 131. Therefore we, having as good cause to be persuaded of our Church, aswell in assurance of God's promise, truth, and presence within it, as her just right for suppressing Heresies, make no doubt, but that against them of Rome, we may as lawfully proceed, by compulsory means, and by this OATH, as they against us by the like. 132. HE denies it both by Reason and Example; Reason, because they had possession long before us: Example, because never the like Oath was exacted afore 〈◊〉 in this Nation, or elsewhere by other Kings. 133. Possession for hold, and Prescription for time, may be Pleas in Civil Courts, but no sound Arguments in case of Religion; for the first may be a Claim by intrusion (which is their Case that pled for Rome) and the other the antiquity Cypr. ad Pom●… of error, (for so is prescription without verity) therefore when truth appears, let custom yield to truth, was the conclusion of a Council. But what is all this (if it were Conc. Carthag. apud Cyrpi. true) to the OATH of Civil Allegiance? Doth it exact of them a renouncing of their Baptism? or their opinions in Religion, concerning Faith and Doctrine? 134. Yea, but there was never the like OATH here, or elsewhere exacted: If he mean for Temporal Allegiance in the submissive part thereof, it is an untruth; our Chronicles are full of Examples to that purpose; and there is no Christian Prince, but upon occasion, enforceth the like upon his Servants and Subjects. A Friar of their own mentioneth Sigeb. ubi supra. juramentum fidelitatis to Kings 600. years ago. If in the Exclusive part, for the abjuring of the Pope's temporal right (whether directly or indirectly) over Kingdoms and Nations; if other Princes do not the like, we judge them not: perhaps it is in some of them an infused persuasion, that it is not lawful; in others peradventure it is a violent restraint, if gladly they would, but cannot be suffered. 135. If with us never the like before, (suppose he say truly) first, look to the Motive; it was upon an occasion (we must repeat it, though it vex him) Singular from all Examples. secondly, the Pope was never so insolently busy with any Nation, nor his vassals so unnaturally malicious with this Land heretofore, as of late with Our Sovereigns and Kingdoms; which, but for him, our Gracious King might enjoy with a Peace more continual and happy than Solomon or Augustus. And so having done with his long Preface (which is like a flash of Lightning before a Thunder) we now come to the Thunderbolt itself (as his Majesty well calls it) I mean the Breves (not Musical, but 〈◊〉) of Paulus Quintus: wherein he agreeth with him of his own name in the Acts, Qui spiravit minas, thundered Act. 9 1. out threats against the Disciples of our Lord: but differeth from him in that very case in some respects. 136. For first, the other did it before he changed his name: while Saul, he breathed his minaces against Christ: being Paul, he preached the faith of Christ, and Obedience to Princes. This man, while he was Burghesi, was in effect Paul, that is, (as the name signifieth) a still silent man; for aught we read of, he never breathed word for Christ: not Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sooner doth he change his name (he is Saul indeed, his throat an open Sepulchre) but he threatens and thunders Paul signifies a Sepulchre. against Christ: if not the Messiah, our Lord the anointed, yet against our King the Lords anointed. Secondly, the Apostle was but a Commissioner subordinate, under the High-Priests, for God's truth (as he thought:) this Highpriest (being the chief Commander himself) in his own name sentenceth, and for his own sake pursueth, and in his own claim, as he pretendeth. Saul, while he was striking, was Act 9 4. stricken into his Conversion, Faxit Paulo huic; yet it is folly to wish where there is no hope. 137 Retractation argueth modesty (saith S. Augustine) and is a preamble to conversion: Defense of a fault, doubles Retract. lib. 1. it (saith Philo) and is a forerunner of obduration; which is the Pope's sin, in setting up this Epistler, as his Vindicator: and because it might be [Labra Lactucas] semblable Hieronym. ad Chromat. to the former, whom before he used as his Vulcan, to fashion his Thunderbolts (the force whereof was broken by the Apology) he now makes him his The●…sites, by a shifting and shameless Libel, to rail down that Apology. PARAGRAPH. 2. Num. 1. For, as if he were borne among the Lindians, Strabo Herod●…t. Lactan. lib. 1. who used to offer their sacrifices with execrable maledictions, and did think his Book (as they their holy Rites) to be profaned and unacceptable, if at unawares a good word should fall from him: after he hath begun his Second Paragraph, and in one Section, contrived the Sum of the Pope's two Breves, presently for 16. whole Numbers together, as if he had an Impostume of venomous filth rankling within him, and nothing could burst it but the Blessed Memory of QUEEN ELIZABETH'S Sacred name; upon a brief mention thereof, he disgorgeth out of his filthy throat, by his devilish pen, the basest and most barbarously loathsome contumelies, against HER, of WHOM to speak as she deserves, I am unable; and in what I can I am unworthy. 2. SHE was a daughter of the blood royal, borne to the Host 9 11. Crown (in the Prophet's words, from the Birth, from the Womb, from the Conception:) a Princess advanced to the Crown in apparent right, and by uncontroleable succession: an Imperial Monarch, wearing the Crown with most absolute command. 3. Soladomum & tantas seruavit foemina sedes: a famous Virgil. Empress, or rather indeed the very Impreso of fame, blazoned out, not by homebred favourites, but by foreign travelers and writers, before and since her death (yea even her enemies, both for Religion and war) to be in her Osorius. Bizarus. Mercur. Gallob. etc. time, and for her Sex, the Star of Sovereignty; the mirror of Principality; a terror where enmity; the Load stone of Majesty, drawing to HER Ambassadors Christian, not Christian only for interview and Salutation; in truth, for view and admiration. For when they had satisfied themselves with her sight (and hardly could they be satisfied) what Sabaes' Queen once said of King Solomon, they all 1. Reg 10. concluded of HER, that which often falls not out (saith the Orator) their eyes had overcome their ears, and truth Tully de Repub. infrag. had out-striptfame; report was less than verity, and her renown far short of her desert. 4. For had SHE been Royal in Blood Only (and that's a blessedness to a Kingdom, when the Prince is the Son Eccles. 10. 17. of Nobles, saith Solomon a King) and not Prudent in Government, nature might have claimed the honour, but the State been weakly managed. It is the Prudence of a Prince which swayeth the Sceptre, as the stern guides the ship: Histor. lib. 〈◊〉. and Prudent she was, Etiam supra Sexum, saith Thuanus, and he no Protestant: or had she been sagely Prudent, and not Religious, her directions had been no better than Aristotle's politics, paganish and profane; for many heathenish Kings have excelled in them: but so Religious she was, that the way she made in this Land Ad evangelium Regni, for the Gospel of the Kingdom, made her Realm to be accounted Regnum Euangelii the Kingdom of the Gospel: So Lib. 13. much saith Meteran, and more than that, and yet he no English man: In brief, had she been Religious alone, and not endowed with others virtues, gracing her as a woman, furnishing her as a Queen, devout she might have been, but retired; her Counsellors Grave, but not at all directed, perhaps often thwarted; her people many, but in peace unarmed, in war disheartened. 5 Therefore, besides those two supporters, of a State, as Nazianz. Nazian. calls them, which were in her most absolute, Prudence and Fortitude; that for direction, this for defence or annoyance as occasion served: her other graces of mind (either suiting with her Sex, or fitting for an Empress) were so visible, so eminent in her, so innumerable for the variety, so, unexpressible for the dignity (saith Bizarus an Italian) that as Demosthenes once spoke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. All her actions being royally virtuous, Histor. Genues. lib. 3. Demosth. de Corona. virtuously religious, and Religiously wise; her Wisdom seazoned her Religion, her Religion sanctified her Policies, her Policies graced her Descent, all of them together wrought her Immortality: and her Immortality is accompianed with Renown upon earth, and Reward in Heaven. 6 The first; Records in print, Foreign and Domestical, do proclaim. Omit all but two, as most fitting for this place. An absolute Queen she was, who is thus basely traduced; a most absolute Monarch shall speak for her: a Railing jesuite he is that thus reviles HER; as Railing Priests of his own Religion, shall testify of HERALD 7 The foremost, HIS SACRED MAJESTY, who, by his place, knew what a Queen should be, and by his experience knew what a Queen she was, when he had neither cause to flatter her, nor need to fear her, writes Ba●…. 〈◊〉. in praesat. ad lectorem sol. pe. nult. a. thus of her. In England reigns a lawful Queen, who hath so long, with so great wisdom & felicity governed her Kingdoms, as I must in true sincerity confess, the like hath not been read nor heard of, either in our time, or since the days of the Roman Emperor Augustus. 8 In the second place, hear Balaams' Priests, like Balaam himself blessing against his will, and beyond his Numb. 23. hire) uttering a truth, even perforce; Our Noble Elizabeth Quod lb. pag. 274. Prince Paregall, and Paramount, and Paragon the so, admired at Saba of Europs England; as also, the world hath wondered at her more than ordinary Endowments of Princely nature: giving place to none of former, present, or future times, persons, or ages, for, and in all points attending at the gates of Royal Honour, and throne of Regal Majesty. 9 For her Reward in heaven; if restraints of liberty, and pursuits of malice for God's truth, inflicted through jealousy, and endured with singular patience; if a release from them unexpected, followed with honours and blessings, neither interrupted by others, (whether Treasons or Invasions) nor blemished by herself with vice Criminal or continued; if life shut up after length of days, and a full age, with a courage defying Death; with Prayers imploring mercy: with Faith assuring her Prayers; with testimonies witnessing her assurance; can be preceding conjectures, or rather evidences of unspeakable happiness, we may safely conclude, that SHE which passed through a Crown of Thorns, (borne so constantly) to a Crown of Gold (worn so triumphantly) hath now gotten the Third of glory, to enjoy for-ever-lasting. 10 For can we think, that he which gave her patience to be an humble Confessor; crowned her humility with honour, to be a Royal Queen; Seconded her Honour with wisdom, to be a Careful Governor; grounded her wisdom upon religion, to be a DEFENDER OF THE FAITH; adorned her Religion with incomparable graces, to be an example of virtue for her own to follow, and a Lodestar for other Nations to admire: that he (I say) would leave HER in the end, to be a prey for Satan? Nay, rather, as he showed himself, at first, to be her Father, chastising her in love; and after that, her God in sanctifying her mind; and withal her King, in advancing her Throne; so, much more to be her Saviour, to make her an inheritor with the Saints in Heaven. 11 Now this Renowned Queen, this eternised Saint, (whose memory may for ever be blessed) a Black mouthed Shemei, this Parsons, famous for nothing but Capital Infamies, hath defiled (I will describe him no otherwise, than their own Priests, his own self, and his own Brother decipher him.) 12 The Priests: a Bastard by Birth, a Libellar by custom, a Factionist in Societies an Expulsed Acad●…mian, rung out with Quod lib. pag. 236. 237. Bells (as a carted Strumpet with pans) for a graceless Companion: a Diabolical Machevilian: astaine of humanity: a Corrupter of all honesty: all which and more, (as if with shameless Ballio, he delighted to hear himself so lively Plaut. Pseudol manifestat. pa. 106. 6. described, he repeats with a kind of joy in another pamphlet of his own. 13 Under his own hand, a Chameleon for his Profession: a Backesliding Apostata from his witnessed assent to In a paper left by him in his study. the Articles of Religion: a perjured Intruder into Priesthood; (having once sworn the contrary) a dissolute Libertine in choice, in Act, in maintenance. 14 By his Brother's testimony: a Fugitive with discontented Runagates; a viperous Complotter against his country; a Firebrand of treasonable Combustions by pen and ●…cris scrip●…s ad ep●…st. Ba●…hon. advice; and (which is of all oh her most re-markable) a jesuite by proxy, a Votary by Substitution of one of his Associates that died upon a surfeit of figs; a Paduan Mountebank, and an Empirical Quacksalver; (let not the Pope ●…nger him, he hath studied Physic for the purpose; wit nesses Allen the Cardinal, and Sixtus the Pope, say the Priests) a disdainful Scorner of all reproof or Council; and yet a scorned vassal by all the Popes he hath served; of an aspiring desire, but defeated of any eminency which he expected: and, but that they use him in this kind (which is his only virtue) as a Dog to snarl, and bite, and rage at his own Country and Nation, they had dealt wi●…h him ere this, as the old Romans with their Dogs in the Capitol, unless they did bark, their legs should be broken; except he do still Libel, his Passport will quickly ●…icer pro Sex. R●…s. be seal●…d: The name (I say) of that Sacred Majesty, now resting from her labours, this Canker of Youth, this Spawn of Vipers, this Slave of Satan, (from her birth to her grave, yea, and lower than the grave) hath contumel●…ously, basely, barbarously defiled with ignominious, unnatural, beastly, and leau●… slanders. 15 And as Abishai said of Shemei, Why doth this DEAD DOG— (never Title suited him better 2. Sam. 16 9 than that; being, even whi●…e he lives, a rotten Carcase of a poison●…d Cur, infected in his entrails, and infecting with his savour the air he breathes, and the land where he had his first breath: a miching Cur, biting HER behind, Honer. when she cannot turn back: (Sic mortuo Leons rabidi insultant Canes) at whose very look he would have fled with haste, — Candamque remulcens, have closed his black mouth: A Carrionly Cur, entering Virgil. her Tomb, and exenterrating her very bowels to staunch his rage: yea, as if he were the Porter of Hades, Charon's Mastiff, Pluto's Cerberus, he harrows Tartar, and (I tremble to writ it) feigns with a wish, her glorified Soul, in a ghastly Ghost to speak from HELL, Numb. 3.) 16 O Blessed Trinity, the concurrent Creator, Saviour, and Sanctifier of her Princely Soul and Body? and all you glorious Angels, which environ Her (now possessed with bliss;) and all you Kings of the earth, who either admired or loved Her while She lived, or respect your own Fame when ye are gone; can ye endure this hellish Blasphemy, and brook these slanderous impieties in silence, and unrevenged! Never was S. james speech verified more of any james. 3. 6. then this Rabshekais tongue, It sets on fire the course of nature, and itself is set on fire of Hell: the fuel whereof, being brimstone, it rageth (as you see) in burning with unpartial fury, and with loathsome stench. 17. But again I say with Abishai, Why did this dead Dog thus curse my Lord the King, our late Queen and Sovereign? What occasion was given him to revel thus? Only a short, but pithy and worthy recordation of Her Clement government (which is His majesties singular virtue, and gains HIM love with God, and honour among the good, never to name. Her but with some preface or addition of Princely respect) and not by the way, or from the purpose; for the Pope in the very entrance had wept him into it, having be-blubred his first Breve with pitiful Lamentations, for the Afflictions and Persecutions (for●…ooth) which the Catholics many years endured, for their Faith and Religion. HIS Majesty therefore (because it must be meant in either of both their times) first acquits Her, and lets the Pope see, that his tears, were either as a Crocodiles (false and diss●…mbled) or as a Woman's (causeless, and for fashion) assuring him, that never Papist was punished by death for his Religion; but the Pressures than indu●…ed (in Her time) were extorted from Her by their own misdemeanour; begun upon Pius Quintus his Proscribing her Realm, Excommunicating herself, and authorizing her Subjects to take Arms against Her: continued by the Apolog. pag. 16. 17. 18. frequent and Hydra-headed disturbances of her State and Person; what with foreign Invasions, domestical mutinies, private Intentions and Assaults for Murder, with weapon, with poison, and all from Rome. And therefore, comparing their offences, and her punishments, (the cause, not the pain denominating Persecution) SHE should be found a GRACIOUS PRINCE, and no PERSECUTOR. 18 These few last words (as the servants of Benhadad served the King of Israel, Festinantes rapuerunt verbum ex ore eius) this jebusite hastily snatched at; and, as if he had 1. Reg. 20. 33 swallowed a Purge of Scammony, out gushes this loathsome gulf of contumelies, filling five whole leaves with despite, disgrace, and slander of the Lords Anointed Queen; and that (with Reverence be it spoken) even into his Sacred majesties Princely face: challenging him, first, of Profaneness, for borrowing a phrase from Heathen Writers, expressing thereby the charitable and Christian discharge of a Kingly office, in acquitting her with her due praise (after her death) for her perpetual memory, from that false Imputation of being a PERSECUTOR: namely, that he had sacrificed (if he might so say, for that he added) unto the MANES of that defunct Lady; that Apolog. ●…a. 18. numb. 5. is, had done her her right in recording her just commendation. 19 And this he proclaims for a profane Heathenish speech; as if his Majesty had sworn By the life of Pharaoh Genes. 42. 15. which joseph did, and the holy-ghost (if it were a fault lets it pass: and as though Christians might not lawfully use Phrases, Metaphors, and Proverbs of Heathen men to good purposes: which S. Hierome allows by an elegant Epist. ad Rom. Oratorem. Allegory (out of Moses law) of taking to wife the Captive Woman, after her nails were pared, and her hair cut: and Deut. 21. 12. De Doctrina Christiana. S. Augustine, by allusion to the Israelites converting the Egyptian spoils to their own use; for warrant whereof, some of the Fathers, and amongst the rest S. Basil, have written whole tractates. 20 Yea, doth not the holy-Ghost himself so? S. Luke Act. 27. 11. in naming the badge of the Ship (which was no essential note, if it had pleased him to omit it) wherein S. Paul sailed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is adverbum, jupiters' boys or sons; did he thereby allow himself, or would he derive to Christians for a truth, that fabulous story that jupiter had such sons; that they were the Gods of the Sea; or taken to heaven, and made Stars, and Signs in the Zodiac: or that the ship was the more lucky for carrying their Pictures, which was the general opinion than received among the Idolaters? 21. Or more nearly to purpose: S. Peter, in expressing the torments of Hell, whereinto the Angels that first fell, were cast, using the very words of Poets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2. Pet. 2. 4. that they were committed to chains of darkness, being cast into Tartar: did he allow thereby that Fiction of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that lowest gulf with brazen walls and Homer. Il. 〈◊〉. iron chains described by the Poets? Or S. Paul at Athens, disputing about the Altar erected to the UNKNOWN GOD, applying that half verse of an Heathen Poet: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, We are his Generation: Shall we think he Act 17. 28. thereby meant, that we are all the offspring of that their feigned jupiter? (for so Aratus, from whom he fetched it, understood In Phaenomen. Naz 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen contra Cels. lib. 1. Iliad. 5. it.) Or Nazianzene, by using the Proverb of Orcigalea, or Origen, of Plutonis Cassis, did they approve thereby of Homer's Fictions, of Minerva's playing bopeep with Mars under that Helmet? Not: but manifestly arguing to our purpose in hand, that good use of Poet's phrases, without any challenge of Profaneness, even in the highest points of religion may be made. 22 And therefore this Hick-scorning-mate shows him Calius, Rhod. lib. 25. & Alex ab. Alex. gen●…dier. self to be MANES in Greek, that is (as the word was then used) a Slavish madbrain, thus to twit●… his Majesty, as if by Manes he meant Infernal Spirits, or HOB GOBLINS, as he scoffingly translates the word (which indeed is a Name and Fiction of Popish terror, invented by illuding Papists to bring their holy-water and Orisons (as scar bugs) in request with superstitious ignorant people, whom they had blinded:) whereas the word MANES alone is not so applied, either in Grammatical or Historical sense, by the most judicious Heathens themselves except they join [Dis] unto it. 23 For as Apuleius witnesseth, they present under that Name, the Souls of those departed, which were Meliori De Socr. Daemon. meriti, as iovis MANES in Macrobius: and so doth Festus, deriving it from the old word MANA, which signifieth Good; and therefore they which Sacrifice unto Festus & Ma c●…ob, in stat. lib. 1. cap. 3. them, in memory of them, called them MANES, that is, Good Spirits; as contrariwise, those which were very Bad, they called IMMANES: and never came in Hell, but, as Rhodigin will have the word derived from manare, Lib. 9 cap. 10. are conveyed into the bodies of men at their first conception. Take it at the worst, it is applied to those Souls, by S. Augustine's relation, whose state is uncertain whether they deserve well or ill. Aug. de Civit. Dei. 24 So that, to suppose that Renowned Prince to be in Hell because that His Majesty mentions her MANES; as it shows his ignorance, so it bewrays his hellish troubled conscience, Quae suos patitur Manes, which ever threatens to itself fear of cruel torments to succeed: (Nam saeus semper minatur sibi perturbata Conscientia;) and therefore, being less Religious than Dives, who would have kept men from thence, he will needs sand others into Hell before him: for having a selfe-gultie Soul, that he Luc. 16. 28. is one of them that are Praescripti in hoc judicium, billed by the Devil, and enroled in that Catalogue of the damned, which S. Jude mentioneth, knowing himself, and feeling within him, (which makes him to be so earnest with the jude. vers. 10. English dead Saints to bring him to Heaven) that he hath all the marks of a Reprobate; his brain, the forge of mischief; his face, the Anvil of Impudence; his heart, the Quod li. p. 237 Mint house of Treasons to his Country; a libeling hand rest●…esse and truthless; a railing tongue without measure or dis●…etion; his throat an open Sepulchre; his feet swift for bloodshed; Et interiora Impietas, his very eutrals the Psal. 5. 9 Inward of Impiety: In brief, the engarbled Anatomy of a d●…mned wretch, being brand●…d with Cain's mark, that no man may attach him to punish him here, as reserved by God himself to be revenged for all, by his own Gen. 4 15. mighty hand. 25 This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thus guilty to himself (as if he had already conference with the Devil, to whose King Tit. 3. 11. doom he hath beforehand sworn himself a vassal) presents QUEEN ELIZABETH'S Ghost appearing from Hell, which never in her life committed Hellish crime, and whose soul resteth (no doubt) in Abraham's bosom Whose MANES, that is, whose residual memory, will both Manare and Manere by diffusion and duration; as well ext●…nd itself with glorious renown over all Nations of the known world, as endine for perpetual Generations of succeeding age, to the world's end. 26 And HIS part herein, His majesty (as we see) most royally discharged, in Sacrificing to HER memory, that is, performing this action, both kindly, as to his Parent (so he expresseth himself by the Latin word Parentars' Apolog. lat. pa. 18. ) and also in solemn manner with hearty affection, and unseinealy; for that is Sacrificing in the Metaphor, both by divine and human learning. 27 And surely, (as it was said of Caesar, that in renewing Pompey his decayed Statue, he had erected and established Plutar. his own) his Majesty in thus recording her praise, and freeing her (being dead) thus graciously from imputed slanders, Exegit Monumentum sibi aere perennius, hath fastened in the hearts of the true English Subjects, an unremooveable Horat. Monument of his Royal Nature, and never perishing same: and may serve for a Precedent of a most Regal disposition to all Princes of the world, not to win reputation to themselves by blemishing or concealing the virtues of their Antecessors. 28 In which sense (for it was no other) his Majesty might use that borrowed phrase, (especially uttering it with a Deprecatory Parenthesis, as it were in modesty ask leave for the passage thereof; secretly thereby insinuating, that otherwise it was that which (among the Rhetoricians (is called Audax Methaphora) His Majesty, I say might better use it then Parsons, who without blushing or straining courtesy, dedicates a printed Calendar (a lying Legend of his own) to the Saints in Heaven; whom, as if Third part of his 3. Conuers. their bodies and souls were already there united, he calleth WIGHTS of such worthiness: and as if they could Page. 4. literally read from Heaven to Earth (at lest by reflection) he directs them from Page to Page in his Book, that there they may read how they are justled out and confronted Page 7. with English Martyrs. 29 But how will this Censuring Aristarchus interpret that place of their new Convert of Oldcastle, who in that frapling discourse of his italical progress, telleth, that he justus Baron. Epist. sacr. li. 3. ep. 14. with his company being at Milan, among other special rare Monuments, which they went to see, they came at last ad pussims Ambrosa iunioris MANES? Will he translate it in his scosfing fill, to the INFERN ALL GHOST or HOBGOBLINS of that younger. Ambrose? (so that Changeling entitles Cardinal Borromaeus, whose tomb it was.) Be it so: then Cardinals belike may go to Hell, and their tormented Ghosts may walk: but thus the Relator will think himself abused; for he there describes Borromee to be a man of admirable sanctity while he lived, of more admirable grace after his death; for his MANES wrought miracles equivalent to all SAINTS. Will he turn it to the best sense for the holy memory or sacred monument of that Sainted Cardinal? Why then may not his Majesty, speaking of a dead Princess (so Religious and Renowned) use the same word for HER blessed memory, which, like that precious Oil in the Gospel, not only with Matth. 26. the favour filled the whole house where it was powered, (this Land where she lived) but the whole world with the report thereof, wheresoever HER name is mentioned? Will he say that SHE was an Heretic, but the Cardinal a Catholic? That vents his malice, but withal confutes his scorn and ignorance; because thereby he confesseth that MANES may be used for the memory of men departed, who never came in Hell; unless he will reply, that Borromee was in Purgatory, and all that while his Ghost walked. But, that he might seem with some reason to conclude HER in Hell, he saith, She walked not in the ancient ways to life, especially those of Mortification by Prayer, Alms. deeds, Watch, wearing haircloth, and the like. 30 First, What art THOU that judgest another man's servant, seeing that every man shall bear his own burden! Rom. 14. 4. Gal. 6. 5. Secondly, fasting with sour countenance, prayer in open places, dole of Alms with proclamations, are ensigns of hypocrites, in our saviours judgement: and how knowest Matth. 6. THOU, whether (her chamber being shut) she prayed in secret? Yes, and in public too, seldom missing prayers once every day in her Closet, never omitting the Sabbath; silent at the hearing, devout in the pronouncing of them; enduring in others, neither absence from them, nor irreverence at them. For her relief of the poor of all sorts, her Almosners' allowance, and privy purse, are more fit intelligencers then such Sycophants as Parsons. Thirdly, such outward habits of Mortification (as jesuits term wearing of haircloth, and the like) might argue 1, Reg, 21, 27. Ahab (who went bare-soot in Sackcloth and Ashes) to be a mortified creature, as well as the severest Selfe-chastising jesuite of you all. 31 Indeed she was no Cloister-Nun. A Queen she was, and a State she had to manage, a people to govern, and much business to attend. Bodily exercise (saith Apostle) profiteth nothing, but godliness, that is, sound Faith 1. Tim. 48. ●…ith a good Conscience au ●…les with God, and argues a mind ●…uely regenerate. The highest praise of Mortification is re●…e of sin, where there are the most objects of temp●…t on. Marcet enimsi●…e adversario virtus. And therefore greater in HER then in your vestal, and sometime, divested S●…ne & Tall. 〈◊〉. Nuns; who commanding in a Court of all dencacies and plenty (besides her most exceeding temperance in Diet, and her du●…y ●…tiring herself from company, to an assiduous, orderly and attentive reading) was of most chaste eyes and ears, not end●…ring in any (that were about her) either a light unseemly g●…sture, or a ●…ciuious word. 32 Fourthly eu●…h to be a King, and to govern as a King should do, is a Mortification of itself; for that cause he is compared to the Can ●…e of Israel, which though it 2. Sam. 21. 17 shine bright, and be set alof●…, consumes itself in burning 1. Sam. 15. 17. to give others light: And to the Head in the body, eminent for place, but most turmoiled of all the members, when they rest at ease. Fifthly, it would win some more credit to the romish Church, if most of their Heads, for many years together, (whom they call Christ's Vicars, but their own Stories call Ugly monsters) could have led their lives with as few sins of note, and as many true signs of Mortification; and left their lives with as much reputation Genebrard. a. ●…3. 973. of honour, as she hath done. Some of them entering like Foxes, reigning like Lions, and dying like Dogs; Here●…kes, Atheists, Apostates, ●…ucestuous, Poisoners, Conturers, and Blasphemers; strucken by the Devil in the Act of Adultery, as their own Cardinal doth aver: (which Tur●…rem. li. 2. de Eccles. 〈◊〉. 103. Fa, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enforced also one of their own Writers to confess, that Holiness had forsaken the Popes, and betook itself to the Emperors, quorum illa non minima.) 33 These might Father Parsons have presented from Hell upon his Tra●…icall Stage, which their damned Ghosts, and let Queen Elizabeth alone; who led a life (to use his own words) either wholly different, or most opposite to Page. 27. these, and therefore enjoyeth that place, betwixt which, and that where they are, there is Chaos magnum sirmatum, Luc. 16 26. a huge gulf set, that affords neither entercou●…e of passage, nor enter-parle for Exchange. 34 After this, for confutation of his Majesty, who had commended both her Clemency in making no rigorous Laws against Catholics, till after the Bull of Pius quintus; and her Piety in not censuring with death any for Religion: (which is no more then, I will not say our own judges, who should be most skilful, and our Statute-bookes, which are the most infallible witnesses thereof; but than Genebrard, an observer of our English course against Papists, as curiously despiteful as any Chronologer Chronol. lib. 4. can be, doth confess: for though in the year 1559. he saith some chief of the Popish Clergy were niece & veneno, by murder and death made away (which is a shameless untruth) yet he mentioneth no Laws either rigorous or moderate against Papists; till after the Bull of Pius Quintus, wherein he proscribed her Kingdom, Predaeque exposuit, set it out to port-sale, and for a prey; which passed from him Anno 1569. and was fastened by Felton upon the Bishop of London's Gates, Anno 1570. and yet no Laws made till the year 1572. when the Pope excommunicated her whom before he had denounced an Heretic, and now let loose her Subjects to Rebellion, as against a Publican and Heathen; and yet no Laws mentioned till the year 1581. when Camp●…on and Sherwin, with others, were sent hither: then (saith he) IND from that time, Ingranescit latis legibus Anglicana Persecutio.) Thus far Genebrard jumpeth with his Majesty. Nay, it is not more than one Fa. Parsons himself said, that for twelve years together the State & Court was in great quiet, & no question made of Conscience In his green Coat. & Quod li. p. 165 or Religion. 35 Which to confuce, the jesuite, Num. 5. tells us (out of Saunders) of the OATH of Supremacy and penal Laws made for heating and saying Mass, before that Bull came; which are Nihil ad Rombum; his Majesty speaking of Laws whose pain was death, he mentioneth an OATH which was but the reviuall of the like made in the time of Henry the eight, HER worthy Father, and of some laws backed with pecuniary mulcts, or loss of office and preferment. 36 And so, slightly casting off that point, he leaves his Majesty a while, and let's fly at the Lo. Cook, who at the arraignment of Garnet, indignantly scorning that the High priest of Rome, should in a Breeve of his, call so great a Prince, (as QUEEN ELIZABETH was) MISERAM FOEMINAM, a miserable woman; by a description of misery, consisting of two Contraries, want of Comfort, and plenty of tribulation, shows many reasons evident and demonstrative, that she, having abundance of joy, and no touch of affliction, but blessed with all kind of Felicities, could not be called Miserable: this the Censurer Num. 6. answers; first by a shifting evasion; secondly, by a false interpretation of Scripture, thirdly, a slanderous imputation upon the Holy Ghost himself. 37 His evasion; that outward Felicities are worldlings arguments, no necessary improovements of God's blessing. Indeed, whether a man be loved of God or not, by external prosperity, no man can certainly know saith King Solomon, nam universa aequé eveniunt justo ac impio. But, if not concluding demonstrations, yet at lest, Eccles, 9 2 let them be probable persuasions of God's favour, especially when some of them to her, were such, that the very enemies themselves (like the Egyptian Sorcerers) have been forced to say; this is the finger of God. Exod, 8, 29. 38 But why may not Temporal prosperity, be made an argument of God's love to QUEEN ELIZABETH and of her felicity, as well as be skored up for one of the notes of the true Church, by their beauclarke Bellarmine? which he doth (very strongly no doubt) in gleaning De notis Eccl. Not a. 15. three or four examples in War (Cuius alea communis) against Heretics. Hall the jesuite (as you heard) reasons for the contrary, reciting unto Littleton for his comfort, certain examples of Heretics overcoming Catholics in battle, and infidels overthrowing Christians. The truth is, they care not what they say, nor how they cross each other, so they may serve the turn for the time in saying something. 39 The Scripture perverted; a part of the Psal. Where Psal. 244. 11. (saith he) the worldlings made that their argument, for to prove their felicity, by their full Cellars; their fat kine; their plentiful Cattles; their beautiful and prosperous Children; and make this their conclusion, Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt, so reads the Vulgar, they said Blessed are the people who have these things: which is a manifest detortion; for it is the Prophet's argument, as a great motive in himself, to continued his acknowledgement of God's blessing unto him and his people: wherewith after he had begun the Psalm unto the fourth verse, upon present dangers he requests deliverance from the fifth verse to the ninth, and redoubles the same request verse the eleventh: from thence to the 15. verse he showeth what would be the happy effects of that deliverance which in three whole verses he doth fully particularise, and then concludes all with a double Epiphonema, Beatus populus cui haec sunt, beatus Populus cuius Iehoua Deus. So that what the Prophet makes a Religious ground of Exultation for God's Praise, this jesuite makes it the worldlings Insultation of their own jollity. 40 Whether of these is most true (omitting all other writers) a Popish interpreter, who dedicates his Paraphrase of the Psalms to Cardinal Farnesius, shall determine; Flamini. in Psal●…os. who expounds it, as spoken in the person of King David. The reason of their mistaking (which otherwise interpret it) is easy to be given. First, the word Asher in the twelve verse, the Vulgar turns into the plural, Quorum which is, according to th●… Hebrew, ut, or quod. Secondly, for Banonu which is, filij nostri, they translate it barely si lij.. Who shall witness t●…i,? no Protestant Grammarian, but Arias Montanus in his Inter linear Bible & Genebrard too. Thirdly, that which m●…sled them all, is the word dixeru●… in the last verse of the Latin, which in the original is not at In Psal. 144. all, nor any word semblable. 41 When the woman in the Gospel cried out to our Saviour, Blessed is the womb which bore thee; our Saviour deemed not that, but answered her by a Corrective comparison, YEA RATHER Blessed are they which hear the word of God; which if the Psalmist had here done in the last vers●…, Luke. 11. 27. and in the first part had said, Blessed are the people which are in such a Case, and then had seconded it by a Correction, yea, RATHER Blessed are they which have the Lord for their God, (as Genebrard would have it, to make their exposition hold with the Hebrew) some probability there had In eum locum. been of his application; but being pronounced in an Asyndeton without either dis●…unctiue or corrective particle, Beatus populus cui, beatus cu●…us jehova, So the Hebrew reads it, so Montanus consters it: the argument holds strong against his inducement, as implying, that the same Lord who blessed a people so far as to be their God, is the s●…me which also blesseth them wi●…h those external felicities that they enjoy. 42 The third, which is a slanderous imputation laid upon the holy-ghost, is when he saith, That the spirit of God scorneth at them which so argue; if he mean of any place in that Psalm, he doth misreport the spirit of truth; the whole Psalm hath no such word; if elsewhere, he should have named the place. It is true that good men grieve, and oftentimes murmur, yea almost revolt, to behold the wicked flourish, and far so well. It was jobs, it was David Case. But first the holy-ghost comforts them, not by scorning at the prosperity of those men ('tis Psal. 37. & 73. his own gift) but intimating that it is joined with many slippery uncertainties, and that the end thereof shall Psa 37. & 73. be visible and apparent miseries. 43 Secondly, the just men themselves observe, that those ful-fed creatures do mix their prosperity with blasphemies against God; so speaks job, They say unto God departed job. 21. 14. from us, and who is the Almighty that we should serve him? So David: They set their mouth against Heaven, and Psal. 73 9 say how doth God know? If QUEEN ELIZABETH'S felicities had issued into such effects, than the more outwardly happy, the more undoubtedly miserable: but she blessing God in herself, and causing him so to be, through her whole Realm and life, she was beata cuius Iehoua Deus, and therefore she was beata cui haec erant. But this is a small wrist, in comparison of many other violences offered by him and his to the Scriptures; which they use as Procrustes served his guests, hacking them off, Plus. Theseus or racking them out, to fit them to their turns. For the point in hand, Saint Augustine shall conclude it: Beaten us est Aug. de beata Vita. qui habet omnia quae vult, et nihil mali vult. Blessed is he who hath all that he desires, and desires nothing but what is good, & that was QUEEN ELIZABETIIS case. 44 His second stitch against the chief justice, is, the description of misery, as consisting of two contraries, COPIA & INOPIA, which, saith this profound and great-read-Scholler, Is a miserable one indeed, never heard of before; ridiculous in Philosophy, and absurd in Common sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he in the Poet: and who is this brags thus? (may the Lo. Cook say) was he ever Grammar Scholar? Euripid. hath he not then read in Ovid, of one that complaining, as of his greatest misery, uttered in these words, — inop●…m me Copia fecit— Haddit he been either with Ulysses in Hell (and it seems Narcissus in ovid. Me●…am. he hath been there, he is so nimble in fetching up Ghosts) or with Homer in describing Tantalus his torments, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which were no other than those two contraries, Plenty and Want: he should there find the Poet (and he is no ridiculous Author, either for Poetry or Philosophy if we will credit the Arch bishop of Thessalonica, an other manner of Scholar than this insolently ignorant jesuite) 〈◊〉. the Poet, I say, to call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grievous and dreadful MISERIES. What saith he to Horace, who thinks it In epist. as great a misery to have plenty of wealth, and Want of the use, as for a purblind man, to have goodly pictures, and dim eyes to behold them? 45 And if he had read Epictetus his Enchiridion, or A●…iani Epict. those which comment on him, he should find it a Philosophical conclusion, that those two contraries make the greatest misery, when a man possesseth much & yet desireth more. For where desire is, there is always want: such a man, saith one of them, frustratur utrisque dum utraque consectatur, he wants what he craves, and enjoys not what he hath. 〈◊〉 ●…ius. 46 And then in Divinity, King Solomon, no mean Philosopher, (the Sons of Mahal came short of him in 1. Reg 4. 31. Eccl. 4. & 5. that skill) found that to be afflictionem pessimam, a most vexing misery, as any under the Sun, when with satiety of riches (which implieth plenty) there is joined an unsatiable eye (which argues Want.) 47 And even in Cases of Conscience; were they not those two Contraries, Plenty of good desires in Saint Paul to do well, but want of ability to perform those desires that made him to cry out miser ego homo! why? because to will was present with him, there's his Copia; but he found Rom. 7. 24. Vers. 18. no means to perform that which was good, (there's his Inopia,) Certainly in Divine and human Philosophy, that is the greatest misery whereof these two meet. For a man may be as full of distresses and Wants, as Lazarus of sores (which the world calls miseries) and yet resting full of comfort in his mind, be no way miserable: which Saint Paul describeth very elegantly, aporiamur, sed non destituimur; tribulationem pati●…ur sed non angustiamur: and albeit 1. Cor. 4. 8. our out-wardman perish, yet our inward man is renewed day by Vers. 16. day: but in the midst of plenty, & redundance, to Want the true comfort of Conscience, and the right use of them, is the height of misery in this life. 48 So then the describing of misery by Copia and Inopia, need not be proclaimed so strange, never heard of before, and so ridiculous. The Stoic that loved not much to laugh, nor deserveth to be laughed, at for his Seneca. epist. l●… philosophy, shall dismiss him; Miser est qui se non beaussimum judicat, licet imperet mundo: To command the whole world is a plenty, but not to have the right use thereof; or not to take the true joy therein, there's the Want: and both these together (saith Seneca) make a miserable man. 49 From the description of Misery, he tells us that he RETURNS (for he is very often out of his way) to the matter itself, viz. That albeit Queen Elizabeth was so full of Temporal felicity: protected by God: bea●…ing her potent enemy: setting up a King in his Kingdom: defending Nations, etc. it is no more than Scripture mentioneth of Pagans', and namely (saith he) Numb. 8. 9 of Nabuchodonozer by the Prophet jeremy. 50 (He might as well have said, that her case was no other than King David's as described in the Psalm: their Psal. 18. entrance, reign, and end were so semblable; both of them hunted by jealousies before possession; enjoining the Crown with glory and victory being enthronized: and ending their days in peace, and going to their grave in a full age, as a Rick of Corn in due season carried into the job. 5. 26. Barn, as job speaketh: but that he thought the example was to good, and his spite to great.) 51 Nabuchadonozer had visible and horrible Interruptions of his felicity, being turned into a Beast, for Dan. 4. 30. seven years together; propounded to scorn (whiles he lived in his greatest ruff) by God himself; and among the rest with one, that triumph of the Fir trees, insulting o●…er him before his death, as if he were dead. Ex quo dormisti Esa. 14. 8. non ascendit qui succidit nos; since thou wert dead, none came in thy place to cut us up: which vexeth both Pope and jesuits that it is not verified in QUEEN ELIZABETH; for after her death, there is ascended into her Throne, by just Right, a MOST CHRISTIAN KING, resolute for the Religion which he professeth; as able to beaten down the strongest arguments for contrary opinion with sound conclusions, as if from dogmatical positions they break out into Pragmatical Treasons) he is ready bent (as was QUEEN ELIZABETH) succidere, that is, to reward them according to their demerits. Indeed, if either Parsons, Dolem●…n, or Pope Clement's Breves in Garnets' keeping had effected what they did purport (as shall appear when we come to his number 61.) that Prophecy of Nabuchadonozer should have been fulfilled, and taken place at QUEEN ELIZABETH'S death. 52 Therefore finding his resemblance in that main point to differ; and that the state she left, is reserved as well settled in peace, and established for succession, and Resolved against Romish opinions and practices, as in HER time; the Censurer now prevents Our Lord Christ at his second coming, & assures us that her Infelicity will then appear. 53 It was the Apostles precept, That man should judge 1. Cor 4. 5. nothing before the time until the Lord come. Our Lord himself while he lived, avoided it, and said, I judge no ●…h. 8. 15. man, accounting it a Pharisaical humour so to do. Nam aliter livor aliter Christus judicat, saith S. Jerome. The best is, that the souls of the righteous are in the hands of God; and it is not [Scarabaeus Aquilam] the malice of a filthy beetle, yet it is animal obscoenum et olens, that is, not a ●…stoph. jesuits doom (though most despiteful) can adjudge her from joy into sorrow, or from bliss into torment. 54 Yea, but her passing hence with so small feeling of God, as neither to name him herself, nor suffer others (here he notes in the Margin, the Archbishop of Canterbury) to bring in any speech of God, gives great presage of a lamentable issue. 55 If one of their own great famous Popes died so, let Bellarmine pass his sentence on him; as the Priests say Quodlib. pag. 57 he did of Sixtus Quintus, qui sine poenitentia vivit et sine poenitentia moritur, proculdubio ad infernum descendit; He that lived and died without repentance, is undoubtedly gone to Hell. With QUEEN ELIZABETH it was not so, who lived and died a true Christian: if at the first assault of her sickness she was silent and solitary, Physic will ascribe it to the nature of Melancholy diseases, whose Symptoms are (among some other) taciturnit as et Solitudo. And as Reason would interpret, that, as she in peremptorily refusing her bed, did show her princely resolution, Stantem mori; so Christian Charity would infer, THAT retired silence in her, (both active and passive) to be a withdrawing of her mind from her senses, for a more serious Meditation of her bypassed life, and her future state; which she herself also professed, being moved by a D. of Fie sick, to tell how she spent her time in so long silence; I Meditate (quoth she) and yet those lasted not out: for as strength or disease weekened, and nature decayed, she both took her to her bed; and the last most Reverend Arch bishop kneeling by her, and praying for her, she laid her hand upon his head, and gave her Am●…n of Assent unto his intercessions made to God in Christ's name on her behalf. And when one of her Ladies desired her, though she did not speak, yet to think upon God; I WARRANT YOU SO I DO, MY MIND IS LITTLE OF ON HIM saith she. And after that, being in perfect understanding, she had, & heard, and endured vehement prayers to be powered out for her, not far from her, until the last gasp she gave. Wherewith she seemed in such sweet and mild manner to sand her soul into heaven, as if no hand of violence might take it from her, but her own devout willingness must redeliver it unto that God, from whom, together with so many blessings she did receive it. And hereof there are alive Honourable and Honest witnesses; not such corner creeping Reremise, whose credit this companion (as he saith) relies on, but whose names he dares not utter (for they dare not appear to it.) 56 And this is another jesuiticalltricke, as well in matters Historical as of Doctrine, to brave it out with an impudent tale: but ask them for their Author, who said it? their answer is like the Cyclops cry in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Somebody with no bodies name, or a name cogged. O●…. 1. 57 But had it been as he saith; shall the manner of death, or Symptom of diseases at men's departures, be presages of their condemnation in the life to come? It will then go hard with many holy and good men, both in Scripture and other stories. Nunquam malè moritur, qui bene vivit, saith S. Augustine: For, is thine eye evil because mine is good? is a speech uttered in his person, who is able Matth 20. 15. to save his servants souls at the last gasp, in the greatest distemperatures of their bodies, and distraction of their minds by violent or silent diseases. 58 He hath roused her in her Deathbed; now he runs back 70. years, to touse her in her Cradle, and there barks at her (what ear or heart can brook it?) for a Bastard, so promulged by Statute; so adjudged by the Archbishop; so reputed by her Father; First, were it so, and that upon such as are so bred, there are branded, as Plutarch saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Indelible reproaches, and matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fitly ministered for Scorners to upbraid; yet why a jesuite, professing Divinity, should reckon it among her personal Infelicities, the Fathers of the Church would marvel; who think that it impeacheth neither right in Heaven, nor renown on earth; Vndecunque homines nascuntur, saith S. Augustine, From what stock soever Children do proceed, if they follow not their parents vices, they must not bear the burden of the ignominy: So Chrisostom: So High- Hierome, all cited by Gratian. The Scriptures are not so Dist. 56. censorious: for God himself mislikes that Proverb, that it should be said, The Fathers did eat sour grapes, and the Ezech. 16. children's teeth were set on edge. In S. Paul's Catalogue of the Heb. 11. 32. judg. 11. 1. faithful, jepthe is placed, and he was Meretricis filius: and 'tis no mean Genealogy which runs to a main branch, wherein from Pharez of Thamar there is a passage to King Matth. 1. David, and so higher. 59 Secondly, whether it hinder, or cut off succession or advancement, is a great question among their own. Lawyers of both sorts; the rule being currant with the most of them, Non est impedienda dignitas eius qui nihil admisit. And it seems by Damasus a Pope that he accounted Priests sons to be lawfully begotten in marriage; or if they were reputed Bastards, yet nevertheless they were Grat. ubi supra. not uncapable even of the Popedom; and he reckons many such that had been Popes, But this was not the case of that Royal descended Queen. 60 For first, if that rule be good, Forts creantur fortibus, SHE showed herself, by her Princely qualities, (had there been no other evidence) especially by her magnanimity and courage, to have been sprung, not only (as Plutarch speaks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) of noble Progenitors, Vbi supra. but to be a Kings, and no other but King Henry's Daughter. For whereas those that are so misbegotten, have servile base minds, at lest dejected spirits: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Euripid. Hippolit. saith the Poet, the very memory and mention of their wrong-birth, abates the courage, and inthrals the mind into a kind of baseness: So far it was from HER, that her subjects saw, and her foes felt, that she had the most undaunted and unyeelding Spirit, even in the greatest troubles that could betide the State. 61 Secondly when Sanders and Rishton, with others, had in print aspersed her birth with like stain and obloquy, and some had undertaken by discourse of Arguments, (plain and unanswerable, in a just volume compiled and printed) to clear those base and disgraceful slanders, she so far scorned to have her Birthright questioned, that with great indignation she caused them to be suppressed at the press. 62 Thirdly, grant it, that by her Father and that Statute (which this Epistler here mentioneth) she were so pronounced. First, did not the same Parent and Statute also disgrace their Catholic Persecuting Queen Mary her Sister as much? & yet in all the Popish Writers she is highly extolled, and not once touched herewith. Secondly, Mysteries of State, and Secrets of King's actions, are not to be narrowly pried into, and sifted by their Subjects, much less by jesuits to be censured. Princes are Men, and Parliaments are assemblies of Men; and Men (as the Philosopher said to a great King) are changeable creatures. Look Plato ad Dion epis●…. Stat. anni. 25. therefore backward; The same, both Prince and Parliament, but two years before, had ratified that marriage with her mother for lawful; and invested the offspring of her body with the succession of the Crown. Look forwards but seven years after, and the same both Head and Body, received Stat. Anni. 35. the Legitimation, repealed the anulling Statute, and pronouncing the Lady ELIZABETH for his lawful Daughter, reduced the Crown to HER right and Interest again. So that, were not this jesuite of HIS School that takes so much text as serves his turn, that which Math 4. 5. makes against him, to leave out; as he had upbraided her with a Statute blemishing, he might have choked himself with a Statute also honouring, advancing, and truly possessing HERALD 63 Or rather, knowing (if the Priests of Rome say true) how his own Mother (another Pasiphae it seems by them) advanced his reputed Father's head, (by the birth of this jesuite) betaking herself, for the time, to one called Cow. buck: a name compounded of two beasts with divers Quodli. p. 109 frontlets; that so her husband might, for the enhancing of his top, be both Actaon and Minotaurus, that is (as himself speaketh) one of the most substantial for degree in the parish; Manifestat. pag. 90. he might have recorded his own Infelicity, and rebuked his kind Mother; and not have laid this ignominious slander upon a King's Daughter, his Native Sovereign, and the Mother of his Country. 64 In the mean time, it seems the Pope hath an exorbicant power; that whereas both Law of God and Church exclude Bastards ab Ecclesia Domini, for bearing any office of Ecclesiastical charge, yet admits this Manzer (so the vulgar Deut. 23. 2. calls him) to be a jesuite, and a Rector among them: unless hereby the Pope do insinuate, as Sixtus Quintus did, Quodlib. p. 100 that he takes the whole society for no other but a Bastard-brood; or that the College in the vacancy put up their petition for Parsons to be their Head, beginning with that verse of the Poet, Juvenal. Malo pater mihi sit Thersites— And I trow with all, that Parsons himself will accounted the Wisd. 3. 16. etc. Book of Wisdom but an Apocrypha; else there's a Chapter will shrewdly touch him with a more grievous Infelicity than that Statute (which he mentioneth) will any way hurt that good and most Noble Queen Elizabeth. 65 Now from her infelicity passive, he comes, Numb. 12. First, to her Infelicity repercussive, how others for her sake were made unhappy; as one in her brother's time for falling in love with her: and others, as Wyatt and Carew in her sister's time, raising Rebellion for Her: And why doth he not rather say so much of the Whore of Babylon, and observe what an unlucky Religion that of Rome is, which intoxicate so many with her Philtra, her filthy Love-drugs; that for her sake they machinate and practise treasons against their lawful Princes; and for their Treasons (under pretence of madding for Her) come to unhappy Ends? 66 But for love matters, as that of the Admiral (be it what it was) let him treat of them who once renounced the study of Divinity, because (they are his own words) affecting company as I do (saith he) I shall not keep the lists Fa. Parsons. in the paper left by him in his Study when he was expelled. of modesty: for the other of the Rebellion by Wyatt: or HER ●…ke, they are so impudently v●…ue, that our Chroniclers will refer those imputations unto that commonplace, Os quod mentitur occidit animam. 67 Secondly, he reckons up her Infelieitie active. uz. Sa. 211. ●…errigorous Laws and cruel against Catholic Religion; (that's simply false;) against Popish Traitors he might have said, and we will both deny it, and yield it: deny it, quatenus, for twelve years together (as hath been often ●…old them) of the reign of that most memorable Queen, the forest punishment of some of them, who obstinately refused to do her Majesty service, was commitment to Bishops and Deans houses: and of others, if they were justly suspected to be dangerous, unto certain Prisons, where they lay as warm, and waxed as fat in their restraints, as the best Subjects that lived at liberty in their own houses. 68 For the time subsequent, we yield; (if death deservedly drawn on by demerit, may be called cruelty in the Magistrate;) for after, Religion was made but the Stalking-horse to practise Treasons: if then the complaint be of Rigour, and request for more ease, we say with S. Augustine (when he was entreated to mediate for a mitigation of some straight Laws) nay, if Princes serve Christ in making Laws for Christ, they do what they aught, I will not Epist. 48. gain say them. 69 And yet to examine this Cruelty, and Rigour thereof, we will not do it by comparison of Popish Tyrannies, fearful Tortures, and bloody Massacres: but first their own Priests shall speak for QUEEN ELIZABETH'S Laws, who say, that considering jesuitical practices shadowed under cloak of Religion, all the Laws enacted Quodlib. pag 269. 277. against Catholics were made with great moderation and Clemency, as coming from a Prince most mild and merciful: nor they have cause to verge repeal of any Statute made, so long as jesuits take such courses. Secondly, one Fa. Parsons, who in the Preface of one of his Legends, commendeth Queen Preface to the first part of his triple Conversion. Elizabeth for her MODERATE government, and that was in the last year of her reign. And yet by the way (for the man's singular honesty) it is worth noting, that in one and the same lease, having so commended her in one Page, (many than SHE was alive) in the very next Page (for then he heard SHE was dead) in a Preface In eodem libello to his Majesty he compares her to no other but Dioclesian for cruelty. 70 Now belike, to ratify that comparison, he would persuade us here, that it was not Treason, but Religion, upon which she did practise her Cruelty; which he proves with such a Medusa-like Argument, as is able to strike the answerer into a stound,— iuraretque Lupos vidisse priores, Virgil. and put him to silence; because some were executed which might have had their lives at the last cast, if they would have yielded in this one point of Religion, viz to renounce the Pope and conform themselves to the present State. Might not that good Queen complain here, as he once did, Theodorus. that what he reached with the right hand, his Scholars took with the left; and that a principal demonstration of her indulgence should be brought in for an apparent evidence of her Cruelty? 71 Put the case that Absalon had been an Idolater, as he was a Traitor; and King David, after sentence passed against him for his unnatural Treasons, would have acquitted him from death, conditionally, that he would renounce false gods, and worship only the true God, in that manner which God himself had prescribed, and he refusing it is executed; shall we say he died for Religion, or for Treason? It was Mercy in the King to offer, but Wilfulness in the son to refuse a condition so easy and Religious. 72 Or if some father had a lewd son, who to waste his wealth upon harlots (like the Prodigal in the Gospel) should conspire with his brethren to rob their father first, and then cut his throat to enjoy all, after arraignment and sentence past, the father should promise' to procure a pardon, conditienally that his Son would frequent the Church upon Sabao●…h days, and leave those Brothel houses, which wrought in him the thoughts of such wicked courses; and the desperate youth refuseth it, choosing rather to die then to leave his filti●… pleasures; shall we say that he is executed for his Whoredoms? (they were not before laid against him:) Not but for the Parricide, and petty treason against his Father, according to the Sentence. Princes which make such gracious offers, do therein show their most Christian affections, that they desire the conversion of men rather than their destruction; and look rather to the saving of their subjects souls, than the safety of their own persons, as being contented to remit all bypassed breach of Law and duty to themselves, so they may make them truly religious toward God. 73 But to conclude this complaint of QUEEN ELIZABETH'S cruelty, An Italian, no Protestant shall speak. Tanta extitit eius animi MODERATIO, atque innata Bizar. Histor. Gene●…s. pa. ●…68. CLEMENTIA, ut non immerito etc. So great and so apparent was the MODERATION of her mind, and her inbred CLEMENCY, that (not undeservedly) it may be said of her, which the ancient Histories have left to posterity of Alexander Severus, borne of his Mother Mommaa, ●…empe AN AEMATON, hoc est, CITR AS ANGVINEM; namely, that she hath governed her Kingdom WITHOUT BLOODSHED, cùm SV APTEN ATURA SEMPER AC AEDIBUS & CRUDELIT ATE ABHOR AT; for EVEN HER NATURE DOTH ABHOR THE THOUGHT OF SLAVGH●…ER OR CRUELTY: And so he goeth on in a large discourse; in this HER praise; and when he wrote thus, she had reigned twenty years. It is marvel their Index Expurgatorius hath not scoured him ere this, and for this. 74 Yet the Cur lets not go his hold, but sna●…les at another Infelicity of this Memorable Queen; her jealous fears which made her suspect her life to be aimed at by all sorts, both Puritans and Papists; and those jealousies enraged her Cruelties, to the ending of their lives: and squires Story must be feigned; and Lopez, a jew must be fetched in, and cast away: yea, she was never quiet till she had made away the KING'S MOTHER. 75 For Princes to be jealous of their lives and safeties, is both usual and necessary; Ingenia Regumprona ad formidinem, Sallust. in I●…gurth. saith the Historian, especially if they have in their Realms such as do either competere or impetere, pretend a right, or intent a mischief against their Crowns and Kingdoms. Nor is it the fear of their own death, but doubt of the event which may follow. (Et dubia pro certis solent timere Seneca. Oedip. Reges) That which troubles them, is both the issue of their State, which is their heavy charge, how that shall be either brandled or quieted; and also the estate of their issue, which is their tender charge, how they shall be either hurried or established. 76 There is no King, be he never so Gracious, but he walks in the midst of Eyes observing for hurt; and no Eyes so dangerous as that O●…ulus nequam in the Gospel, which is therefore evil because the Prince is good. He rewarding Mat. 20. 25. the most industrious with grace and bounty; his advancing to Honours the best deserving; approximating to his secrets the most trusty and faithful: these things in some, which think themselves to be either neglected, or wronged, breed discontent; and how deep the impression there of will reach, who can tell? an quantum vertice in altum, tantum radice in Tartara tendat? the more asspiring Virgil. thoughts (being defeated) do contrive & machinate the more hellish designments. Who then can blame Princes if they be Wary and Cautelous; but principally if they have been Icti piscatores, already within the ●…awe of the Lion, and upon the mouth of the sword? a quality pardonable, especially in a woman, whose Sex by nature (as appeareth by the Apostle) is inclinable to be alrighted with 1. Pet. 3. 6. every terror. 77 But it was not so with QUEEN ELIZABETH; Careful she was; fearful she was not: Wary, but not jealous; provident, but not suspicious: the undoubted love of her subjects, and the sincerity of her own mind, was the double brazen wall of her Security. Not one such quality either concomitant with jealous fear appeared in her, which Histories in suspicious Tyrants do observe: Her body not privily armed; her eyes (abroad) not whirled about; her Countenance not appalled; her Spirits not troubled; her sleeps not disquiet; no Stranger or Subject (admitted to her presence) searched; nor any quality issuing from such fears, appeared in her government. Her people loved her, hated her not; her Arm●…es fought valiantly for her, and shrunk not; her Land Flourished, it sunk not; her Reign continued long (outlasting the Regency of a Dozen Popes) it vanished not: an evident demonstration of her mild deportment, Nam invisanemo Imperia re●…inuit diú. Her person Seneca. not assaulted, nor her State at any time ●…umultuated, but by Romish instigation or Conspiracy. And now being dead, She is still lovingly remembered: and the memory of HER uttered without envious comparison or malicious disparison of others, HIS Sacred Majesty is pleased most graciously to accept; an infallible argument both of HIS most Princely disposition, and of HER temperate and unburdensome Government. 78 Lastly, if jealous suspicion and fear, extend itself towards any, it commonly alights upon the Heir apparent, or the Successor expected (so ●…aith Tacitus, Suspectus semper invisusque dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur) Histor. lib. 1. and whether it were so or not, his Sacred Majesty (who had the nearest and most undoubted right) can answer best in this Case. As for the trial of the examples which he brings, as Stories feigned, and fruits of her jealousy, namely Lopez and Squier, whether their Treasons were fictions or A●…ions, he shall have è Sinu ●…estem. First, Priests of their Quodlib. lib. 1. own, that confess Lopez to be set on to poison her by Hoult the jesuite. Secondly, a Chronicler of ours (whose S●…ow. Credit he much relies on, for he often cities him) who saith, that they were both found guilty and condemned of High treason, the one Anno 1593. the other Anno 1598. both of See the jesuits Catechism for this. them for intending her death by poison, and Walpoole the jesuite was the instigator of Squier. 79 Why did he not also name Parry the Doctor, authorised by the Pope to the murdering of her; commended by HIM, for intending it; absolved from all his sins, for pursuing it; and assured of merit for performing it? Cardinal. Com. his letters. whom when she knew that he was armed for the point, so far she was from affrighting jealousy, that she personally confronted him; with her presence amated him; and without terror dismissed him: So unhappy is this jesuite in reckoning up the Catalogue of Her unhappiness. And yet, that his hellish malice may leave nothing (though never so sacred) unsnarled at; as before he brought in the Murder of his majesties Father for a parallel to the POWDER TREASON: so now he reckoneth for one of her late majesties miseries the death of the Queen his Mother: whereby the Reader may judge, how he would use his majesties own fame if he were gathered to his Fathers, when he is glad to allege so unlavorie examples of both his Parents. That Renowned Queen's death was a misery indeed to this whole Land, and the most indelible blot that can be recorded of this Country: but that our late Sovereign was abused therein, and that wicked act committed before her knowledge thereof, beside her notable expressing of her own griefs when she heard of it, other sufficient proofs have fully resolved all honest men hereof. And since, our now Sovereign, who had the nearest interest in that errand, was long agone satisfied by her majesties own purgation therein, it is a far fetched slander for a jesuite, being not so much as that Queens borne subject, to awaken it now again, out of so long dead ashes. But what may not the venom of Satan doc? And yet since he would need, rankle up again so old sores, it is his majesties part, and all his good Subjects, justly to blame the practising jesuits & Priests of his order, for bringing that Vide Ca●…e. 〈◊〉. jesuit. misfortune upon her; for never rested they from all kind of Treasonable plots and Practices against our late Sovereign's person, fathering them (though falsely) upon the said Queen, and making her the highest mark of their ambition, till they brought her to her unfortunate end. 80 And thus having strained out his very Gall to vent his rancour, by rans●…king her Birth, youth, age, and end, (with what despite, and how little truth the Christian Reader may see) being guilty to himself, that he hath done more, then either before God or Man he can justify. 81 (For Principem populi ●…ui non Maledices: Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people, was Moses precept, and a memorandum to Saint Paul; and by an ancient Canon, Exod. 2●… 28. Act. 23 5. C●…n. A●…ost. 74. a severe Censure appointed upon any that should be Contumeliosus in Regem, aut Magistratum; if a Lay man, to Excommunicate him: if in Orders, to depose him. If so straight alive; much more being dead; because first, contumelies are uttered, either for reproof to amend, or vexation to grieve the parties Calumniate; both these ends cease in death; the tongues-sting imprints no passion (either for good or hurt) upon Deadmen. Secondly, if the Almighty when he left them open to the world, yet restrained the tongue from disgracing or despighting them, much more having now taken them from the world: for if they be in Heaven, every contumely against them is blasphemy against God: if Damned, sufficient for Hell is the torment thereof. Thirdly, the very Heathen condemn it, and both enjoined silence to them that attempted it, Be still, and cease to revile the dead, saith he in the Poet: and accounted them no better than Laruas, Hegs', and 〈◊〉 ex Astoph Plin. N●…. Hist in prefat. Arist. in Rhetor. In Antig●…ue. wicked Spirits: So Pliny, than Dogs; so Plato and Aristotle: then Profane and Impious: so Homer, then Second Murderers, so Sophocles reputes them. Fourthly, this jesuite himself is so tender over Traitors, (and those the most Odious, H●…leous, monstrous, horrible, Barbarous, desperate, unmatchable, unexpressible, that is in a word, those JESVITED POWDER-PLOTTING-TRAITORS) that he expostulates with his majesty for recording their bloody designments after death, and is there no end of exprobration? and are not those UNFORTUNATE Gentlemen executed, saith he? But Queen Elizabeth is dead, and as David said of Abner, Nunquid ut Stulta mortua est! Died Pag. 6. Num. 10. 11. 2. Sam. 3. 3 8. she as a base woman, ignominiously? or as a Tyrant in Caede & Sanguine, by violence and blood? or is she cast out unburied or unregarded! Not, but departed in peace, with as much Love and Honour as possibly a Prince could be capable of; and gloriously entombed by her MOST ROYAL SUCCESSOR. And cannot SHE be suffered to rest? and is there no end of barbarous malice? but a currish, Bloodhound must rouse her, and tear her, from top to toe, within and without, from Birth to Death?) 82 Now knowing (I say) how detestable this will be in the ears of God, and in the eyes of men (for God it seems he cares not, who hath barred even the very thought from conceiving evil of the Prince) he would Eccles. 10. 20. feign satisfy the world by yielding three or four reasons, Why he hath thus yelled against her; first to repress the Lord Cook's insulting speech (as he calls it) that is to abase his true extolling of that famous Queen: as if he should say, Because the Chief justice discharged the duty of a Christian, in continuing the name of the righteous for an ever lasting remembrance, therefore I will play the devils part, to be Accusator fratrum, and recount her virtues or vices, after she is departed: even as the jews d●…alt with Christ, because he processed himself to be the Son of God, they would brave him down with a slandering encounter, and justify it when they had done, Say we not well john. 8. 48. that thou art a Samaritane, and hast a DEVIL? 83 Secondly, to vindicate the credit, at lest to make good the Epithet which Pope Clemens gave her, in calling her MISERABLE WOMAN: so did the uncircumcised 1. Sam. 17. 42 43. Philistine vi●…ie David, calling him Boy, and cursed him by his gods: Et mutuo mul●… scabunt; belike if Rabsheka revile in a word, Shemei must make it up with a Comment of Contumelies. It is recorded, that they of Alexandria in Egypt kept their Ibises, great birds, to devour the Di●…dorus Sic●…lus. lib. 3. garbage of the City, and to cleanse their streets; which they do indeed, but leave of their own filth, more noisome, behind them: So doth this jesuite, the Pope's Sca●…inger, kept in Rome for no other purpose, but that, Lutum luto purgans, he may justify their ribaldry with more abominable Lucian. contumelies. 84 Thirdly, in imitation for a Consolation, which is Numb. 15. That as some of the Fathers, who to animate the persecuted Christians, described the lewd life, and fearful end of their Persecutors (as Nero and Domitian) so he to comfort the Catholic Traitors, must revile and belie that worthy Queen; the rather because she was a Woman. If Parsons have no other comfort then to cheer them up because a Woman quelled their insolency; then may the Devil be comforted because the Woman (Ipsa they read it) Gen. 3. 15. hath bruised the Serpent's head; and Sissera might take great pride in it, that he was brought down by the hand of a jud. 4. 21. Woman. But if that be the best comfort the jesuite hath, their Catholics will think of him as job of his friends, that he is job. 16. 2. but Consolator on●…rosus, a miserable comforter. 85 As well for that, as for his double comparison; first, of the late Christian Queen, with those beastly Tyrannical Atheists, seeing the resemblance would better sit those their Holy Popes, of whom some were, as Clemens speaks of the Heathens jupiter; and S●…tonius of Nero, virorum Clem. Alex. in Protrept. foemmae, and faeminarum viri; others, successively Murderers, Seize invicem veneno tollere tralati●…ium est, saith Rodi●…s in meibedo. one of their own Authors for their Popes. Secondly, in that comparison of the primitive Christians, with their executed Priests. 86 In both which, the indifferent Reader will find more spite than truth, more malice than Conscience; Heaven and Hell not more differing, than She from those Tyrants; then those Christian Martyrs from these Priested Traitors. They acknowledged the Emperor's Supremacy in dependent upon any but God; prayed for them seriously, both living and dying: (Extrahite animam Deo supplicantem pro Imperatore, saith Tertullian in their persons.) These companions Tertul. in Apol●…get. suck Treasons with their Principles, hatch it in their Conventicles, and end with it at their Executions. If Queen Elizabeth were the first of her Sex that took upon her Supreme power in Spiritual and Ecclesiastical matters (as the Epistler saith) in IT she was no usurper by Novell-claime, but accepted what God himself had annexed to her Crown; her Sister before her renouncing it in a superstitious Indulgence of the Pope's former loss, shed more blood of persons ecclesiastical within three years, than SHE that kept it, did in forty years, for Causes Criminal of Popish Priests. 87 His last and conclusive reason. Numb. 16. is a sarcastical scorn to his Majesty (for this old Silicernium hath not yet purged the pruriginous humour of his scoffing brain) because (saith he) the Apologer hath taken upon him to Sacrifice to her MANES, I thought myself obliged, to offer some incense for mitigating the evil sent: Even so, because the sons of God (the holy Angels stood before him, to report their messages, the Devil took himself OBLIGED to intrude among them and reckon up his Roguery: and because Elisha thought job. 1. good to make provision for the Students, therefore One less skilful, but more busy than the rest, takes it his Duty 2. Reg 4. together Coloquintila to poi●…on the pot: Or more nearly to this Metaphor, because Aaron and his sons were privileged to Sacrifice, therefore a Ringleader of Rebels Numb 16. must think himself OBLIGED to take his Senser in his hand to disgrace God's Ordinance. But as that proved not Incensum but Incendium, so such Ranck-incense as this, being the unsavoury egestion of a filthy strong stomach, is by God himself pronounced an abomination. E●…. 1 15. 88 Which being so loathsome, 'tis time to dismiss him for a Sensing conjuror, or rather an Incensing Blasphemer, with S. Peter's farewell to Simon Magus: Repent of this thy Act. 8. wickedness and pray God that if it be possible, the thoughts of thine heart (and the Blasphemies of thy pen against that worthy Queen, may be forgiven thee: for I see that thou art in the Gall of bitterness, and in OBLIGATIONE) and OBLIGED in the bond of iniquity. 89 If it be possible (I say) for God to forgive thee; which doubt I ground upon Fa. Parsons his own challenge of the Priests; whom, because they have in their books turned the in side outward, revealed the Hypocrisies, disclosed Quedlib. etc. Important consider. the Conspiracies, anatomised the Atheisms, Cataloguised the lewd vices of the Igna●…ian brood (a Society, which like Hannibal's Army, is gathered Ex colluuie omnium Gentium, of the Refuse and Malcontents of all Nations: Livy. cemented into a Fraterni●…e, as the walls of Babylon built with the demolished rubbish of Rabbles Tower; nourished by the Pope, as the janissaries by the Turk, to be Herodotus. the valiantest Cutthroats of true Christians their own native Countrymen) especially because they have blazoned HIM in his proper colours; he not only includes them within the Civil and Canon Law for detestable Libelers, but brings Casists of Conscience to enthrall them in Manifestar. sol. 11. & 12. despair, pronouncing them scarcely able to disburden their Souls, though with second Recantations they restore the fame of those whom before they had slandered; vea, drives them into S. Paul's dreadful Impossibility, and Heb. 6. 4. 5. 6. there em●…ds them, because in their entering into Priesthood beside their Baptism) they did renounce the Devil and all his works, whom now before this libeling and reviling vein, it seems they had taken in again, with seven worse than himself; this humour of Contumelious Reproaching being most opposite to charity, and therefore one of the highest steps to the sin of the holy Ghost; he wills them to remember that fearful place, Having behaved themselves soirefully & impudently, not only against their brethren and equals, but much more their betters and Superiors. 90 What then is the cause of this Mote●…er, but trans Matth 7. Rom. 〈◊〉. 1. am●…ey'd jesuite? Doth not S. Paul say to him, Therefore THOU art inexcusable, O man! unless he accounted Qu. Elizabeth to be neither his Superior, nor Equal, so contemptuously and contumeliously, so falsely and ignominiously to reduce HER from her grave, and traduce HER by Slanders in the world: whose blessed memory, though his venomous tongue (most base wretch as he is) cannot ●…annoy, more than a poisoned dart pearl a marble stone: yet, Ex suoore, what sta●…e is he in, in his own conscience, by his own doom of the Priests? 91 If he say, SHE was an Heretic; so was Saint Paul accounted: First, that is not proved. Secondly, it is but a selfe-soothing distinction or excuse, which in his own opinion makes a spiritual sin less sensible, but more dangerous. Manifestar. pr●…ac. sol. 2. 3. Thirdly, admit it were true, and that she were a Persecutor; what less was HE that smote our blessed Saviour standing at the bar? And what answer was returned? If I have evil spoken (saith our Saviour) bear witness of the evil: but if I have well spoken, why smitest thou me? All this he knowing and urging against the Priest, condemning their reproaches to be issues of the bad Spirit, thinks he to be exempted from that dreadful Impossibile? Seeing Heb. 6. 4 5. He hath taken the same orders which they have, and runneth the same race of reproachful ●…iot which they did? 92 He hath spent his spite upon the dead, and row he vents his malice against a living Majesty; scorning for three Numbers together, 17. 18. 19 that T. M. the younger (as he calls him) should commend OUR MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN for his kindness and Clemency formerly showed to their Catholics, which he termeth OLEUM PECCATORIS, flattery and adulation. 93 Is not this fellow truly Canis in praesepi, that can neither speak well himself, nor endure that virtue should have her due commendation by othersi but as some writ of the Galathians that will permit no Gold to come into their Country, and yet they will rob any man that hath Gold about him: so he, being neither capable of virtue himself, nor inclinable to it, will not suffer it to be praised in them that have it, without imputation of base flattery; which cannot be without touch of both parties: because none use to flatter, but such as have none other means to advance themselves; and none love to be flattered, but those which have no true virtue to commend them: neither of which can take any hold of these persons, whom he thus slily scoffs in this place. 94 For, the first whom he deciphereth with the letters of T. M. (as mean a Minister as Fa. Cow buck makes him) was never so defective either of honourable alliance, or large Pag. 2. provision of means, or many good deserts and qualities, that he need the use and help of such Servile Oil, whereby to glide more easily into preferments. 95 And for his sacred Majesty, the world cannot but know, that (being so absolutely complete with those graces of the Spirit, and gifts of nature, and helps both of art and experience, that may be required truly to commend him as a man, a Christian, or a King) he is neither so degenerate from a princely nature, as to have or crave such weak supports, as feigned blandishments; neither so unskilful, as that he cannot discern between the precious and the vile: but that HE can make use of the Praisers mouth, [Os ●…lantis, so the vulgat reads it] as King Solomon directs Pro. 27. 21. Constitorij loco, as the fi●…ing sornace, to try whether it yield dross for gold, or counterfeit for truth: and therefore can quickly distinguish in this place, between the true acknowledgement of a faithful Subject (which this Scorner calleth Oleum peccatoris,) and the dissembling kisses of a fawning Hypocrite which is Pharmacum Proditoris, as that is which followeth in this Section. 96 Wherein this judas commendeth his majesties great Humanity, Royal nature, and noble disposition (so the Devils confessed Christ to be the Son of God, but their conclusion was withal, Quid tibi & nobis?) Math. 8. 97 Whereunto his Majesty may answer as he in Seneca, What evil have I done, ut hic tam Nequam de me tam bene loqueretur, that so bad a fellow as this is, should speak so well of me? Can we gather grapes of thorns, or figs of Matth. 7. thistles? Is not this that self-same Parsons, who (as the Priest's witness) laboured the Pope's Holiness to Excommunicate longagoe his Majesty, as an obstinate and forlorn Quodl. pa. 257 Heretic? 98 But this noble disposition of mildness and clemency (bo●…h inbred by nature, and engrafted by Art, so apparent, so inherent in his Majesty, that being truly reputed Amor & delitia humani generis, he wins the love and affection of all good men unto him; among whom, some account it a great part of their Infelicity (though otherwise well provided) Suet. de Tito Vespas. that they cannot daily stand before him, to be partakers of his sweet conditions and behaviour) if it be (as the Epistler saith) altered, who hath averted him, or changed it? Surely T. M. and some such other Ministers, desirous to draw blood, who inci●…e his Majesty against the Catholics, having neither place near him, nor admittance to him to speak for themselves. 99 (It vexeth them, that (as Satan stood at God's Zach. 3. 1. right hand to resist jehoshua) they may not have one of their sort always at his majesties elbow, either to instill into his ears that Poisoning Doctrine of abasing himself to the Pope's lure; or, i●… he will not stoop (as Clement the Monk served the French King) to f●…stenitat his heart with a Poisoned knife. 100 This reason of his for the King's aversion or change, is not only a Calumniation against T. M. but a dis-reputation also to his Majesty: as if in Tertullians' Proverb his custom were De suo Cor●…o ludere, to be so variable, De 〈◊〉. as at every man's sudden information, to altar his clemency into cruelty, and his mildness of nature to the drawing of blood; than which there is nothing more contrary unto his Royal heart: Only he takes that course (being forced thereunto) which either David did by God's direction, or God himself by David's description, Come peruer●… perverse agere, with the froward to deal as sowrly. Psal. 18. 26. 101 For patience often tried, must needs turn into rigour; and ulcerate Apostemes must be lanced at lest: and where there is a 〈◊〉 and infecting Gangrene, the Saw or Chizell must make the divorce from the other members, and if there be any fault, the defect of this is it. His majesties Constancy what it is, we shall have occasion within a few leaves to examine. In the mean time, for this challenge of his Change (as God said to Israel) to their Catholics may be truly answered, Your destruction cometh of your Host 13. 9 selves; it is not his majesties either Mutability of nature, or Vespas. in S●…t di●…position to Cruelty (qui justis etiam supplicijs illachrymavit & ingemuit, as was said of that Emperor;) but the reiterated Disloyalties of I●… suited Vassals, and especially this last indiscreet Act of the Pope, in discharging Catholiks from taking the O ATH of Allegiance, (which his Majesty used as a Fan to try the Chaff from the Wheat, for the purging of his floor) that hath caused it. 102 So that, if there be a drawing of blood, (as his Majesty hath well forewarned) let it alight upon the Pope's head (Ipse hoc intrivit sibi omne est exedendum) who by sending out his Breve of counter-obeisance, as in old time the Erasm. ex Diogenia. Heralds were wont to sand out a Ram in token of defiance, hath, for maintenance of his own usurped power, roused a Lion to their overthrow which hearken to that Rebelliously inciting Message: as that old Prophet in Scripture procured to him that believed an errand from a feigned Angel 1. Reg. 13. 24. by a false dissembler. 103. But his principal stitch is at T. M. the younger, whom he knows well enough to have a more honourable place in his majesties household, as he is Deane of HIS Chapel, than Bellarmine should have in the Pope's Court as he is Cardinal (for by that he is truly and originally a Parish-Priest) yet he that was so full of manners to tax his Majesty of Incivility for calling the Cardinal, MASTER Bellarmine, affords the Dean, now a Reverend Bishop in the Church, no other Title but of T. M. in Ciphers, and of an Inferior Minister, in scorn. And his anger is, because, either by jests or Tales out of Popish Writers, this T. M. (some Aretalogus or jester belike) makes his Majesty sport; or with some bitter g●…ds provokes hard speeches from his Majesty against the Catholics; so that sycophancy is his whole exercise. It is true that his majesties Table, for the most part, at times of Repast, is (as ●…useb. de vita Constant. lib. 4. Constantine's Court, Ecclesiae instar) a little University, compassed with Learned men in all professions; and his Majesty in the midst of them (as the Graecian entitled one less deserving) a living Library, furnished at all hands, to reply, answer, object, resolve, discourse, explain, according to several Eunapius. occasions, emergent upon Fact, or accidental upon Speech: and as El●…hu said, His ears trieth words, as the mouth tasteth meat; being as exquisite in the Trial, as Antonius job 33. Pius, who for his singular and sisting wit, was called Cumini-sector; so narrowly and thoroughly would he search Cuspin. in vita ei●…. every point, and distinguish upon any hint. Among many other, whose happiness it is to attend a King, so wise (from whose Table no intellige●…t waiter departs, but bett●… instructed then before) this T. M. is one, whose Birth Learning, Religion, Degree, and 〈◊〉, do al●… concurre●… scorn of sycophancy, and none more detest ●…th it then his Master our Souereig●…e: therein excelling Augustus Caesar, who though he be commended for his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vita 〈◊〉. cap. 74. singular affability at board, and de●…ire of discourse; yet often times would have jesters and Players to be sent for to attend, and confer with them. For this is his majesties excellency, that he had rather have acroamata then HISTRIONES; Theological and Philosophical arguments canvased, then mimical jests composed and ut tere: but of all other, Sycophancies and Calumniations he doth abhor. 104. And yet, why may not we be as merry, or bitter with this Epistlers sycophancy (it being a profane word) as it pleased him to be with the Apolog●…ers MANES, which HE translated HOBGOBLINS? and tell him that every schoole-bouk▪ owing the word to be derived, and the name imposed for revealing Figs: therefore taking the word in the primitive use, and as the Plut. Solon. Athenians did (who gave the first Denomination) it is no dis●…race for T. M. to be called a SYCOPHANT in Philomnest. 〈◊〉 Athen. that sense: for to that office were solemnly chosen in Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the most Trusty and Faithful of all the Citizens. And, in the opinion of a better Grammarian than this Censurer, whosoever was noted to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alexis. ibi. 〈◊〉 3. an honest man, and pleasant in discourse, — qui misc●… v●…le dulci, Horace. was so entitled: and then, whom fits the Office better than the King's daily Attendant? And when is it fittest, but in times of his majesties Repast? whereat there is not more variety of meat, than diversity of learned Discourse; much like the Table of Augustus Caesar, and Francis the second King of France. August. ap. S●…t. Thuan. lib. 3. 105. But, if taken at the worst as there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a depraving vein in it) even by the Epistlers own verdict, T. M. can be no SYCOPHANT; for they which delight in such Calumniations, and use those Delatory accusations, they do it Clanculum, and without witness: which gave Aristoph. Plut. occasion to the Proverb, That the poison of a Sycophants tooth is immedicable, because the Secrecy of the biting is inevitable: but T. M. doth this (by the Censurers confession) when his Majesty takes his Repast, that is, in the hearing of many, and of some, as it seems, which are Parson's Intelligencers, to sand what they hear to Rome: so that the party being known, and the tale openly told, he cannot be called a SYCOPHANT. 106. Yet grant him this: wherein then consist his Sycophancies? What Figs reveals he? It seems by the Apologue in Scripture, that they are a pleasant Fruit, and nothing judg. 9 11. more sweet, by the ancient proverb; to which, first, because the Miracles in Romish Legends (so magnified) may Apud Aristop. well be compared, pleasant in the Ear, and good for nothing else but to pass the Time, T. M. perhaps, by occasion of Tabletalk ministered, recounts some of them, at, and for the King's Repast. 107. As for example, omitting the old Stories of Saint Dionyse, that carried his own head in his hand after it was strooken off; and of Clement the first, who when he was cast into the Sea with a Millstone about his neck, the Sea Infest. Clem. ●…ed three miles from the shore, and there was found a little Chapel ready built in the Sea, where his body was bestowed. And that of Neocaessarien, whose staff stuck ●…owne by him at the banks side, kept the river from overflowing Greg. Thou. mat. the banks, and presently sprung up and spread itself into a mighty Tree: (that passed Aaron's Rod, and Num. 17. 8. came nearest to Romlus his javelin, which he darting from him, it immediately stemmed up into a stately cornel Tree, and there it grew till julius Caesar's time.) Plut. Rom. 108. Like enough T. M. takes the Miracles of the New-Mint, whereof the Lady of Hales, and the Conformities of Saint Francis (whom they call jesum Typicum) and Xaverius his life, & Bozius de signis, will afford great plenty: and perhaps occasion was given to such discourse upon Garnets' Stram: neus vul●…u, as if the Pole which holds his head upon London bridge were turned into a Straw. 109. These are Figs indeed, pleasant in the care and in the taste: but Physicians writ, that as such fruit (though Dioscor. lib. 1. very pleasant, breeds corrupt blood, and engendereth such Creatures which may make Friars Postils as currant and nimble as vitas-patrum: so it causeth choler also, procuring unto men of settled judgements, a zealous indignation, to see that Religion should be Pharmacized with such Drugs. 110. Secondly, it may be also that this T. M. alighting upon the Pope's large extended Indulgences (which may fitly be compared to those fig-leaves where with our first Parents covered their dishonourable parts) pardoning enormous sins for innumerable years upon sweet Conditions; as for kissing two iron Crosses at Saint Peter's Church door in Rome, five hundred years of Pardon; for looking Indulg. Rom. liber. upon one of the Pence for which our Saviour was sold, 1400. years Pardon; for beholding the Cross upon the top of Saint john of Lateran his Steeple, 1400. years Pardon: Why? Because that Cross was made of the Sword which cut off Saint john Baptists head. But all this is nothing, for Sixtus Quartus granted forty thousand years of Pardon to him that would say a Prayer of his making, consisting of about forty five words: And why? Because his Catholics might not complain, that the Protestants satisfaction was easier than theirs. These, and such like, this T. M. recounting, procures his Majesty some pleasure at his Repast; and like enough occasion was given for this, in discoursing of the jesuits absolving the POWDER-TRAITORS from all their Sins, for so Worthy a work.. 111. Thirdly, because (as it appears by the Prophet) that all Figs are not of one quality, but like Grapes, some 〈◊〉. 2●…. 2. exceeding nought and sour, such as the Historians writ of the Laconi●… Fig, which they say is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Athen. ex. Aristop. ●…ery odious, dangerous, and Tyrannical Fig: it is probable that occasion is ministered at his majesties Table, to disourse of those dreadful cruel Positions of Pope's deposing Kings, expo●…g them to murder, inciting their subjects 〈◊〉 Rebellion, and determining such Parricide to be Meritorious. which (to some Waiters attending) seeming incredible, because they are so horrible, this T. M. the younger 〈◊〉 the Vessels to the full view; cities the Authors (for he is like Plato his Philosopher, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, very ready in all those Writers) points to the Pages out of Rossaus, Symancha, Allen, Creswell, Azorius, Bannes, Bellarmine, and Sixtus Quintus, that notable panegyrical Orator, and Extoller of such Murders. 113. Lastly, to make him a perfect SYCOPHANT, Dion Coccei. because Stories do mention Livia's Fig, which was both Poisoned and Poisoning, for so she served the Figs that the Emperor Augustus used to taste of (which kind, by report, is not strange in Italy) happily, as it may sort with the time, he records out of some Romish Writers, what an excellent vein both Popes have in Figging each other away, and jesuits too (as the Priests relate) in dispatching with such pleasant Pills, any that stand in their way or light. 113. If this fashion of his be sycophancy, speaking the truth upon just occasion offered, openly before Witnesses, alleging his Authors, pointing out the places, and reading them; he need not be ashamed of the Title, but (as job speaketh of his adversaries book) he may job 31. 36. take it, and bind it as a Crown unto him. 114. In the mean time, is not that sycophancy in the worst sense, that jesuits, and principally Fa. Parsons, who in this kind, they say, is Mereurius Solenniorum, Amian. Marcellin. lib. 14. and (like him in the story, that related unto the Emperor mere dreams, neither truly framed, & perversely interpreted) mutter in Corners, and utter in foreign Nations (to bring our Profession into hatred) that in England, we put Catholics into the stocks, and there let them sit so long upon the ground, till body and earth so rot together, 〈◊〉. Ecclesiae Anglicanae. that there cannot be a separation, but with flesh pulled from the bones; that at Dover, some Catholics were put in Bears skins, and so baited to death by Dogs! 115. That Garnet (the Arch-Traitor) was executed for reproving the Protestants with some sharp speeches; that his forehead received a Blow as he was dragged upon the stones; and where the wound was, the sign of the ✚ appeared, and the blood dropping down upon the Printed in Spain in Quarto with a ballad. Straw in the hurdle (others say it was at the Gibbet when he was bowelled, a tale much like the judges of Susannaes' tree) and his face in full feature printed upon the Straw (like another Veronica) and a Seraphins countenance therewithal, that so there might be two faces under one hood; and all this to bring Credit to their Society: this may be called sycophancy, by S. Paul's description, for speaking lies 1. Tim 4. 2. through hypocrisy, without truth or testimony. 116. Whereas Relation of Stories, either serious or pleasant (warranted by their own Authors) is not sycophancy, but Verity. And if such discourse work upon his majesties affections respectively for anger or mirth, and make him cry out with the Poet, O Romanistae, servum p●…us, ut mihi ●…aepè Bilem, saepe iocum vestri movere tumultus? Horat. Let them rather purge their Books both of such Fables, which (being ridiculous) procure laughter; and also of such Positions, which (being dreadful) breed horror in the care, and detestations in the hearts of religious Princes, then call the relating of them SYCOPHANCIES: for wherefore are they printed, but that they may be recounted? 117. Yea, but they are unfitly applied, or misunderstood by the Relator (saith this Grave Censurer:) for he th●…●…print (which is subject to examination) as in this Apopologie, would ●…e Authors so impertinently, either making against him else, or nothing to his purpose; what liberty will he take (quoth he) where he speaketh with an applause, without Contradiction? 118. The Apologier (as he calls him) will answer with the Prophet, Existimasti intquè quodero tui simil●…s: But it is Psal. ●…0. judg. 9 36. no marvel if divaken Zebul the Traitor took an Army of men to be but Shadows of Mountains; and there is no drunkenness to that of the Wormwood Waters, which in Scriptures resemble Heretical Malice. Let that therefore Apoe. 8. 11. be the trial; and as here he shall be found either impertinent, or his own adversary, accordingly let his Discourse at table be judged of: but when it is come to that issue, the Reader will see and say, that you (Mass. Parsons) are the right T. M. TV MEND AXE; and the truth of his allegatio as so apparent and pregnant, that if your conscience be not seared, your own judgement will be as was his of Thamar, justior me est, his sincerity will so far outstrip Gen. 38. 26. yours: we may conjecture it by your long holding off, with By-Discourses and invectives. For protraction always argueth a misdoubt of good success. 119. From T. M the Minister, he comes again to his Majesty under the name of the Apologier; who to acquit himself of Persecution, as before he had most royally freed Queen Elizabeth; and thereby both to staunch the Pope's weeping for the afflictions of Catholics, and to tax their ingratitude, who, as Aesop's Wolf served the Crane that rid A●…sop. him of his choking bone, and saved his life, were so far from acknowledging his majesties extended kindness, that they broke out into expostulation of hard measure offered; plotted Treasons against his whole Realm with foreign enterparle; that denied, against his person by Combination domestical; that discovered, by Conspiracy against Root and Branch, King, Progeny, and State, all at ONE BLOW; that defeated, by procuring the Pope's Breves for discharge from their Allegiance: His Majesty, I say, by the example of God himself, who did so argue with Saul and David, declared his moderate courses with those Catholics, exceeding Queen Elizabeth's, (though they 1. Sam. 15. 17. 2. Sam. 12. 7 8. very great) and setteth out his Clemency both by the effects which it wrought in them, and by the particular enumeration of his benefits towards them. 120. For albeit Commemoration of good turns be generally an exprobration, yet hath it, in some cases, warrant in Divinity: for, What could I have done more unto my Vineyard which I have not done? said God to Israel for her Es. 5. 4. Sour Grapes: and, Were there not ten cleansed? saith our Saviour: thereby reproving the unthankfulness of nine, Luc. 17. 17. with recording the benefit. And in human learning also, two principal reasons Plutarch yields among many other, De sui laud. how without envy or blushing a man may commend himself, and recount his extended favours; either against a Calumniator that doth abase or extenuate them; or an Ungrateful person that conceals them wholly, or requites them badly: which is no upbraiding (saith he) but in the former, an Apology to clear the slander; in the other, a reproof to check an ill nature. 121. The Effects; viz. that it wrought in them that height of Pride, as in confidence of his majesties Clemency, they directly did expect, and assuredly promise' unto themselves Liberty of Conscience, and Equality in ALL things, with his majesties best and most faithful Subjects. 122. In censuring whereof, the jesuite in three large Numb. 20. 21. 22. shows himself both a scorning shifter, and a sly Sophister: for after he hath scoffingly played with those words [HEIGHT OF PRIDE] he shifts them off, First, by running again to his Common place of TORMENT OF CONSCIENCE, and in matching the liberty thereof (that is, Toleration of their Religion) with freedom of breathing the one; (as if that aught as safely and freely to be granted, as this.) Secondly, by Recrimination, that the humble and underling Protestants among us; the Lollards and Wickl●…sts in formertimes; the States in Germany both high and low; and the Subjects of some Kings did and do make that their plea with their Superiors. Lastly, by ●…xpostulation, why not they as well▪ especially of his Majesty; a King, First, so free before time from cruelty. Secondly, descended of a mother that thought herself beholding to the Catholics. Thirdly, confessing that he ever found the Catholics party most trusty to him; and rewarding them for it thereby gave hope of like favour to others. Fourthly, received with universal joy, trusting that as by his uniting of Two Kingdoms, he had conjoined the Obedience of Two Nations; so would he also have entertained their Religion, thereby to unite both sorts of his Subjects 123 His Sophistry he shows in applying those words Height of Pride to One thing, which his Majesty hath reterred to Twain: for herein it consisted, that they not only expected liberty of Conscience, but also Equality of ALL things with us. This last he leaves out, and insists only upon the former. For grant it were but a Step of Pride upon such slight presumptions to expect the first; yet to promise' unto themselves, together with that, to be Equally preferred and favoured by a Prince so diversly affected in Religion, and in a State so thoroughly settled and well furnished with men more undoubtedly loyal (a thing which his Majesty both in his book, and in his Government denieth to his faithful native Subjects of both Kingdoms whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pa. 55. He excludes from Offices of judicature and State, in Both Realms respectively,) This is the Summitie and Sublimity of Pride. 124 Yet we will also join that issue with him; that, not to desire and supplicate, nor to expect and hope (to which purpose he brings all his examples, varying from the point) the King ●…aith not so: but, which are his majesties words, DIRECTLY to expect, and assuredly to promise' to themselves LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE, is itself alone, a Celsitude of Pride. 125 For, whether we measure the height of Pride by Lucifer the Prince over all the Children of Pride, as Gregory moralizeth jobs Leviathan, whose only presumption In job. 41. 25. jude. verse. 6. Gen. 3. of Liberty without warrant, was both his inbred Pride, causing his own overthrow, and his infused Pride to our first Parents, procuring their fall: or by Scholestricall Divines, who confine all proud men within two sorts; One, of Aquin. 22. q. 33. 5. them which advance themselves above others; the second, which arrogate to themselves that which is above them, and beyond their pitch: this Selfe-promising assurance of those Catholics for Liberty of Conscience, cannot be placed but in the Highest degree of pride, because it assureth a matter both unwarranted, and far above their compass, and beyond their duty. 126 It being first, Impious against God, who Symbolically forbids such mixture in the Linsey-wolsey-garment, Deut. 22. 11. 1. Reg. 18. 21. Metaphorically upbraids it when he calls it halting between two opinions; directly inhibiteth it in advising not to draw in a counter ●…ecting yoke with Infidels (much less with Heretics, 2. Cor. 6. 14. by Romish Divinity: because the first ariseth by ignorance, the other grows strong by pertinacy:) pincheth at the permission of divers Factions of different opinions Apoc. 2. 14. 15 within the Same Church, and threateneth the Toleration thereof with Revenge; brandeth even very good Kings with 2 Reg. 15. 3. 4 34. 35. a perpetual Censure, for not preventing or enduring it; severely punisheth it in the Samaritans, who feared the true 2. Reg. 17. 33. God, and yet served Idols after the manner of other Nations; and is fastened upon them for one of their main Heresies, by the Church of God to this day. Now, to Communicate Epiphan, lib. 1 de Samaris. with a sin, is equally liable to the same punishment with the sin, and the Magistrates permitting, is a Communicating. 127 Secondly, it being a matter dishonourable to the King, DIRECTLY to expect, and ASSUREDLY to presume of it, is an Extremity of Pride. For honest men (even of their equals) will expect nothing but that which shall stand with the credit and reputation of the Grantèrs: only jesuits fugitives from their Country, without leave, and against Law (as if they had been Conquerors of the Land, or the sole Disposers of the Crown) presume upon a Liberty for heretical superstition: Et rei per se faedissimae Livy. adiecta indignitas est, as the Historian speaketh: and expect, yea, in a manner claim, and exact of their King and Sove reign, who without stain of his Honour cannot yield it; or satisfy them. 128 For so, first, he should be Contrary to himself, a quality savouring by his majesties own judgement (in matter less weighty) of two much Weakness, and slipperiness; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. prefat. ad lectorem. pa. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pa. 1. he having apprehended the Religion which he now professeth from the Cradle of his Infancy; resolved his Conscience, that it is grounded upon direct words of Scripture; maintained it both by Arguments in Disputation, and against broils by Combination, with his utmost skill and strength; enacted it by Laws; established it by Oath; and neither by fear nor flattery, persuasion or threat, could be drawn into the lest inclination of yielding to this Dispensative indifference: but did protest, even while matters were in a mammering, as Watson, that Priest and Traitor witnessed (to whom his Majesty spoke To the Earl of Northamp ton. it) THAT ALL THE CROWNS AND KINGDOMS IN THIS WORLD, SHOULD NOT INDUCE HIM TO CHANGE ANY ●…OT OF HIS PROFESSION, WHICH WAS THE PASTURE OF HIS SOUL, AND EARNEST OF HIS ETERNAL INHERITANCE: accounting in that his Golden Book, any contrary Religion an Abomination: abhorring the disturbance Pa. 6. of the Church peace by bitter Spirits, for matters indifferent even eo nomine, as giving too great an advantage Presat pa. 11. for entry to the Papists by such Division: distwading his Son the Noble young Prince from taking to wife a woman 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 78, 79. of Different Profession, (though his choice should that way be much scanted) forewarning him of the Inconveniences many and dangerous, which would ensue such a match: and withal, both sharply taxing, and with severity disgracing Prefat. pa. 4. etc. the blind zeal and rash Censures of some hot-mouthed Ministers in that Country, who touched him for some few passages in his book, as if his Majesty were either cracked, or cold, or at lest, indifferent in Religion. Finally, imputing it as the gteatest dishonour to Solomon the wisest King THAT his slipperiness and inconstancy; who having served God in his younger days, being advanced to the highest, and honoured with peace, abundance, and all other blessings, most, than most of all failed in his Zeal and Religion, and in this point principally, by admitting a strange worship within his Realm. 1. Reg. 11. 129 Ag●…ine, it must n●…eds be dishonourable for a truly-Religious King, to encertaine that into his Realm, which no Christian Emperor or King, ancient or modern (were he a Prince absolute and hereditary, not elected upon condition, nor enforced by violence, nor wrought upon by fear, nor induced by irreligious Policies) would ever endure, as in Constantine, Theodosius, Gratian, A●…adius, Euseb. de vita Const. l●…b. 3. S●…crat. lib. 5. Cod lib. 1. ●…it. 5 Tul. de legib. lib. 2. Honorius, and others is manifest: yea, which the very Heathens in their Commonwealth would not admit; who enjoined, that none but their Roman God, should be adored, and THEY after no other manner but their own Country fashion; Interdicting any private Shrine, or particular worship Different from their public Order in Religion. 130 Moreover, his majesties Predecessor, a Prince of the weaker Six, being so Resolute, as never to brook it in all her Reign, notwithstanding all the persuasions, ●●p●…ngs, threats, yea Treasonable assaults; not not so much as to hear of any entreaty or treaty tending that way: and yet ruled at home in peace, with comfort and honour, and made her party good with any foreign Opposite whatsoever: If then his Majesty (beholding to no man for the Kingdoms he entered, but God and his Native right) should immediately chop into this public Indulgence, (give it the best name) it might be thought (than which nothing could be more Dishonourable) that HE had for doubt, or fear, or some other circumstance, promised it before his entry; and so did Watson, Digby, and Piercy give it out: and was not that the Height of Pride? even that in the Psalmist, Vt torquem cinxit eos Superbia, ideo iniquitatem in excelso locuti sunt: They did wear PRIDE as a Psal. 73. 6. 8. Chain, therefore they talk wickedness presumptuously. 131 Thirdly, an Height it is of Pride, to presume of that which would be Dangerous to the whole state if it were granted; especially their positions being, first, that as soon as they can get strength, they may break out into Rebellion: Secondly, Creswel in Philop. pa 198 Rannes in Thom. 22. Bellar lib. 5. de Rom. Pontifice that if the Pope command, they must obey, though it be to take a●…mes against their Lawful Sovereign: Thirdly, disclosing what such Tol●…ration would sort unto if they had it, as appeareth by a chief B●…l-weather among them, one Parsons, whose peremptory Resolution was, as the Priests report it, that hearing of Queen Elezabeths' inclination, Qu●…lib. pa. 156. (which was but a false b●…t) to a Toleration (upon the League between France and Spain) he utterly disliked it; & gave his reason, because they would have ALL, OR NONE; they would admit of NO conditions: Fourthly, having such bloody minds, which some of them in words have processed, one of their great Cardinals vaunted that his horse should Cardi. Farnes. Apud. Sl●…id. lib. 7. Swim up to the belly in the blood of the slaughtered Heretics. Make the best of it, the Scripture assureth us, that they will be either, as the Canaanites Whips in the sides, and jos. 23. 11. Thorner in the eyes of the Nation where they are; or (as the Amalekites) take advantage of the feebleness of the Land Deut. 25. 16. when they have espied it. 132 Besides, where the Prince is not loved, the State must needs be in continual hazard: and admit HE. Toleration, adieu his love on each side: the Contrary affected will dislike him, as Different from ●…hem in the main point; they of his Own profession will neglect him for tolerating a Religion so oppos●…e to theirs; so superstitious in itself, so Rebellious in the principles: and no quarrel is so deadly as that which is for Religion (we see the Samaritans could not abide the jews, yet excluded our Saviour, ONLY because his face was toward jerusalem) for, thence do Luc. 9 53. arise distraction of minds; bitterness of speech; plots of treacheries, and mutuali Massacres; and each pa●…e endeavouring to win other to their fashion, would make the Commonwealth, like the dismembered body of Metius, rend & torn between two Carts, driven contrary ways (Auertere omnes à tanta foeditate spectacul●…●…culos, saith Livy) dreadful in itself, and loathsome in view. Decad. 1. 133 Lastly, it is an Extreme HEIGHT of PRIDE to expect that of others, which (to speak in the Prophet's words, (though with more reverence than the jesuite here useth them) if jordanis were conversus retrors●…m, and that Psal 114. the case were theirs, as now, God be thanked it is ours) THEY would not endure to hear of, yea think it impious to ask, and irreligious to grant; that is Stapletons' Prompt Cath●… for 6. post. Pas sion. B●…din. lib. 3. ca 7. ●…ol. opinion, who reviles Bodin in particular, as an enemy to Christianity for maintaining that Liberty. Which they conclude to be the Calamity of a Church, and out of Hillary to be a miserable thing and perilous in a State, where there are as many Faiths as wills, so many Doctrines as Manners; that is the Rhemists' conclusion in their Testament. And Bellarmine spends two whole Chapters in In Ephes. 4. confuting their Arguments, which plead for it, enforcing De ●…icis. cap. 18. 19 it from the example of the jewish Church; grounds of Scripture; practise of Emperors; judgement of Fathers; yea, reason and experience, to be pernicious in any Realm both to Ecclesiastical and Civil state, and dangerous even to themselves, which use that Liberty: breeding in them (for the time) a coldness in their profession, and in the end a Nullity of Faith. Neither is the time long, since that this jesuite himself, among many reasons against this expected Toleration, Quodli. pa: 151. used that for one, that it would make the Catholics in England Dull, and without spirit. 134 Now let the indifferent Reader judge, whether this be not truly called an HEIGHT of PRIDE, in a Company of Fugitives, directly to expect, and assume to themselves, that such a King, desirous in his heart to serve God truly without shrinking or Waue●…ing: settled in mind; resolved in judgement; professing by word, by Oath, by Laws, by ad●…e, would admit either an Alteration total of his inbred Religion, or a partial Toleration of a different Profession: a thing so contrary to God's will; so dishonourable to himself; so dangerous to the State; so condemned in others and denied in them, even by those that request and expect THIS; unless they should think his Majesty to be of the Sultan's mind, to make no other account of Religion, but as a Nosegay or Garden of flowers, the more Variety Cam●…rarius, ex Lewen●…. in Paudect. Tur●…c. of them, the more delightful view, the more pleasant favour. 135 And it seems this jesuite doth so, by the sleight resemblance he maketh, in comparing the Liberty of Conscience, to breathing and using the Common-ayre: as if the King might as safely grant, and they as freely challenge the one as the other. Surely were the Doctrine which they suck, like the Air which they take in, this, first, concocted, and prepared by severing and purging the impurity thereof, before it breed or feed the vital Spirits; so the other, cleansed from the Dregss and corruptions where of it is compounded, the best turned into Nutriment of the Soul, the rest cast out as excrement; the restraint of both were too severe, and this resemblance might carry some sway. But, seeing that both the Principles which are delivered, infect the very Inwards, and they which take Plin. lib. 7. ca 2. them in (like the Psilli in Africa) do contagiously re-infect the very air which they breath with a pestilent Savour of superstition and Disloyalty; alienating the minds of their cohabitants, as well from the true Service of God, as from their duty and allegiance to their Sovereigns; the comparison is unfit, and the restraint different: the use of Common air may be left free, and yet Liberty of Conscience precluded to such infecting Doctrine, and infected spirits. 136 His Recrimination (which is the second shift) is drawn from Domestical and foreign examples. Domestical; first Modern, of those which in matters of Ceremony, and Church government, differ and sever themselves from us: ●…hom, both to curry favour with them, he calleth humble, and to excite envy to us, he termeth Underling Protestant's: two titles, in those men mere contradictory; for neither are they humble because they are Underlings (we see the Bramble and Shrub in the Scriptures, hath as lofty conceits, and more stinging prickles in his low scite, than judge 9 15. the spreading Vine, or the pleasant Fig tree:) neither a●… they Underlings because they are humble; it is only Pride and self conceit (like him in the Prophet, Stand apart, come not nee●…e me, for I am holier than thou) which keeps Fsa. 65. 5. them aloof: It is not the inferior place; or the dejected visage, or the ●…oft voice, or dislike of Prelacy, that denominates humility. To disobey authority, is a greater Pride then to be in place of authority; and therefore he did well to match these humble underlings with his presuming Catholics: for Heresy and Schism to frame the same Plea of Liberty, and claim the same Privileges is neither unusual, nor unprobable: and even this very thing convinceth Him and His of HIGH PRIDE. For if these humble Underlings (as he calls them) dwelling among us, differing in matters Only Ceremonial, are not heard in that their claim of Liber●…e; it is an audacious Boldness for those who in points essential and fundamental are severed from us, to expect that which to them is denied. The truth is, the obstinate Plea of our Reformers for such Liberty, hath been the very life and soul of the heart, and hope of this Presumptuous Expectation in the Romanists; which, by the brotherly and unanimous concurrence of the other with us, had long ago been quelled and crushed. 137 The other part is of Domestical ancient Examples, namely of Lollards and Wicklivists, beating upon that argument; and conspiring against the Prince, upon the Denial. Their Conspiracies, if any such were, (but the contrary is pregnantly proved by Master Fox, who coped Acts & Momus in Hen. 5. with Harpsfield shrouded under the borrowed habit of Allen Cope, in the trial of that point) we defend not: Subjection to Princes we preach; Insurrections we defy: lawful conventions for God's service we allow; mutinous bandings or Conventicles seditious we condemn. To Supplicate unto Princes, and to make friends of the greatest, (with modesty and sobriety) for enjoying a freedom to serve God in that manner, which they are persuaded truly is most conformable to his word, that is allowable: If petitions be denied. Submission with patience is Christian humility, and the evangelical Precept: but with reverated Impudency to press, or vnd●…full terms to threaten, or banded Routs either to enforce a grant, or daunten the Prince, is devilish Pride, and Disloyal Conspiracy. The answer therefore in brief is this: Did they well that claimed this liberty? Why then were they condemned? Did they not well? Why do those Catholics strike upon that string so often, and expect the grant with such confidence? Had the King done well in giving them that Liberty? Than was the Pope to blame, who incited him against them. If he did well to deny them, it is injury (if not impudency) in these Catholics, to crave that for themselves, which they thought fit to be denied to others. 138 The foreign examples, as of the higher Germany in the time of Charles the fifth, and of the Low Countries are no fit precedents for our State: the government of the Emperor being limited and conditional; which he transgressing, they by their Laws and Customs had warrant to oppose, and stand for their impeached Liberty. For every Sleidan. lib. 18. Duke, Landsgrave, and other great men (both Ecclesiastical and Temporal) in Germany, having Regal jurisdiction within their Precincts, it is no marvel, if, to countenance their special Immunities, they strive to maintain their several Religions: for Conformity in Religion will quickly work a Coalition of distinct Regiments. Now what Argument call you this? Several Magistrates in their particular jurisdictions, challenge their liberty of conscience, according to custom anciently continued, and upon conditions mutually and formerly capitulated: therefore Subjects under an absolute Monarchy must Claim it of their Sovereign, and at lest expostul●…e with him if they have it not. 139 Yea, but in Bohemia, Polonia, Hungaria, etc. which are governed by Kings, the like is urged and tolerated. Were the entrance into those Kingdoms, successive, not Elective: or, if by Descent, without conditional restraints, the example were more proper: but it is well known (as it hath been answered) that many of those Kings, willing enough to reduce their Countries to one Profession, have had both their desire and power restrained by the Nobles; and were received of their Commons at their first entry, with that Proviso, that their accustomed Liberty of Conscience be no way prohibited or interrupted. If then they (as Traian the Emperor, when at the admitting of a Praetor, girding his sword, he gave it him with these words, If I rule according to Law, use this FORM: if contrary to Law, use it AGAINST ME) are contented so to Capitulate for maintaining their subjects Liberties, their Allegiance (by their own Law) is no longer tied, than the other Condition is performed. 140 Yet grant they were absolute monarch which either yield or offer such Liberty of Conscience, what's that to his Majesty? who in Cases of Religion takes not men's examples, but God's laws for his Directs: HE knows what Princes aught to do, not regarding what they please to do, being desirous rather to govern by Christian piety, then Irreligious Policy. HE knows it to be observed both by jewish and Christian Divines, that the diversity of Religion Tolerated by King Solomon in Divine worship, was by God required upon his Heir and next Successor, 1. Reg. 12. jure Talionis, by a retaliated division of an unrecoverable rapture in the Civil Government: and therefore how can they, or why should they, Expect or promise' it to themselves from his Majesty? 141 Yes (saith he) first, because HE was FREE from Cruelty and persecution before: that is to say, HIS Majesty is naturally merciful; therefore he must become carelessly Irreligious: for, to licence Idolatry, is to communicate with Impiety. Moses was a very mild man, above all the men that were upon the earth (saith the holy ghost) Numb. 12. 3 yet when he spied a Calse in the Camp, he proclaimed a bloody Massacre, and pronounced the execution to be a Exod. 32. 27. 29. 1. Sam. 2. Consecration. It was not Ely his Clemency, in suffering his sons to profane God's Sacrifice, that could excuse him from a fearful punishment. HIS majesties Song is the same with King David, Mercy and judgement: His eyes to be bend upon the faithful in the Land, that they may Psal. 101. devil with him: but withal, Betimes to root out facientes praevaricationem, & operantes iniquita●…em, both those that under pretence of Religion, fall away Disloyally, and those that Combine together for mischief rebelliously. 142 Secondly, HIS Mother held herself much beholden to Catholics. To the Lay Gentlemen for their Faithfulness and Allegiance she did perhaps; but had She not relied too much upon the Priested sort, her End had not been so sudden nor unkind. This jesuits meaning is (for true love to his Majesty, no doubt) thus to cast salt into his eyes, or to stir revenge in his heart, by the often Repetition of his Royal Mother. In the mean time, is it not a violent presumption upon a valiant ground: The Mother loved Catholics for their dutifulness and Loyalty: Ergo, The Son must give them liberty of Conscience, though defiled with Idolatry against God; and envenomed with Treasonable malice against his Person? Religion is not derived Ex Traduce, it is the infusion of the Spirit, not a conveyance by Descent; it is the instinct of grace, not the instilling of Nature. The Son of There, who was an Idoll-maker, became, and had the name to be a father of the faithful: and the heir of Hezekiah a most religious King, became Rom 4. 2. Reg. 21. a Prince of cruel Idolatry. 143 Thirdly, His Majesty confesseth in his Book, that he found the Catholics party most trusty to him in his other Kingdom. That is not so: His Majesty names Preface. pa. 6 B●…. pa. 34. not Catholics at all; but both, in the Preface, and in the Book itself, professeth that he found non●… so steadfastly to a bide by him in his greatest straits, as they which constantly kept their true Allegiance to his mother. True Subjects withdraw not their Civil Obed●…ence from their Prince, though he be of a different R●…ligion. God hath revealed the one by commandment; he reserves the secret judgement of the other to himself: for it is not Rome's Divinity, but God's Book that makes good Subjects: and ti's very probable, that when his Majesty hath cast up his account of former Disloyalties, he shall find the moderate and Direct Protestant (that inclines neither to right nor left, depends not upon Pope's indulgence, nor pleads for Presbyters Discipline) to be the fast and faithful Subject: THAT Divinity either of Deposing Princes, or surprising their Parsons, or renouncing Allegiance, being found neither in Books, nor practise of any, but such as are either jesuited, or Genevated. 144 Fourthly, his majesties entry to this Realm, was applauded with universal rejoicing. If he had said General, that is, Ex generibus singulorum, that the most of alsorts received HIS Majesty, even as King Solomon, when he was proclaimed, with such shouts of joy, that the earth rang 1. Reg. 1. 40. with the sound of them, it is most true: or if by universal, he meant through the whole Land, and of all truehearted Subjects, it is his majesties comfort, and was no more than their Duty. For how can it be but that the members of the body should express their joy at his access, who is the head of their guidance, and the breath of their Nostrils? but if he take universal for every Subject, howsoever affected; either his speech is not true; or their joy was unsound. For some of them, before ever they had seen his face towards us, were plotting Treasons against him: and others had Breves in their Cabinets, if power had concurred, or occasion fitted, to impeach HIM. So the universal Bishop, (as Antichrist terms himself) was no Party, Greg. Mag. nor Friend in this Universal joy; nor this filius universi, Fa. Parsons, for he in his Viro D●…loso (his Dole-man) had renounced his part in our Sovereign, and pronounced himself elsewhere a Desperate & Forlor●…e Heretic: yea, Dolm. pa. 216 they are his express words, Whosoever shall consent to the succession of a Protestant, is a most grievous and damnable sinner. 145 And that the joy was not universally unfeigned, himself doth implicitè, confess it: for their Rejoicing was (saith he) in hope of LIRERTIE: that's a mercenary respect, no entire joy: for true love seeketh not her own, (saith Saint Paul. Had it been sincere and simple, then (being 1. Cor. 13. commanded) they would perform Obedience; or if crossed, they would submit with patience: for perfect Ibid. Psal. 18. love, neither disdaineth, nor repineth, nor falleth away. But strange Children will fail; David found it by experience; and that was their purpose, as this jesuite purports; for (saith he) they MEANT to serve him faithfully; but now, defeated of their hope, their joy is quailed, and that MEANING altered. 146 The last reason he useth for the ground of this Presumption: is (as Solomon speaketh) carbones ad prunas, Pro 26. 21. a Ball of Wildfire cast in, to set his Majesty and his Engl●…sh Clergy in a mutual combustion; and that by way of Retortion, viz. Why should not the Catholics hope of equal favour from his Majesty with T. M. and his fellows, who having been old enemies, and always borne a hard and hateful hand and tongue against his Majesty, both in Sermons, Books, and speeches, all the time of the late Queen's reign, must now be so privileged. (Nullis meritis praecedentibus) as they will suffer none to be equally preferred with them? 147 This is the devils humour up and down; first, as he is DIABOLUS, a Calumniating forger of malicious Leasings (for there is not one word of all this true) yea, it was the hearty joy of T. M. and his fellows, (we need not be ashamed of our society) in that Orbity and age of our late Sovereign, that there was an HEIR to the Crown apparent, though not by a Declaration, yet, maugre all Opposites (jesuitic all and Infernal) apparent by Devolution, and unavoideable Succession; most sound grounded both in the essential points of Religion●… & royally affected to the outward policy of this Church-government: which joy, so far as without offence they might, they did express. Secondly as he is SATAN, an adversary of Peace, a sour of Discord (whose Kingdom fares best, when there is most distraction, thus to set enmity between the Sword, and the Keys; a Gracious Prince, and his Loyal Clergy: but Apage Satana, saith his Sacred Majesty. Thou perceivest not the things that be of God: for it is HIS property, Psal. 68 to make men to be of one mind in an house: and it is the duty of every true Christian (by the Apostles advise) As much as in him lieth, to have peace with all men; much more to preserve and nourish it between Prince and Subject. Rom. 12. Thirdly as he is LUCIFER, to challenge (as in their Doctrine) God, for heavens inheritance, so (in their Pride) the King for earths preferment, as Debt●…ers to desert. WE in both, pled Grace, and not merit: and the less we have deserved of both, the more we acknowledge God's mercy, and his majesties favour. 148 Preferment of Many is the amplitude of a king's power: the singling out of Some is the Liberty of his choice, and where there is less desert, there Grace is the larger, and the streiter bond to t●…e us more nearly in Love and Loyalty to so gracious a King: not by presumption (challenging a special privilege) nor through Envy repining at other men's advancements: but in dutiful affection and care to keep those farthest from him, whose entertainment into favour would be dangerous to his Majesty, and like to the untamed Heifers, said to their own liking, would soon Gore HIM, that had given them life, and armed them with strength. 149 For had not the truly-affectionate acknowledgement and gratulation, been more entire and sincere from T. M. and his Fellows, than hitherto hath been showed from the Head and Members of the Romish Synagogue, his Majesty, might too justly have said of England, as they did of Canaan, Bonaterra, sed Mala gens, the Land is pleasant and rich, but the people are the Sons of Anak, Monstra Numb. 13. 29 quadam siliorum, not Christians, but Monsters: a Title fitting unthankful men, not for the rarity of the persons, Vers. 35. (there are too many) but for the hugeness of that vice, which comprehends within it all kind of Impiety: Nimis enim durus animus (saith Saint Augustine) Qui dilectionem, Augustin. et si nolebat imp●…ndere, nolit rependere. It is too bad a disposition that will neither afford love, nor requited it; neither offer it with kindness, nor return it with acknowledgement. 150 THIS, because it pleaseth his Majesty to exaggerate, by enumeration of his manifold benefits, and gracious Clemency towards them; both by release from grievances of Purse, of Prison, by access to his presence, by additions of honour, by rescue from death, (though convicted, though sentenced) and many such: thereby to Embroider the Pope's Ingratitude, and to heap coals of fire upon their heads, who had heaped up Coals for Fire to have taken off at ONCE so many heads: how disdainfully this jesuite accounts of the One, and how simply he answereth for the other, will appear as followeth. 151 For first, Numb. 24. in the Margin, he termeth his majesties rehearsal, an EXPROBRATION, which (as was said before) is rather an expostulation for returned unkindness: because to twit unthankful men with recounting the good turns which they have received, is no upbraiding of bitterness, but a necessity of Reproof. Neither is such Enmeration an Advocate to plead for requital, but a looking-glass to present to the parties their own deformitic, and to exhibit to strangers a view of both: jest taking knowledge of disloyal courses enjoined of the one part; and with all, not understanding the benefits bestowed by the other, they might take them to be inforcoments upon hard measure offered, that are truly the issues of corrupt natures ill disposed: and this course God himself took; first, recounting his benefits, then calling Esa. 13. Heaven and earth to witness between him and his people; and lastly m●…ng the parties judges unto themselves of their own unthankfulness, Sapè enim opus est, Esa. 5. 3. Seneca de benes. lib. 7. ca 23 malis Exactore, etiam bonis admonitore: forgetfulness in good men requires admonition, in ill men an exaction, saith Seneca. 152 Secondly, after he hath set down, Number, 24. his majesties particulars of those benefits; he concludes it Numb. 25. with Pilat's Ecce Homo, this jeting scorn, Thus writes THIS MAN. Belike some contemptible fellow of the Plebeian sort; or foam refuse Scribe like unto Fa. Parsons, that Writes he knows not how, nor careth what: yet well far King Saul, though forsaken of God, (when David repeated the kindness which he had showed him in sparing his life, even when the Lord had delivered 1. Sam. 24. 10. etc. him up; and some of his fellows had egged him on to kill Saul; and for an evident token thereof, let him see the skirt of his Garment cut off,) he had the grace (at least the civility) to acknowledge the kindness, not only in good terms, (Is this the voice of my Son David?) but Vers. 17. 18. with a detestation of himself, for dealing so ill with him (thou art more righteous than I:) and also an Obtestation for a blessing from God, The Lordrender thee good, for thy good done to me this day:) but this jesuite comes short even Seneca ubi. supra. of the stoics use, who wisheth benefits to be recorded, and repeated to a forgetful receiver, ut sic nescisse se aut mentiatur, aut doleat, for so he shall eitherlie in denying that he hath received them; or be sorry and grieve, that he did not acknowledge them: for this fellow, his memory being rubbed, denies not the benefits, yet scarcely acknowledgeth them to be benefits, but turns them off with a scornful extenuation, SUCH AS THEY WERE, like enough not worthy the naming: too mean (no doubt) for a King to give; and too base (belike) for such true Subjects, (the Pope's vassals) to receive. 153 Sed Stulto intelligens, quid interest? a Right noble Lord, truly honourable in himself, and sound Loyal to his Sovereign (who knows what belongs to Religion and Duty) after particular Enumeration of the very same with comfort, weighing them in the just Balance of wisdom and thankfulness, acknowledgeth them, for the weight and price, to be Many Talents, and a large portion of grace and bounty. But this is the King's Comes No▪ 〈◊〉 ad Garnet. Agg. 1. 6. Guerdon from UNTHANKFUL WRETCHES, Mercedes locat in pertusum Sacculum (as the Prophet speaketh) that he hath powered his Rewards into a riven bag. 154 But whatsoever they were, small or great, they apper●…eine nothing to the Pope, (saith this his Proctor:) as if the Pope were another Heraclite, that weeps all: Vir magni m●…oris, nullius gaudij; But as if he were of the stoics mind to avow, that Nihil boni à Caesare, the King Arrian. Epict. lib. 4. can bestow nothing worthy HIS account, be it preferment, or Office, or whatsoever. 155 Surely then is the Pope either unnatural; for a true head hath a perfect Sympathy with the members as well for mirth as for grief; to be merry with the joyful, as to weep with the sorrowful (that's Saint Paul's rule:) or Magn●… cum anim●… maeiore etc. Breve. 1. else his grief he speaks of, was but Hiprocrisie, A●…ramentalis, not Mentalis; all his tears turned into Ink, conveyed through a Goose-quill into a paper Breve, never came near his heart, nor were expressed with true affection: for he can never truly grieve in others distress, that will not hearty rejoice in his well doing. The Elder Brother's Luc. 15. sullenness at the youngers' ioy-feast upon his return, argued that his riot and afflictions did little affect him; whereas the Angels double rejoicing at a sinner's recovery, implies their grief to be very great in his former fall. 156 But indeed in the Pope 'tis very Pride: a quality which is ever querulous, repining if in every thing the turn may not at all hands be served; never thankful, as challenging all Courtesies (even of the greatest states,) to be debts of mere duty, & offices of Obliged Allegiance; Sed cesset Gratiarum decursus, si non fuerit recursus (saith Bernara) if the Pope have no more feeling of benefits bestowed Bern. in Cā●…ic. upon his vassals, either they serve a senseless Master; or else good turns (that way conferred) may well be spared. Marry as for the Catholics (saith he) they accept even the lest favour gratefully, hoping to have received much greater, (as due unto them) if his Majesty had not been prevented by Sinister Information. 157 Hear judas is turned into Caiphas, and speaks a truth, as Precedent to the Council for the POWDER-PLOT; the revealing whereof by a Letter unexpected, he cunningly calls a Sinister Information, which indeed prevented his majesty from feeling the event of that dreadful Design; and them also of their greater hopes, which here he calls their DUE, as if ALL but THEY were Usurpers; for had not that prevention happened, the greatest places of the Land (which THEY in hope had swallowed) had been ere now at their disposal; and this Prevention he calls Sinister, as unlucky to them: otherwise he should have said, that his Majesty had further enlarged & continued those favours, but that he was Prevented, not by Sinister Informations of others, as T. M. etc. But by a Dexter combination of themselves, jesuits and Gentlemen; they counciling, these complotting: they concealing, these engining; they absolving, these resolving; all, together vowing and swearing, and sealing with the Sacrament Secrecy and Villainy. And this saith his Majesty was the Labrusca, the sour fruit returned, & the whole recompense that was made, for his former indulgence of Grace and bounty. 158 Which speech, this Miles Gloriosu●… (in disdain) calleth a Calumniation of THIS MAN (as, THIS PUBLICAN, saith the Pharisee) And why a Calumniation? first, in respect of the Time, because there had been Persecution before that treason, namely the pecuniary mulcts imposed in Queen Elizabeth's time, once Remitted by his Majesty, were presently recalled again; the Arrearages exacted, & for levying thereof men's houses ransacked, cattle seized, Rents strained, and Tenants vexed, as in a common spoil and Desolation. 159 Hear are words of a Tumult, or rather a tumult of words, to make a Tragedy of trifles, and a story of Fables, trussed up together like a Mountebanks pack of unsavoury Intelligences, conveyed unto him by some of his Malicious and illuding Agents. But in these cases, other manner of Statesmen, and better acquainted with the course of such proceed are to be heard. First, that the Arrearages of those Mulcts in the Queen's time, being due debts to the Crown, were not wholly remitted; but (which was a principal favour) by a special Commission to Comes Northam. orat. ad Garnet. that purpose directed, Recusants had liberty to compound, almost for what term, and at what rates they might best, and with most ease satisfy. Secondly, that those mean profits which had accrued since the King's time, to his Majesty for their recusancy, were forgiven to the principal Gentlemen, who had both at his Entry, showed so Comes Salisb. orat. ad Digby. much Loyalty, and had kept themselves freefrom all Conspiracies. Thirdly, for the ransacking and the distreyning which he talks of, if it were according to Law, it is warranted; if otherwise, it was punished. For that was a further favour of his Majesty to command that those Officers Comes Northampt. ubi supra should be punished, which made a prey of Penalties, and a pèrsonall private gain by the public justice of the State. 160 But admit it were all true he speaks, (as every word is false) did not the Treasons of your good friends, (Fa. Parsons) Watson and Clerke break out first, and a second Combination (not without a Popish Priest) after that? upon which, some Principal Recusants were sent for, to Hampton Court, and dismissed with the favour before specified? And grant it were before the POWDER CONSPIRACY fell out, it was not before those Traitors fell into it, or another as desperate as that, which was the Preamble unto this. 161 A second reason why he calleth it a Calumniation, is in respect of the effect; Wherein Clemeneie (saith he) is made the cause of that POWDER TREASON, which neither was so, nor can be so; first, because CLEMENCY doth not exasperated men or Beasts; but the Treason was a Plot of MEN PROVOKED. Secondly, no Philosopher in his institution of a commonweal, or security of a Prince, putteth CLEMENCY for a cause of such effects. Thirdly, No examples of any prince who came to disastrous ends, do warrant THAT to be the cause of their violent Deaths, and therefore this is a STRANGE ASSERTION. 162 Is this jesuite a Prevaricator in the cause of those Traitors, or a Proctor for them? For this very same is his majesties argument & aggreevance, that his CLEMENCY should exasperated any to such a Treason, as was Singular from all examples, different from all Instructions of Policy, and degenerate from the nature of Men or Beasts: for in nature, the fierceness of wild Savages, by mild handling jac. 3. is tamed; and in Politikestates, the more certain security to Princes, (for their safety) is by mansuetude and Clemency; Senec de Clem. li. 1. and None but Tyrants are noted for examples of not leaving their lives,— Sine Caede & Sanguine: and therefore Horace. they, who against a moderate Prince should intent so bloody a death, showed themselves to be more undutiful and unnatural then wild men or Beasts. 163 And yet that discontented and Rebellious humours are caused and nourished in some by Clemency, is no strange Assertion, either in Nature or Policy, whether for position or example (as this great Philosopher doth confidently aver it;) for, as in Nature, some vegetable creatures the more tenderly they are touched, the more they will sting (as nettles, which being crushed hard, will reflect no Plut. de discer. adulat. smart:) so in the sensitive, some so fierce, that no discipline (violent or moderate) will cicure them; others so malignant, that the more kindly they are handled, the more currish they are, (as some Dogs, stroke them, they will snarl, strike them they will crouch:) So in Philosophy, the Seneca. rule being general, that Actu●… activorum est in patiense pradisposito, the effect of any active power, is according to the Disposition of the Patient: ask then the Naturalists, they will tell you, that the Sycamore tree, the more it is moistened, Ama●…us I●…it. in Dioscor. the drier it waxeth; that water sprinkled into a Smith's forge, will make the fire burn the more fiercely. Ask the Phys●…ans, and they writ, that what states the stomach of one, will make another to regorge; and that the sweetest honey procures in some the most bitter choler. Go to Gregor. N●…ss. in Ecclesiast. the Oeconomickes, ye shall hear them say, that some Servants accounted their masters lenity but for an Anarcby, & thereupon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so carry themselves, as if Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. they had no Master. And was it not a Father that said to his Son, Malè ●…e do●…uit meafacilitas multa? My lenity hath Terent. taught thee much mischief? Ask the politics, first, Speculative; they say that the gentle disposition of Governors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (if it be always mild and benign) is Clem. Alexan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 10. eftsoons contemned; and Contempt is the Mother of disloyalty. Secondly Practic; begin with heaven, and the King thereof (who among the Heathen is called Regnator Senec. Tacitus Psal. 78. 34. Polls) what found he? When HE SLEW them, they sought him, and returned early and inquired after God: but when they had QVAILES to the full, and MANNA with Satiety, than they repined and tempted him most. Come to Kings on earth; first, jewish; David in his own person Pro amore meo aduersa●… sunt mihi: For my friendship (saith Psal. 109. 4. 5. he) they were mine Adversaries, and returned me hatred for my good will: and in the person of Christ, (as S. Augustine applies it) because our Saviour (saith he) in the depth of his benignity, rendered good for evil; therefore they in August. in eum locum. the height of their maliguitie, would tender him evil for good. Secondly, Kings Christian; Berengarius the Emperor had no such Treacherous enemy as Flambertus, Cuspinian. in berengar. whom he highly advanced, and entirely used in his Secrecies of State and Familiarity: yet the story saith, that the more kind the Emperor was, and professed himself unto him, Eô magis aestuaret innocentem tollere Regem: for some Seas will boil and rage, even in the greatest Calm. 164 Not to fetch examples far; Our Gracious Sovereign, in all the Realms which HE enjoyeth; hath found it too true, by an over-deere bought experience, as his self confesseth. For Scotland, hear his Majesty speak: I thought by being GRACIOUS at the beginning, to win all men's hearts to a loving and willing Obedience: but by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pa. 32. contrary, I found the disorder of the Country, and the loss of my thanks to be all my Reward. For England, the fact itself shall speak, viz. the jesuits Crying Sin, out of the Vault of Powder and Iron, hatched in the lake of Fire and Brimstone: Whence arose those Devilish and destroying thoughts? As the Lord pleaded with Israel, so might his Majesty with those Catholics: O my people, what have I Mich. 6. 3. done unto thee, or wherein have I grieved thee? Testify against me. Is it because I eased you of your Fines and Amerciaments? or that I sent you with life and limb out of the Land? or, that I made no distinction in access to my presence, of Tro●…an or Tyrian, of Hebrew or Egyptian? or, that I honoured you with favours and advancements equally with others? or, for which of my Good Deeds would you have thus stoned me? For no unkindness can you lay against me, but that I have not been at all Unkind. For Ireland, let the Rebel himself speak; What hard measure felt Tirone from his Sacred Majesty? unless admittance to personal speech, gracing with favours, granting him immunities, pardoning him Treasons, giving him his life, which now breatheth NEW Conspiracies be an Exasperation, or provoke discontent. 165 And therefore, that there should be so bad dispositions, in which Clemency (so gracious a virtue) should work so graceless fruits, argues a Strange affection: but that Clemency should exasperated some natures to disloyalty, is no such Strange Assertion in Philosophy, either human or divine; no more than that the same suns heat should exhale a fragrant favour out of the flowers in the field, and a loathsome stench from a dead Corpse in the same Champion. For sore eyes will smart in that light, whereby the sound eye receives the help and comfort: Is't is adiumentum, illis tormentum, saith S. Augustine. And August. contra. Crescon. lib. 10. in Divinity, S. Paul found the same Doctrine to work the savour of life in some, which wrought in others the savour 2. Cor. 2. 16. of Death; not intentionately from the Subject, but occasionately by the vice of the Object. For the preaching of the Cross, to them which Perish, is folly, but to them which are 1. Cor. 1. saved the power of God. Truth to beget hatred, is the Poet's Terent. Gal. 4. speech, and the Apostles experiment: and Lenity to exasperated some natures is no strange thing, either in Philosophy, or to Magistracy: which, our Dread Sovereign, being both a Philosopher, and a Magistrate, (that's our happiness) doth know in his Learning, and hath felt in his Government to be too true. And therefore we will close up this point with the jesuits own words elsewhere: But his Majesty is wise, and will (as we hope) according to his Numb. 24. prudence, in time, look into THIS SORT of men, and discern to avoid such manner of dispositions: well knowing, that Wasps, if they be not strongly repelled with the Bees sting, will possess their hi●…s, suck their Combs dry, and Plut. de disce●…i. adulat. their bodies dead. 166 Now let us proceed (saith he, Numb. 28.) that is, let us return to show, that as there were (before the POW DER TREASON) persecutions for spoil, so also by searches of houses; whereof some were so violent and inhuman, that Gentlewomen were forced out of their Beds to be ransacked for Crucifixes, etc. (Me●…rane showeth of a Cloistered Priest in the Low Countries, that forced men's Histor. Belg. l. 8 wives out of their beds in a more beastly sort, so to make them right Catholics, that is Common-woomen:) some so felonious, that a friend of his was bereaved of a silver Cup (no Chalice,) only because it had the name of jesus graven on it. 167 Many thieves use to rob with Ch●…lures and false beards, because they would not be descried; and jesuits will huddle stories, but conceal names, jest their credit should be hazarded. That Malefactors, either for acts unlawful committed, or public Edicts contemned, should be pursued to their holds, and fetched out of their houses, yea, some sort to be plucked even from the horns of the Altar, is justifiable both by God's book, and man's Law; and principally such as seduce Liege people, stealing their souls from God, and their hearts from their Sovereign: yea, and if Achan have any thing execrably consecrated, his Tent must be searched, and the Babylonish garment, with the Wedge of Gold, and the shekels of silver josh. 7. (though hid in the midst of the Tent, and in the bowels of the earth) must be ransacked, digged out, and confiscate, either to public de facing, or utter demolishing. For the Cup he speaks of, if it were a Chalice hallowed for the Mass, it was forfeited by Law either as Corah his Cénse●…, (to be translated to right holy use) or as the Brazen Serpent, to be accounted Nehushtan, and trampled as a piece Numb. 16. o●… brasle, or refuse Silver: and it is probable it was so, by that inscription of jesus, which upon profane vessels (for common use) either is not usually, or should not at all be charactered. For if the Heathen reputed it an indig nity to the Emperor, that any should Principis imaginem obscoenis infer, stamp the Prince's image upon homely utensils; Christians should be more religious then to engrave Seneca. our Saviour his holy name upon Quaffing-Cups: but this is a story out of Lucian's Icaromenippus, told out of the Clouds; for had he named the party, he had uncased himself ●…o the world, to appear (as he is indeed) a mere falsary. 168 From Searches of Houses, he comes, Num. 29. to Imprisonments, and condemnation to death of many Catholics. And the whole great number of those Many, were but two executed, a Priest and his Recepter: the rest that were sentenced, but four or five pardoned, and sent to Wisbitch, where in their ret●…red ease, and full diet, they might cry heu quanta patimur? and for what cause? for coming into England to exercise their function (saith he) against the Statutes of Queen Elizabeth; and after his majesties Proclamation, and for seducing the King's people he should have added. As if, either a Statute of a Land with the Prince's death were annulled, which is not Epist. 16●…. so, saith S. Augustine, for though Constantine be dead, yet the judgement given against you by Constantine liveth: or, if in force, that the breach of Statutes enacted, and contempt of King's Edicts proclaimed, were either a Peccadilio, or no sin at all, Sauls Edict, transgressed by jonathan, neither God himself (as it seems) took well, nor the King would be satisfied for the transgression, but by 1. Sam. 14. 27. etc. allotting to Death his own son. And what was the offence? casting of an honeycomb, contrary to command. Christian Princes and States, for their security, enact Laws, and promulge Decrees, in cases of higher nature; by abandoning Seducers to Idolatry, and Persuaders to Disloyalty; contempt and breach of both ensueth, and the punishment upon the Transgressor's must be entitled Persecution. The Bishop of Rome his Breves to interdict Allegiance, must, upon dreadful Censures (without contradiction) be obeyed. The Monarch of great Britain his Proclamations, to disburden his Realm of a VIPEROUS BROOD, must be either calumniated, or sans-punie transgressed. Whereas Divinity teacheth Christians, that Princes Edists (not made against Christ) are propounded to alacrity of subjection, not variety of construction, much less to contempt by violation. When Emperors hold the truth (saith Saint Augustine) they command for truth; which whosoever despiseth, purchaseth to himself judgement. Vbisupra. 169 In the next Section, after mention of one Wildborne executed at York (belike for Rebellious and Traitorous speeches) he saith, for persuading a certain woman to be a Catholic: (not utterly untrue, for the Law punisheth even that by Death, because to be their Catholic, is to be disloyal) and Mistress Shelley her Imprisonment (for receiving a Priest, contrary to Law and his majesties prohibition (and the condemning to death) but not executing (one Tempest) whom here he calls a Gentlemen; but the time was when the jesuits handled him very ungently, and so Tempestuously, that he confessed, He neither would nor should like of that Society to death, knowing their tyranny Quodli. pa. 84. and exteame cruelty to pass all measure, against whomsoever they powered out their wrath:) at last, he much bemoaneth Master Pound (one of their Pillory Confessors, as in the star-chamber he was sentenced, to loss of ears, and open shame) being a Libeler, and Slanderer of the State (HE calls it his complaining of hard measure against Catholics.) So that the Censure for that Sin, which S. Jude concludes within Blasphemy, Dominationem spernunt, Maiestatem Verse 8. autem blasphemant: They despise Rulers, and speak evil of those that be in authority: which S. james avers to be Atheism, at lest to be Irreligious Hypocrisy: If any man among you seemeth to be Religious, and REFRAINETH jac. 1. 26. NOT HIS TONGVE, that man's Religion is vain; This Arch-divine calls it CRUELTY in the judges, and an HONOUR from God to the Libeler, whom he styles with Bedaes' Epithere, A VENERABLE GENTLEMAN; The Scripture terms his fellow Shemei, A dead Dog. But doth not this fellow complain 2. Sam. 16. 9 of ease? For Pound (notwithstanding the Censure of that High Court, and this foul crime) was ficed by his Majesty from the corporal punishment; and no penny is yet demanded of the Fine by Sentence imposed. 170 In Numb. 31. (which is the next) he passeth over (as he saith) Hereford and Lancashire Persecutions. A transition of that, which because it is not at all, he letteth go; for had there been any such thing, he that so rhetorically bewails the Calamity of Shuttles children in Oxford (who had none, or but one at most then alive) is neither so meale-mouthed to conceal them in silence, nor so briefly styled to pass them over with sleightness. 171 But there is one horrible Persecution that strikes him into an agony, which, as if he were Carrying the Cross with Simon of Cyren, he calleth a New ANG ARIOSTO ATION, THAN first brought up; namely, that men should be bound to pay for their WIFE'S recusancy. The remedy is easy: let them garre there Wives to frequent the Church, and then they shall not be Angariated in their purse; otherwise it stands with reason and Religion, that they should be So punished: for either they are their w●…es heads, and so can command their obedience to the Laws of the Church; or else they are Underlings, and count●…mastred by them, and then are they justly punished in sust ring their wives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to carry a sway over them, which S. Paul permits not in a peremptory denial. Were their Wines Recusants 1. Tim. 1. 12. before they took them? They deserved to be mulcted for their bad choice. Prove they so afterward? They deserve it (much rather) for their careless regard. And if the Lacedæmonians set a great fine upon their King, for taking a little woman to his Queen, giving the reason, that she Plutar. would bring forth Regulos, not Reges Kinglings, not Kings; much more are such to be punished for taking or suffering their wives Recusants, in respect of the hereditary danger. For Men have not those insinnating means, to seduce others to their Superstition, as Women have; especially, the Mother's Religion is (for the most part) derived to the Children, because to Her the principal care of their Education is committed. We see it in jehoram the Son of 2. Reg. 9, 22. jezabel. 172 But was this Mulct enacted in the Queen's time? as it was indeed? Than doth Parsons calumniate the King's government in calling it a NEW Pressure Was it enacted, but not exacted before? Than, it being such an Angariation, he doth contradict nimselfes; for so maketh he his majesties hand heavier than Queen Elizabeth's, which afore he denied. Howsoever if pa●…ting with a piece of money be such a Pressure to the husband for the wives wilfulness, what a miserable Pressing Cruelty was that to burn a woman great with Child, which opening the womb in the totments, and coming forth, was Angariated and thrown back in to the fire, to be consumed with the Mother? 173 An other Persecution follows, His Majesty re●…ected the Petition of the Catholics, in writing for Toleration; and Mitigation of Calamities. This, indeed, is a new kind of pressure; an Insolent Petition is offered; the first request whereof is (as before was said) Impious against God, dishonourable to his Majesty, and injurious to the State; his Majesty denies it, that's a Persecution. Than were all the Christian Emperors Persecutors, who forbade either public Vide Codicem place, or private house for assembly of Heretics; and Saint Ambrose was either a spiritual Persecutor, or an insolènt Rebel, Ep. lib. 5. orat. contra, Auxen. that would not yield to Valentinians request, by delivering up a Church in Milan for the Arrians resort: The second part thereof, A motion for mitigating of Penalties; and themselves in the mean time, neither slake instigating of Treasons; nor obey Laws; neither will leave the Land with Licence, nor live in it with obedience; nor give pledge of their allegiance. It is a cruel pity which procures hazard to the King's safety. 174 Yea, but this Petition was answered by a Minister with contempt Answering of a Libel (for it was no better) complaining of grievances when there is none; or if any, forced by their own Misdemeanour upon themselves, (Nostris demerit is punimur, the Fault is not in her Majesty. nor her Council, nor the Civil Magistrate, but in ourselves, Quodlib. pa. 164. say the Priests:) The answering, I say, of such a Libel, is it an Angariation? 'tis so verily, to them which make no conscience what they writ; for to have either their weakness discovered, or their falsities recounted, or their wickedness displa●…d, is a sore Pressure. He that evil doth, flieth the joh. 3. 20. trial of the Light (saith our Saviour) jest his deeds should be repro●…ed: not greater vexation can betide a strumpet, then to be v●…ask't of her vizard, and to have her painting wi●…ed from her riveled brow●… & wan-worn cheeks. The ●…thers never refused such Combats, nor accounted them Pressures: yea rather provoked such conflicts, as e●…●…th. I●… the contempt and insulting in the answer, were the grievance, it need not strike deep; for as long as one Parsons lineth, the world shall want neither Contemptuous nor Contemptible; neither insulse nor insulting, either Pamphlets or Replies. 175 Yet another Persecution; His Majesty yielded to a Conference between Protestants and Puritans, concerning Differences of Religion; to Catholics none at all. It is a strange humour, that this Epistlor hath; if he say truth he lies. It is true, there was a Conference; but about difference in Religion, it is utterly false. Feign they would possess the world, that we are at jar among ourselves, about our Religion; whereas the Quarrel, though it be (indeed) unkind, yet it is not in this kind; save only for Ceremonies external, no points substantial (for those are the jars of Popish writers.) This difference about things indifferent, his Majesty desirous to reconcile, that as in the substance there was an Unity, so in the circumstances there might be an uniformity, vouchsafed his Princely pains to moderate and mediate. 176 And Why not the Catholics obtain the like favour? First their opinions touch the very Heads and foundation of Religion; in the truth whereof, his Majesty knowing good reason for himself to be so firmly settled, and finding this Realm so truly grounded, that being perfect in all the Arguments of the adverse part, and thoroughly understanding the weakness of them, he held it both unsafe and unnecessary. For if the rule be true in Architecture, a Corner stone, (though somewhat amiss laid) is not to be stirred; much less Religion, being thoroughly well placed, and so having long continued, is to be disputed. Secondly, Puritans, though they have peenish minds, and refractory against the Laws for Ceremoni●…s, yet they have no bloody hears to his Majesty; at lest no such overtures for action doc appear: Papists have, which they could not conceal, even in their Petition: where they wished his Majesty as great a Saint in heaven, as he is a King upon Earth; Gladly they would be rid of him: which way they care not, so he were not here; by Fire from Heaven or Hell, the Jesuits care not how, say the Priests; and therefore took order to h●…rle him hence by Garnet, and Vaux their Quodlib. pa. 224. Whirl wind in a Chariot of Fire. Thirdly, did those great and Princely pains his Majesty took with the Puritans, work a general comformitie? with the judicious and discreet it did, but the rest grew more awkward and violent: the like or worse issue would have ensued the other Conference; for after all pains taken and arguments pressed, Ca 17. 5. quis who must be Judge to determine? Deiu noster Papa; for to doubt of that, is a Sacrilege saith Gratian; and then, if HE a ward not for his own emolument (being in his own Element (he hath left his old wont, as King Henry the eight Sleid. lib. 11. wrote to one of his predecessors. 177 Neither yet do Persecutions cease; but Num. 32. Which was a greater vexation, his Majesty confirmed all that heap of Constitutions and Canons made by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Bishop of London. It was a good Argument of Christ's integrity, that Saducees and Pharisees, (each opposite to other in Capital points of Religion) should both of them carry dislike of our Saviour, Math. 22. and combine against him▪ and it maketh much for the credit of those Canons, that Papists and Puritans (so severed in opinions) should both conjoin in the reproof of them. Wherein then lieth the Vexation? in the sharpness of the Censure annexed thereto? First, that argues the Corruptness at the heart in Catholics, and the excellency of the Constitutions, as Saint Paul argueth for Gods Law. For the Rom. 7. Commandment is just and good in itself, but it works fear, and anguish, and death in the corrupt nature of the disobedient. Wilt thou therefore not fear? do well and obey. Secondly in the sto●…e Conciliable and conventicle of Trent, every Canon against the truth, is brandished with the thunderbolt of an Anathema; a lawful Synod assembled for Truth may more justly arm her Constitutions with sharp Censures and fevere. Or is the Confirming of them by his Majesty the Corrosive that frets this Vicer?. yea, ●…inc. ill●… Lacri●…ae, there's the gr●…euance indee●…, for thereby doth his 〈◊〉 sh●…w, and the Church ac knowledge his Supreme moderation and power in causes Ecclesiastical: which the Pope's no●…able, either to regorge, o●… digest, it vexeth them into tha●… disentery, from whence proceed those purulen●… excretions, and bloody egestions of Bulls and Breves, of Excommunications and Interdictions. But in sooth who should comfirme them but the King, according to the examples of all the Emperor's Christian in th●… primitive Church? by whose command the Synod was convented; by whose Leave, Liberty to consult, and power to Constitute was granted, and under whose authority (derived to subordinate Magistrates) the breach or contempt is to be Censured. 178 last to make up a whole decade of Persecutions two more dreadful are added: The Lord chancellors speech 〈◊〉 the star-chamber, and the Bishop of London, (D. Vaughan) his Sermon at Paul's Cross, both tending to take all hold from Catholics of any the lest favour, and the former, expressly charging the judges to search for them, and punish them, (but he should have added the reason, his majesties resolution upon the pr●…eding ●…solencie and treacheri●… of the Papists), and upon these speeches proceeds the Powder plot (saith he) of these Gentle●…; that is to say, the Pyoneiss were digging at the W●…es before Christmas; the Vault●… (as more convenient) wa●… hy●…d, and th●… POWDE●…, conveyed into it before ●…er, the spe●… and Sermon were made, the one in june, the other in August following, and yet the POWDER TRAITORS fell into that project after them both; Mendacem op●…rtet esse memorem, and such is the best answer for that point. 179 Now hear this Conclusion, Numb. 33. To say then that it is a main untruth, & can never be proved that any persecution hath been in his said majesties government; or that any ●…re, or are put to death, or punished, for cause of Con●…cience (which, if it were uttered in the Indieses, or many miles from England, might perhaps be believed) but to aver such a thing in print, in England, where all men's eyes and ears are open to the contrary, is a STRANGE BOLDNESS. 180 Not sooner had Eve conference with the Serpent, but presently she learned a trick of Adding to the Text. God had said, You shall die; she put in Jest perhaps you die: Gen. 2. 17. & 3. 3. with that Serpent's ●…sse hath this Viper been instructed to do the like. His Majesty said, It can never be proved that any were, or are put to death; he puts in [or punished:] yet if his Majesty had said so, he had spoken no more than truth; for their punishments are not inflicted for their Conscience, or opinions of Religion, but for their wilful d●…sobedience to the laws of the Land, wherein they live; and to which implicitè, as by Proxy, they have given their consent: for being Civil members of one and the same Body, as natural Subjects to one King, what is concluded 〈◊〉 the Representative Body in Parliament, they (though absent) do assent unto it. 181. But the main untruth, whereof his Majesty spoke, is the challenge of Persecution to DEATH for Religion, which in sincerity and Christian confidence may be averred and justified in the Eyes and Ears of all England for an uncontrollable assertion: for howsoever both the Priests afore named, and after mentioned in this Section, as Dru●…y, Flathers, Geruis, with their Receipters, were Papists or Catholics (so falsely called) yet for their opinions they were not executed, not nor questioned: and though they died Papists, yet they died not for Popery, no more than Shemei did for his railing tongue; for their case (in this kind, for Execution) is in a manner the same with His. 182. Shemei was at King Salomons mercy; for though 1. Reg. 2 9 King David had pardoned him for his own time, yet he jest him to his son with Injunction for his Death: they for breach of the Law, were in the King's mercy for their lives: for though the Queen were dead, yet the Law h●…ld them Guilty. King Solomon in favour spared Shemei his Blood, but, by his Prerogative Royal, confined him to jerusalem: Verse 36. Our Sovereign, of mere grace, remitted to them their lives, and by his Proclamation exiled them the Land. Death is the Penalty to Shemei, if he pass over the River; the same is their punishment, if they pass the Seas hither: Shemei transgresseth in seeking his runaway beyond the Verse 40. River; and his contempt is punished according to the Sentence: they return hither, to make Runaways or Rebels; Execution is performed according to Law. It is not Shemei his railing (for King David had pardoned it simply, and King Solomon conditionally) but his breach of Covenant that caused his Death: it is not their Religion (which is not once called into question) but their Contempt of Laws and Edicts, which puts an End to their lives. 183. As for telling tales in the Indieses, that is proprium quarto modo to the jesuits, who make it a principal part of their profession to win credit to their Society by Indian Fables. Were it not for Congo, or Cochachine, or japonia, or the Maluchees, or other part of the Indieses, East or West, Bozius had lost that sign of the true Church, and Xaverius, Lib. 5. cap. 2. de fignis. Valentia, Bertrandus, and many a strange jesuite, had never been worthy the naming. The Hebrew women are not as the women of Egypt, said the Midwives to Pharaoh, for they are lively, and are delivered ere the Midwife come Exod. 1. 19 at them: so belike it is with the Indian jesuits and Converts; they are more nimble at a Miracle (both actively and passively) than the Christians of these parts, Sacred or Lay. There it is but saying a Mass, and a dead man shall start up to life, though he be dead Seven days: Lay but S. john's Gospel, there, upon a woman's breast, the Devil shall fly from the possessed, as if he were shot out of a Gun. 'Tis Vide B●…zium. but carrying a Standard of the Cross, and an Army of horsemen, all in glittering harness, shall appear, whose Armour shall dazzle the eyes, and number strike terror to the hearts of the adverse part: Elizeus his mountain of 2. Reg. 6. 17. Horses, and Chariots of fire are not to be compared thereto. 184. Either our English jesuits are but dullards, or our Soil is not capable of Miracles: else why did not Garnet, Hall, Greenwell, Gerrard, and the rest (which were indeed Portenta virorum, Miracles among men, for their strange villainy; but 〈◊〉 Portentorum, Miracle-workers they were not:) why, I say, did not they show any miracle among us? Certainly, if the Provincial had had the Indian trick, or that our Parlament-house had stood in Congo, we should have heard from thence, that such a house had been pus●…'t up with a trice, upon the Mass or Orison of a jesuite: for in Molucca, a jesuite fetched down fiery stones from Heaven, raked up trees by the roots, filled Bozius, ubi su●…ra. up streets with s●…ones and ashes, raised a Lake so high, and made it rage so strong, that it swept away all the houses at once. It were best therefore to sand Fa. Parsons to the Indieses, were it but to work One Miracle, that is, to make HIMSELF an honest man; for, to report in England that He is so, in the Eyes and Ears of so many that are witnesses to the contrary, that read his railing Libels, know his Traitorous Conspiracies, and discern his Devilish Atheisms (so the Priests writ of him) were a Strange Boldness indeed: but to say that no Romish Priest, or Popishly affected Lay-man is put to Death for his Conscience, may, for the fame thereof, ●…ee proclaimed in India, and all the world thorough; and for the truth thereof, is and shall be avouched in the most public places (whether Pulpits for Divinity, or Seats of judgement) in the heart of England. Impudency may frame Libels to the contrary, but Truth is mighty; the Evidences demonstrative, and will prevail. 185. But to confute the Assertion, he, first, names the two Statutes, 4. and 5. in the third year of his majesties reign, more severe against Catholic Recusants for their mere Conscience, then against any one sort of Malefactors or wickedmen before. Secondly, he brings the Examples of three Priests to whom Death was less grievous that died expres●… for refusing this Oath, which is a persecution for Conscience, valesse it will be said, that the Oath hath no matter of Conscience in it, for a Catholic man to receive. 186. It is a question whether this jesuite hath less Logic or honesty, his arguing is so absurd, his dealing so unsound. His Majesty frees himself from Persecution, o●… doing any to Death for his Conscience, BEFORE the POWDER-TREASON; he fetcheth in Statutes and Executions SINCE that villainy was discovered. But for the Statutes severity, if more sharp than before, it is but according to the Proverb, Termerium malum, like malady, Plat. Thes. like remedy: for if Plato accounted Treason against the Prince, equal with Sacrilege against God, not only the De leg lib. 9 Actors in the Fact, but the Seedesmen of such doctrine, are to be met withal by more than Ordinary justice: Celeri Valer. Max. lib. 9 Dion li. 52. poena (saith one) by a present dispatch: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith another) as in heat of war, and havoc of enemies, as by Martial Law: for no Execution can be invented too Exquisite or speedy, for such wickedness, saith a third: God Cicer. Ca●…il. 4. himself taking that course against a strange Rebellion, not to bring an Ordinary Visitation, but to make a NEW punishment Numb. 16. 30. upon the earth: Schools defining it, that an accustomed sin, to which any Nation or People is most inclinable, Aquin. 22. q. 39 art 2. E●… 4. 15. is to be provided for more severely, especially if it be V●…bs Rebellis, & nocens Regibus, as they apply that place in Ezra, which is the very case in hand. For besides the dangerous Theorems and Positions which their Writers (especially our Englishmen) set down for Principles (their Archpriest confesseth, that his heart is wounded to read them) their continual practice is all for Rebellion: the said Blackwell professing, that many youths are sent over daily, and they (by Confess at large, page 134. 143. virtue of their Oath) bond to draw men's Obedience from their King: and therefore the conclusion in Schools is, by the example of Corah, with the rest, not submitting themselves to Moses his government, that the Censure for such offenders, must be incons●…ta poena. And yet in the Statutes Aquin. ubi supra. which he mentioneth, there is neither New, nor Strange, nor Rigorous punishment; but a reviuall of certain Statutes before enacted, and all grounded upon the ancient Laws of the Land, made 200. years since, in the times of Edward the Third, and Richard the Second. 187. In the examples of Priests executed, he shows himself to be that same Turpissima Bestia, a practised Aequivocator: They died EXPRESSLY (saith he) for not taking the OATH: which in some sense is true, because they were sentenced to death for being in the Land, contrary to Law and the King's Edict: their life was offered them, if they would take the Oath: Drury at first accepted the condition, afterwards refused it; the other would none, unless he might do it privately, remotis Testibus, that so he might moresafely deny it afterward: upon this they were executed: which convinceth them of a double crime: first, Contempt of his majesties Laws, to return or abide in the Land, contrary to the same: Secondly, Obstinacy, in refusing such gracious Favour offered upon so reasonable terms, to take an Oath whereby they should Only manifest their trusty and un-treasonable Allegiance to his Majesty. So that they died Refusing the OATH: but that they EXPRESSLY died for Refusing it, that's false: the Sentence of death was passed upon them before the mutual offer, or refusal. Which Offer, as on his majesties behalf, it expresseth a singular Indulgence, and tender desire to spare-Blood; so is it an exact Trial of their Allegiance, whereby the King may see, whether (as the Philosopher speaketh) though they be Parum Sani, they be, notwithstanding, Seneca. Sanabilis ingeni●…; that albeit in Lurking here they have been undutiful, yet whether there may be hope that they will be Sound at the Heart towards HIM. Neither is the case any other, then if a Woman, false to her husband for his bed, and withal attempting the poisoning of him (being convict and condemned for the crime of Poisoning) were offered her pardon, conditionally, that she would swear, for ever after, to keep herself honest, and alone to her husband; she refuseth it, and is executed; it is true that she dieth renouncing the Condition, but not for renouncing it; her judgement for death was passed before upon the criminal attempt. 188. But the Preamble to the examples is worthy the noting; for what he sets down as a Triumphant Garland to the offenders, Death (saith he) is less grievous unto many of them, than the other Persecutions (how many and grievous they were, he did before enlarge) is a stain to their Profession, and may be a Caneat to his Majesty; it being a mark rather of desperate Pagans', than Consecrated Priests: for S. Paul, though professing his resolution in Cupiodissolui, (arguing his desire to be loosed hence, and to be with Christ) yet when his death was vowed by the 〈◊〉. 1. jews, he avoided it by information; and when he seared it at the bench, he prolonged it by Appeal; and being hard set Act. 23. 17. Act. 25. 10. at Rome, after his escape, he acknowledged it with thanks, and accounted it a riddance from the Lion's jaws: so far 2. Tim. 4. 17. was he from rushing into the breach of any Nationall Law, to hasten his death. A Caveat it may be to his Majesty: for the saying of the Philosopher is very true: Vitae tuae Dominus est, quisquis suam contempsit: He that is prodigal of Seneca. his o●…ne life, cares not whose blood he spills to achieve his desires. And Parsons himself hath confessed in a Letter of his, that it is justly suspected that many Catholic Martyrs suffer in England, not SO MUCH for VIRTUE and Quodli. p. 129. LOVE to God, as of CHOLER and OBSTINATE will to CONTRADICT Magistrates. What will they do now, when by the Pope's Breve they are armed with Contradiction? which, if it procure due punishment upon them (as his Majesty hath well forewarned) let their Blood alight upon the Pope's head, as the principal cause. 189. Which speech after he hath, Num. 34. with his viperous Gloss, varied into these phrases, [He insinuates, and expressly threatens, that there may chance to be a greater persecution, and more abundant shedding of Blood, which must alight upon the Pope's head] he applieth it two ways: One is, a Taxation of his majesties cruelty, as expressing hereby his desire to Ingolph himself in the effusion of Catholics Blood; and also his Hypocrisy, shrouding his injurious cruelty, either under the name of justice, or under pretence of the Pope's intermeddling: the other application is by way of comfort to the Catholics. 190. If I will that he tarry till I come, saith our Saviour, joh. 21. 22. concerning Saint john, what is that to thee? Upon this was bruited the report, that the Evangelist should not die. Mistaking, both breeds and spreads misreports: if ignorantly, it is a pardonable error; if wilfully, it is a palpable dishonesty: which is the very case of this jesuite here. He hath laboured long to no purpose, to prove his Majesty a Persecutor; now out of the Kings own words, he would feign make him a Blood-goloser: and to effect that, he turns a Gracious Premonition into an express Commination; a supposed occasion into a Positive conclusion; a due punishment by justice, into Cruelty by Persecution; and the true cause, into a veil of pretence. For his majesties speech is this: It can never be proved that any are, or were put to death for case of Conscience, except that now this DISCHARGE given by the Pope, be the CAUSE of the DUE punishment of many: which is as much as if his Majesty should say, I am so far from executing any for their Religion or Conscience, that I have been content to wink at their Breach of my Command, and their contempt of Law, assuring myself heretofore of their Loyalty: but now, if I, through favour, suffer them in my Realm, and the POPE, by WARRANT, forbidden them to give me security of my state, so that they shall neither yield Obedience to Statute, nor give pledge of their Allegiance: If I be not secured, the Law shall be executed: who then cause that, and must answer for this blood but the Pope? whose Breves they now make the only Allegation for their refusal? Is not the Devil therefore truly called the Murderer of mankind, because by his insinuating dis●…asion joh. 8. 42. from obedience, he brought death to the world? which is the very case between the OATH and the BREVES, his Majesty and the Pope. 191. It concerns the Policy of the Land, and the King's safety, to exact their Allegiance: it stands with their duty to perform it: they are willing, the Pope forbids them: their Refusal draws on punishment for their former breach of Law: where's the cause? Partly in themselves, dispositiuè, who are naturally inclined (at lest radically instructed) to disobedience: but in the Pope Consummatiuè, who, like Balaam, puts a stumbling block in their way, Apoc●… 14. that is, arms them with authority to disobey: Now causa causae est causacansatis, say the Schools: He that caused sin, caused Death for sin. In the Revelation, the third Apoc, 8. 10. 11 part of the Waters became Wormwood, and many men died of the Waters, because they were made Bitter: bitterness caused death, but whence came the Bitterness? from the STAR that fell into the Waters, called by the name of WORMWOOD: a perfect Resemblance of the Pope's Breves: the Rebellious disloyalty of the Catholics hastened their ends; the Pope's Breves nourisheth it in them, and hardeneth them in it: there's the Coloquintida that hath brought death into the pot. 192. His Comfort to the Catholics followeth; First, in a general Theorem, that no suffering is so honourable as that which cometh with a dishonourable title: So Christ suffered as a disloyal person and a deceiver: So Paul as a disturber. First, that's not simply true; for the ignominy of the title adds nothing to the Honour of the passion, unless the cause be goo●…, and the party innocent, either from the just imputation, or the violent presumption of deserving that title; for good Subjects (like Caesar's wise) must be careful, not only to be free from the fact, but from the occasion also that might Sueton. jul. give suspicion of the fact: and that was our saviours case, who both preached obedience to Caesar in his Doctrine, and performed it in paying Tribute. 193. But what's this to the Catholics? yes, saith he, Mat. 22. & 17. (that's his particular comfort) They suffer for the false Imputation of Civil Disloyalty, whereas it is indeed for their Roligion and loyalty to God their eternal Prince. This is that which they call in Schools begging of the cause, Petitio principis; he resumes the case which is in question between us, fond supposing that either the Statutes in that case are against Religion, which are for the Prince's safety, and the State's security; or that the Oath impeacheth the Pope's Spiritual jurisdiction; both which we deny: and neither he, nor any of theirs shall ever be able to evict it, unless they can prove, that Laws made to void the Land of Seducers, and Seeds-men of Rebellion, be against God's word: or that our Saviour (with the Keys) gave authority to de-Throan and decrowne Princes, either directly or indirectly: which distinction, unless it had been better followed, and more substantially handled (saith Master Black-well) it had been better that Bellarmine had never Confes. at large page 65. touched it at all. What then may we expect of this poor Atomite when he comes to the point? who can break no ground but with Bellarmine's Heiffer: for if that Oracle fail in any substantial controversy, he is one of the Sceriphian Frogs, clamorous in invectives, (as they in Scyrus) in Plin. lib. 8. ca 85. any sound point either dumb or dull. And now it is like he will come to that issue, in this second part of the Paragraph, as he hath divided it. The second part of the second Paragraph. 1 THe front of which Division, separating itself with Greater Letters from the rest, would put a Man in hope, that now the point should be canvased to the purpose. but in the very entry he shall find, that it is a great Gate, to a pingle of trifles. When men are wearied with the greater affairs of State, for their recreation sometimes, they will go●… to gather pebbles at the Seaside (as Tully noted in the De Oratore. Senators of Rome: and they that have full fed, and drunk well, have leisure to behold the Celatures, and pictures of Plut. de prosectu. the vessels on the table: but in the very Entrance of a main quarrel, to fall a playing with words, argueth that he is either weary of the cause, or loathe to come to it, or hath no stomach to meddle with it; and so would shifted it off with such Childish dalliance. 2 For whereas his Majesty presseth the point for trial, how the Pope can in Divinity justify that speech of his, that the OATH containeth many things PLAINLY AND DIRECTLY contrary to Faith and Salvation; he, Numb. 35. challengeth the King of an Injury in thrusting in the word directly. As i●… plainly and directly in honest men's mouths, and acts, have not all one meaning: for planè among the Latinists is not only used for clarè and apart, openly, plainly, and manifestly; but for penitùs, and omninò, thoroughly, wholly, & directly: except he derive the adverb plainly from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to deceive; a word fitting Jesuits, both their natures (who are the only right planets in Saint Jude, wandering themselves, and teaching others to go astray) and their Art too, who in uttering plain words, conceive in mind an indirect sense. Such an one, the Orator describes, Hic ille planus improbissimus, quastu nefario Cic. pro. Cluent pastus. 3 In the very next Numb. preceding, this jangling Sophister had changed all the words of his majesties speech, clean contrary to the King's meaning, as hath been showed; here his Majesty puts in but one Synonymum: which both in English and Latin, are usually joined each with other; and this gives him to an exclamation of injury: he might as well have blamed Tully for joining apertam, simplicem & directam to one and the same way of happiness. De finib. lib. 1 But his majesties plain and direct dealing against all Calumniation is evident, in that he setteth down the Pope's whole Breve, word for word both in Latin and English; whereby the Christian Reader may judge that his Majesty purposed not to take any advantage upon any Term, or tittle not there expressed. 4 A second and greater Injury follows. His May sty useth a sppeech which a Mahometan Philosopher uttered against Moses, and turns it upon the Pope (Tortus the writhe Pa. 34. Cardinal, saith it was uttered against Christ:) but wherein lieth the Injury, unless it be in the application, that the Pope (an usurping challenger, and only a Breve-compounder) should be match●… with Moses, (a lawful Governor, and an holy writer?) otherwise, that speeches used by men, or Devils (take the Malice and Profaneness from them) may be applied to the best, is not unusual or unwarrantable either in Divine or human learning: thither tend the profitable Vide Basil. & Socrat. li. 3. ca 15. grae. Mythologies of Poet's fables, and the moral use of Apologues, applied both to the best sort of men, and the most eminent virtues. 5 In Divinity, that speech of Saint Paul against the 1 Cor. 14. 36. insulting Pseudapostles; Came the word of God out from you; or came it unto you only? is the very same in effect which Z●…dkiah, the false Prophet, used against Michaiah, When went the Spirit of the Lord from me to speak unto 1. Reg. 22. 24. thee? Or more plainly and directly, the same words which the Devil uttered to Christ, What have we to do with thee? Math. 8. ●…9. our Time is not yet. The very same (I say) our Saviour useth to his blessed Mother, Woman what have I to do with thee? joh. 2. 4. mine hour is not yet come. And I think there is no doubt but that the same text of Scripture which the Tempter misapplied to the breaking of our saviours neck by presumption, may be Christianly applied to the comfort of a distressed soul in assurance of God's providence. Math 4. &. Psal 91. 6 If peradventure the Apologier had not truly charged the Pope in that applied assertion, some might have thought it a wrong, (or as this high-stiling jesuite terms it) a more gross point, and injurious: but peruse the whole Breve, there appears not one, either authority, or reason, brought to confirm his said bold Assertion; but as is he were an Oracle, to Speak and away, as Saint Augustine said, Haec Manichaeus dixit & abiit, it not standing with the Pope's irre●…ragabilitie to yield a reason of his conclusions: or as Galen (whom Tortus in this place citeth for that speech of Averroes) speaketh of such an other, he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delivereth his Theorems so confidently, as if either he had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a mouth that could not err nor trip, or as if none were able or worthy to find any probable contradiction against his speech. 7 A third thing is an ABUSE offered by his Majesty to the words and meaning of the Breve; namely, that the King should charge the Pope, of new & undivinelike Doctrine, for saying that the OATH contained many things, apertly contrary to faith and salvation: as if thereby the Pope should say or mean, that natural allegiance to their Sovereign and King were directly opposite to Faith, and Salvation of Souls. 8 His Majesty (under Correction) hath done the Pope too much honour, in vouchsafeing an answer (especially with that judgement) to such pelting stuff of a WOEFUL Breve; wherein he hath been so sincere from detorting any thing, that the Pope could not have met with any more coney and Ingenuous writer: neither is it to be thought, that the High Priest himself, would have used such a Saucy term of ABUSE, as this rightly Male part, that is, Misbegotten catachrestical companion hath done. But if it appear that the Pope's words imply so much, and that necessarily, Quid dabitur viro? what shall be done to him that knetcheth this opprobrious Cur? For what is this uncircumcised jesuite, that he should, in so base terms, scurrilize so great a King? 9 This therefore is his majesties argument: Whosoever pronounceth THAT OATH UNLAWFUL AND FLAT CONTRARY TO FAITH, which containeth nothing else in it, but an acknowledgement of all natural and Civil Obedience, due by the Subject to the Prince; he broacheth a NEW, STRANGE, and VN-DIVINELIKE ASSERTION: but the Pope doth this, in pronouncing so of the Oath of Allegiance, which containeth in it nothing else: therefore, his Assertion is strange, uncouth, and dissonant from Divinity. Where's now the Rub? In the Minor perhaps; suppose it to be so: that's but a failing in the terms, no abuse to the person, no injury to the words; modesty would stay for the proof, not hasten the doom, especially in such terms of Saucy Bitterness. If therefore the Assumption had been insisted upon in the Consequence thereof (for therein is the Cardo and Marrow of the Question; scilicet, that the OATH containeth NOTHING in it but THAT which concerns Civil and natural obedience) This had been Scholar like, and Christian dealing, and to purpose: but the very words of the Oath itself, do ratify his majesties collection, and inference. 10 For the Oath (as hath been showed) consisting of two parts, assertive for the Kings Right to his Crowns and Kingdoms; and negative against any foreign challenger or Intruder whatsoever, or under any pretence whatsoever (for so the Oath doth manifestly divide itself) his majesties Arguments then thus hold: First, THAT OATH, the positive and exclusive parts whereof do not touch nor impeach any Spiritual jurisdiction or Authority, directly or indirectly; contains nothing in it but matter concerning Civil Obedience; but neither of the parts in the OATH of allegiance doth so (for Deposing of Kings, or Absolving Subjects from their duty, or inciting Rebellions (foreign or domestic) comes not within the reach of Spiritual jurisdiction) Ergo, etc. 11 Secondly, nothing can be contrary to Faith and Salvation, but that which crosseth some point contained within, or grounded upon the Articles of Faith, comprised in those Creeds which the Church hath allowed; the OATH of allegiance crosseth none of those, nor any part in them, unless the Pope's authority in Temporalibus be an Article of faith, and so be referred to Ecclesiam Catholicam; but that cannot be: for among many other of their own writers, their Archpriest refels (and repeats it often) that because the Church Letter to the Catholics. hath not yet concluded it to be a point of Faith, whether he hath any such authority or no; or (if he have) not determined how far it stretcheth, if to Excommunication, yet not to Eradication (saith he) neither directly nor indirectly: (surely then not to Deposition from their Crowns, or Instigation to Rebellions:) Ergo, It crosseth no point of FAITH. 12 And therefore his Majesty said well, that the Pope had done honestly and discreetly, if he had put down the special words, at which he quarreled in the OATH; and this Libeler had revealed some sparks of integrity, if he had showed one point sound proved, wherein it touched Macrobius de Le●…ulo. Sat. 2. Matter of Faith before he had fetched up his pinguem Salivam out of his filthy throat, to cast an Aspersion of Abuse, Cavil, Calumniation, and voluntary mistaking the question, upon his Majesty: For if there be any of these, it is in the Pope, who mistakes either the meaning of the Oath, or the Limits of his own authority. 13 His Majesty is in the right: and the assertion which he gathereth out of the Pope's words, that he denieth the acknowledgement of Civil obedience, is no surmised principle, but a necessary Inference: as also the Examples, which his Majesty bringeth out of Scriptures, Fathers, and Counsels, are most proper and direct to the purpose. 14 The dilating and multitude whereof, vexeth this Epistler, and makes him, in scorn, first to call it a Flourish. (So some did account that for the noise of a Thunder, joh. 12. 29. but a rattling in the air with an undistinct sound, which others acknowledged to be the voice of an Angel answerable to the occasion; and the Sword, placed at the entry of Paradise, appeared but a Flourish of a Blade, yet it Gen. 3. struck a terror, and recordation of their former disloyalty into our first parents; as these commemorated examples might into the hearts of Priests, and those Catholics of their with held Obedience, were not their consciences seared, and by prejudice made uncapable of such tender Recognition.) But David seems a Fondling (saith S. Augustine:) To whom? To Achis: id est, Stultis & ignorantibus: to them, which themselves are both Foundlings and Aug. in Psal. 33. Rudesbies': and these authorities but a Flourish to a Superficial jesuite, that never could dive deep for any learning. 15 Secondly, he terms it a Borrowed Discourse from THEIR Authors, because otherwise we are dry and barren, if we say any thing which they do not say: witness that challenge which was never yet foiled nor answered, that for 600. years after Christ, all the Scriptures, Fathers and Counsels stand for our. Assertions; not One true, natural, vncogged or unadulterate, for any point then propounded, and Rome now maintains against us. thirdly, a Combat with a shadow, because THEY are not adverse to us in the matter of Civil obedience. For first, THEY hold that Subjects must obey both good and bad Princes, in all things LAWFUL. But who must judge what's lawful? The Apologue is known; if the Lion say the bunch of ●…sh in the forehead be an horn, though it be not so, 'twill be accounted so. 16 Secondly, THEY teach that the Prince is to he obeyed propter Conscientiam, yet not contra Conscientiam; for Conscience sake, not against Conscience. That is no sound doctrine in the negative part; for even against a man's Conscience, the Prince is to be obeyed, unless that he which disobeyeth, can prove his Conscience to be the same which 1. Tim 1. 9 the Apostle describeth; A good Conscience accompanied with true love and faith unfeigned; for there may be Asinina, and there may be Lupina Consciencia (it is the distiction of one of their great Martyrs, named by the Cardinal in his Letter:) Sir Tho. Moore consol●…n Tribulat. some man's Conscience may be so steightned, that it will strain gnats, and make scruple of every thing that is commanded; and another so vast, that he will devour whatsoever is enjoined him. 17 And this distinction meets with that vain Challenge of his, which is the third thing he objects: Let them (saith he) show but one only authority, example, or testimony out of Scripture, Fathers, or Counsels, that Princes must be obeyed against Conscience or Religion, and then we will grant he speaks to the purpose. If he had said against Conscience rightly instructed, and purely cleansed; and true Religion sound warranted by God's word, we contend it not, we cannot: We say with S. Augustine: Si aliud Deus, aliud Imperator iubeat, contempto hoc, obtemperandum est Deo. But seeing that Conscience may both Err, and be polluted; and the Scripture insinuates, that there may be a vain and jac. 1. 26. defiled Religion; there is nothing more easy for proof, or evident for demonstration, than that Obedience is to be enjoined even against Conscience, if it be erroneous or Leprous; and against Religion, if forged and falsely so called. For if knowledge (which is the ground of Conscience) may be nicknamed (as the Apostle tells us it may) and so no knowledge 1. Tim. 6. 20. indeed; much more, both Conscience, which applieth that knowledge to particular acts; and Religion, which derives out of that knowledge her supposed Theological Principles, may be so: or else, both Heretics and Schismatics, who can, and do pled Conscience for their standing out, have received great wrong from the Church of God. 18 And therefore either the Pope, or this Proctor of his, should (if they were able) show what that point is, one o●… more, in the Oath, that is contrary to a Good Conscience, and True Christian Religion; which because they neither have, nor can, his majesties Conclusion is uncontrollable, that the Pope hath prohibited Catholics, to perform even Civil Obedience to their Sovereign; and therein hath crossed both precepts and examples of Scriptures, Fathers, and Counsels, touching that point. 19 To the examination whereof, or some of them rather (for where he cannot cavil, there he suppresseth) this great Bible-Clerke vouchsafeth to condescend, Num. 30. His examination of the Scriptures consisteth, first, of an expunction: for the so most, which touch th' the oint nearest, wherein the people profess their unlimited Allegiance to josua, in ALL things to obey him, that's gone josh. 1. 17. into the Index Expurgatorius; such un-confined and large Obedience to Princes, makes not for the Pope's Triple Turban. Secondly, of a Concession: that he granteth the Examples which his Majesty allegeth, of the Isralites obeying Nabucodonozor, Pharaoh, and Cyrus to be true, because it was only TEMPORAL Obedience which they exhibited. If by Temporal, he mean concerning Matters merely Temporal, he abuseth the Reader; for they showed their Obedience to be due, and performed it in Matters of Spiritual Service; for to Offer Sacrifice unto Exod. 5. 1. the Lord, by his own appointment, and message delivered to Moses their Superior Spiritual Governor (as this fellow calhim Numb. 39) upon dread of danger, and punishment for the neglect, is an high case of Conscience and Religion, yet would they not attempt it without ask and obtaining the Kings Leave. So the Commandment of Cyrus was in a cause merely Ecclesiastical, viz. the building Verse 3. Ezr. 1. 2. of the Lords house at jerusalem, and transporting thither the consecrated Vessels, according as the Lord had commanded him: (for God puts the managing even of Spiritual affairs upon the King's charge;) 〈◊〉 without HIS licence, the Isralites endeavoured not; but being appointed, they refused not. 20 The third part of his Examination, is a Counterscarp of Examples opposed against the Instances in the Apology; some Canonical, and those varying from the point; as that of the three Children, who refused to adore the golden Statue set up for that purpose by Nabuchodonozor; Dan. 3. 12. and of the Israelites, who would not obey Pharaos' Commandment to Sacrifice in Egypt. but they would do 〈◊〉 in the Wilderness; and of Daniel, refusing to eat of the King Dan. 1. of Babel's meats; some of them Apocryphal, and nothing to the purpose; as that of Toby his burying the dead, contrary Tob. 1. to Proclamation; and for bearing the Assyrian●… ments; and lastly, that of the Maccabees, refusing to eat Swine's 1. Mac. 1. flesh, and to Sacrifice, notwithstanding the Commandment of Antio●…us. 21 For which refusal and disobedience, they had ALL their especial warrant, by the revealed will of God. Against the adoration of that Image, the whole second Commandment of the Mo●…rall Law: for Sacrificing in the Wilderness, the express Precept by the mouth of Moses from the Lord; not as ●…e cunningly s●…ts it down Numb. Exod. 5. 1. 39 that they 〈◊〉 obeyed, because THEY PERSUADED THEMSELVES, that God would have the contrary: For SELF-PERSUASION (which often times proceeds from Self-love and ends in selfe-deceit) is no warrantable restraint from Obedience. They that kill joh. 16. 2. you (●…aith our Saviour to his Disciples) persuade themselves that they do therein God good Science: good intentions, from self persuasion, against God's Command, are mere impietis; Vzz●… and Vzziah may be examples. For Daniels 2. Sam 6. 2. Par 26. Levit. 11. Deut. 14. abstinence, (if it were a case of Conscience) first, he had warrant for it by the Law of God; wherein, either such meats which the Babylonians eat were prohibited; or, if not forbidden, yet were served in, or eaten with certain idolatrous Ceremonies, contrary to God's word, as appeareth Dan. 5. 1. Dan. 1. 8. elsewhere in that Prophecy; for which cause the Holy Ghost doth call it a Pollution: and the same was Tobies' case also for his abstinence. But if it were a civil duty, as being a matter of ordinary diet, then being commanded by the King) his disobedience had not been justifiable, unless that first he had obtained leave of the King's Chamberlain, or master of the household; and secondly, had by Prophecy foreseen God's blessing upon that his abstinence. Verse, 13. 22 Burial of the dead, (for which Toby is instanced) is 'tis a matter of Christian Ceremony, so is it also an human respect, and a point of Civil Courtesy: (Let the dead bu●…y their dead, saith our Saviour of them that were Matth. 8. 22. no very zealous Christians:) but did Tobiah this, though contrary to the Edict. yet openly against it. and in Contempt of the King? Him else saith no; he did it by stealth, furtim ab●…piens, and in the night after Sun set; and being detected, Tob. 21, 〈◊〉 fled upon it: take it either way, was his disobedience in such a case justifiable? No. The Maccabees for their refusing to eat, and circumcising their children against Antiochus command, had their double warrant from the 1. Macab 1. 65. etc. written word; the one for Ceremony, the other for a Sacrament: and the reason is yielded in the Text, because they would not break the HOLY COVENANT, they were put to death. It then the Pope, or his Advocate could, show in the Oath of allegiance, any one particle contrary to the will of God, either revealed in his word, or by special messege and Commission delivered; the refusal were justifiable, and these examples priest to the point. But, to speak in the language of one of their own Writers, Seeing they can bring no one argument to prove, accepisse se á Deo Lorinus in act. ca 5. 19 tale mandatum, that they have received any SUCHPRECEPT FROM GOD for their refusal, it is a WILFUL PERVICACY, no LAWFUL DISOBEDIENCE. 23 And yet (as if he were master of the field) he sets up his Trophy with this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: You ●…ee ●…he places of Scripture alleged by the Apolog●…er, make nothing for him, yea, are flat against him. Just ●…o doth Plato d●…sc●…ibe ●…is Craue●… Cock, after about or two skipping out of the pit, and crowing a Conquest, being ready presen●…ly to Cry Plat. Thea●…. Creak Reui●…w the Encounter briefly, and th●…n let the Spectator judge whether this be not a Thrasonical impudency. His Majesty, to prove that the Pope, in prohibiting to take the Oath of Allegiance (which containeth nothing in it but an acknowledgement of mere Civil Obedience) hath done that which the Scriptures will not a●…ow, citeth many texts wherein all Temporal Obedience is perfo●…med and command●…d, even to Pagan K●…ngs: which p●…aces, so far forth as they concern Civil Allegiance (and his Majesty brings them in for no other purpose) this Epistl●…r, Numb. 37. granteth to be truly alleged, and the same which they themselves allow. Yet here, Numb. 40 ●…e proclaimeth that they make flat ag●…nst the Apo●…ogier and all for the Catholik●…s. So did the Devil pronounce of the Kingdoms Luc. 4. 6. of the earth, All these are mine, when he had not a foot (by right) in any one of ●…hem: no more th●…n ●…he mad fellow in Aelian who thought that All the Ships which came to the H●…uen, were h●…s own. Var. Histor. 24 But much more (s●…ith he) Numb. 41. The authorities all●…ged out of the fathers; for they (especially that of Saint Augustine) are f●…a●…ly FOR the Catholics Refusing; and clearly against the OATH enjoined How so? Ch●…istians in temporal matters obeyed julian (saith Saint Augustine) though an Apostata and an Idolater: our Christian King requires no more; the Oath enjoins no In Psal. 1●…4. oth●…r thing: they, in cases wherein appeared difference between Christ's honour and the Emperors ' command, refused, and if there be any such thing in the Oath, let Catholics forbear to swear, but show that point which is different from true Religion. I●… not, then hath the Pope's Breve 〈◊〉 that Father's 〈◊〉 and, the Christians pra●…ze: ●…nd so S. Augustine must needs make for the Apolog●…er. A●…d so doth a●…so justin Martyr: for, excepting the Ap●…o. 2. ad Imper. adoring of God, in ALL other things (saith he) we cheerfully s●…rus the Emperor; but the Oath enjoineth nothing that impea●…heth or crosseth adoration due to the Almighty. To say, (which is their vsu●…ll shift) that the difference being between some Contents of the Oath, and THEIR Religion, therefo●…e they are not to obey, that's a vanity, and yet that is their Anchorhold, when they are hoist and put to the p●…sh. S●…ppose s●…ith Parsons in English, Creswell in Latin) th●…t a Prince professeth that he w●…l bring in a more sound Philopator. 〈◊〉 that's not to the purpose, he is bound to defend the Romish Faith, assuming that of THEIRS to be Christ's Religion, which we (looking to their Doctrine and opinions) accounted to be a Mass of 〈◊〉; and respecting the usurped jurisdiction, have proved and found to be the sulphurated fuel of all disloyalties. 25 And therefore that Protestation which he makes Numb. 42. We will serve our Sovereign; we will go to War with him; we will fight for him, and do all other Offices of temporal duty: and that, Numb. 44. We will acknowledge him ONLY inferior to God in his temporal government, is but an Hypocritical flourish of words, (like josh. 9 the Gibeonites cou●…enage) without truth of heart. For their positions (which he there calls Rules of Catholic Doctrine, are directly contrary; The King can use his temporal sword but at the Pope's beck, saith one; and if a Christian Molina tract. 2. de Institut. disr. 29. Simanch. lib. 23. sect. 11. Institut. King be an Heretic, saith another, immediately his people are freed from his command, and their subjection. What service then may his Majesty expect▪ being now (by Mathaeus de Torto ore (pronounced an Heretic, and by the Pope's Intorto Breu●…, curbed and cut short of his temporal▪ Supremacy? 26 ●…he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be t●…e 〈◊〉 of the other 〈◊〉 cited by his Ma●…estie; for if the K●…ng be●… ONLY 〈◊〉 our to the true God (as saith Tertullian:) if ab●…ue ●…he Emperor, th●…re is none but ONLY God which made the Emperor, (th●…t is Optatus his speech:) then make●… it fully for t●…e ●…S a●…ul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. OATH, which denieth the Pope to have any authority over our Sovereign, either to depose him, or to dispose of his Kingdoms and subjects: for that were to bind the King to his Good behaviour, and make him a most base underling to the Pope: because Deposing, is the highest point of Supremacy, and the basest for indignity that a King can indu●…e, and belongeth to none but God only, who is the alone superior to Kings, as those Fathers confess: or to an inferior, for message and relation, and that by God's special and person●…ll command, as was the Case of some Kings by Prophets. Yet for all this, these also must make for the Catholics. 27 notwithstanding, it seems the speech of S. Ambrose 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. A●…xent. ●…p. li●…. 5. doth somewhat trouble him, who professed, that otherwise then with SIGHS AND TEARS, he neither might nor could resist; for such are the Weapons of a Priest: how then will the ●…igh-priest of Rome, justify his Breves of interdiction; and his Faculties of Absolution; and his Bulls of Rebellion against Princes?) and how maketh this Flat for the Catholics refusing the Oath? therefore in sifting this Father, he is curious, and that by double Interrogation. 28 One; did Saint Ambrose by this, acknowledge th●…t the Emperor had higher authority than ●…ee in Church matters? that's Extra Oleas, not the case in hand. Superiority in Ecclesiastical causes, h●…th the proper 〈◊〉 in answer to the cardinals letter, where it is to be discussed. The point now controue●…ed upon Saint Ambrose his speech, is whether the Pope hath done like a Priest in forbidding the taking of an Oath, which concerns nothing but Civil obedience? i●… he have not; then Saint Ambrose, and he are different. Indeed, so much of his Breve as was written with the fresher moisture of his ink, the rain-water of his tears [magno ani●… maerore; afflictio nostra; Cordis dolore] ●…hese 〈◊〉 (I say) were Ambrose-like, and Priestlike. But when he comes to put in his Caveat, with the Copres, 〈◊〉, and ●…egar, [acrius exigimus] the sharper Ingredients of his Prohibition, these are the waters of Marah, so bitter, that none (of a Religious palate) can drink them: & therefore Saint Ambrose leaves him there: for by any other means (saith that holy Father) then by TEARS and SIGNS, I cannot, I aught not to resist. 29 And the Pope's Predecessor Gregory the great, more Epist. 61. li. 2. Indict 11. openly forsakes him; for he having received a Law from the Emperor, to be promulged according to command of his superior, misliking the Edict (as contrary to religion, in his opinion,) sets down the reasons of his dislike, but publisheth the Law notwithstanding, according to the Emperor's mandate. THIS Pope deals clean contrary with the Oath, neither shows his reasons of disallowing it, nor yet suffers it to pass for currant, but plainly forbids the taking of it; and yet saith this vain Epistler▪ this example of Saint Gregory makes flat for the Catholics. 30 The other interrogation concerning Saint Ambrose is, Whether, if the Emperor had offered him an OATH Repugnant to his Religion and Conscience, he would have taken it? to which, first he answereth both for himself and us too, Surely no. And this also is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nothing to the Catholics; for neither is there in the Oath any m●…tter touching Religion, other than that Obedience, which by true Religion is allowed; neither is their Religion and that holy Fathers more semblable (especially in that point of O bedience) then cha●…e and wheat, than Gold and dross. But suppose that Saint Ambrose would refuse such an Oath urged upon him, would he with all forbidden others to take it, by warrant of Interdiction? Surely no: for in as great a point of Conscience as that, his answerwas, I have done what belongs to a Priest, Quod Imperatoris est Imperator faciat ●…i. l. for the rest let the Emperor do as an Emperor should; that is, I have discharged mine office, answering like a Priest, in making known the unlawfulness of the Emperor's demand, now leaving it to the Emperor's pleasure, I have no other means of resistance, but grief, and tears, and sighs. 31 And this to be the Proper Office, and right course of Pastors and Preachers, the Fathers have observed in an elegant Allusion to that name of Boanarges the sons jeronym. in Mar. 3. 17. In Psal. of Thunder: for Preachers are Clouds, saith S. Augustine; among which, if by the power of Sun and Stars, an exhalation be forced up, and by coercion so straightened, that it cannot have passage; by counterforce of both their strengths (the one impelling, the other resisting) the Clouds break into Thunder; yet that dreadful noise ends in moisture and rain: Nam Deus fulgura ad plwiam fecit, saith Saint Hierome; that is, (as they moralise it) Superiors Vbi supra. and Governors command that unto Bishops and Pastors which is unlawful; they yield not, but show causes of their Recusance; not prevailing (but more pressed) they lay open those judgements which in such cases God hath revealed, there's the Thunder: yet, when that is done, they go on further, but end in tears, and prayers, Vt extinguat misericordia quod judicium urit, that pity may mo●…e, where threats Ibid. perhaps exasperated, saith the same Father. This did Saint Ambrose, and yet must this example make for the Pope for sooth, who surely, by that resemblance of S. jeroms, shows himself that either he was never good Pastor; or else his Breve is a strange Meteor, which gins with moisture (Tears and Lamentation) but without either rendering cause, or showing reason ends in a Thunder of dreadful 〈◊〉; like the Crocodile that first weeps, and then rages. 32 Secondly he gives a reason of that his negative, for S. Ambrose, why he would not swear in a matter repugnant to his Religion, and that by three instances of fact (in all which— moveat Cornicula risum: for like Aesop's though ●…ce, hath borrowed them all from Allens Horac. Apology; neither serve they for any purpose, but to e●…ke out his Pamphlet,) The first, His denial to dispute with Auxe●…tius the Arrian in the Consistory before Valentinian, required thereunto in the Emperor's name, by Dalmatius a Tribu●…e and a Notary, (for so the Text hath it, 〈◊〉 Tribunus & Notarius con●…ènit, not as he varies it, the Tribu●…e bringing with him a public Notary to test●…fie the same) with reason and ground of his refusal, That Bishops must judge of Emperors, not Emperors of Bishops, in ma●…ters of f●…ith. 33 It is true, and Saint Ambrose did well in it, and said 〈◊〉 for it; his fact and reason both were Christianlike: ●…son, place, and cause, making wholly against his consent. For●…o app●…are before HIM as a judge in Divinity, and ●…o 〈◊〉 a po●… (whom Aristotle would scarle admit Ethic. 1. ●…o b●…e an Auditor in Philosophy) had been a great weakn●…sse; first, the Emperor was a young man, not only in y●…ares, but in grace, neither yet baptised, nor rightly ca●… chized: secondly, prejudicial in his opinion, having already Vide Ambros. Epist. li. 5. etc. Sig●…nium de Occident. Imperio lib. 8. an. 383. e●…cted a Law for the Arrian Doct●…ne, which was the matter di ●…utable; Tolle legem sivis esse certamen, saith S. Ambrose: Thirdly, overawed, at lest misled by his mother a woman Heretically affected (and that Sex must predominate which way soever inclined:) fourthly, the conference must be in a public consistory, among a multitude of jews, Gentiles, and Heretics, where he could expect no other issue but what the Apostles found, when they Act. 2. 13. spoke with divers ongus, Mocks, & Scoffs. For there are some places, not fit for Christians either their Actions or arguments Our Saviour himself could do no great miracle in his own Country; not that he was unable for want Mar. 6. 5. Mat. 7. of power, but he saw it was unavaileable through their lack of faith: and why should that holy Father cast his Pearls before swine? 34 His reason of denial was Divine-like; denial (I say) not of coming, for, Venissem, Imperator, ad Consistorium, saith Saint Ambrose, I had come, most noble Emperor, unto the Consistory (according to the Summons) save that the Bishops and people both withheld me; but of disputing before the young Emperor as a judge in causes of Faith, which might not be, the spirit of Prophets being subject to the Prophets, by the Apostles rule. 1. Cor. 14. 32. 35. May not then a Prince judge in cases of Religion and Faith? Not, not judicio definitivo, to determine what is sound Divinity or not, and so impose that upon the consciences of men, for Faith, which HE alone defines to beeso: but judicis exequntivo or jurisdictionis, he may and aught, when the Church hath determined matter of Faith, command the professing thereof within his Kingdom, as the soundest and worthiest to be received. For so some Schoolmen distinguish of judgement, making it, first twofold; Definitive, to set down what is to be thought of each Occam. in Dialog. thing, and so prescribe it to men's belief (and that is the principal prerogative of God himself:) and Secondarily, of the Church representative, guiding her judgement by God's voice, which is his word: the other of recognition or sifting out the truth, which they make threefold; either discretive, to try whether things either be or be not, or whether they be that they seem to be (and that's common to all Christians, to try the spirits, whether they be of God or no:) or directive, to lead others into a right judgement, 1. john 4. 1. by revealing the Truth, and instructing them; which being a public duty, is proper to the pastors of the Church: and thirdly decretive, which is in the Prince, both affirmatively to bind those within his compass (aswell Clergy as Laity) to the observing of that which is so tried and adjudged; and negatively to suppress the Contrary. This last, to judge for the truth, Saint Ambrose denied not to the Emperor, yea it was his grief that he did not so; but to judge of a truth, whether it should be so or not, as in this very case (being a high mystery of Faith) Whether Christ should be the Son of God or not? which God himself by his word had warranted, and the Church, by the assistance of his Spirit had already determined and established: this (I say) he denied, especially to Valentinian, who wanted (as it seemed) those three qualities, which are principally required in judgement: first, Authority, for it is the Churches Aquin. 22. q. 60. & 61. right to determine in matters of doctrine; secondly, Prudence, to which many years are required, saith the Philosopher, but the Emperor was very young, and a Novice Arist. Ethic. l. 9 in the rudiments of Faith; thirdly, justice, which hath indifferency ever annexed, and that in Valentinian was defective, who had forestalled the same with a partial Law for the adverse part, a strong bar against true judgement; for men are hardly removed from private opinions, much less Kings from their Laws once published, especially in points of Divinity; because such Retractations will always leave an aspersion, either of Ignorance, Rashness, or Inconstancy. 36. His second and third Instances follow, as stolen as the former: (for this fellow lives upon Allens scraps) S. Ambrose denied to yield up a Church at the emperors command for the Arrians to assemble in: as also he refused to sand the Consecrated Church-vessels to the Emperor, requiring them: and his reason for both was, Quaedivina, etc. 37. That is, things separated to holy use, and houses dedicated to God's Service, are not to be alienated to common usage; for Bis Dei sunt quae sic Dei sunt, say the Fathers: God hath in them a double right, as King David confessed: first, as his gift to man; secondly, as man's gift back again to him: which twofold cord tieth them so strong, that it is 1. Ch●…o. 29. 14 an Anathema for any (not consecrated) to challenge them; yea, for them which are consecrated, if they do not only put them to that use alone for which they were dedicated: otherwise the Sacrifices of the Lord (even in the hands of a Priest) may yield an evil savour: much less are they to 1. Sam. 2. be betrayed to heretical pollution; for why should the Church, separated to the honour of Christ, b●…e opened for entrance to Blasph●…mies against Christ? This was S. Ambrose his reason of denial. 38 Now what of all this? He that thus refu●…ed in these things, what would he have done if he had been pres sed with an OATH against his Conscience? Sur●…ly, if the Emperor had commanded him to have abjured his Faith, he would (as he did there) refuse by denial; tender his reasons with all humility; and, if occasion so ●…quired, rather yield his body, then betray his faith; and in the mean time weep for grief, to see Christ so wronged, and his Sovereign so misled: (for so himself professeth often.) Vide ●…t supra. 39 But put the case aright: if the Emperor had pres sed him, because he saw his diversity of opinion in R●…ligion, to swear his true Allegiance unto him; to abjure all usurpers, or challengers of his Crown, either pretending right unto it, or claiming any authority to depose him, or set free his Subjects from their obeisance, would be not have taken THAT OATH? Yes, he that ple●…ded so divine-like for Gods right unto the Emperor, would for the Emperors right have been as zealous, acknowledging unto Caesar his due, as unto God his duty. so 〈◊〉 would he have been from the Pope's vein, to sand out Breves and Prohibitions, thereby to nourish mutinous and intestine Rebellions. For even in those cases of conscience before specified, when all the Citizens of Milan stood for him, and the soldiers denied to at end the Emperor to any but S. Ambrose his Church, the people being in a unnult, be defi●…ed them of the Emperor's part, that if they took him to be Ince●…or, the St●…rer or Procurer of the same, he might be executed, or 〈◊〉; and protested for himself, that for his part, he neither might, nor aught res●…st: and commended the Christian patience and for bearance in the multitude (as an influence of the holy Ghost) when with their weapons in their hands, they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 said, R●…gamus, august, non pugnamus: We request, noble Em peror Epist. 〈◊〉. 5. 33. we fight not. And is not this directly to his majesties ●…urpose, to show that the Office of a Priest and Bishop (the Pope is none other) is to practise and 〈◊〉 obedience? to gre●…vnder pressures, not to make resistance? to pray against unchristian violence, not to countermand Civil Alleg●…ance? 40 But that of Gregory toucheth the very quick; who, as he thought his duty discharged to God, in showing his reasons why he disliked the Law; so did he per form it very readily to the Emperor in promulging the same immediately according to Commandment. A●… this example (for all the Epistlers slight accounted thereof, as not cited to purpose) is a bu●…e in his thro●…t, and make him cough up a little bortowed reading, but that falsified: for, not denying the promulgation of the Law by the Pope, upon the Emperor's mandate, he would feign make it good with a false Gloss; namely, that Gregory, first CORRECTED the Law, and so TEMPERED by him, sent it to the Emperor, to which Mauritius yielding; the Pope did publish it so CORRECTED. Grant this to be true; Gregory showed more manners and Religion than Pope Paul doth, who neither qualifieth the Oath himsel●…e, nor desires his Ma●…estie that it might be tempered; not declares the point wherein it is to be mitiga●…ed; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new married guest in the Gospel, scorning his Predecessors Habe me excusatum, all sober excuse set a●…t, as a m●…n wedded to his own will, and newly possessed oh: Pope Io●…nes 〈◊〉, he sends out his peremptory Non Luc. 4. 18. 20. poss●…m, neither himself will, nor others shall yield unto it. 41 But what this jesuite speaks of correction or mitigation of the Law, before Gregory's publication, is utterly untrue; and were not his profession mere impudency, he ●…ould not d●…e to speak it: for, that the Pope did, after some reasons delivered, adi●…re the Emperor, pertremendum judicem, very earnestly, to altar or dis●…null the Law, is apparent in those words, Aut temporando aut immutando E●…ist. 61. lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 11. piet as vestra inflect at; but before ever this motion of his was made known to the Emperor, the Law was by Gregory published, (for he was sick and could not then writ) as not only in that letter itself is manifest, but in another not far from it, wherein it will appear, that the Pope having divulged the Edict, but seeing his request for Mitigation nor accepted, writ, to Theodore the Emperor's physician, Ep●…st. 64 lib. 2. and entreats him to deal with his Lord and Sovereign about it: the reasons whereof he had not, yea he would not (he saith) a responsal●… suo publicè dare, publicly yield, as from his Chair and Oracle (much less by his Br●…ue interdict) but having suggested it privately, he left it to God, and the emperors leisure and wisdom. If, after that, upon his importunity, it pleased the Emperor to qualify it, by giving a more large scope to that monastical desire, yet was not that yielding of his, made so public that all might take knowledge of it; but Gregory is feign to make it good upon his credit, in those words, in that Epistle which this Falsifying jesuite mentioneth, but leaveth them out very cunningly, [Mih●…redite] Believe ME, Epist. 11. lib. 7. 〈◊〉. l. 1. our gracious Emperor is so contented: (it seemeth then that they had read the Edict, and received it before uncorrected.) 42. And is not this most properly applied to his majesties purpose? that a Pope, though misliking a Law Ecclesiastical, made without his privity and consent, should not take any public exception against it, but privately by Letters; not prohibit any to obey it, but make means to the emperors attendants for mitigation thereof; and in the mean time publish it PRESENTLY upon the Mandate, as it was sent unto him? If the Pope had revealed unto his Catholics the unlawfulness of the OATH, and yet willed them, for conscience to God, and in duty to their Prince, to take it, and in the mean time promise' that he would endeavour by intercession and mediation to the King's Majesty, either to mitigate or abrogate the Law, than had he been more like Gregory, and yet the example make nothing for the Pope or his Catholics; sore Gregory excepted privately against the Law, but obeyed the commandment for publishing it; the Pope openly interdicteth; they obstinately refuse taking of the OATH. The truth is, the submissive carriage of that Pope to the Emperor, both in his style and deportment, doth so plunge the great Bellar. de Pontis. Rom. lib 2. ca 28. debater of Controversies, that like one foundered, he knows not whether he should ascribe it to Gregory his humility or necessity: and so maketh their great Sainted Pope, either an Hypocrite, to give the Emperor an Hail Master, (whom in heart he contemned, yea, accounted a Persecutor, saith Parsons) or else a temporising lukewarm Laodicaan, that for fear or constraint would yield to any Num. 49. thing against his conscience, that the Emperor should command. 43. The Counsels follow; and not only that of Arles in France, with five other at lest (which submitted themselves wholly to the Emperor Charles the great in most humble terms) but the four general Counsels (which Gregory compares to the four Evangelists) summoned at the beck and command of the Emperors, and submitted (for the validity and establishment of their decrees) to their most royal assent: and yet all this is nothing to the purpose, saith this Antapologer. 44 Not? If whole Counsels submitted themselves in all dutiull reverence to their Sovereigns, not only in matter of Temporal Affair, but of Faith and Religion; then doth the Pope an il Office, and un-priest like, in forbidding the King's natural Subjects to acknowledge their allegiance to him in Civil right. It is even the like argument which God himself useth in way of Complaint, by comparison, the SONS OF JONAD AB Rechabs' jerem. 35. Some KEPT the commandment of their Father which he gave them but MY PEOPLE 〈◊〉 NOT me. 45 Yet 〈◊〉 his reasons; particularly ag●…inst that of Arles (for the other, of the general 〈◊〉, He will not Tom. 3. C●…l. 〈◊〉 4●…1 etc. stan●… to examine, as he saith Numb. 55. Postulant ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inexplicabilia, quoth the Ora●… of ●…ome that w●…re driven to a stand and inco●…uenience in 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and they are by way of Interrog●…, four in number. First, in that Synod in Arles, 〈◊〉 there any mention of an OATH? no more was there in that example whi●…h God brought of Io●…adabs son any m●…ntion of Idolatry whereof he complained in his people, but the Rechabites obedience was showed in abstinence 〈◊〉 strong drink; Israel's disobedience in following strange Gods. Hi●… Majesty is now in argument a Thesiad Hypothesia; by comparison thu●…: All●…bedience was heeretofor by Scriptures, Fathers, and Counsels, ackn wleged to Princes in ALL causes; then surely, in Hypothesi is the Pope very faulty to forbidden his catholics to take an OATH, which containeth ONLY a Recognition of natural and Civil obedience. 46 His second Interrogatory: Was his SUBMISSION in requ●…sting the Emperor's assent because the Council was assembled by his Commandemen●…? Yes, for he that hath the sole authority to summon a Council, h●…th the sole power to make good or void what it concludes Without the Emperor's liking. It is probabie th●…y met not, saith this Je●…ite, (which he borroweth from Bellar:) but the chief commission came from Rome. How will that app●…are? The Pope's 〈◊〉 C●…cil. ca.▪ ●…3. 〈◊〉 is not once mentioned, either in the Preface or body of the who●…e Council; but the words 〈◊〉 p●…ine, jussis IMPERATORIS, frater●…itatis nostr●… 〈◊〉 est adunatus, by the commandment of our most Religious Emperor, our brotherhood is here met in one: and the year of his reign is there prefixed. 47 Yea, But in a Council at Worms, the first that the said Charles caused to be Celebrated in his Dominions, Anno 770. 〈◊〉 was left Registered, AUTHORIT AS ECCLESIASTICA, etc. ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITY teacheth that counsels may not be held with out the allowance of the Bishop of Rome. A manifest untruth made good by an obscure Author, out of a Council either no●… assembled, or never recorded. Canizius who in his Chronology Ante. Catechis. seems very diligent in numbering all the Counsels both universal, provincial, and Nationall, names it not. Genebrard, himself a Frenchman, reckoning all the Counsels Chron. l. 4. which the Emperor Charles assembled, mentioneth it, but neither dates it, nor warrants it, as he doth the rest at Arles, Towers, Chalons, etc. All which he mustreth in the vere●… 13. but in the year 770. he ackowledgeth no such thing. Binius (no idle compiler of the Counsels) names it only in that year, and leaves this note upon it, In the French Annals in the life of Charles the Great, there is found mention of a Certain Synod, to be Celebrated at Worms, QVID IN EOGESTUMFVERIT NON CONSTAT. Caranza the Epitomist nameth only one at Worms, held in the year 816. or there abouts, under Lewis the second; but of any under Charles, either as King of France which must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Anno. 770. or Emperor, Tom. 2. Con. pa. 〈◊〉. which was not till 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at lest, he saith not a word; & yet out of such a smothered Record 〈◊〉 ●…out of Baronius, and he mistaken, this fugitive 〈◊〉 a definitive sentence, to warrant no Council goo●… 〈◊〉ted without the Pope's authority for assembling: that is to say, at one push to overthrow the credit of all the Counsels, both general and particular, for the better p●…rt of 900, years after Christ, especially when the Churches had rest, and flo●…ished under Emperors and Kings. 48 A thing so clear and radiant, that Bellarmine himself being dazzled in beholding the Evidence, as S. Peter, not wisting what he said, oppressed with the glistering Matth. 17. Luc. 9 countenance of our Saviour, would needs build Tabernacles bo●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Moses: so he, labouring to build for the Pope, as if all Counsels must necessarily depend upon his Oracles, and come to his Tent for summons and strength; labours also to build for the Emperor, and in the same place showeth divers reasons, why it rather belonged 〈◊〉 council l●…. c●…. 13. §. Habemus Concil. Laterane. sub Ha●…rian. Funcci. Com. li. 4 Geneb. lib. 3. dist. ●…3. Adrian. Papa Romanus, to Emperors then the Pope, to assemble them. And if any Emperor might challenge it, Charles' the great much rather; to whom by authority of Council and Pope, power was given to appoint the Bishop of Rome, and to dispose of the Sea Apostolic; which so remained in him, and his Successors for a long time. 49. Was then this submission at the Council of Arles, made to the Emperor for approbation of matters of Faith? That is his third interrogatory. To which he answereth No, and yields his reason by repetition of that place in Saint Ambrose before specified, That in cases of Faith, Bishops must judge of Emperors, and not vice versa▪ To judge definitively, which are matters of faith or not, it is not for the Emperor; but to ratify by his assent, and command by his authority, what the Church or Council (so assembled) hath defined to be a matter of Faith, is proper to Emperors and Kings; & this was the end of their submission at Arles, as the words purport And that this was S. Ambrose his meaning also, his own fact is the best interpreter; who, when the Synod at Aquil●…ia, convented by the Emperor's command, about the point of Christ's Deity (no mean Article of Faith) was dissolved and broken Tom. 1. Concil. pa. 5●…4. etc. per 〈◊〉. Gratian. Valentinian. Theodosius. up, wrote with the rest of his brethren their letters to the Emperors, particularly discoursing the whole manner of their proceeding; & (by messengers purposely addressed from the Synod) humbly and earnestly desired them that they would vouchsafe to make good what the Bishops had in this assembly concluded, Ne obtemperantes vestrae tranquilitis Statutis frustrà Conuenisse videamur, lest this our ●…eeting should be frustrate and to no purpose, which we have made in OBEDIENCE to your Clemencies' Commandment. 50 Or was this Submission, or rather remission by the Synod, made, because this Council was assembled ONLY for reformance of MANNERS? that is his last interrogatory and answered by him affirmatively; Yea for after the first Canon, which contains a procession of their Faith, the other twenty five (being in all but twenty six) are about Reformation of matters amiss; and so he reckons up eleven of the twenty five. Genebrard indeed doth call all those Synods by Charles the Great assembled, CONCILIA Chron. lib. 4. Anno 813. REFORMATORIA. Belike than it is granced, that Princes within their several Dominious, may assemble their Clergy concerning matters of Ecclesiastical Discipline, and that is NERWSECCLESIAE; matters of Faith have a great Dependence upon that Reformation; because unsoundness in opinions, is seldom separate from dissoluteness of Manners. 51 But was the assembly only for that? first then, the Clergy did aliudagere, and went beyond their commission, for after their mutual Salutations and joy at each others meeting, Coepit unionis nostrae numerositas de Rebus spiritualibus Praesat. ad Consil. mutua Collatione inter se ora diffundere, our whole company began to confer at large about matters Spiritual, say the Fathers of that Council. Secondly, the eleventh Canon defineth who are to be accounted 〈◊〉, and within what degree of Consanguinity they are comprised; & that (I trow) is a matter of Dostrine: yea, and the eight Canon (which in the Margin the jesuite hath marked, but omitted in the body of the discourse) is by their own rule a matter of Faith, and Religion, & by this Epistler termed Nomb. 50. a point of the Law of God, namely the Prohibition of entering into Monastical life. Mauritius in his Edict forbade that Soldiers should be admitted as Monks, & that by Greg. the great is accounted such a matter of conscience & Religion that he takes it to be against God himself, & to be a mandate preclusory of the way to heaven: the said very restr. in't, for Vbi supra. Nuns and Monks is within this Council, & yet now it is reputed but a matter of manners. The 18. Canon not only concludeth the Crism. to be safely kept under lock & key, but determines it to be Genus Sacramenti, a kind of Sacrament, & therefore not to be touched by any but Priests. 52 Yet grant it were so, that this Council were only assembled to correct deformity in manners, did they then by their submission acknowledge the Emperor's authority Only in those Cases, and not in matters of Faith and Religion? What can we say to the four General Counsels (specified by his Majesty) assembled by the Emperor, and particularly that of Ephesus against Nestorius, summoned by the Emperor, and after many earnest supplications and interceptions of their Letters, and hard pressures upon some Orthodox Fathers, (for Cyril and Memmon upon sinister Tom. 2. Concil. per Binium. p. 921. Informations were laid fast) their Decrees were at last confirmed by the Emperor's authority? His answer is, Numb. 55. Those ONLY tend to prove TEMPORAL Obedience and therefore he will not stand to examine them. Very learnedly spoken, and very honestly, no doubt. 53 Such is the fashion of many ignorant Geographers, saith Plutarch, when they come to some Terra incognita, Pl●…. Thes. that goes beyond their small reading, and they know not how to describe it, they place it in a corner of their Map, and say, that nothing lies beyond but certain quicksands, or unpassable mountains or frozen Seas. Just that which Aristotle noted in Anaxagoras that absurd disputant, who Metaphys. 1. when he was driven to any exigent, ut hareretin explicanda causa, and could not give a cause why such a thing should have his existence, he would shifted it off with his old spell of N●…t that the understanding did it; when as in all other things he would make anything the cause rather than it. Hear Temporal Obedience is made the cause of the Counsels submission, (which saith the jesuite, we offer most willingly) when as those Synods were not assembled for any one such point; and he with his are ready to perform nothing less. And so passing them with silence, because he knows not what to say unto them, he tells us that he will draw to an end of this Paragraph. Wherein, like Schole-boys, when they have spent their questions, he falls on railing against the Apologier with his Saucy terms. 54 And why so? Because his Majesty professed, that it never came within His reading, that Temporal Obedience was against Faith, and Salvation of Souls. Sure he was, that Christ professed himself of another opinion, in denying his kingdom to be of this world, and in commanding joh. 18, 36. Matth. 21. 21. Caesar's right to be given unto Caesar; and therefore if the Pope had once set it down as an Article of Faith, (for he hath a trick by the infallibility of his spirit to make NEW ARTICLES at his pleasure) before he had thus pronounced of the Oath of Allegiance, it had been more excusable. 55 Upon this the jesuite resulteth in a kind of Tertullus rhetoric, with a volume of empty and haughty words, calling this speech an INSULTATION, and the Apologer a TRIFLER, a WRANGLER, a WRONGFUL IMPOSER upon his Adversary, a VOLUNTARY MISTAKER of the question, and a CALUMNIATOR. Numb. 56. For first, the Breve, saith he, forbids not TEMPORAL Obedience. Not? It forbids the Oath wherein is Only acknowledgement of Civil Allegiance; and he which Prohibits the Swearing against an Usurping Deposer, denies Temporal Obedience to the rightful Sovereign. Secondly saith he, Neither the Pope, nor the whole Church together can make NEW ARTICLES of Faith, by the judgement of any LEARNED CATHOLIC. They may make NEW Rules of Faith; for those Books which the Churches in all ages have reputed Apocrypha (as the Book of Hermes, and the Constitutions of Clement) the Pope and Council may make Canonical, so saith Stapl●…ton, and he Relect. d●…ct. prine. count. 5. 〈◊〉. 2. 〈◊〉. 4. no unlearned Catholic. Yet more nearly, Bish●…p Fisher, a most holy and learned man (so Bellarmine styles him (saith, that what a Pope with a Council delivers us to be believed hoc pro fidei articulo recipiendum est, that must be received as Art. ●…7 co●…a. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…n Article of Fait●…. Yet more directly Aquinas (not meanly learned Schoolman) is of opinion, that to prevent or 〈◊〉 errors newly arising, it is necessary to make a NEW 〈◊〉. q. 1. art. 10. conclus. SYMBOL or Creed, and no man hath that authority ●…ut the Pope, to whom it belongeth FINALLY to determine concerning matters of Faith, to be of all bel●…eued and received FIDE INCONC●…SSA, without doubting or wavering. Which point of desining Dogmata fides, how many or how few they should be, to belong to the Pope only, and not to a Council, a jesuite (and therefore Learned, ●…or Institut. pa. 2. lib. 4. cap. 10. Parsons will say) maintains very firmly. For the Pope may define any thing (though not expressed in Scripture) to be defied, an Article or point of Faith, without any explicit Revelation from God, saith Suarez another jesuite. Tom. 2. disp. 3. art. 2. sect. 6. qu. 27. 56 But what need opinions, when the practice is extant? A whole new Symbolum is set out in the provincial Synod tom. 〈◊〉. Concil. pa. 950. at Milan, wherein twelve new Articles are added to the Nicen Creed, which all Catholics are bound upon pain of an Anathema●…, to profess by word, and swear by Oath. 57 These are EXPLANATIONS, not NEW ARTICLES, as She was not the true Mother MORE after the child was sentenced to be divided, then before; but than it appeared more plainly, that she was so, (saith the Epistler.) So some Canonists call the Pope's challenge C. fundamenta de Elect ●…n 60. to his doubl●… Monarchy, Constantine's, not donation but Declaration, or real EXPLANATION of that Text, [Tues Petrus.] Explanations are declaratory illustrations of a truth involved in some former Article, not additions of a doctrine newly conceived for a truth; so saith the Council of Florence: but in that annexion at Milan the most of the Articles have no ground, either in Scriptures or Decrees, by the primitive Church allowed. And therefore Purgatory; Transubstantiation; communicating under one kind; seven Sacraments; Worshipp●…ng of Images, etc. (which are annexed to the Nicene Creed by the Synod at Milan) having no relation to any Article of that, or any other ancient Creed, or divine Scriptures, can not be Explanations, Quia omnis expositio (saith the Florentine Council, ●…om. 4. Concil. pa. ●…22. etc. wherein that case was fully canvased) sit ex intrinsecis; but must needs be ex●…ranea, additions of NEW Articles, fetched in by the Pope's extravagant Power, which the canonists ascribe unto him▪ Extraius, contra ius, & Decius & Can li. 〈◊〉. 1. Reg. 3. supraius Omnia posse. Which shows his comparison of the true mother, revealed by the appointed division of the Child, to be a foppery. For if the Creed could speak for itself, at the imposing and enforcing New Articles upon it, under the name of Declarations, as that natural mother could at the sentence for the dismembering of her child, it would tell the Whore of Babel, that she played Michols part, to make a dead Image carry the resemblance 1. Sam, 19, 13, of living David▪ and that these Explanations (so called) are but Ephesiael●…terae, illuding impostures, no concluded truths. Athen. dipnos. lib. 12. And would justify that charge of his Majesty (in saying that the Pope can make new Articles of Faith) to be as far from Calumniation, as this jesuite is from shame or honesty, to avow the contrary, in saying that no learned Catholic doth affirm it, when there are so many witnesses, against him, and the practice itself in their new form so apparent. 58 Insomuch that some Schoolmen (pressing that Canon of the Eph●…sine Council, that none under pain of Anathema, should Edere, or Condere any other Symbol, Th●…m. ●…qu. ubi ●…upra. or addere any thing to that of the Nicene Creed) turned it off first, that the Anathema in that Case, toucheth private men, and not the Pope. Secondly, that those Articles of the Popes are ●…ut Explanations, not additions, which is a weak privilege; for so much may, yea, every Minister in Catechizing must do, that is Explicate and declare the sense and meaning of the Creed. Therefore what the Pope addeth, must needs be a NEW Article of Faith, or else his Prerogative is no more than belongeth to the Office of every ordinary Priest that is learned. So that if the Pope had by his infallible judgement, and irref●…agable authority once determined it for an Article of Faith, either as his Majesty puts the case in particular, that Temporal Obedience is against Faith and Salvation of Souls; or as M. Blackwell in general, that the Pope had judicially, 〈◊〉 ex Cathedra, declared his Sovereignty and power in Temporalibus, E●…l. ad Catholic. ●…glic. than his BREVE to come upon it, had carried some colour? which is a thing (as it seems) very soon done if he will; for if there be a question, saith Suarez, though it have been long canvased, and none dare define either way, yet Simultum referat ad Ecclesiae utilitatem, if it make for the profit of the Church (as for example, Suarez. ●…bi supra. whether the Virgin Mary were conceived by her Parents without sin) the Pope hath power in alterutram partem decidere, and what he concludes, must be de Fide received 59 From this his majesties Prolemma and anticipating conclusion, the Epistler comes to answer this Dilemma that is, If Temporal Obedience be lawful, the Pope is injurious to forbidden it to his Catholics; if it be unlawful, yet is he unjust to condemn, and not to show the reason. Both these PILLARS (as the jesuite calls them) like another Samson, he sets his force to frush at once, and yet (they standing) himself is crushed with his own shock. For what he hath hitherto laboured to confute, and now again peremptorily denieth, (scilicet, That the Breve gainsa●…th not obedience in Civil things) in answer to the last part of the Dilemma, he plainly confesseth and granteth: for the Pope being justly taxed by his Majesty for not expressing any cause or reason of the unlawfulness of the OATH, the Epistler saith, There are as many reasons that it is unlawful, as there are POINTS in the OATH which concern Religion: And there is no one point but doth so, even that very first Article which merely toucheth Civil Obedience, I do swear before God, that King Iames is the lawful King of this Realm, etc. for every Subject is by Religion in conscience bound (if he be required) to swear unto the lawful right of his true Sovereign. And therefore the Pope, by this Antapologers grant, not distinguishing the parts, but laying down the whole Oath in a lump, as a sufficient reason of the unlawfulness, denieth even Civil Obedience, and Recognition to be acknowledged by his Catholics unto their Lord and King. 60 But perhaps by Religion he meaneth the points of the Oath, where the Pope and Church of Rome is named; it had then been honest dealing in the Pope, first, to have said so, and then to have showed what foundation that, Religion hath which giveth him such power to depose Kings, or absolve Subjects; and to have made that point sound good for himself, before he had rushed into such a peremptory Prohibition: but that being yet a debate-able ground, and a Controversy not agreed upon amongst his own Professors, nor determined by his Cathedral autliority, it was an hasty rashness, not upright justice, to award a sentence so resolutely Interdictive. For though a judge disputeth not, but determineth, (as saith this jesuite) yet it is a judges part to guide his determination by the allegations and proofs made on both sides, in the hearing of the parties, if it be possible; if not, yet to intimate the reasons of his so sentencing; which otherwise, even a Pagan thought to be an absurd, yea a brutish course. For he which giveth a definitive Sentence, hearing but one party, Aequum Act. 25. ●…7. licet statuerit, hand aequus fuit; though his determination were just, his proceeding was unjust, saith the Philosopher. In the Pope then there was a double injustice; first, to judge in Seneca. the absence of one side; secondly, (suppose they say that the Oath itself served as the adverse party present) that ●…so is injustice to condemn the good with the bad; for either Gen. 18. but some part of the Oath concerns Temporal Obedience, (that Parsons confesseth) and then hath the Pope dealt both unjustly to condemn the whole Oath as it lieth; and undiscreetly and injuriously, not to express the particles of his exception: or else the whole Oath doth only concern it, and then is the Pope's dealing both aberrant from Divinity, and cruel to his Catholics, forcing their Sovereigns sword out of his scabbard, and whetting it in his hand against them; as also (which his Majesty very judiciously collecteth) by exhorting them to constancy not to yield therein, he casteth a foul imputation upon that Religion, as if It and Civil Obedience were incompatible in themselves, and that no zealous Papist could be a true Subject to his Sovereign. 61 This Collection he termeth an Injurious Inference; but answereth no other way, than first by a shifting comparison, that the same Objection might be made against Saint Cyprian and other Fathers, for exhorting Martyrs to Constancy, not to yield against their Conscience; and secondly by a preoccupation, that if we should reply, that the things then exacted by Emperors, were simply and apparently unlawful, these not; their answer is, that unto them in their Consciences, the Oath is as utterly unlawful: which is as much to say, to swear allegiance unto their natural and rightful Sovereign, is in their Conscience as unlawful as to Sacrifice to Idols; for in denial thereof only, was the Constancy of those Martyrs tried, whom S. Cyprian heartened, as in the very book which he quoteth is manifest, Exhort. ad Martyrs. divided into twelve Chapters; six of them, all handling that only argument as the subject of their perseverance. Thirdly, he answers by an Expostulation: Why should it be more indispensible to deliver up a Bible or a New Testament, which the Martyrs then denied to the Emperors, and so died for denying it, and are by the Church commended for so dying, then now for Rome's Catholics to swear an Oath against their Conscience when the King exacteth it? 62. The reply is, first, that it is not the substance of the OATH that sticketh in their Consciences, but the form thereof, especially those last words, I do make this Recognition WILLINGLY and TRULY: otherwise they have a trick in their Religion to swallow the whole Oath without straining; for this is their doctrine (and 'tis worth the observing) that if a man be called to swear, if he take the Oath unwillingly, 'tis unto him as if he had not Azor. In●…itut pag. 1. 〈◊〉. 10. c. 4. sworn at all; yea, grant he have voluntatem iurandi, be very willing to swear, but hath not voluntatem se obligandi, no will to bind himself to perform what he swears, it is no OATH unto HIM, he is as free as if he were never sworn. 63. Secondly, that this is (as the Schoolmen speak) Comparatio non aequalitatis, but similitudinis: for there is no proportion in these cases of Disobedience; because simply to deliver up a Bible unto a Superior requiring it, is no sin, yea, to deny it, is a contempt; for so far forth as they are material books, they are but Opera deletiva, (as Victor in August. speaketh) and, after delivery, may either be transcribed by Copy, or recovered by entreaty, or supplied from other places: but if the Emperor require them to use as jehoiakim did jeremiah his prophecy; or Antiochus ●…e books of the Law to burn & deface in contempt jere 36. 23. 1. Maccab. 1. 59 60. 〈◊〉. lib. 8. ●…p. 2 ●…nob. lib. 4. 4. and despite, or fury and passion; and that was the case, as appeareth by Eusebius and Arnobius in those words: Cur ignibus meruerint dari nostra scripta? Or as julian the Apostata (who called in all the heathen Writers, both of Philosophy and Poetry, out of the Christians hands, under a Socrat. lib 3. cap. 12 grae. fair pretence of abandoning Paganism, to bereave them of all knowledge) thereby to take from Christians the true means of their instruction; the cause is far different: for so to obey, were wilfully to betray the truth of God; whereas Obedience to Princes, is an injunction both to 1. Pet. 2. 13. Tit. 3. 〈◊〉. all subjects for performance, and to Clergymen, for suggestion also, to remember the other of their Duty 64. From which there is no startling exception, saith Aquinas, unless he be either an Usurper or intruder which commands (and that's not our case, God be thanked,) or 22. q. 105. art. 6. ad. 3. that he command things unlawful: if they say that's their case, we deny it: but let us suppose it, yet their Angelical Doctor will tell them, that in those things they must notwithstanding Obey, propter vitandum scandalum aut periculum. (Of this Divinity I judge not, 'tis their own.) And can there be a greater scandal in a State than that a King should have so many subjects in several ranks, that shall refuse to join in the same Allegiance with their native Countrymen and Cohabitants? As for danger, Can a man take FIRE in his bosom, and his CLOTHESES not be Prou. 6. 27. BURNED, saith Solomon? Or a Prince nourish Recreants in his Realm, and be secure of his safety? Obedience therefore being the Bible's doctrine, what resemblance hath the delivering up of the Bible to the despite and rage of furious Tyrants, and the Oath which binds the Obedience Only in Secular things, and is therefore called the OATH OF ALLEGIANCE? 95 To which he answereth, first, That's the Inscription, not the truth; for the fairest Title is put upon the foulest matter, when it is to be exacted or persuaded. 'Tis true Fa. Parsons; for Murdering of Princes is now entitled a Sixt. Quint. Panegyr. Card●…m. ad Parri●…. Memorable and Worthy exploit, as in the Monks case that slew the French King: yea a Meritorious Work, deserving Letters of Commission, Indulgence of Pardon, and Inheritance in Heaven; as in the case of Parry the designed Slaughterman of Queen Elizabeth. As for deposing Kings and inciting Subjects to Rebellion, they are entitled the two principal Wards of S. Peter's Keys, without which, God Bulla P●…j 5. had been desicient in his Providence, because without them the Church could neither be well opened nor shut. But that the Oath is such an Harpy (with a fair face and a foul heart) we must and will denieit, till it be proved, that there is any thing in it which either scandalizeth a GOOD Conscience, or contradicteth any point of TRUE Religion; or which merely concerneth not civil Obedience. 66 He therefore secondly answereth that the exacting of Bibles to be delivered up was under pretence of Allegiance. Unless he had a warrant under the Pope's Seal, to falsify that little Reading he hath, he would not thus writ; the Authors which he nameth, mention no such thing; vea, the contrary is implied by them. For not only the Bible; but paper Books also of collected notes, and books of Physic were exacted to the fire, as in Saint August appeareth: yea some of Tully his works (as Arnobius witnesseth) even as Numa Pompilius his volumes Contra. Crescon lib. 3. cap. 27. Lib. 3▪ contra. Gentes. Sixt. Scnens. li. 2. long before, by an ancient decree of the Roman Senate: & for this Exaction, two reasons only are given; first, a purpose to destroy all writers, that made against their Doctrine of the Paynim Gods, and that fetched in Tully, and the Old Testament especially. Secondly, it was the current opinion in those times, as witnesseth Arnobius, that our Saviour Christ was Magus insignis, a notable Sorcerer and conjuror; and so the New Testament was fetched in, and whatsoever writings concerned HIM, as reckoned in the number of Magical books. They that through torments and fear yielded them up, were called Traditores saith Saint August. The name first known 40. yoares after Saint Cyprians Vbi supra, & de ●…apt. lib. 7. cap. 〈◊〉. death, in the time of Dioclesia, & no one word mentioned by any writer concerning Allegiance, either in the emperors Edict, or relation of the History: and therefore to bring it in for comparison with this Oath is absurd and ridiculous; wherewith the other Edicts of the said Tyrant (commanding Christians to sacrifice unto Idols) have as much coherence. Moore truly do those Traditores represent unto us the Roman Expurgatores; for as they, by their faint yielding, did what in them lay (to speak in Arnobius Ad ●…rsus Gent lib. 3. words) publicatam submergere Lectionem, utterly to abolish the published knowledge of Christ, and to make the Saviour of the world a Sorcerer; so do these by their false purgation (as much as they can) endeavour to make all the father's Romish Advocates, and to leave to the Church neither true History nor sound author, no more than Pharaoh would have left one Male Israelit alive, had not the midwives prevented Exod. 1 16. him. 67 Some shadow hereof (to go no further) may be seen by this jesuite in the point of these two Breves of Clement, the 8. in this place mentioned by his Majesty, which Garnet the Arch-Traitor had, and burnt, & wherewith the Epistler makes the way to end this Paragraph (for Tortus pag. 46 li. 5. as concerning Rome being Babylon, he speaks not a word, as by silence granting that which Cardinal Matthew plainly acknowledgeth, and confesseth it to be even that Babylon in the apocalypse.) Now than his Majesty (who hath good reason to know what concerns matter of State) affirms that those Breves, were sent by Pope Clemens octaws immediately before the late Queen's death. This the Antapologer concludes to be an Exaggerated Calumniation. The Tortoise in Latin saith it is a vanity and falsity: belike Pag. 45. li. 24 these men stand upon a sure ground, they are so confident: what's then the proof? the English jesuite saith, That having procured knowledge of the two BREVES, he finds them sent into England, not together, nor immediately before the Queen's death, but the ONEDIVERS YEARS BEFORE, Anno 1600. & the OTHER AFTER HER DEATH. 1603. The Vn-Iesuited Latinist, Tortus, pag. 46. li. 20. he saith, that having the Copy thereof in his hands, he finds that Clemens the eight sent these two BREVES in the years 1600. one to the Clergy, and the other to the laity: BOTH OF THEM TOGETHER three years before the Queen's death. One came not till after her death, & yet both of them came before her death 3. years, where's the Falsity now? perhaps One was dispatched by Cut-speede the Post, & the Other sent by Tom-long the Carrier. The holy Ghost spoke it of as honest men as these, et non erant convenientia Mar 14. 56. Testimonia, & their witnesses agreed like Harp & Harrow. 68 If the date thereof must determine the truth, why agreed they not upon it? but suppose they did, that must not carrieit, it being an easy matter for the Pope to make an ante-date. The Gibeonites came to josua like far-went travelers, when as they were his confining neighbours; josu. 9 12, 13. and with torn clothes and mouldy victuals, as become so by journeying, which they had made by craft: and the Breves of the newest coin may easily have an old stamp in the Popesmint, to make them currant for his Catholic purpose. They writ of Asia, that the want of one diphthong▪ Plut de dysop. Luc. 16. was the overthrow of the whole Country. The Pope is not so nice, to hazard his case upon such quillits; if adding or altering, or falsifying, or outfacing will do it, in words, sentences, or volumes, his Scribe is at hand, (like the honest Steward that can writ down 50. or 80.) it is but turning a figure into a Cipher, and 600. will easily Apul. Florid. lib. 〈◊〉. be made of 603. But it is more than probable by that which this Epistler confesseth, that upon report of the Queen's despaired recovery, both the Breves were drawn according to the Proverb, à Dorio ad Phrygium of two divers natures, the One to raise a Tumult, if they found any head to make a foul stoppage against the King; if not, but that (in despite of the Devil) the King should have his Right, and the state be once settled, than the other should start out, to make a fair show for the Pope, and some way for a toleration. A stolen and silly policy (God wots) and not much different from the Laconian Scytalismus, to have Vide Plut. & Gell●…um. two tickets in one pocket of a contrary fashion, for two divers events. 69 Yea, rather which is the truth, according to his majesties relation (contrary to what the Scriptures observe in nature's course, which denieth sweet Waters and brackish to spring from the same fountain, yet, which the same Scripture abhorreth in man's tongue) out of the same mouth of the Pope proceeded blessing and cursing at one time: His Breve even then gastring his majesties title jac. 3. 12 and debarring his right, when (to sand some of his majesties ministers abroad, he both professed and promised 〈◊〉 furtherance in advancement thereof. For the substance of the Breve was, That the Catholics should admit NONE for King, were he never so nearly conjoined in blood and descent, except he would first SWEAR, not only to TOLERATE, but promote the Catholic ROMISH RELIGION within his Realms. 70 To this he answereth, That the Breve was rather a determination of the Popes upon a Question moved unto hi●…, what Catholics were bound to do in Conscience, for admitting a new Prince after the Queen's death? First, what hath the Pope to do in deciding Tules, or Marshall●…g Descents? One that had more right to the possessions of the whole earth (he by whom Kings do reign and Princes Psal. 3. Pro. 8. Luc. 12. 13. bear rule) refused to be umpire, in any such matter, for who made me a judge of inheritances, saith our Saviour in the Gospel? and One, not the meanliest learned among them denieth the Pope to have any authority either by prescription or power, to meddle with titles of Kingdoms, aut in prima instantia, aut in gradu appellationis. Secondly, who taught Franc. Victori. relect. 1. de potest. Eccles. §. Ex ●…us. the Pope such divinity, that kingdoms Hereditary descend to Religion, not to blood? Thirdly, the Pope therein directly, et ex diametro opposed against his majesties claim. For HE had many evident demonstrations, that the King neither was nor would be Popishly affected; his profession general settled in the Church and state where he lived; his resolute answers; his Statutes enacted: his Edicts published; his Book printed; his Arguments multiplied (and upon occasion enforced) made all to the contrary. His Tule was not so weak, that he needed the Pope's furtherance, nor his desire of a crown so ambitious, that for achieving it he would betray his conscience: which the Pope knew, and his Majesty should have felt the smart thereof, had the Catholic party been strong enough: and therefore that other ground of the Popes, which the Epistler puts down, is a falsity, and a vanity. scz. a hope conceived that his Majesty was not far from being a Papist, but there might be some reasonable hope of his CONVERSION. 71 What went you out into the Wilderness to see, saith out Saviour, a Reed s●…ken with the Wind; and what ministered Matth. 11. the occasion to this hope of his majesties inconstancy, which they call conversion? The relations and earnest asseverations of those his majesties Ministers abroad, quoth he. First, that's one just reward of a Strumpet, to be gulled with Gloss and false promises of her Rivals, to feed her lustful humour, and win her liking to themselves, and the Whore of Bobylon, Queen of the world (as his Majesty entitles her) to whom there is such frequent recourse, cannot want whole Stews of intelligence; yet a politic Historian notes it as a point of singular folly and rashness, for Princes and Statesmen to credit every report, especially in bru●…tes of high nature, & not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 very narrow Dion, lib. 52. lie to 〈◊〉 out the truth thereof. Secondly, though he were Nabal a Churl, that spoke it, and failed then in the particular, yet his Thesis is too true, hody increverunt servi qui fugiunt Dominos suos, there are too many servants now a●…es 1. Sam. 25. 10. that break every man from his Master; that carry names of Ministers being Fugitives; and of Agents being Traitors. Great men (Princes especially) do seldom want a Ziba to give out treacherous Informations, contrary to the intention, and derogatory to the Reputation of their 2. Sam. ●…6. 3. Master, which puts them most in trust. But as it was not the wisest nor uprightest doom (in the judgement of all divines) given by David upon a report so maliciously framed & so slenderly proved, to condemn Mephibosheth as a Traitor; so it argued no great discretion in the Pope, up Ibid. on bore informations, & (as the end will show) mere slanders (having in them neither ground for proof, nor shadow of truth) to be so credulous, as to conceive, that his Majesty would be an Apostata from that Religion, which in his infancy he had sucked, and had succoured in his Kingdom; & hazarued sometimes for it both li●…e & liberty. If perhaps he mean those letters which Tortus mentioneth, ere this time he cannot but know that those treacherous abuses are now fully discovered by the voluntary confession of the party himself, the then Secretary of Scotland, who got those letters signed, but made not his Majesty acquainted with the contents L. of Balmerinoth. thereof; because before that having moved the King ●…o writ unto the Pope, his Majesty had utterly denied him. And what Prince Christened may not in such sleight of deceit be abused, if those to whom he commits his especial ●…ust, will be so sraudulently wicked? yea, was not one even of their own modern Popes served in the very like kind? Wherhfore was Belochto the Taster unto Sixtus Quintus, and his attendant whom he dearly loved, condemned to the Galleys, where, after many months, he miserably died; but for signing with the fisherman's Ring. an Apostolical Breve, the Pope unwitting thereof; quo continebantur eaquae Pontifex admittere nol●…it; the Onuphr 〈◊〉▪ Six. Quinti. Contents whereof were contrary to the Pope's mind? nor the Taster only, but Gual●…erruccio, also one of his Secretaries, as an accessary to that treacherous cozenage, & another besides him, whom Onuphrius will not name, were all adjudged to the like punishment for the same fact Cuivis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest, saith the Stoik; & it may be the case of any Governor, be he never so circumspect. The Master's credit may for a while be hazarded by the servants unfaithfulness; but when time hath revealed the truth, the falsily of a Treacher, may not be a prejudice to the Innocency of a Sovereign. 72 So that what this glozing Scribbler writes of that Pope's kind affection to his Majesty, as loving his Person most hearty: speaking of him honourably; treating his Nation kindly; and using more liberality that way than he thinks convenient to speak of are but juggling devices to deceive the understanding of simple Readers. For though there be nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Majesty but that which is amiable and admirable; his parts of nature, Art, and grace all so singular, that (by the eminency of his place, being descried far and near) they most needs excite great love to his Person; draw men's affections to him: and occasionate most honourable speeches of high Qualities and Deportment: ●…et that Pope Clement should be so kindly respective, is much to be doubted, whose Letters sent to his Majesty while he was in Scotland, were refused by him, and returned without admittance. Yea, but the Pope (and the King cannot be altogether ignorant of it, nor ingrate for it) caused a special PRAYER to be made for his Majesty. 73 First, Who required these devout Services at your hands? saith God himself to a people as religious as Rome Es. 〈◊〉. 12. affords. We know that God heareth not sinners. Tainted affections may mar good Orisons, and the best prayers john 9 31. from such minds (like Cain's Sacrifice) may turn into sin.. Humility enforceth Prayers into the Clouds, to be returned Gen. 4. Psal. 109 7, Eccle. 35. 17. with effect, saith the wiseman, but the claim of deposing Kings is no humble conceit; such haughty imaginations sand forth but hollow suits, and receive but empty answers. Secondly, both the Subject, matter, and the intended end of a Prayer, being corrupt, may make it frustrate. Ye ask and receive not, saith Saint jaines▪ because jac. 4. 3. ye ask amiss. Such a Prayer therefore it might be, that his Majesty had little cause to thank the Pope for it. Had the jesuite set down the Collect, it might have been examined; but by that which he insinuates, it was grounded (as it seems) upon the former Hope that his Maies●… would be ONE of their Catholics, or at lest Tolerate their Religion and even this conceit alone were able to over: throw any good Prayer: for God, which usually heareth, ad Sanitatem, not ad voluntatem, doth not in mercy grant a Aug. in Psal. request that issues from an affection intended both to the dishonour of his anointed, as also the hazard of his lives safety, and his soul's health; and therefore the best thanks the Pope can deserve at his majesties hands, is that of the Prophet David, Let not their precious Bal●…ms break my head, that is as one of their own interprets it) Let not 〈◊〉 Psal. 4●…. their blandishing Prayers altar my mind, nor dissipate my Counsels. 74 But having thus Glossed upon the Breves of Clemens the Eight, he comes now to show his Art in those of Paulus Quintus, which is the last point in this Paragraph. The first whereof he would make good against his Majesty: (who in the Apology affirms, that in the opinion of divers Catholics (not of the simpler ●…ort, but of the choicest, yea the Arch Priest himself) it was so voided of Divinity, Policy, and natural Sense, that they accounted it a Counterfeit Libel, made in hatred of the Pope:) and the answer which he makes to it is sourefold: the two foremost, his old Palinody of scorn and malediction: first, that it is a Calumniation; secondly, that it is but a feigned de●…se of T. M. for no Catholic of judgement or piety would think so; Thirdly, an injury to the Reverend Archpriest; fourthly, a double Supposition, first, it might be that some did doubt at the beginning, whether it came from the Pope ex motu proprio, or from the Inquisitors their defectuous Information: Secondly, that if there were such a doubt, it was now removed by the second Breve; whereby all men may see the sentence of the See Apostolic, and learn to obey him whom God hath appointed for the Decision of Doubts. And haui●…g thus said, he leaps from thence to Bellarmine's Letter. 75 Such as men are themselves, for the most part they 〈◊〉 others to be, because they would fa●…e have th●…m ●…o be such; which makes this fellow, whom the Priest's 〈◊〉 ●…titled to be the Mint Master of all Forgeries, to repute Que. li●…. p. ●…36. even unseigned truths, to be Calumniations and De●…. But is this (in sooth) a fit course of answer, to turn ●…ll so deep and pressing a charge with such vn●…itting frumps ●…nd a short negative, IT IS NOT SO? A woman answered more sobe●…ly, but as fully, and said as much, when the Angel charged her that she laughed, IT IS NOT SO, ●…ghed not; and yet, which is worse, to vary in that nega●…e: Gene. 18. 21. for what before he denied, now he grants, and says it may be it was so. It had been to the purpose, both in 〈◊〉 to his Majesty, and satisfaction to the Catholics, if he had made it plain, that none of that sort thought so of the Breve; or ●…ad showed some reasons that they had no cause to think so, and to have proved by some sound Arguments, that this course which the Pope took, was neither against Divinity, Polli●…e, nor Common Sense. 76 But, that both the Archpriest, and divers Catho●…kes were of that opinion, is without question; and that ●…hey h●…d good reason so to think, is manifest: for whether it should come from the Pope ex motu proprio, of his voluntary motion, which (as they say that know him) is hasty, violent, and boisterous enough, or from information of jesuits or Inquisitors, who want neither partia litie nor malic●… in their relations, (no more than they did falsi●… and desp●…ght in their translation of the English Statutes divulged in Spain, with horrible additions of their own cruel imaginations, never dreamt of in our State, nor congruent with the true body of those Laws, thereby to procure detestation to the Realm) it forceth not: the Breve itself carries those Brands with it in the bulk there of, to be irrel●…gious, imprudent, and void of common sense. 77 For Rel●…gion, there is no more in it, then in the 〈◊〉 Co●…ban. to which it may be fitly compared: for Mar. 7. 11. as by that Tradition (or Illusion rather) the most natural duty to Parents was dissolved, under the most specious pretext of Pret●…e, being (in our saviours judgement) the very height of Impiety, as derogatory to the express commandment in the Law: so the native and legal Obedience, in the which Subjects are borne and bound to their Sovereign, is, by the Pope's Breve, under pretence of Faith and Salvation, Churches right and Christ's authority, (even against Christ's precept and the true Churches practise) ca●…iered, frustrated and prohibited; which hath made some of that Sect to rely thereon, and die therein as judes did: For as HE, presuming upon that Corban Tradition, as a sufficient warrant to exp●…ate his Treason, brought the hire of his Treachery into the holy Treasury Matth. 27. 5. and presently upon it went to his own execution; so THEY, taking that Breve unto them for a sufficient does charge from their acknowledgement of Loyalty, do wilfully thrust their neck into the halter, and become Authors of their own death. 78 For Policy and Sense, as much to be had in it as job found favour in the white of an egg. Prudence, in the Philosopher's opinion, is the Eye of the mind, which job. 6. 6. who so wants, is in worse case than the blind Cyclops, saith a Proteus of their own: whether therefore we respect 〈◊〉. Polit. l●…. 〈◊〉. cap. 1. quin. ●…2. q 47 that which in the Schools they call Prudentiam Monasti came, whereby any particular man may be adjudged wise in his own affairs, even THAT Eye was either dazzled with passion, or miss- carried to a wrong object, in sending out a Breve so evidently proceeding from Self-love, grounded upon misse-conceit, published in revenge, and Pythagorically peremptory without yielding reason: or, if we look to that which they call Prudentiam Politicam, Ibid. and showeth a man's wisdom in State-matters, therein also was THAT Eye much blemished; that Breve of his being like Rehoboams' answer upon his yoonkers' advice, more Lordly than judicious, more imperious than Politic: 1. Reg. 12. for what Policy could there be, so to deal with a King, lawfully possessed, royally allied, strongly backed; now newly invested in his Throne; roused some few months afore by Treason upon Treason, in a redoubled Conspiracy with Romish priests; freshly exulcerate with the most horrible design (for Savage Cruelty) that ever was engined, and that also from jesuits, and the Pope his own darlings; while his Majesty was (as it were) in hot blood, his spirits as yet troubled (and who could blame him?) by ●…he horror of such intended villainy: what Policy, I say, could it be, that the Pope (a stranger to this Nation, and the Grandfather of those Romish brats) even then should sand out a Prohibition, that his majesties native Subjects, especially of that Religion, (so lately tainted) should not acknowledge their Allegiance? 79 Put case that some Ingredients in the Oath (upon the fresh memory of that CRUEL PROJECT) had been over sharp, yet time might have allayed that heat, and fair entreaty wrought a Mitigation in the Oath; In the mean time, had the Bishop of Rome showed unto the King his detestation of those Treasons, and requested some Monument of that strange and barbarously designed eradication, which, like Lot's wives Pillar, might have remained Liu. lib. 〈◊〉. as Triste Exemplum sed in posterum salubre; A woeful, but a wholesome spectacle to posterity: yet withal entreated, that neither the Religion (which THOSE pretended) might be thought the worse of, nor the Catholics that profess the same, to be more hardly dealt with; this had been both a seasoned and a seasonable, a prudent and a sensible Policy. For generous minds yield where they find a relenting passage; rebecke by opposition provokes Liu. lib. 22. to wrath; and hasty opposites, as they are unwary, so prove they unlucky. 80 To avoid therefore this Imputation, and to show john 19 ●…2. that the Pope, like another Pilate, Quod scripsit scripsit, did what he did, with mature deliberation, and without hope of Revocation. — rursus ad icta pede●…. He seconds it with another Breve like a second Crambe, ovid. whereto this jesuite ascribes a double virtue, as well CORROBORATIVE of the former, to put it out of question; as RETENTIVE to the Catholics, confining them within their Obedience to HIM, whom God hath appointed for decision of such doubts. But what if the first Breve were a sin, and this Doubt-driver prove errant HIS doubling of the one; shows pertinacy in the mind, but aggravates the crime; and THEIR relying upon the Other, (like the Egyptian Reed) argueth their misery, & Esa. 36. 6. hazards their safety. And is it not a Sin to Prohibit the taking of that Oath which the Scriptures do call juramentum Dei, the OATH of God? because in his name, and for his sake, and at his command subjects do swear Loyalty Eccles. 8. 2. to their Sovereigns? And can there be a more miserable slavery then to fasten their souls upon his Decision, who (by the confession of their own writers) hath no more Privilege for warrantable resolutions than an other m●… (howsoever a new late start up of U●…ce endues him with Benedictus à Benedict●… prae sal. ad Antithes. Sape. et Co●…ar. to. 1 pag. 184. Aduersus haeres. lib. 1. ca 4. Mat. 15. 14. a more than Super angelical immunity, that volens nole●…s errare non potest; though he would never so fame, HE CANNOT ERR.) In particular controversies of Fact, there is no doubt but the Pope may err: saith Bellar. yea, even in points of Faith, saith Alphonsus in his last Edition, though corrected. Our Saviour then concludes, If the blind lead the blind, the danger of the Pitfall is equal to them both. 81 This Controversy therefore, whether of Fact, or Faith, rests not there: but lest it might be thought that the Oath was overswaied by the Pope's authority, without ground of learning; or was interdicted, either upon passion (without deliberate judgement,) or upon ambitious maintenance of the See Apostlolike (without weight of Argument); to strike that stroke dead, outsteps Cardinal Bellarmine, a ready armed Champion in HIS behalf, whose successor (perhaps) he hopes to be; and by a LETTER to the Archpriest Black-welll (as by his Gauntlet cast) he challengeth the Oath of Atheism, and him of Apostasy for taking it. And now according to the Proverb, Res redijt ad Triarios: for this is HE, in whom lieth their main strength and hope. For Baronius compares his books to David's tower & armory Cant. 4. Et num vidistis virum hunc qui ascendit, said the dismayed 1. Sam, 17. 25. Israelites at the sight of a tall Soldier? And is there any standing against such a Combatant? But in the mean time doth not the Cardinal take it in scorn or for a wrong that this Rotarius or Accensus miles (such the old Romans accounted minimae fiduciae viros, to have little strength & less Liu. lib. 8. trust (such an One as Parsons, should take upon him to make good HIS challenge against the Apologer; which is as much as if TINCA the frapling Rhetorculist should undertake Tul. de cla●…is Orator. the defence of Tully his Oratory: and this he doth in the THIRD PARAGRAPH. Entitled ABOUT Cardinal Bellarmine's Letter, and answer thereto by the Apologer. Numb. 1. As if the Apologers answer like jerichoes walls should presently fall with the Blast of a Ram's horn, and josh. 6. 15. a few turns About it: and yet is the Title well fitting his reply; for many windings and turnings he hath in a Preface ABOUT it, before he come to it; and being in it, he treads a Labyrinth and sometimes looseth himself: and yet in the conclusion he winds his Cornet in three several blasts; first, comminatory to our state; Secondly, CAUSATIVE of his Antapology; Thirdly, SUPPLICATORIE, for a more moderate proceeding. In the Preface, after he hath first showed the occasion impulsive of Bellarmine's writing; scilicet, a Foreign mislike of Blackwells taking the OATH though with a limitation; and a scandal conjoined, in regard of his person and place: (the Catholics of our Climate, as this jesuite confesseth, were of another mind, so full of concord they are between themselves:) he, secondly, summeth Supra. nom. 14. par. 1. up as in one total the Particulars in the Cardinal's Letter; yet neither like a Logician, nor a good Auditor: but (as if a false borrower should sum up the interest without the Principal) he leaves out the Essential & kindly parts thereof, and only takes those that are consectary and dependant, and those very simply and rudely. 2 As thus, The Cardinal (saith he) shows his opinion consisting of two points; the one, that the OATH as it stands compounded could not be taken; the other that the Archpriest aught to stand firm in regard of his place, in defiance of danger. Whereas to make Bellarmine speak himself, the true Analysis is this: the Cardinal's whole Letter (after the gratulatory Preface) is exhortatory to Blackwell; first, to rectify his judgement in the true understanding of the Oath; Secondly, to recover his Constancy, which he hath lost in taking of it: the first he persuadeth by reason; because either openly or privately it impugneth the Faith touching the Primacy of the See Apostolic; which is slenderly proved, and falsely grounded: His first proof, a sly anticipation, that the Oath implieth more fear than danger; Secondly, a false lustre, that it is like the mixture of julians' pictures. His false ground, that the Oath impugneth the Spiritual Primacy of the See Apostolic, which is utterly untrue: and set upon that Sandy and unsound foundation, his whole building is placed, and so the standing thereof is prefigured in the Gospel. This is the true Analysis of the first part of the Letter; the second is untouched, Mat. 7. 27. and so let it lie. 3 And as he hath summed it up fond, so falsely also; this Epistler saith, that Bellarmine taketh the OATH to be compounded of lawful and unlawful clauses, whereas the Cardinal saith plainly, that the OATH though it be so Apolog. p. 39 30 tempered & modi●…ied, yet is it WHOLLY unlawful, which is as much to say, as there is not a lawful clause in it. And this is his labour in the two first numbers. After which who would not expect his present encounter? but it will not be prop●…gnat n●…gis ●…rmatus— ye must give him leave, after his manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to stepalide; he is somewhat gri●…pt Horat. Tpist. and a knotty point or two troubles him, before he can join issue; The first, is the Wrong Translation of the cardinals Subscription, which the Apologer had thus metaphrased, YOUR VERY REVEREND BROTHER; whereas those words (saith the Epistler are to be referred to the Archpriest, and not to the Cardinal: and this (in his pang) he calls a CAVIL, both in the Corpse and in the Margin. 4 So the Moralist writes of a quick sighted Empiric, that would perforce make a gentleman believe he was inclinable to a great sickness, because he saw redwiam a pimple or the skin rising below his nail. But suppose Plutar. it were not exactly translated; first, is not the sense all one? for both the Brotherhood and Reverence is Reciprocal and may be referred to both parties, either your Reverendships' Brother, or your Reverend Brother, especially as it was in the written Copy, where the D. in the end had such a dash, as it might be taken aswell for dus, as dae. Secondly, why did not the Epistler mend it, and translate it right himself? because he is opposed. For should he have intrepreted Dominationis in English truly adverbum, the reply (he foresaw) would have been upon him as Alexander's was upon Diogenes, who begging a Talent, the Emperor answer it was to much for a Cynic Diog. Luert. to ask; he than craved an halfpenny, the Emperor told him it was to little for Alexander to give. Had it been translated your Reverend Lordships, that were to lofty a title for the Grand Cardinal to give an Archpriest, whom the Canonists (some of them) make but a Rural Deane, others Glos. dist. 50. in Capite. Dist. 25. c. per lect●…. Distinct. 60. ca Nullies' epis an archdeacons inferior; they that put him to the highest strain, rank him but as a Deans equal. If it had been your Reverend Mastership's, that had been Terminus diminuens, too mean a style for an Archpriest, for so you might aswell call Bellarmine MASTER Cardinal, which in this Censurers opinion (ye heard before) is Scandolum magnatum, Parag. 1. an unmannerly part, even in the King himself. 5 But why should he call it a Cavil? was any argument framed out of it; or the Cardinal's ambition aggravated, for so styling himself? no such thing; only translated and so left: the Latin is extant and unaltered; and in BLACKWELS' Examination at large, translated Your Reverend Lordship's Brother. Whether properly in the one or the other, is it not truly both a quarrel De Asini 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. vm●…ra, who should have the Lordship, either the Cardinal or the Archpriest? and an abuse of the Reader, to withhold him from serious matters, with trifles and gewgaws? The other point is the Apologers wilful mistaking of the question, and thereby a great ADVANTAGE given to the Cardinal for his defence. That yet sub mart; and let not him that is girt to the battle, boast as he that's unbuckled from the fight. If it be so, that need not then have stopped him; the more advantage, the easier Conquest: the trial will show it, and upon that let it rest. 6 And now these twinges are past, he comes, Numb. 4. to the first exception taken against the cardinals Letter, confessed by him to be great if true, that Bellarmine hath mistaken the Question, and like a man blindfold, hath impugned the OATH OF SUPREMACY instead of the OATH OF ALLEGIANCE. And so much doth M. Blackwell confess, after he had well read and weighed the said Letter, in saying, that he perceived Examine. large pag. 12. the Cardinal did not distinguish between those TWO Oaths, that of 1 o. Elizabethae, and this of 3 o. jacobi. But Bellarmine hath himself prevented that Objection (saith this jesuite) in that he speaketh of an OATH TEMPERED AND MODIFIED, which cannot be understood ●…f any other but THIS OATH; THAT of the SUPREMACY hath no such MIXTURE in it: and this he calls a clear Refutation. 7 Which is indeed but a duskish illusiion; for, first, if this Oath be so modified in comparison of the other; why is IT accounted by this Censurer, the greatest affliction and pressure that ever befell the Catholics? And why should not Paragr. 1. no. 33. pag. 20. an OATH, so allayed and tempered, be as readily entertained by the Pope and his followers, as was the Edict of Mauritius the Emperor, by their own confession, after it was corrected and moderated, as they say? Secondly, those Parag. 2. no. 49 Mitigations and alleviating Temperatures, being not mentioned by the Cardinal, argue rather that he did verily mistake the Oath; writing upon other men's relations, not his own understanding and judgement: for he that compares the Oaths; shall find this last of Allegiance, to be more pressing, pithy, and peremptory against the Pope's Primacy in Temporalibus, than the other against his Spiritual Supremacy; and in all circumstances a more exact and searching touchstone, to try and discover a loyally-affected Subject, from a hollowhearted Recusant. Thirdly therefore, the Modification which the Cardinal speaks of (as by the verb & tense he useth [offerebatur] may well be conjectured) is not in the tenor of the Oath passed so by the State, which still remains as it did; but in the Offer of the Magistrate, when Blackwel took it not long before, whereof himself speaketh in his Letter to the Priests Exam. brevis, pag. 23. lin. 3. and repeats it again in his Letter to the Cardinal, at those words, Qrod ad juramentum, etc. the first of which Resp. ad Bellar. lin. 12. Letters being written in the midst of july, & Bellarmine dating his not till the end of September following; to that offered Temperature and acceptation there specified by the Archpriest, it is more probable that the Cardinal alludeth, then to the Oath itself, wherein there is no one qualifying point. So that his majesties exception that the Cardinal hath mistaken the Oath, remains yet unremooved, for all this Clear Refutation; unless he bring more evidence, which he intends. 8. But soft, the giddy fellow tells us he hath another errand to do, not out of the way, but a note BY THE WAY: The Scripture sets a more essential Note upon such By way takers, Operantes iniqiutatem, declinant in Psalm. 125. 5. obliquationes: Wicked men (as thieves plotting, or pursued) take all the by-ways, nooks, and lanes they can pass, for Arist. Eth. ●…gatho. apud. Athen, fear to be described or apprehended; and both Poets & Philosophers have noted them for absurd Disputants and Discoursers, that start into circumstances, and leave the principal matter which is controverted But this is just according to the Title of this Paragraph ABOUT the Cardinal's Letter: for the prolongs to come to it, and being in but a while, is out again presently. Let's follow him though, and see what Daiz●…e he hath plucked by the way in three whole Numbers, 5. 6. 7. scilicet, the Apologer (belike as Caligula did with jupiters' Statue) Sueton. hath taken off the right HEAD and put another in the place thereof, in setting down the form of the OATH OF SUPREMACY; For whereas in the times of King Henry the 8▪ and King Edward the sixth, The Title was then, The King's Highness is the Supreme HEAD, the Apologer thinketh it not good to give IT unto his Majesty; but calleth HIM only supreme GOVERNOR. 9 Questionless, either a bold oversight in his Majesty, that he durst change a borrowed Metaphor into a proper word, or an overawed fear to take that Title of Head into his style, which God himself gives to a less and a far worse King, and the Apostle to every married 1 Sam. 15. 1. Cor. 11: man, whom he calleth the woman's Head. But what's the Ulcer that vexeth him for this alteration? Perhaps because the first which gave that Title of Supreme Head unto King Henry the 8. were Bishops of their own Profession, Stat. 26. c. 1. Hen. 8. not of ours, and so it was, as appeareth in that Statute which he mentioneth: If so; why was it then accounted such a Sacrilege and Blasphemy of ours, as in all their writings it is continually traduced? Or is it because the Title of GOVERNOR hath more in it, or is a loftier and prouder Style than HEAD? Not: themselves confess it is all one to be Head of the Church, and to be chief Governor Allen. Apol. ca 4. & Hart. in Confer. in causes Ecclesiastical. If so, identity of command expressed in diversity of terms, admits no just quarrel; much less is to be accounted (as it is here) a NEW DEVICE of john Reynolds (certainly he deserves as well to be called MASTER, as Bellarmine CARDINAL) because such an ONE as HE (or such others at he) about some twenty years agee, were the first devisers of it: so saith this Epistler. And will this great Intelligencer make himself so ignorant as he seems to be, to attribute that to one, or some few private men, and repute it for so modern an alteration, which was the Action of the whole State of this Stat. 1. Elizab. anno primo. Land, above fifty years past? For so it was, in the first year of the late Queen of famous memory, explained rather then altered, at the request of the Nobles & Diumes of the Land and expressed, not by the words of Supreme GOVERNESS, (as this Mate scornfully speaketh, and falsely lays it upon M. Reynalds) the words of the Statute Numb 7. Confer. cap. 1. di. 2. pa. 52. in Quarto. Vbisupra. being put in the Masculine, GOVERNOR: & in that Conference also (which he hath neither quoted nor alleged truly) the words of M. Reynolds are, We give unto her Highness the title, not of HEAD, but of Supreme GOVERNOR, and repeats it so again in the same Section. 10. And that, not in regard of her Sex, which permitteth her not to speak in the Church, as this malicious hickscorner dallieth; for being descended as she was, She had as due right to the Crown, and as absolute authority in the fruition thereof, as any Male-Monarch whatsoever. Neither did she take upon her to speak in the Church, that is, to desine matters of Faith, administer the Sacraments, ordain or consecrated (as Oziah once sacrificed, and as some 2. Par. 26. 16. Romish slanderers have written) nor meddled She with Church-matters more than Scriptures gaucher leave by the place She had, nor was her authority in Ecclesiastical causes any thing amoindred or made less by that change, or rather Explanation of Head into Governor, which (as before is said) the Romanists themselves confess to be all one thing; but only to prevent or avoid a scandal, which (through ignorance) might be taken at it; lest weaker minds should think we gave unto our Kings that Title Secundum interiorem influxum, which is the proper office of the Head, as being the fountain of moisture, and is the Arist. de somn. & Vigil. most true attribute of Christ alone, who is so called by the Apostle; who also elsewhere giveth a reason thereof, because Eph. 1. 22. by HIM all the body, being furnished and knit together by Coloss. 2. 19 joints and bonds, increaseth with the knowledge of God, and that by the influence and working of his holy spirit: but only Secundùm exterius Regimen, as the highest and chiefest for pre-eminence and command, (as the Head in the Body, which is Reliquorum Imperator, Guide and Director Plat. Timaeus. of the other members) thereby to settle truth, prohibit error, anjoine Church-Officers (as Inferiors and Subordinate) the discharge of their several duties, and punish their negligence or contempt, etc. and is a more true Interpretation and Exposition of the Princes lawful authority in Church-causes, than that worthy one of the Popes; who, to prove S. Peter's Primacy above the rest, expounded S. john's Cephas (which is a stone) by Caput & Principium, a Head and john. 1, 42. Dist. 22. c. sacrosanct. Beginning, from whence all the other are to be derived. 11 But it seems his hope is, that this alteration may work THEM some gain, and be as a Reconciler between us and them for an agreement: why then did it stumble him out of his Way? or how will that appear? Because, saith he, whereas in HEAD was included a Supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical, by GOVERNOR, perhaps, they mean the King's authority within his Realms over all persons spiritual, but it matters ONLY Temporal; for S. Ambrose (as ye heard before) for bids Lay-men THEIR intermeddling in those affairs. To be Supreme judge of Doctrine, by debating, deciding, and determining points of Faith & Religion, that S. Ambrose dislikes, and we approve not, nor give it to the Prince (so you heard before too.) But by their authority to command Priests (even in Religious Services) to do their Office, Paragraph. 2. par. 2. num. 34. and punish their neglect thereof, or negligence therein, that the Scriptures commended in divers Kings, Danid, Ezekiah, josiah, etc. and we justly ascribe it to our Princes; acknowledging with S. Augustine, that it is the duty of all Epist. 50. Kings, to command in matters not only concerning the 〈◊〉 of men, but the RELIGION of God ALSO; and thus much I SUBSCRIBE UNTO, saith heart, one C●…nser. cap. 10. diuis. 2. ●…a. 674 Quarto. of their banished Traitors. But the very next words to Governor in the Oath (as by himself it is cited (are, in all causes as well Spiritual as Temporal; which might have well cut off this sly scorn of his, but that he isidle, and hath no other means to spend time, or to frame answers, but by Excursions and Outleaps to no purpose. It was wont to be the Proverb Bene current, they run well, yet OUT OF Eras. c●…l. 1. THE WAY: but to run badly, and out of the Way too, is not only an erroneous, but a ridiculous quality. And yet ye see for what he hath stepped aside; for some on-sowne grain fallen by the Way, which our Saviour noted to be the food Matth. 13. for those fowls of the air, which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as Woodcocks and Daws, to gather up. 12. But now, Let's RETURN again (saith he) to the Apologers charge. It is a vexing torment to a man, enjoined a journey upon a speedy business requiring a serious dispatch, to travel with a trifling companion, that will make many errands by the way, or hath many acquaintances to stop him in the Way, or is forced to make often Returns upon forgetfulness of divers things; such an one is this v●…tiginous Uertumnus, whom Plato describes for an inartificial disputant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, now going on his Way, now stepping by the way, now returning, and In Parmenide anon gone again. Well then, Let's return now (saith he) to that charge of gross mistaking, laid by the Apologer to the Cardinal, for giving the Child a wrong name; which, besides the former mention of the MODIFICATIONS, and couching of lawful and unlawful Clause in the OATH, the Cardinal doth also confute those MODIFICATIONS, in saying that they are but the SLEIGHTS OF SATAN to impugn the PRIMACY of the See Apostolic, either SECRETLY or OPENLY; which argueth that the Cardinal aimed at both the OATHS. 13 First, can a man confute that which he never mentioneth, nor pointeth at, nor can find? Or secondly, is this a good Argument, The Cardinal saith, that such Modifications as these in this Oath, do impugn the Faith touching the Primicie, either secretly or openly: Ergo, He hath relation unto two Oaths, the one secretly impugning the other openly? Is it not as strong a consequent, our Saviour in the Gospel speaks of a judge, that neither feared God, nor reverenced man: Ergo, He had relation to two judges, the one not fearing God, the other not regarding Luc. 18. man? But be it so; Than both the OATHS (belike, by this jesuite) have their Modifications; though the one more close, the other more overt: which is a plain Contra diction to his first argument; for there he said, that Bellarmine must needs mean this OATH OF ALLEGIANCE, and no other, because THIS only hath these Modifications, the other of the Supremacy hath none. Hear he insinuateth, that both of them have their mixtures, the one more secret, the other more revealed. Thus is the Antopolog●…r become Turn-sicke in troubling his little wit more than he need, to free the Cardinal from that imputation, which honestly he cannot. 14 For certain it is, that Bellarmine in that his dismaying invective (rather than Letter) unto the Archpriest, hath played the Andabata, or blindfold Fencer, committing three gross oversights therein: First, in that either he through ignorance witted not, or in his policy would not see a difference betwixt those two Oaths: Secondly, in that he discovereth not those subtle stratagems (as he calleth the Modifications here specified) but in general terms saith they do impugn the Primacy, either closely or openly: Thirdly, that all his Arguments & Authorities brought, are touching the Spiritual Supremacy, not one of them concerning the Temporal, which the Oath of Allegiance doth only impeach and encounter. So that his whole Epistle is the same which they call Rhetorica He terogenea, a good speech if it had been to purpose: for there is not any one part of the Pope's Spiritual Supremacy touched, or aimed at in this last Oath. 15 Had the Cardinal therefore either meant the right Oath, or intended a direct confutation thereof, his Argument should thus have been framed; That OATH which either secretly or openly shooteth at the Pope's Primacy in Temporalibus, cannot be taken without endamaging the Catholic Faith, and His Conscience that taketh it; But this Oath of Allegiance doth impugn His Primacy in Temporalibus, ei there secretly or openly: Therefore this Oath cannot be taken without a double damage. Had he thus reasoned, his Mayor Proposition should have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and his whole Epistle to Blackwell been bestowed in plain and effectual proofs, that the Crossing of the Pope's Primacy in T●…MPORALL GOVERNMENT over all Christened Kings, is the overthrow of the Catholic Faith, and of true Religion. Which Conclusion, as it would have made his brains to sweated, before he could have gotten any show of proof for it; so it would have made both him, and his Religion odious and hateful to all the Kings & good subjects in Christendom: which he knew well enough, and therefore voluntarily did mistake the Question, and turned all his force to support the Pope's Spiritual Supremacy, which is not touched in one point of t●…is Oath 16 Which, because his Majesty in the Apology averreth, this jesuite maketh him to be Contradictory and adversary to himself for so saying, and that in the very next period, where dividing the OATH into 14. particles, 12. of them at lest (saith this Epistler) do impugn the Pope's spiritual supremacy. It appears then there are at most but two of those lawful and allowed clauses in the Oath, if there be so many; and those Modifications (whereof he speaks) very few, even one in all, as appeareth, Num. 10. Namely the first, I do truly acknowledge that our Sovereign Lord King james is lawful King of this Realm; which is the same almost verbaum with the first clause in the Oath of Supremacy: so that either one and the same modification is in both OATHS (and then this Censur●… ●…are Refutation is obscured (or e●…e the Cardinal hath mistaken the Oath; if not in words, surely in sense, which is not only his ERROR but his IN●…STICE, as his Majesty well observeth because in advising the refusal of the whole Body of the Oath, as it is conceived, & impugning the same, as Wholly unlawful, he makes those that believe him, to fall into Rebellious conclusions; for he that shall refuse to take it, must needs hold the negative to those fourteen propositions: because all Refusal is either of wilful obstinacy, or of a persuaded contrariety, as first, That our Sovereign lord King james is NOT the lawful King of this Realm; Secondly, That the Pope HATH power to Depose him; and so of the rest. 17 And this the jesuite S●…reth at: (in the mean time what's become of the Apologers contradiction; and the overthrow which his Majesty hath given himself? THAT he is not yet ready for; he craves a respite to a further examination. Numb. 8.) but this (saith he) is a simple Fallacy, called by the Logicians à composito ad divisa, from denying of a Compound to infer a denial of all the parcels therein contained; which he exemplifieth in an OATH framed either by some Platonist in magnifying his Master, or by an Arrian, or Pelagian Prince in favour of their Sect: and both the OATHS mingled with clauses, some LAWFUL, some UNLAWFUL. Wherein first, secretly he girds at his Majesty for being both a Philosopher (which is his majesties great glory, & our realms happiness; for true Philosophy joined to Government, regulates the Sceptre to the subjects comfort, and the kingdoms renown) and an Heretic also, Tortus saith so plainly: a perfect slander in them both: for by that Religion which they call Heresy, he doth truly glorify the God of heaven. 18 Secondly, this challenge of Sophistical arguing is more than a Fallacy, it is a Falsity. For thus his Majesty argueth: He that refuseth the whole body of the OATH, not distinguishing, nor declaring his allowance of some parts thereof, by this his UN-DISTINCT REFUSAL concludeth the unlawfulness of the WHOLE, and is presumed to hold that the Contrary assertions are true; but the Cardinal condemns the WHOLE OATH, as it is conceived, not excepting any ONE for a lawful parcel thereof, and willeth the Archpriest so to refuse it: therefore, thus condemning it WITHOUT DISTINCTION, he induceth them that Refuse it, to a lawful persuasion of a total NEGATIVE, and contrariety of opinion, which is the very argument of our Saviour Christ, He, that gathereth not with me, scattereth, that is, who so condemneth me as WHOLLY unworthy to be received, doth thereby will men to Matth. 12. 30. refuse my person; reject my Doctrine; blaspheme my Works; and TOTALLY denies me to be God and Many and renounceth all Prophecies written, and testimonies revealed concerning me. 19 Semperin generalibus specialia insunt, saith the Law: F●… de reg. juris. & in toto, pars continetur. The general, whether affirmative or Negative contains in it all the specialties; and a total refusal, is an entire Denial of each particular. He that should say that the whole body of the Decalogue is unlawful in itself, & repugnant to Christian Liberty; doth he not conclude the unlawfulness of every several precept in Law●… and withal imply that a Christian (free by grace) may be (without fear of the Law moral,) an Idolater, Blasphemer, & an Adulterer, & c.? Neither is his majesties Argument drawn from the Compound to the parts divided, the Cardinal hath made no such division; for he hath condemned, totum continuum, the Whole body and bulk thereof to be unlawful: but it is rather à toto ad partes per contraria; as he which denies the Whole world to be of Gods making, h●… both denies that God made the light, & Sun, and Stars, and Planets; and also argues his opinion to be, either there is no God, or that he is no Creator. 20 Take therefore the jesuits own example, & frame it aright to the point: put the case that an Arrian Prince should contrive an OATH for his subjects to swear that there are Three Persons in Trinity: that God the Father created Heaven and earth; that the second Person is the Son of God, had a beginning of his essence in time, was crucified, dead, and buried, etc. Some Christians searing or hearing of an error therein, but not discovering it, have recourse to some great Doctor to know his opinion: HE, descrying the Arianisme, forbids them to take it, and not showing them the erroneous Article, assureth them that the Whole OATH, as it lieth is unlawful: doth not that Doctor condemn all the Articles therein, and willeth them inclusively to deny the Trinity, and the Father to be a Creator? yes, and as much as in him lieth, causeth the enemies of God to Blaspheme them as Atheists and Pagans' for their General denial. And therefore the rule of God Almighty is, Siseparaverit pretiosum á vili, quasi os meum eris, to separate Ier: 15. 19, the precious from the vile is according to my word. THIS the Cardinal should have done, but did it not; therefore his disallowing it in gross, showeth his manifest dislike of every Article therein, and his implyedaduice, that Catholics should deny even the very first, That King james is the Lawful King of this Realm. Nay, saith this Epistler, that's a calumniation, all Catholics do both profess and confess the contrary. 21 Do they so? then Father Parsons either is not, or Part. 2. cap. 5. was not a Catholic when he wrote his Doleman; for there he laboureth the point hard, that King James cannot either by Religion, Nation, Blood or ●…awe, be the rightful King of this Realm. And if it be Catholic doctrine, as Simancha and Philopat●…r have concluded it, that no Heretic is capable▪ if an Heir; or can be a just possessor of a Crown when he hath obtained it: then Tortus who hath so pronounced of King james, either denies him to be a lawful King, or all of that profession are not of the same mind for the King. Yea, we will go further; whosoever refuseth to swear to any One of the Articles in this Oath, acknowledgeth not the first, For the Whole Oath is like an Indenture, all the Clauses tying and tending to One condition of Allegiance; the breach of One proviso in the Indenture forfeits the WHOLE: the denying of any One Article in the Oath, is the denial of the Whole, even of the very first. 22 Take but one for example: he that refuseth to swear, that the Pope hath no manner of authority (simple or compound) to depose the King, he refuseth to swear that King james is lawful King of England. For if he were once lawful, then is he ever so; true legitimation is neither intended, nor remitted: and unlawfulness of title ONLY, carrieth with it the casualty of Deposing and Dethroning; it is not varying in Religion, nor altering of manners; nor misordering a Realm: all which may show a King to be unjust, but not prove him an unlawful King; they may hazard his safety, but not impeach his Title. A right of deposing must be in him, that hath either an higher, power (and that's only God, for tibi soli peccavi saith David, and none Psal 〈◊〉. &. Ambrose in cum. but a King can say so) or the juster claim, and then is not the Sovereign in place the lawful King; for two several parties cannot have equal right to One Crown; but the Pope lest of all other, being a Foreigner to the Nation, and an utter stranger to the blood. So that he which denies not the Pope that deposing power, denies unto our king the Lawfulness of his investiture and Dominion. The brief and truth is, Let a King be what he will for his Religion or Government; if he have right to the Crown, the subject must endure and pray for him; the Foreigner may advise, but not disturb him; they both may lament and use means to amend him, but neither of them both assume the power to Depose him: which authority of the Pope for deposing (as also his power in the rest of the Negative parts in the Oath, either of absolving subjects, or licensing Rebellions, or inciting Murders of Kings excommunicate, etc.) Not Complete Council ever fastened upon the Pope; neither can their own Schole-Doctors agreed how that should concern him, but are (as his Majesty truly observeth) at irreconcilable jars among themselves about it: to all which the Epistler answereth not one word 23 But the next exception he takes, is the Example brought out of the Counsels of Toledo, especially the fourth; which containeth an Oath of allegiance, commanded and laid upon all persons without distinction; and therein also the very point of equivocation, so carefully eschewed in this Statute Oath. Insomuch, that ALMOST every point of that Action, & this of ours agreeth, save that the Fathers of that Council were careful to see THAT OATH executed; but he that pretends and usurps to be Head of all counsels, is as straight in prohibiting it to his Catholics. Which discourse, the plain-dealing jesuite doth call the Apologers fraudulent manner ●…f proceeding, arguing a bad cause, and adds his reason, because in those Counsels (which were thirteen in number) there is neither form of Oath prescribed, nor any mention of equivocation, but ONLY of flat lying, and perfidious dealing. 24 Were WE so idle as to follow him in his own vein, we might catch at these last words of his [but ONLY of flat Lying] and play with his word ONLY as he did before; as if he thereby made flat lying and perfidious dealing, but a small fault; for so he taxeth his Majesty, Parag. 1. Numb. 12. for saying ONLY a form of Oath was framed; and thereby conclude upon him with his own words there; By this excepting of ONLY a man may well perceive this Fugitive maketh little account of flat lying and perfidious dealing. But let him go, idle he is, and the Pharaoh of Rome useth him accordingly, keeps him to gather such straw and stubble in Egypt, because he is neither good nor fit for any thing else. Sed Quis tulerit Grachum? while this jesuite is attaching the Apologer of a supposed fraudulencie, himself must even there be arrested of a Fraudulent impudency; charging his Majesty to say, that EVERY point of that Toledan Action hath aggreeance with ours, and leaves out the principal word which his majesty used, when he saith that ALMOST every point; & subnecteth immediately a particular exception of disparison. As if there were no difference between his speech that should say, Fa. Parsons was almost upon the Sea-coast for England, expecting the issue of the POWDER-PLOT, and his that should aver that he was upon the Sea-coast, and shipped for England. 25 In the mean time, what says he to the Council of Toledo? it puzzles him horribly, and makes him rove about, for 8. Num together to shifted it, and when he hath (like a fond Surveyor, who, having no more ground than will serve a Goose to graze on, will needs discourse and show how it abuts upon all the quarters of the world) when (I say) he hath with many circumstances set down, the occasion of that Counsels assembly, with the cause of the Treaty concerning one Sisinandus, that had displaced King Suintula, (the Canon saith, that fearing his own wickedness, Concil. Tolet. 4. Can. 75. Seipsum Regno privauit & exuit, he stripped and deprived himself of his Kingdom) and how that the said King procured this fourth Council; then reckoning up the Prelates and humble behaviour of the Emperor before them; with the full sum of the Decrees, all of them in Ecclesiastical causes save one, the last of all, concerning an Order for the future establishing of their Kings; and then hath told us of the excommunication denounced against all those that shall attempt the Destruction of their King, or break their Oath of fidelity made to him; with a repetition of that curse, divers times in that Canon, and a Reason therereof; with a commendation of the Care which those Fathers had for preserving the subjects fidelity to their Princes; and a supplication of their Clergy to their King for his moderate and mild carriage to his Subjects and a promulgation of a counter-curse against the cruelty of the succeeding Kings, if it prove such; with a confirmation of the Expulsion of Suin●…la for his wicked life (though Saint I sidore speak much good of him) and finally a form of an Oath in the sixth counsel of Toledo, prescribed to the Kings of Spain before they be Cronned, that they should not suffer their Subjects to violate THIS Catbolike Faith and a special mark upon the word THIS, showing THAT Faith to be opposite to the Protestants Faith: after all this ranging discourse (as if he had run himself out of breath and sense to) his sober conclusion is, that this is ALL against the Apologer. 26 Some say, that Pericles had that skill in wrestling, that though he received a fall, yet he would persuade the wrestler that cast him, and the Sectators that beheld thu●… in Plut. Per●…cl. him, that HE was the Conqueror notwithstanding; this Art doth Father Parsons assume to himself often, but very unluckily; for what is that One point of all this, that makes to the purpose; much less to Confute the Apologer, or is against him? Had he taken exception against the Council, as unlawful (because his Majesty called it a famous Council) and therefore not to be alleged in this controversy, Baronius would have snibed him, who hath magnified it to the skies. Is it then that this famous Council (consisting of so many Prelates, 70, or 68 or 62) was summoned & convenied at the command of the said King? for so it was, the words are Religiosissimi Sisinandi Regis jussu & imperij●… Conuenimus; we are assembled by the command Pref●…. ad Concil. 〈◊〉 1. and authority of our most Religious King Sisinandus:) this indeed may make against the Apologer, for he had before maintained and demonstrated that Emperors and Kings were wont to Convent Counsels both Universal and Nationall? 〈◊〉. pa. 26. 27 Or is that the point, because the Canons of that Council were all flatly opposite to the Protestants opinions? Be it so: first, the Apologer meddled with no one Canon of that Council, but the last, concerning the Oath. How then doth this make against him? but is it so indeed? view three or four of them; the marriage of Priests (so●… be with the Consent of the Bishops) is there allowed, Canon 43. that ignorance is the Mother of all errors, (not of devotion) is there positively set down, Canon 24. that the Clergies immunity from civil molestations and trouble is from the King, and by HIS command and authority, that's decreed in the 46. Canon. Lastly, that all the Decrees and Canons of that Council were confirmed by the Clergy AND VENTIRELIGIO SISSIMO PRINCIPE, after the King's ROYAL ASSENT had unto them; and that's let down Canon 75. Now which of all these makes against either the Apologers discourse, or the Protestants opinion? that so the Reader may see he might have spared his mark THIS set upon Catholic; for the Church of England, both for substance in Doctrine, and Ceremony in Discipline, doth hold the same, which many of those Canons do conclude. 28 As for the particular Canon concerning the Cath how is the Apologer therein taken short? yes, four ways First, there is no particular form of an Oath set down in the councils but only a general command for KEEPING, not for taking an Oath. Can an Oath be kept which was not first taken? But ●…n the Canon it apppeares that all of them had before taken it Quicunque sacramentum quod POLLICITVS est temerau●…rit, are the words Vbi. supra. of the Canon; for it was juramentum PRESTITUM saith Barro●…s. And did his Majesty say that the council Annal to. 8. An no. 633. 72. did decree the TAKING of the Oath? Not but an Oath WAS decreed a thousand years ago, which a famous Council with divers other Counsels COMMANDED to be OBEYED, without exception: the state decreed it; the subjects of all sorts took it: the councils enjoined the in●…iolable performance thereof. So then, an OATH there was, that's without question; and a form it had; if not set down in the Council what's that to the point? Sufficiently hath his Majesty evicted what he would, to prove that this OATH of allegiance amongst usis no such strange thing it having a precedent in like kind, confirmed by divers Counsels about a thousand years since. But is this a good argument, Thereis no form of an Oath prescribed, therefore either there was NO such Oath, or it is fraudulent dealing in the Apologer to speak of it by the same consequent, the title whereby the Pope supports his Sovereignty Monarchical, and derives it from S. Peter (even in spiritual causes may be justly concluded a fraudulent claim: for when the Keys were given, & that triple Pasce enjoined to Saint Peter (which are the two main pillars & refuges for that challenge of the Popes) there is no mention either of Successor or of Rome, Mat. 16. joh. 20 but only Peter to THEE will I give the Keys, and Peter feed THOU my Lambs; the fetching of both which (the Successor & See) into those Texts, drives Bellarmine into a maze: for first he saith, that the Bishop of Rome is Peter's successor JURE DIVINO, and that Christ De Pontif. Rom. li. 2. ca 1●…. appointed it so; presently he saith, that it was FACTUM PETRI, it was Peter's own institution, that the Bishop of Rome should be his successor. Might such reasons prevail, that Manifest Texts either of Scrîptures or Fathers, verbatim to express what we argue, might only take place, or the quarrel end, the Pope would be found a more fraudulent Impostor than a Pastor and Transubstantiation should never have had either the being or beginning. 29. But say, in sooth, Fa. Persons, is there not in those Counsels a FORM of such an OATH? De specie, of the kind and quality of the Oath, it seems you doubt not; the Council declares it to be an Oath Promissory, which is defuturo, of something afterwards to be done: the Re, of the substance and matter of the Oath, it is not questioned, for the Canon sets it down, and you also confess it in your second exception, saying that it was an OATH OF ALLEGIANCE. The Controversy is of the FORM, which though in Scriptures and Use we know to be divers, yet all conclude that to be the true form Authent. justin. wherein the name of God is used, for so himself commanded: Deut. 6. 13. which being of many sorts also, that is found to be lest questioned, wherein his name is joined: either with a preposition, as BY or BEFORE God; or used by way 2 Cor. 1. 23. Vide Azor. ●…stit. lib. 10. ca 2. par .. 1. Apolog. pap. 54. ex. Co●…l. Tol. let. 6. C●…. 1. 8. of Imprecation or I●…uocation, as in that of the Apostle, I call God to witness to or against my Soul; and this their own Doctors deny not. Now, even this very FORM is expressed in one of the Counsels of Toledo, cited by his Majesty, and translated, and it beginneth thus: Testamur coram Deo & omni Ordine Angelorum, etc. ut nemo intendat, etc. We protest and testify BEFORE God and the whole Company of Angels, that noman shall or may intent or enterprise the destruction of the King, etc. What then meant the Epistler to venture all the poor Credit of all that he writes (which he may do well enough, he was bankrupt of that long ago. Nilisthic quod agat tertia tussis habet. Martial. said the Poet of an old woman that had lost all her teeth with twice coughing) if in all the 13. Toledan Concells, there be found any FORM of an Oath prescribed? How will he avoid the TESTAM VR above cited? Perhaps he will say there is an OATH described, but not prescribed. Acutely, Be it that the State Secular framed the Oath and enjoined the Subject to take it, yet the Council assembled confirmed the Oath, (which is all that his Majesty endevonred to prove) and expresseth the Form thereof as it was conceived: Divines than do teach us, that every Canon of Confirmation by a Council, is a prescript of Injunction for Obedience. 30▪ Let us now hear his Second exception: sc. That Oath in the Council confirmed, was an OATH OF CIVIL ALLEGIANCE, which neither the Cathelikes refuse, nor Pope Paul prohibits. The Cathelikes refuse that which Pope Paul forbids, and that OATH which he condemns, concordat per omnia, is the very same for substance in every point with the OATH of Toledo: the title is the same with ours; each of them called juramentum Fidelitatis, An Oath of Feal●…y or Allegiance; that of Spain Tolet. 4. 〈◊〉. 75. comprehends all the Articles of our Statute- OATH: If in a shorter space, and less number, that makes no more to the altering of the quality or the substance thereof, then (if we may compare human with Divine things) the abridgement of the Decalogue into two great Commandments; which our Saviour made? yea, into one word, as the Apostle contracts it, doth vary the quality or substance of the Law Matth. 22. Rom. 13. Moral. For who so takes these 14. Propositions, into which his Majesty hath resolved and branched the OATH set aside the first clause (whereof they say they make no Apolog. pag. 49. 50. etc. question) and the last part touching equivocation (which hath the proper place anon to be examined) all the rest of the particulars may most properly & naturally be reduced to those few which in the Counsels are comprised. 31 For the whole OATH, either in general concerns the Protection of his majesties both Person & Crown, and that's the main branch of the 75. Canon of the fourth Council: or in particular, a Prevention of any other claim, Co●…pendium. juram. 〈◊〉. anno 3. or attempt by any Person to deprive his Majesty either of his Life, or his Kingdoms, or his Subjects; whether by single hand, or joint Conspiracy, or treacherous Defection or open Rebellson; and these are all within the list of the 18 Canon of the 6. Council. First, for Usurping claim, NEMO, We protest NO MAN shall or may (there's the Pope wholly excluded, if he be in the number of Men) usurp or challenge apicem, any one tittle of HIS Dominion, much ●…le ●…astigium, (which is in the fourth Council) the Sovereignty of his Kingdom: (there's power of Deposing gone, for it is an higher Sovereignty to make, and mar, and overtop Kings, then to be a King, and that which God hath reserved to himself alone; for God is the judge, it is HE that pulleth down one, and setteth up another, (saith Psal. 75. 7. the Prophet.) The other particulars of the Statute-Oath are easily reduced to these: Not man shall seek the destruction of the King, nor attempt his life, nor deprive him of his power, nor by any machination associat●… or help the hand of any Conspirrators against him. All which are plainly and verbatim in the 18. Canon of the 6. Council, cited by his majesty And the jesuite espying it, passed it and the rest over, not so much as either touched or named. And this was the manner, and form, and nature of the OATH which those Counsels did allow and ratify: but the Top-Councell Pope Paul hath wholly interdicted, and willed HIS Catholics to refuse it, as being repugnant to Faith and Religion, which in no one essential point differeth from THAT so approved by those Fathers. 32 His third exception is rather 〈◊〉 supposal; If King 〈◊〉. Sis●…d had offered the Council an OATH pretudictall to their Ecclesiastical affairs, they would have lost their lives, rather than have yielded to it. This is again his Sophistical Elench, though very silly and simple, whereby he begs the question in hand, & that by a supposed conjecture, when his Majesty speaks of a Fact: but we have often said, and they shall never disprove it▪ that there is no one Article in the Statute OATH crossing any Ecclesiast call affair, nor challenge of the Pope in Spiritual Causes; unless the very naming of the Pope be the prejudice, which in the whole Council is indeed not once specified, either for conventing or dissolving it; yet at the time when they met, there was a Pope, and his name was Honorius. When the Council therefore confirmed that OATH, against Depri●…on or abetting Conspiraties, in those general terms, Nemo priuct, etc. Had they but dreamt of such an authority in the Pope, they would sure have added, Semper excipimus Papa●…, or salva authoritate Sedis Apostolicae. This they did not, but in simplicity of heart went on, and set it down, NEMO, NO MAN may or shall DEPRIVE our King, wherein the Popes challenged Power is as much impugned as in our Statute OATH. 33 His fourth and last Exception is; There is no mention of equivocation in the Counsels, but the words are [JURARE MENDACITER] to swear falsely or lyingly: Between both which, what is the difference? Not more than between a pair of cozening jugglers, the one shining in Silk, the other clothed in Rullet; this more open and clownish, the other more fine & cunning Feater. Nay, it is no more, then that which was noted to be a fashion in all Languages, the abating of an odious vice, or harsh and unpleasing thing with a finer term: and that fashion never more frequet then where the vice was most used; as in Israel, their Blasphemers were called Blessers; and in Athens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their Srumpets, they would 1. Reg. 21. Thucyd. li. 3. & Plut. Solon. call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, She-friends; and their grievous exactions, Covenants of State: So among the Romans, Perduelles their open enemies they would term hosts, which naturally signi fi no more than strangers; & whom we in the Southern T●…l. Offic. parts call thieves, in the Northern parts they call Taking-men; and who oars (which is the more gross, but truer appellation with us) they call Vsed-women: Even so, that which Scriptures, Fathers, and Counsels, have heretofore simply called MEND AC IUM, A LIE in plain terms, the finer-mouthed jesuits (to blanch the soulenes of the sin to which they are so accustomed, and by an inbred pranitie of mind, as Tertullian speaketh, rejoice and delight in lying) by a Rhetorical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, call it in a finer word AEQVIVOCATION; a term to all Apologet. cap. 〈◊〉. antiquity utterly unknown, but only as a Fallacy in Logic, and a sporting figure in Rhetoric: and therefore to define out of any authentical Writer this jesuitical equivocation, to make the difference appear from flat lying, it is impossible. For a thing unknown in nature or custom, cannot be defined by Art. 34 Yet (not to enter into a full tractate thereof, because cau●…. M. the elder hath hunted this Fox in his Aequiuocating Male-Pardus thoroughly well) to try the difference Full Satisfact. par. 〈◊〉. between the Canon's Sense of jurare mendaciter, and Aequivocare, shall we say, that to Aequiuocate mentally, (for of the verbal and literal, the question is not now) is to speak one thing with the mouth, and to conceal or reserve in mind a thing divers from that which is utte read? That's not full; for so should Abraham have been said to Aequiuocate, when he told Abimelech, that Sarai was his sister, keeping the other part unto himself, that she Gone 12. was his wise, for both were true: and every wise man might be so styled; for it is the mark of a ●…oole to open all his 〈◊〉 inde at once, whereas a wise man reserves it till afterwards, saith Solomon. But put the case that the King had Pro. 29. 11. asked Abraham whether Sarai had been his wife and he had said, Not, reserving the other part [She is my Sister] in his mind, this had been a flat Lie in Divinity: and yet it is the same which the jesuits call Aequiuocating. For it is an overruled case among them, that if the Question be put to one of them, Whether he be a Priest, by the rule of equivocation he may answer, Not, (though he know himself to be one) reserving some Evasion within himself. Is then to reserve in mind any thing which we know contrary to that which the tongue uttereth, whether answering to a Question, or swearing before a judge; is that (I say) Aequiuocating or flat lying? Take either of them; it is no other than that which the Council calleth PRAEVARICATIONEM FIDEI, a varying and double dealing, with faith plighted, and procession made; and also SIMULATIONEM ORISCUM MENTIS PERFIDIA, Tolet. 4. ubi. s●… The fair semblance of the tongue with Treachery at the heart, even while the OATH is in taking; and was first practised by Arrius (that abominable Heretic) in matter of Religion, and is abhorred even in Civil Commerce, not only Socr, li. 〈◊〉. c. 38. Aug. de verbis Apost. Ser. 2●…. Homer. by Divines, (who accountmen that useit, detestable beasts) but among Pagans' also as much detested as Hell-gates: and what is this but the jesuits Aequiuocating? which all ancient Holy Writers call flat lying, no other than the very sin of A●●n●●s and Saphira; for when a man speaketh any thing contrary to that which in his mind he thinketh, Aequivocare est, say the jesuits; Mentiri est, saith Act. 5. the Master of Sentences. Lively 3. D●…st. 38. c. 35. The principal Difference which they make is in their purpose, that they do it not with an intent to deceive, but only to defend themselves from danger. First, good Intentions can never make actions, forbidden by God, to be lawful; especially private respects should never s●…lue perjury; for he that Swears, though to his own 〈◊〉 or hurt, he must keep his Oath, without varying, saith the Kingly Prophet. Verum ex falsis non est Syllogizindum is a Psal. 15 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 3. rule in Schools, not a good End by ill means must be effected. Secondly, this is but a juggling mist of mere appearance, voided of sound and true distinction, because they knowing that it is impossible for them to be concealed or escape, without illuding or beguiling the Magistrate, do therefore purposely deceive him, that so they may decline their danger: the avoidance of being disclosed, it may be, is the first thing in their Intention, but the first that they put in Execution, is the beguiling of the judge; for the End cannot be purposed, without the means to the End. Thirdly, this was the very case of those Goths in Toledo toward their King; for, having an Oath prescribed by the State, many of them thinking that Sisenand usurped the Kingdom, either by an unlawful depriving, or an over-awfull Paul. Aemyl. pressing of Suintila his Predecessor to a voluntary Resignation; yet for fear of the laws penalty, and to keep themselves untouched from confiscation of goods, and forfeiture of life, Swore Fealty and Homage unto him as their lawful Sovereign, but thought contrary in their heart to that which they had sworn: & this the Fathers of that Council called flat lying, and is no other but the jesuits Refined equivocation, though not in that very term specified, yet agreeing in Sense. 36. And if that was accounted but a Cavil in Arrius Russinus & Socrat. and his Sect, to except against the word Homoousion because it was not found in the Scriptures, though the truth and full meaning be there; and when we put them of Rome to the proof of Transubstantiation, because there is no such term in any Scripture, Father, or warranted Council, they count it a Cavil, & upbraid us with that exception taken by Arrius against the Coessence of the Son with the Father; what a shift is this of a trifling Caviller, that when the matter and substance which the word implies, is in the Council, he will proclaim it in his Majesty a fraudulency, to parallel the perfidiousness of both the Actions together, because the very word is not there to be found? Which (like Rahels' children that must needs be miss because they were not) could never be mentioned, because jere 3●…. 15. never dreamt of. 37, And therefore we will conclude this point, and dismiss the Censorious Epistler with that admonition, which those Fathers assembled, gave to such as himself & those Concil. Tolet. 4. Can. 75. that are of his Cut: Non sit in vobis, ut in quibusdam Gentibus, Insidelitatis subtilitas impi●… non subdolae mentis persidia; non periurij nefas, & Coniurationis nefanda molimina: Let there not be within you, or among you, as among Pagans' and Gentiles, and other Heathenish Nations, any ungodly SLEIGHT or SHIFT of disloyalty and unfaithfulness, not the falsehood and treachery of a crafty and deceiving mind; not the abhorred crime of PERIURY (as v●…orthy the naming) nor the abhominated enterprises of Conspiracies and POWDER-PLOTS: but, which is the preachers advice, Take heed Eccles. 8. 2. to the mouth of the King, and to the word of the Oath of God. And so, with Him we end this part of the Paragraph; yet with a Noverint universi praemising this, that to the rest of the Counsels, either of Toledo or Aquisgrane, he hath not answered One word; nor showed the difference between that which they call Aequiuocating in an Oath, and that which the Council calleth Swearing in the name of God DECEITFULLY; but passeth to the particular exceptions against the Cardinal's Letter, which he calleth The second part of the third Paragraph. 1. In the Entrance and first Section whereof (as if he were another Photion the hatchet of Dem stenes his pithy O rations) he chaps off full six leaves of his majesties Answer Plut. 〈◊〉 hoc. at once, with two or three sleight words, that they are but Dalliance and picked Quarrels: whereas in the whole Apology, there is no passage more witty and proper, nor more seriously with judgement handled. For in the Seven Exceptions (so many they are to be numbered) not the Cardinal's weakness of judgement, but wickedness of haste and affection (which is the chief seat of Religion) is ransacked & discovered to the world, as it rightly deserveth: For whereas the general opinion, conceived commonly of the Cardinal, hath been this, by those that have not pondered his works, (and Prefaces especially) that Father Rob. Bellarmine hath been no base Pragmatical Fa. Parsons but an honest, quiet, ingenuous Student; now, by this his Letter to Blackwell, he is truly made known, first, to bestow some good part of his hours in receiving Intelligences out of England, how painfully Blackwell & his fellows do labour every day and hour, like true Foxes & Swine, in rooting and undermining the Lords Wteyard so that for the space of almost these forty years, neither heart, nor Campion, nor Garnet, nor Gerrard, nor any other D sturber of our Christian Peace, hath wanted Bellumarma-minas, from Bellarmine, howsoever he covers it under Numa his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his Sacrificing in Prayers at the Lords Altar: which can neither be very charitable in him Plut. Num. nor acceptable to God, nor any way profitable to them for whom he prayeth; so long as he now revealeth himself (which is the third exception) to accounted Death for Treason to be the most reioycefull kind of Martyrdom: and withal (which is the fourth) to esteem of our Gracious Sovereign as of an other julian and a most bloody persecutor. To which four, and to the other three, as well concerning Bellarmine's mislike of the Modification in the offering of the Oath as also of the challenge, that no point in the Oath tendeth to matter of Faith, which should make him that sweareth, either to believe or not believe any Article of Religion: and lastly of the Rebutter to that unsavoury and unmannerly comparison, between Peter's Successor, and our Sovereign his Succession from King Henry, that neither the Pope's doctrinal nor personal succession, can come near any such probable warrant or assurance, as that there should be any semblance of comparison: to all these this Contre-defender scarce spends three Sections and that in answering only two of them. 2 The first whereof is clearing of Bellarmine from the Imputation, that the Greatest Traitors and Conspirators against her late Majesty (and particularly Campian and heart) gave up Fa. Rob. Bellarmine for one of their greatest Oracles, and this he doth two ways. First, dubbing it for an ABUSE exceeding a man's imagination, that the Apologer should thus writ. Secondly, a deceitful equivocation; that because they did cite him in Controversies of Religion, therefore he should be accounted an Author of their Conspiracies. 3 It is well that he will give equivocation the right Epithet of Deceit; but did his Majesty say HE was alleged by them as the Oracle of their Conspiracies? Not his words are, the greatest Traitors and Fomentors of CONSPIRATORS, gave Bellarmine up for one of their greatest Oracles in their Conference; (for thereto his Majesty refers the Reader in the Margin) whereof their Conspiracies was no part. For their Treasons they were arraigned Apol. pa. 57 convicted, and adjudged; the Conference was had about their opinions in Religion; in which Colloquy, the prinpall Author they relied upon (Campian borrowed much from him, and heart, called for him by name) was Bellar mine, whose Dictates there specified, were transcribed; and Conference in the Tower pa:, 6. every young Novice that came into England, was bound to have them; for to them principally, the Cardinal was appointed the Doctor of the Chair and Reader of Divinity, as himself boasteth in the preface mentioned by his majesty. Tom. 1. Contr. 4 Secondly, had HE been concluded as the greatest Oracle of those and other like Conspirators, there is no such improbability of truth, no ways to be defended, as this Censurer avoweth; but the argument is necessary: For the Cardinal being their principal Author for opinions, and the issue of those opinions being Treason and Conspiracy, it is more than probable, that from HIS positions and Lectures, they had sucked that poison which there rankled at their hearts, and here broke out (at their arrival) in their actions. The Apologue is known and proper, that when the Trumpeter was taken in battle, and pleaded for his life, that HE had killed no man, nor shed any blood, Aesop. Only sounded his instrument which gave a pleasant noise; the answer was, that HE did more harm, and was the greatest slaughterman in the Army; because, were it not for his heartening and inciting sound, the horror of the cry and blood would appall his fellows hearts; but when they were ready to quail, HE then provoked them to a fresh assault. And it was not for any valour that was in them or any hostile Act in open arms done by them, that made Philip of Macedon to condition with the Athenians Plut. Demosth. for yielding up their Orators unto him; but because by their enforcing Rhetoric, they persuaded and incited the Citizens to the continuance of war, he reputed them for his deadliest and most annoying enemies. 5 Which is the very Case of Bellarmine; He, in his Lectures & Dictates, blows the bellowss of Seditious Doctrine which flames out by his scholars Conspiracies, to the disturbance of the chief States of Christendom. One part of his Lectures, whether at Lovan or Rome (for he read in both) whereof his Dictates were an extract, was his fift Passevi. bibli. select lib. 7. cap. 4 & Tort. pa. 64. book DE ROMANO PONTIFICE: and what's the whole sum of that, but Arguments and Examples, to prove and show that the Pope, may by his imperial power (though indirectly) depose Princes from their states, and Seats? his familiarity therefore being more inward with the Novices of England, because he was their Master, his Majesty might properly call him the Oracle of his scholars Conspiracies; for they are the only visible issue and effect of his Doctrine in them, for aught appears yet. So much for that. 6 Now here the Censurer makes an Almain leap, skipping 3. whole pages together; and the second thing he alights upon is his majesties complaint, (with our Saviour) that neither severity nor mildness; that neither weeping Mat. 〈◊〉. nor piping will content these men. The first Oath of Supremacy, was accounted such an eager potion, that it was unprobable, unreasonable, unnatural and impossible to be taken down, able to drive men into utter desperation, Allen. Apolog. ca 1. sect. 5. saith Cardinal Allen: this OATH OF ALLEGIANCE is offered (by their own confession) tempered and modified, and it is the greatest affliction and angariation of Pag. 8. etc. spirit that ever did betide distressed Catholics, saith this Cardinal-Parasite. It is the subtle sleight of Satan impugning the Epist. ad Archi pres. Primacy of the Sea Apostolic, unlawful and repugnant to Christian Faith, saith Cardinal Bellarmine. Now whereunto shall we compare this wayward generation, whom neither rigour nor temperature can please? give them merum, wine from the Grape; that makes them brainsick to storm and rave: reach them Dilutum, allayed and mixed; that makes them stomacke-sicke, to disgorge and vent their inward rancour against the state. And doth not this give a just cause of his majesties complaint? wherein, what is there that should make the Apologer blush at it? 7 Blushing is no virtue, but a laudable affection saith Aristot. Eth. 4. the Philosopher, and that in young men and underlings Only for in Magistrates and men of years it is not come mendable, because it is to be presumed, that they will do nothing which shall procure their blushing: belike then there is here some main & shameful Crime that is thus Censured! and what is that? Forsooth, the Cardinal doth not say that the Oath is TEMPERATE in words; but TEMPERED in matter. And can matter be expressed without words? And is not Temperatum in Latin, as truly translated Temperate as Tempered? And when mention is of things written; rather attributed to words, than matter? as in Tully, and Hierom often, to temper the st●…e and pen; and Hierom. in Eccles .. in all professions both of Divinity, State, Physic, Music, and other Arts, always signifying an allaying or quallifing by mixtures; nam Temperamentum non est mistio sed m●…onis ratio, Aristot. de. Ge●…. Fernel. Ther. li. 3. say the naturalists: so that, be it the Cardinal meant in substance and matter, his majesties complaint remains just, and his charge unblushable, that their stitch against the former Oath being for that it was too riged, Tort. pa. 66. they should kick at this also, though themselves confess it to be tempered, that is allayed, by a proportionate mixture, and so the Cardinal meant; otherwise his other word modified were unnecessary, which signifies drawing to an equal measure, as when a thing is made neither too sharp nor too sweet, nor too high nor too low, etc., But that the Cardinal meant it was tempered in the style, and Words, it is manifest by himself in that subsequent speech of his, Certe enim quibuscunque VERBIS juramentum ab adversarijt Fidei concipiatur in Regno isto: certainly with what WORDS soever that OATH is conceived by the adversaries Apolog. lat. pa. 3●…. Ang. 38. of the Faith in that Kingdom, etc. 8 And as this is his majesties complaint, so the ground thereof also remains yet good; for surely did they not build a Monarchy to the Pope and not to Christ, one of these courses would content them; either that of the first Oath, severely peremptory for the Prince's Supremacy in Spiritual causes: or Moderately TEMPERED for his Sovereignty only in Temporal respects, the sole subject of this last OATH. Which his Majesty evicteth by a double Question; First, can there be found in all the OATH one word tending to matter of Religion? whereunto the Censurer makes a short & a sly answer, in a conclusion affirmative upon a Supposal; If the power and authority of the Pope and Sea Apostolic, lesle by Christ for governing his Church ●…n all occasions, be a point of Religion, than there are ten or twelve Articles or Branches in the OATH touching Religion. 9 And will the Pope judicially forbidden, & the Cardinal doctrinally conclude, & the Epistler impudently impugn the Oath as utterly unlawful & against Religion, which yet dependeth upon an IF; & is not yet determined for a point of Reli gion, that the Pope hath any such authority over kings, as in the Oath is mentioned? This therefore is his majesties pressing question, & should have forced the jesuit to touch the quick; but like an Aequiuocating juggler, he bemist's the Reader in cunning conveyance, and supposeth an authority jest by Christ to the Pope, but distinguisheth not whether in Ecclesiastical or Civil causes: for put the case it were granted, that the Pope had his Supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes from our Saviour Christ, this is not now the question in hand, neither doth the Oath meddle in that matter: his other usurped claim over Kings and Princes, till it be determined for an Article of Religion, the OATH doth justly oppose; and yet without touch or impeach of any point of Christian (yea, or their own Catholic) Religion: for a controversy undetermined, cannot be held in any Church, either for Article of Faith or principle Theological, and thereupon ensues his majesties Second question. 10 Doth he that taketh the OATH promise' to BELIEVE or NOT to BELIEVE any Article of Religion? To which, the jesuite puts the Oath itself to make the answer Even every clause thereof in effect, sayeth he: as that I. A. B. 〈◊〉 profess that the Pope hath not any power or authority to depose the King: and that; I do fur there abjure as impious and Heretical, that damnable doctrine, that Princes Excommunicate by the Pope may be depos●… a by Subjects: and that also; I do believe and in Conscience am resolved, that the Pope hath no power to absolve me from this OATH: upon which the jesuite like another Amaeus doubles his force with a two sold question; first, Do not these clauses include either BELIEF or UNBELIEF? for what a man is resolved on, that he BELIEVES; what he abjures, that he doth NOT believe. Secondly, What will the Apologer say hecre? Surely nothing, (to put the last first) for he hath more serious affairs in hand, then to answer such pelting questions. 11 ONE that hath less judgement and more leisure will easily shape a suitable answer, that this Censurer is an absurd disputant, still to beg the question: as if these Articles abjured or allowed by him that takes the Oath were points of Faith which are but Machia●…lisines of the Conclave; or as is belief were every where used Theologically, and that a Christians belief should be always taken for his Christian belief: for there is a natural belief, the Objects whereof are natural and Civil things, such as in this Oath, wherein there is not any clause which is not grounded upon the very principles of nature; that though there were no word of God at all (which is the true ground of Christian Faith, and whereunto his Majesty hath reference in his question) yet every good Subject is bound to believe and to be resolved in his Conscience, even in the light of nature, as a truth which without Scripture is infallibly sound that he must obey his parents both of body and country, and abjure and resist (by all means) any, that should impeach his Sovereign either in his Title or Person, which two, even the very law of nature, hath so fastened unto him, that no authority or power may altar or hinder. His Majesty therefore added for the explanation of himself (which might have prevented all this verbal Cavil, had the Censurer purposed, or were able to deal ingenuously) that the taker of the Oath is not bound thereby to believe or not believe any point of faith, whether Articles of the creed, or positions in Scripture, or determinations of the Church; for Moral Certitudes, and piè Credendum, and Historical narrations, (which are the strongest resolutions and best grounds for the Pope either his succession or Sovereignty) must not, as his Majesty most wisely observeth, pass currant for Articles of Faith, although the Cardinal thinks it sufficient for his greatness in a bore assertion to say, that the Oath endamageth the Christian Faith: which when (without proof) he hath confidently and Categorically averred; from the Archpriest, he mounts to the King; & turns the envy of the Oath upon his majesties causeless fear of danger from the Pope, because it was never heard off from the church's infancy that any Prince though an Heretic, though Ethnic, though a Persecutor, was murdered by the Pope either his Command or allow ●…nce. 12 Unto which objection of Panic fear, his Majesty in his reply, purposely (upon good judgement) avoideth to make any answer; the sincerity of his conscience witnessing within himself, and the openness of his carriage showing him in the world, to be as confident as a Lion: otherwise his Majesty might have told Bellarmine, that if in any persons, in Princes especially, that rule is necessary Abundans Cauteli nonnocet, Kings cannot be to provident for their safety; in which respect it is observed in Homer, that he ever presented the great commanders in the field armed at all points; and that the Lawgivers among the Grecians, made straight decrees against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as cast away their shields and Targets, though they tolerated Plut. Polopid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that threw away their spears & swords; which politic Historians apply to Princes and Governors of states, whom they persuade to be more careful of their safety in defending themselves, then of their valour to annoyed their foes: for both Scripture and nature make it plain, that in a King (though one in person) the lives of Millions are endangered; and if any Prince were ever forced to stand upon his safeguard, and fence himself with Laws, our Sovereign much rather, having such Emboweled enemies within his Realms as jesuits are, and do procure; and such Hydra-headed Treasons; suppullulating one after the other, and exceeding each other in degrees of unspeakable cruelty: and of all other times, Now especially, that they Refuse and Prohibit others to say their hearts open by taking this Oath. But his Majesty passing by that, as a sillly frump of a WHITE LIVERED REDCAP, observeth in this speech of the Cardinal: first his voluntary but subtile-preter-ition, in leaving out all the other disasters in the Oath, wherewith Popes have affrighted and infested Emperors & Kings (as Deposing, Degrading, Exciting Arms, Kindling Rebellions, etc.) and insists here, only upon One, Sc. murdering of Princes; and this very cautelously done by the Cardinal; jest (as his Majesty well observeth) he should in open and direct terms Cross his Own Pofitions, wherewith his books are stuffed 13. All which, the Cardinal's Page, this Antapologer passeth in silence, and stayeth himself upon the second; wherein his Majesty chargeth Bellarmine with an implied Contradiction against himself, in that denial of his, that Popes have neither ●…manded nor allowed Murders of Princes; seeing that Bellarmine confesseth (and exemplifieth it) that they have waged wars against them divers times. And what difference is there between personal murdering of Princes, and raising wars against them, the lot whereof is common and unpartial? Nunc bunc, nunc illum ferit 2. Sam. 11. 25 gladius, saith David, the King being no more exempt from the slaughter then the ordinary Soldier; yea more exposed to Death's hazard then any other, and the chief mark aimed at. Fight neither against small nor 1. Reg. 22. 31. great, but against the KING of Israel, saith Benhadad; and Ahisophel●… resolution to assault David in battle, was as dangerous, as if he should have plotted to have killed him in his Privy Chamber: For we will s●…ite the KING ONLY, said that Pestilent Counsellor. Doubtless, he that exciteth 2. Sam. 17. 2. and alloweth Rebellious and Civil Wars in hostile arms against natural Sovereigns, doth much more allow their personal Murders; unless his meaning be, that they shall not die alone; or that the more blood is shed, and more money spent, the greater shall be his glory. And that Popes have thus done, no other testimony need be brought, but out of Bellarmine's Books. 14 This the Censurer here answereth, first, by diverting the Argument, Num. 27. and saith That though the Pope hath waged war against Princes, yet he never caused any to be UNLAWFULLY murdered. Wherein he dealeth like Sauls armorbearer; because the Cardinal hath stabbed himself somewhat grossly, he will help to kill him more cleanly & neatly: for the adverb is worth the observing, secretly implying, that the Pope hath commanded, or may command Princes to be murdered, but not UNLAWFULLY; whereby it seems Lawful Murders of them have been commanded and commended; and of the Lawfulness no man may judge, if the Pope say the word: so that what Stories soever Bellarmine hath quoted, or what Murders the Pope hath committed, or we can enumerate, this one adverb must salve them all; Either they were not UNLAWFULLY done, or else the causes were JUST, saith this Epistler; or (which is a pretty passage, Numb. 28.) the Popes have PERSUADED themselves they were JUST: and therefore (as a General in the field) pursued them as open enemies; or (as a judge upon the bench) commanded execution to be done upon them as MALEFACTORS. 15 But first, who girt the Sword to the Pope's side: Suppose the Keys were put into his hands, they are no weapons for war; as he is a Priest, he may not fight: Our weapons (saith the Apostle) are spiritual; Tears, and Prayers, and Sighs; for with no other we may resist, saith S. Ambrose 2. Cor. 10. lab. 5. ep. 33. If as a Temporal Prince, defend his own Territories he may; but hostily to invade another King's Land, or infested his Kingdom with Rebellions, or aid his Subjects with wages, or Arms, he may not. And yet he hath done it; for HE deprived Leo the Emperor (if Bellarmine's report be true) from the Principality of Ravenna, when as yet he had nothing to do with it; for it came to his patrimony De Pontif. Roma. 1. li. 3. ca ●…8. afterwards, by the Donation of Pipin. Secondly, who made him a judge Temporal in this manner to proceed? (for Ecclesiastical Censure stretcheth not to Goods & Life,) If over his Underlings and Vassals; be it so: yet over princes in no case, who are the second and next persons in Comparison of God, after whom they be the first and highest, but AFORE all, 〈◊〉. Apolo get. and ABOVE all other, both GOD'S and MEN. 16. In the second place, the jesuite denies the consequent, both in general and particular; That though Bellarmine confess Popes to have waged Wars, and Deposed Emperors, yet it is no opposition to himself, when he saith, that no Pope ever commanded the murder of Princes to be committed; or commended them after they were committed As if Capitis Dim●…utio (which is by depriving them of their Realms) be not all one against Princes, with Ca●…itis Obtruncatio, the cutting their throats. For he that is Deposed from his Throne, is presently Exposed to death; yea death to him is more welcome, because no misery is to be compared to his, who, from sublimity and affluence is thrown into disgrace & distress; Et ubi non sis, qui fueris, non est curvelis v●…re: which was verified in the particular Tul. Epist. instance that his Majesty bringeth, & to which this jesuite shapes a kind of answer in the Emperor Henry the Fourth whom all their Authors concurrently conclude to have died after his Deposing, prae moerore & ingenti dolours, Cuspinian. Sigonius●…r per. etc. through extreme grief and sorrow. But before we come to that, had the Cardinal (writing to the Arch Priest) plea said to remember what another Archpriest, a Cardinal, hath recorded of Hildebrand the Pope, that he hired with Beano. Cardin. money a base fellow, to tumble a ●…reat stone from the roof of the Church upon the said Emperor's head, as he was praying before the Altar in S. Mary's Church upon 〈◊〉 A●…entine, he would never have let fall such a peremptory conclusion. Or were there no Example of Fact extant against the Popes in this kind, yet that they may command Princes to be killed, is Bellarmines own Doctrine, both Symbolical, as the Spirit may command the De Pontif. Roman. lib. 5. cap. 6. § Ex quo. Flesh to fasting and chastisement, yea, even to Death itself, if the Spirit see it necessary: and Positive also, confirmed by divers arguments, but one more direct than the Ibid cap. 7. tertia con. rest: sc. Christians may not tolerate or suffer an Infidel, or in Heretical King to reign over them; but to judge of Infidelity and Heresy, belongs Only to the Pope, saith he, and therefore at his doom, the King must stand or fall. And jest it should be said, that this reacheth but to Deposing, not to Death, it followeth after, that such a King is Ibid. Paragr. Quarta ratio. unworthy to receive the Sacrament of Baptism, who takes it for an injury done to him, if the Church (that is, the Pope) adjudge him to lose his honour and wealth, adhuc autem & ANIMAMSVAM, yea, his Life also; for to that end doth he cite the place out of the Gospel. Luc. 14. 17 But the first particular instance which his Majesty bringeth of the Pope's fury against the Son for the interring of his Father the Deposed Emperor; as it ratifieth the Position that Popes do allow of Prince's Murders (for they that execute their rage upon a dead corpse, 'tis questionless they pursued (in heart at lest) that man to death, and are more than glad when he is dead: so doth it put this Antapologer to much trouble, and many shifts, both fond and false, to transfer as well this barbarous rage & profane Exhumation from their Holy Primate, as also his incensing the Son to Rebellion against his natural Father; which two points are warranted by their own Writers, some of them living about the same time. 18. For the first, the digging him out of his grave, that's compassed with a whole cloud of Witnesses; some writing, that tanta severitate Dominus Papa in ipsum ultus est, The Pope pursued him with such implicable revenge, that Helmold. hist. Slau. cap. 33. being dead, HUMARI NON SINERET, he would not suffer him to be buried: Another, The Bishop of Liege, with others of his sort, were received into the Communion of the Vrspergens. an. 1106. Church, (who cast them Out but the Pope?) upon Condition they would DIG OUT of the grave the Corpse of the Emperor, which he had BEFORE BURIED in the Monastery. The very same, another Historian verbatim relateth, both for the Fact, and Reason of the Fact; They Naucler. vol. 1 gen. 37. be the very last words wherewith Sigonius ends one of his Books; His body lay unburied in a Desars' Cell for five years, PONTIFICE ID SEPELIRI VET ANTE, De regno Italiae. lib. 9 because the Pope had forbidden the Interring of it: For, being put into the Earth, (saith a late Compiler of their own) HORTATUPAPAE, by the Pope's persuasion, EXHUMATUM, Binnius, Tom. 3. Concil. vita Paschal. 2. it was DIGGED out again, and remained above ground five years. 19 Yea, but Cuspinian (whom the Apologer in the Margin quoteth) his words are clean contrary (saith this Censurer) for thus he writes; when Henry the Father was dead, and buried in a Monastery at Liege, his Son would not make peace with the Bishop of that place, except the dead body were pulled out of the grave again. Surely, this was an oversight of the Apologer (for want of well understanding his Grammar) to make such an Escape, seeing that the words are so plain, Filio procurante, non potuit reconciliari Episcopus Cuspinian. in Henr. 4. Leodiensis, nisi exhumaretur Cadaver: That is, By the son's procurement, (At whose hands but the Popes, For what need any procurement by himself to himself?) the Bishop could not be reconciled, (to whom but to the Pope, who had accursed both Church and Church men at Liege for putting the body of the deceased Emperor into the grave?) Cunctaque Leodes mox ANATHEMA ferit, Viterbien. Panth. part. 17 All things at Liege were blasted with the Pope's Thunderclap, for discharging that Christian (at lest civil and last) duty to their Master: Whereupon, Mandato Pontificis è Coemiterio Idem ibi. cijcitur, By the Pope's Mandate his Corpse was thrown out of the Churchyard, and all Christian burial denied it, saith the same Author who lived in those times, and was (by his own testimony) Notary and Chaplain to three Emperors: so that the Reconciliation or Peace to be made, was with the Pope, not the young Emperor, who (perhaps) did procure the stay thereof. 20 Why then, All this proceeded from the Son, who PROCURED the Pope to do it, and therefore it is falsely ascribed to HIS HOLINESS. Yet this is nothing to any jar between the Son and the Bishop. But would the Pope yield so much to the ungracious and unnatural despite of a Parricidious Usurper, making a request so barbarous and beastly? Perhaps the Son was importunate, and so the Pope, like the good natured judge in the Gospel, though he neither feared God, nor regarded man, yet saith he, Quiamolestus est mihi hic Imperator, because Luc. 18. he so importunes me, be it as he william. And that the Son was so instantly importunate, is most clear; for Filius ossa Viterb. ubi supra. patris DOLVIT fore cum sceleratis, saith the foresaid Writer, It VEXED the Son to the heart, that his Father's bones should be CASTOUT among Malefactors: which doubtless is an evident Argument, that he sued hard, that his Father might not be buried, because men use to pled hard, that they may obtain what they utterly dislike. Therefore, for a further confirmation thereof, that it was the sons impiety, not the Pope's malice; when the Emperor and Pope came to parley upon Conditions, this was Annal tom. 12. an. FOUR ex Paulo Diacono, lib. 4. cap. 38. One, as Baronius (who, you may be sure, will writ all that he can which may sound to the Pope's disgrace) sets it down: POSTULAT Imperator, ut Patris sui CORPUS in Ecclesia SEPELIRI permit●… at: The young Emperor earnestly REQVIRES, that his FATHER'S CORPSE might be INTERRED: To which demand the Pope, that the world might know, that the keeping him out of the grave was against his will (good man) presently yields, with a strong Negative, and tells him IT MAY NOT BE; and gives him his reason, for that HE had received a TERRIBLE Injunction from the martyrs deceased, and in those places shrined, that he should suffer no WICKED PERSONS, to be BURIED within their Churches, for THEY WOULD not endure it. And therefore the Reader must needs see, that this Censurer had just cause to say that ALL this is falsely ascribed to the Pope. 21 The Second thing in this Story, wherewith his Majesty chargeth the Pope, is, that he Stirred up the Son against his Father, and procured his ruin; whereof this Epistler would also ease their Holy Father, and that by the Apologers alleged Author Cuspinian, who writes, that it was REPORTED, how Hildebrand had absolved the Emperor before his Death, but that his SON never left SOLICITING the succeeding Popes, to EXCOMMUNICATE him again. First, this is written but for a report, than which there is nothing more uncertain, saith the Orator; but yet what follows hereof? Philippic. 2. Therefore the Pope stirred not up the Son against the Father: A weak Consequent: Absolution of the Emperor from the Curse, freeth not the Pope from his Instigation of the Son in pursuit of his Father; therefore the same report which Cuspinian records, doth add (which the jesuite, according to his common honesty, leaves out) and set down the cause why the Pope absolved the Emperor; namely, because Hildebrand the Monk (otherwise Gregory the Seventh) was much grieved in mind, quòd Henricum Cuspinian ubi supra. Imperatorem iniquè molestasses, that he had vexed and molested Henry the Emperor WRONGFULLY and UNJUSTLY; and in that anguish of mind confesseth (as a Friar witnesseth) that he did it at the instinct of the Devil: and among other, he raised up Rodolph Count of Reins Sigebertut, anno. 1085. field, against the Emperor his Master, Cui omnia debebat, to whom he owed all that he had, and sent him a Crown Imperial circled about with an Inscription of S. Peter's Cuspin. Hen. 4. name and gift. 22 But what's this to the inciting of the Son? Nothing; for Pope Gregory or Hildebrand, who in distress of soul absolved the Emperor, died before this his Son Henry the fift rebelled; but yet by the means of Mathilda the Emperor's kinswoman, & the Popes too near neighbour, (Pontificis latericomes individua adhaerebat, she stuck close to the Pope at all assays and seasons) Conradus his Idem ibid. eldest son was instigated to rebel: for which cause the Father disinherited him, and appointed Henry his younger brother for Heir apparent but then came Paschal the second into the See, who cursed him and re-curst him, iterum atque iterum, saith Cuspinian. And after that, from the Convention of Mentz, were sent two or three Bishops in the Pope's name, to fetch from him his Regalia, and Imperial Ornaments, that his Son (who was then in Arms against him) might be invested. What Author can the Apologer bring, that avoucheth this, saith the Epistler? Not better than the messengers themselves, the Bishops of Colen and Wormez, who told the old Emperor to his face, Pontifici Principibusque Germaniae placuit, It seemeth good to the Pope and the Prince of Germany, that thou be Sigonius de regno Ital. lib. 9 anno. 1106. deprived of the Communion of the faithful, and deturbed or tumbled out of the possession of thy Kingdom. This saith Sigonius; & Genebrard comes not short of him, who saith, that this was done, jussis Paschalis Pontificis, at the Genebrar. li. 4. anno. mundi. 5206. Commandment of Pope Paschal: and yet, saith Fa. Parsons, Here is much said against the Pope with little proof. Not so much as the Pope laid & laid against that Emperor, with less warrant; Excommunicating him for Simony, and the proof, because he had taken a Sword in am of his favour, for bestowing ●…ree bishoprics. Indeed the Bishops which came to divest him, they laid it foul to his charge; for the Emperor ask them of Colen and Mentz (the richest and amplest Prelacies of Germany) what great matter he exicted of them when he conferred those dignities upon them? they stuck not to tell him plainly, that he had neither exacted, nor taken ANY THING: yet this was the huge Simonist, so pursued Sigonius ubi supra. with the Pope's malice, and their Parasites pens. 23. The Second Instance which his Majesty bringeth to confute the Cardinal's general negative, is a recent, & extant Panegyric, in extolling the Murderer & Murder of King Henry the third of France, made by a Pope: who, job. 32. 19: as if he had been another young E●…hu, and his words within him like new-wine in a bottle boiling & working with the joy thereof, doth with such open mouth, and stretched fides, and glorious terms, hyperbolise both the Author, Manner, and Fact; that his Oration had like to have received in the Consistory an Herod's Plaudite; not only verbal for Deifying the Pope (the voice of God, not of Man) but actual also, for Canonizing the Friar MUR dearer into an half God, and an whole Saint. To the first part whereof this Epistler answereth, Numb. 30. that there is no Record of Credit in Rome (if he had stayed there, he had said true perhaps) or elsewhere, that Pope Sixtus ever made any such speech. Is it not time well spent to deal with such unhonest Shifters? In the first exampleof the Emperor Henry the fourth, when Benno the Cardinal's book is quoted of Hildebrands' notorious and extreme pursuing, plotting and insi●…iating his death, Bellarmine the Cardinal turns that off, with saying that Benno never wrote any such thing, but some Lutheran in his name, affixing De Roman. Pontif. lib. 4. cap. 3. the Cardinal's title: Or else, if Benno did writ it, it was but the exercise of his wit; as Xenophon wrote the life of Cyrus for an Idea of an excellent Prince; so he, for a pattern of an absolute wicked Pope, not for truth of matter, the Book is so full of impudent lies. Now this second Example, famous to the world, being yet fresh in memory, & the Oration in print translated into divers languages, with the day of the month and year, and place prefixed with this inscription Sixti Quinti Pont. Max. Oratio habita, etc. On the second day of September. Anno. 1589. in the Consistory at Rome: Now this (I say) is shuffled off with an Ignoramus That there is no record of credit to be found; belike then there is a Record, but because it doth not accord with their desires, and remains there ad perpetuam Rei infamiam, to the eternal renown of the Pope's zeal & piety, for celebrating assassinats and Mutherers of Kings, the Credit thereof is called in question. 24 A cleanlier excuse had been, that because Pope Sixtus was so extremely hated after his death, that his B●…nnius & ●…racalla in ●…us vita. Statue of Brass (erected in his glory at his first entrance) was cast down, and an Act made, never any (for his sake) to be set up again; that this Oration of his also, and the Records thereof, were defaced and torn: For, that there was an Oration to that purpose, by him made, both Tortus and this Epistler are forced to confess, which they divide into two parts, an admonition and an admiration; that (forsooth) it was not in commendation of the heinous fact, but, that a Monk in his Can should perform such a valiant Act, an ADMIRATION of GOD'S STRANGE PROVIDENCE, A fit Epithet doubtless, and fetched from profound Divinity; for can God's providence be Strange, which, in the universal governance of the world, and guidance with protection of prrticular creatures, is daily and continual? or is anything Strange to his Providence, which seethe things to come, as if they were present & existent? or can Aquin. summa. contra Gentiles. visible acts, be called God's providence, which by the school men's definition is so far forth called Providence, as it remains in God's secret Counsel, nondum rebus impressa not yet appearing in any thing? (for when it is Explicata and showeth itself in effects sensible than it is called Fatum not Providence) or because it was (as the Prophet Esa. 23. 2●…. speaketh) opus alienum & peregrinum, a strange and Barbarous Action, which the Pope so admired; by what figure in Rhetoric doth this jesuite call it God's providence as if that did cooperate with the bloody mind of a desperate Monk, to a parricidious Murder? did David so in the Murder of Abner? which is the very case, save that there was no Sanguinary Priest party in the Act, when joab under pretence of saluting him, stabbed him to the heart: did thereupon David make a speech in admiring Gods 2 Sam. 3. 27. STRANGE Providence, in that Abner was so treacherously slain, because not long before he had killed Asahell? (as here pretence is made of the Kings slaying one of 2 Sam. 2. 23. his Subjects?) Not, but uttered a funeral oration in praise of the party murdered, both for his Prowess and nobility; with a detestation of him that did the Fact, and a prayer to God to reward the doer according to his wickedness: 2 Sam. 3. 34. and at last gave a charge to his Son not to suffer the Treacherous murderer to end his days without Blood. This, or the like, if the Pope had done, it had been a 1. Reg. 2. 6. speech more fitting a Bishop and a Divine, and have left God's providence in such specialties to himself, to whom it is best known: which, (we speak not of his foreknowledge, but of that which they call providentiam Dispositionis) 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 35. Aquin. 1. 1. q. 10●…. art. 7. whether in his universal regency gubernative or executive in particular actions, doth always Operari per bonum & in bonum tendere, work by that which is good and tend unto good, say the Schoolmen: (for with the wickedness in the means God hath not to do, save to turn it to some good) if therefore the Pope had been acquainted with God's intention; or after the Murder, had seen that some really true (not partially supposed) good had been effectuate by the parricide, THAT should he truly and only have ascribed to God's providence, as joseph applied his being in Egypt Gen. 45. 5. for the relief of his kindred, unto God's mission, not his Brothers Sale; for so far forth as in their treacherous and unnatural chevisance there was a premission of him into Egypt, and a preservation of them in his being there, that was God's providence, who in his secret Council decreed this so to be, and foresaw that it should so be, non study mali, sed bono populi, not approving their ill, but intending their good: Otherwise Balbus the Emperor, and the Caïan Heretics are more justifiable than the Pope, for they Zonar Gr. c. fab. lib. 1. Epiphan Aug. etc. commended judas for the betraying of his master, because he foresaw it to be the only means of man's Redemption. 25 But yet, if we should examine this bald excuse, what was the strange & admirable providence in this murder? had the Monk come into the Camp like another Scaevola, and (being a professed enemy, entered the King's Pavilion, I. in. lib. 2. in the thickest of the crowd standing about the King, and not discovered by habit or otherwise) had struck at him openly with his weapon; that had been a more manly and a more strange Act, & far more honest, for there it was hostis hostem, one enemy striking another: or had the Friar challenged the King to a single Combat, unarmed in his Cowl, with a weapon only, and had slain the King by fine force, or some Raven or Fowl of the air (assisting the Idem lib. 7. Friar in the Monomachy) had still been bearing in the King's face, as a Frenchman was served in the Roman story this had been a plentiful theme for the Pope to have dilated upon God's strange Providence, to have said with Liny, Dishominesque illi assuere pugnae: but that a Priest (not secular but retired) professing more than ordinary mortification, should nourish such rancour, blood, and Treason in his inner parts, and arm himself with a two edged knife, and the same poisoned, that so the blow might be speedy, but the death with Torment; and should make God to he the Author and Abettor of his Parricide (for night and day he prayed his assistance, by their own report Mercur. Gallobelg. and praise) and in his Friarly garments (habits of peace and piety) craving access to his Sovereign (who never denied it to men of his sort) under pretence of Letters and Message of importance, while the King graciously stooped to him for receipt thereof, should villainously and cowardly stab the Lords anointed; and a Pope (the huge Divine of the Christian world) should admire this as an Act of God's strange providence, being so contrary to religion, honesty, and the very light and law of Nature, it doth argue either this jesuite to be of a strange boldness, to refer the Pope's Oration to such an high Common place; or else the Pope to be a strange Divine to attribute the treasonable Murder of an anointed King (by a Popish Friar) to God's providence; which David celebrateth for Rescuing, not destroying Kings: for it is he that giveth DELIVERANCE unto Kings sayeth the Prophet in the Psal. 44. Psalm. 26 But in the second part of the Pope's Oration, as they do sort it, and call it an Admonition, (that the manner of the Murder, (and one circumstance thereof e specially) WHEN NOTHING WAS LESS EXPECTED, might be a spectacle unto Princes to be more moderate in their power) this one thing alone we will observe, that if the POWDER-PLOT of the jesuits had taken effect, what whole seluses of Rhetoric had been opened for Orations in this kind, to all Nations Christened, for Kings and Princes to have been more Moderate in their Laws and penalties; for that the King of Great Britain with his dearest Queen and eldest Son, environed with his chief Officers of State, compassed with all his Nobles and Peers of all sorts, attended with the choice flower of the Lands Gentry, and Commonalty, in that very place where those rigorous Laws were enacted, should be blown up on the sudden, with the touch of one hand of a silly fellow, WHEN NOTHING LESS WAS EXPECTED? And this also must have been ascribed to God's strange providence, that so many barrels of Gunpowder, being at several times couched, were never discovered before the blow was given. But this in conclusion you see, that what they would deny, perforce they confess; that a speech there was made by the Pope; and be their Glosses never so cunning or impudent, the Oration extant (never yet controlled) will remain for a perpetual monument, to show that the Pope rejoiced in it, as a retaliated revenge upon the King's person, for some ●…cedent Act, disliked by him. 27 And little there wanted (such comfort there was taken in it) of Saincting this wicked instrument of God's strange providence: howsoever Father Parsons saith, that there can be nothing more improbable and ridiculous; yea, rather if it were such a strange providence of God, comparable Sixtus 〈◊〉 Panegyr. to juduhes beheading Holofernes, and Phinees his transfixion of the adulterouscoople: it is more than PROBABLE that the execution of an Action semblable, should receive a memory proportionable with that inscription, Et reputatum est et in justitiam, it was accounted to Psal. 106. 31. him for Righteousness to all Posterities for evermore. RIDICULOUS it might have been, for such jests are not strange in Rome's conclave; money and friends have easily made Saints: which when a Cardinal of Rome saw, and considered what manner of persons (men of singular and Bessarion apud ●…odinum method. hist. rare abominations) were Canonised there, he began to doubt an vera essent quae ab antiques prodita fuerunt, whether those things were true, which were written in ancient times about such matters. There is no doubt but the Pope's teeth watered to have Friar Clement enrolled, but that some of the Conclave wisely considered that which one of their own side afterwards observed, quôd Haereticis occasion 〈◊〉 ded●…rit calumniands non Hommem solum sed Ordinem, that the Heretics had already taken ●…ccasion to detest, not the Bar lib 6. cont●…arch ●…8. 〈◊〉 MAN only but all his whole ORDER. 28 The third Example confronting Bellarmine's Negative, is our late Queen of precious memory, set up by the Pope's Bull as a Butt to be shot at by all manner of Conspirators; heartened to their Treasons by their Confessors Injunctions; and authorised plainly by the Pope's allowance: where of were there no other Argument (saith his Majesty) this ONE is indefeizable, that the Pope never called any Churchman into question for meddling therein. The Censurers answer to this is foure-fould; first, by Interrogations; Secondly, by an experience; Thirdly, by an Apology; and fourthly by a challenge. His first Interregation is in scorn thus;,. And needeth no more (SIR) but this? There needs no more (CUR) but that; for continued silence, after cognizance of a fact, implieth allowance; defer●…d reproof may argue wisdom in men, and sometimes mercy, oftentimes justice in God: that long forbearance may ei there aggravate the penance or operate conversion, but if still prorogued, it argueth a delight, or consent at lest. So God himself reasoneth in the Psalm (read it, and see in three verses, your picture Pa●… Parsons, and your Cope-Traytor Psal. 50. 18, 19 etc. Garnet lively described) which he concludes, These things thou didst and I was silent, whereby thou though●…st (wickedly) that I was like thyself [to see evil, and by silence to approve it] but I will reprove thee, and set them all in order against thee: and what silence was this, for he gins that very Psalm with Deus Deorum loq●…us est, the God of Gods hath spoken? namely his Silence from Exec●…ing, not denouncing his judgements; which made Sa●…e August 〈◊〉 to break out as in an amazement unde ista 〈◊〉 whence sounds this terrible I rumpet? Non silet; & silet Aug. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. he is silent from revenge, not silent from reproof: but this hath been the Pope's double fault, which must needs imprint into his M●…. a persuasion of his allowance, that he hath been silent a precepto, & à judicio, & a monend●…; & vindican do, from monishing & punishing, either from 〈◊〉 the fact, or chastising the Malefactors. And this silence being continued, aswell Divinity as Law have concluded it, to argue either Consent to the crime 〈◊〉 a Content with it. 29 This the Epistler striveth to fling off with his second Interrogation, consisting upon three WHAT's, drawn from the Pope's intellectuals and sensibles; wherein he shows some small grace, purposely to avoid a positive denial, simply to say that the Pope neither knew or ever heard of any such thing; but thus he propounds it, WHAT if he knew not? WHAT if he heard not? WHAT if he saw some ridiculous devices? There is no such insensibility as that which is wilful and of purpose; and some men will pretend to be deaf, save when they hear what they like of. Rome belike is desolate from resort; and sequestered from Intelligence; and England so void of Romish Agents; and the Pope so destitute of busy Informers, that it is no marvel if HE were utterly ignorant of such occurrences: but according to the proverb, there is none so blind as he which will not see. Gallio in the Acts, saw Sosthenes the chief Ruler strucken in his Act 18. 17 presence, and in the face of the Court, but the text saith, Gallio cared not to take knowledge of these things; which is the Pope's very case in this point: and yet it seems HE could SEE some feigned Devises against Priests to affright the Queen, (especially that of Walpoll and Squire,) which he descried to be a MONSTROUS FICTION. Like enough; for a false glass will present deceiving Vide Catech. jesuit. objects: perhaps the Pope did look through Parson's spectacles. But the party himself confessing the Fact; the jury finding the Gilt; and the Priests of Rome acknowledging it, and writing it to be true; how comes it beyond-sea to be but a feigned devise? Some will not believe a man is bald unless they may see his Brains; nor the Pope conceive that the QUEEN should have been poisoned, except She had been seen to swell and dye presently. Had Squires poison taken the effect intended, it than had been an act of a Martyr, but being discovered and defeated, 'tis now become a Fiction like a Monster. The best is, that the Records of English Courts come not within the reach of Index Expurgatorius; the fact is too evident to be denied; the Evidence too substantial to be devised; and the proceeding more just than can be controlled. 30 His experience followeth Num. 33. that HE never knew it proved that any Pope euer' PROCURED or CONSENTED to any private violence against her person. This jesuite makes himself Them●…stocles his Plut. Son, for English matters; either HE must know them more than any in Rome, or they cannot be true; but yet he must borrow his fellow Garnets' answer to justify this speech, and say with him, if equivocation help me not, I have overlashed therein, for to omit all other conjectures of his knowledge, is not the letter of a Cardinal sufficient Proceeding against the late Traitors. proof; and being in print both in Italian and English (in the answer to Allens Apology) can it be unknown to him, that the Pope was particularly acquainted with the private and personal Murder of QUEEN ELIZABETH intended by Parry? doth he not make S. Peter's Keys open the widest gate in Heaven to Parrie for accomplishing it, absolutely approving the Intention, and graciously absolving the murderer from all his Sins for acting it? doth not the ●…etter begin thus? Sir, The holiness of our Lord the Pope hath seen your letter, with the ore dence thereof, and cannot but praise your good disposition and Resolution, etc. And was it not Subscribed to Parrie, yours to dispose of N. CARDINAL of HOMO? Press the Cenjurer with this, and if he do not Aequiuocate with his knowledge, or the Proof, that he either knew it not, sc. to impart it; or else it was not proved, Sc. to his contentment; if he have one spark of modesty, he will revoke what he said. 31 But the third and most impudent, is his Apology, that if the Popes did proceed against Her as a MALEFACTOR, (as well by SPIRITVAL as by TEMPORAL Arms also) for her REMOOVALL, who, being ILLEGITIMATE by Parliament, did as THEY were persuaded) usurp the Cronne, to the prejudice of his majesties mother and himself, they might JUSTLY do it. Tam Marti quàm Mercurio, is (it seems) the Inscription upon the Pope's Keys; Law or Wars, to Rifle the Titles, or Ruffle with the Thrones and in the Realms of Princes, are at the Pope's choice: but a man would imagine at the first reading and hearing of a Pope's proceeding against a WOMAN malefactor, that some Courtesan in Rome had appeared before him in his Ecclesiastical Consistory for her unlawful lust; but when he comes to Temporal Arms, and seethe it touch the Remoovall of that Lady QUEEN ELIZABETH (the Diamond among Princes, the glory of Royal Majesty, and the joy of the Christian world for her Sex, while she lived) he might with just disdain ask, What had the Bishop of Rome to intermeddle in England, or with HER Crown? And bid him look home to his own usurping claim; because there are more Evidences to prove HIM to be that Antichrist then ever could be to show that She was illegitimate. 32 Yes (saith he) Her Father, the Arches, and Parliament did Sentence her SO; And the same Father, Arches, and Parliament, (upon better grounds, within few years) renounced the said Sentence, and repealed that Act, as before was said. But being once true (quoth he) no human power could make it untrue, to the prejudice of another, If the Illegitimation had been in her Blood, no Law could make it good against the right Heir; but that being sound, seeming allegations & plausible inferences might for the time dazzle (not altar) her Right; but they being cleared & reversed, these second Deliberations did not so much establish her Right (which was inherent in her Blood) as make it more apparent and sensibly incontroulable. As for human Acts, the rule of ancient law hath been, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after-Lawes and Constitutions are more strongly binding than, the former are. Yet hereby (I hope) the Argument doth aswell hold on the contrary, that if a King be once truly legitimate and rightly possessed, no human Power (and take the Pope at the highest, he is but S. Peter's humana Creatura) can Dispossess or Depose him, under what pretence soever; much less to the prejudice 1. Pet. 2. 13. of another: and yet it is one point of jesuitisme, that the Father may be Deposed for an Heretic, and his Son and Heir al●… excluded from claim of Succession, unless he be a Catholic of the Roman si●…e. 〈◊〉 tit. 64. Sect. 75. 33 But who was that other person, prejudiced by Q●…eene Elizabeth's reign? His majesties Mother (saith this Epistler) and consequently himself, who (by right) should have enjoyed the Crown 44. years since; and the fawning Apologer cannot, without open untruth or manifest ini●…rie, AVERRE THE CONTRARY. HE that wrote the Apology, of all other vices abhorreth Fawning, both actively in himself, and passively from others; his nature is to Royal and noble, to be a Sardonian: Fawning and Chrouching he leaves to such base bonegnawers as Fa. Parsons; for his Majesty hath long since, in his own person, not concealing his name in that his Golden Book, averred the contrary to this, and signified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Preface to the Reader. that he was no way prejudiced in his claim or right by Queen ELIZABETH'S reign: For first He acknoledgeth her to be a lawful Queen, governing with wisdom and felicity: Secondly, for the State of England, he professeth, that it could no way become him, to be a busybody in an OTHER Prince's matters, nor to fish in OTHER folks water●…, as the Proverb is: Thirdly that during HER time, it became him LEST OF ANY to meddle therein. 34 Doubtless, had his Majesty seen his Right encroached on, or impeached, much more detained, he was neither so careless of his Interest, nor so soft of nature nor so weakly armed with force and friends, domestic and foreign, but he would and might have (if not 〈◊〉 Her, yet) grievously molested H●…r, and exhausted both her strength and treasure. How far he was interested in this State, none knew better than himself; and although HE were silent (as himself speaketh) his Blood and Descent did sufficiently proclaim it: but knowing the Vbi supra. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that his just appointed time by God and Nature, was not yet, till the Almighty had called her to lay her with her Fathers, his Majesty with undaunted patience and unpassionate haste, expected that, which (to the mutual comfort of himself and his Subjects) with peaceable entry glorious Inuestiure, and Regal Majesty, he now enjoyeth: and Long and Long may he do so, in despite of such Fawning Counterfeits as Parsons it. 35 For what a cogging and shameless companion is this, now to curry favour with h●…s Majesty, as bewailing his 40 years grievance and wrong endured, So long kept out from his actual right due to him in Conscience; when of all other, this very Epistler (under Dolemans vizard) utterly disabled his Majesty for having any title or interest in this Kingdom▪ not only under protext of conscience for his Religion, avowing that whosoever should consent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. patt. 1. pa. 216. to the Succession of one faulty in Religion, (that is, in his sense a Protestant) should co●…mit a most gri●…uous and d●…able sinna: and such an one was his Majesty, in this mates opinion (as the Priests record) for He had pronounced of King james, to be a most obstinate Heretic, of whose conversion Quodli. p. 218. there was NO HOPE▪ nor that only, but Operfidious Hypocrite) he would there make his Majesty utterly uncapable, by a plain fr●…sh Statute (as he●… calls it) 〈◊〉 Associat●…n, as therein foiled by Law through that Death D●…lem. part. 2. pag. 1●…7. cap. 5. of his Mother▪ which he there enforceth to be an argument that admitteth neither Solution ●…r R●…ly▪ Were it within the compass of the Apology▪ or to the purpose in hand, he should find that it might easily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and had not he at all times prostituted his ●…en and Soul to writ any thing (though never so false) neither would he have cited this Statute, nor pronounced it, so unanswerable; for the plain words of the Statute do confute him: because THEY ONLY are in the Act excluded, by whose means her majesties life should be taken away (not sought) and that it should not touch their issues (yea An. 27. Elizah. Statute for provision, etc. cap. 1. though she had died by such violence) except they had been any ways ASSENTING or PRIVY to the same. And what is this, either to his majesties Mother or himself? but that he would take any occasion to regorge his malice against our Gracious Sovereign. But hereby it may please his Majesty to observe in this passage of pretended Illegitimation urged against Queen Elizabeth (conferring it with this last clause out of Dole-man) that they which under colour of a Statute, made (as 'tis well known) in King Henry's indignation and displeasure conceived against her mother (though afterward repealed) do so often reiterate it as to HER prejudice and disgrace, will not stick if occasion may serve for them (either to vent their rancour, or wage their forces) to twit his Majesty and his posterity (upon the advantage of this Act of ASSOCIATION, as he calls it) with the like ●…pprobrious calumny and in dignity: but his Majesty is wise as an Angel of God, ut intelligat omnia supra terram. 2. Sam. 14. 36 His Challenge is the last (though thrust in before) Num. 32. wherein he taxeth the Apologer for his facility 〈◊〉 overlashing, when he speaks of Sau●…ders and Bellarmine, in saying of the first, that his books are full of parricidio●…s doctrine against Princes; of the other, that his volumes are filled with Contradictions? for Saunders, he appeals to a conceit of improbable impossibility, that, there being so many of them, and of a divers argument, they should ALL be filled with such Doctrine. What need Conjectures when the Books are extant, which who so reads, shall find in them all, that where this doctrine of Deposing, and Depriving; of Detbroning, and Decapitating Princes, is canvased, Vide lib. de M●…ar visi●…. & de cl●…. D●…. he is in no theme so vehement and large as therein. A●… therefore in compounds and mixtures, the rule of Philosophy, and practise of Art, is, to denominate things according to the quality which doth predominate in them; Aristot. de generat. & corrup. so this d●…ctrine in all Saunders his Books, being the most prominent (as most principally intended, and most fully handled) may justly give the name to all the rest of the Discourse whatsoever. But this being his majesties second proof, that Popes do manifestly approve of Prince's murders, or else they would not suffer Saunders his books (that are filled with such Rebellious & Parricidious doctrine) to be by authority divulged, and neither call them in, nor purge them thereof, the Censurer laboureth not one whit to disprove it, but from Saunders he steps to Bellarmine. 37 Over whom, as if the Cardinal were gasping for breath, under the blow he hath received for his Contradictions, after the Epistler hath a while braved it with some Rhetorical flourishes, as, I cannot but marvel, etc. and, I am ashamed for my Country's sake, etc. (he means, that his Country is ashamed of him) and, If my judgement deceive me not, etc. and, Though I mean not to discuss, etc. with divers such round-abouts; at last, of the eleven wounds by Contradiction which were given the Cardinal, he takes upon him (as Chirurgeon of the Camp) to cure 3. or 4. of them: and first he gins with that of Confidence in good Works, Numb. 35 etc. 38 The crossing Proposition in Bellarmine is this; For the UNCERTAINTY of our own Righteousness, De Iusti●…ic. li. 5. cap 7. and the peril of vain●…glory, the SAFEST course is to repose our WHOLE confidence in the ALONE mercy and bounty of God; and this, saith his Majesty, is a conclusion Contradictory to his whole five Books of justification. This the Epistler endeavours to cure two ways; first, by thinking it strange, that FIVE Books should be Contradictory to ONE Proposition. He should rather have thought it to be a very strange conclusion, which in so small a roomth, should have matter to cross a discourse so large; as that's a strange poison, one scruple whereof infects a whole river; and that Engine of Archimedes, a very strange instrument, which being but of a little compass, Plutar. Marcel. with one wrist by a small force, would overthrow muniments and Bulwarks of many days work, and the royal strength of an whole Army: so THIS, a very strange proposition, which is of such force, as that it contradicts so many preceding reasons advanced to the contrary; and that it is so, is manifest. For the chief and main scope of all those Books is to prove, that the righteousness wherewith we are justified and for which we shall be rewarded is both VERA, true justice, and inherent in us; and also PERFECTA, able to stand and abide the trial of God's judgement; for to these two principal heads may all the ●…hief questions in that bulk of controversy be reduced; e●…ther to the quality of our justice, that it is inherent, not imputative, or of the merit, whether it be rewarded for the value of the work, or of mere grace? And both these, by the first word of this Proposition, are directly cut off, for the uncertainty there mentioned, is either Rei, or Personae, either of the righteousness itself, or of him which hath it: If of the thing itself, then is it no true righteousness; for truth, whether of essence or propriety, cassieres all uncertainty; and 'tis hypocrisy, not righteousness, which is not true, if not righteousness, than not inherent. If it be of the Person, than the second part is cut off; for Merit raiseth a Confidence, but where there is no Comfort, there can be no Confidence, and in uncertainty there is no Comfort; for reliance on that whereof a man doubts, causeth rather a fear to be deceived, than a confidence to be relieved; which also crosseth the very next precedent proposition, Bellarmin. Eodem capite. that SOME Confidence may be reposed in our own righteousness and good works, if men be ASSURED that they be good works: but by this proposition in hand it seems none can be assured; if they may, why doth he call it inc●…r titudinem justitiae nostrae, the UNCERTAINTY of our righteousness? If they may not, where is then their confidence, or how may they settle it? If some may, and others not, he should have described and distinguished them; or else that foregoing proposition might well have been spared, which affords little use, and less comfort; and in that regard, is directly opposite to this last which is full of confidence and consolation; and is the very same which the Prophet David, renouncing all other helps and hopes, (both in heaven and earth; in hea●…t or flesh) pronounced Psal. 73. of himself with joy, Mihi autem adhaerere Deo bonum est, etc. It is good for me to cleave fast to God, and to put my trust in the Lord God. So that any Scholar may see this his majesties assertive challenge, to be defensible in the nature of a true Contradiction, howsoever this Epistl●…r p●…remptorily denies it to be possi●…le; for that it is the first property of a Contradiction, to be omnium oppositorum fortissi●…, the most forcible of all oppositions: and where is greater force seen, then that a Proposition of three lines should overthrow the main strength of siue long Books? 39 See we then, if his second Cure be more Sovereign; in appearance it should be, the Emplaster applied is so large: for as before in the Council of Toledo, so here he comes about, and fetcheth in a whole chapter out of Bellarmine, by Questions, and Solutions, but neither faithfully for the contents of the Chapter, nor sound for the defence of his Master, nor sincerely for satisfaction of the Reader. For first, whereas he saith, Num. 38. that the Chapter consists of three Questions, about Confidence to be placed in good works, 'tis not so: there is but one only Question propounded in the rubric or title, and in that Chapter discussed, namely, QVATENUS, HOW far FORTH a man may place confidence in his Merits: Which he explaineth by three Propositions, that may very fitly be compared unto the three fatal Sisters Clotho. Lachesis. Atropos. which they call Eumenidas, the last cutting off what the first carries, and the second twists. 40. The first Proposition is, that the confidence towards God, which is in holy men, ariseth not out of faith alone, but out of their own good works and merits also. The second, that in good merits, which are TRVELY known so to be, SOME confidence may be placed, if pride be avoided. The third (which is the Atropos, & cuts off in a trice, the whole labour of the two former) is this crossing Proposition, by reason of the vacertainty of our own righteousness, and hazard of vainglory, it is most safe to repose our WHOLE Confidence in the ALONE mercy and bounty of God; than which there cannot be any thing more violently contradicting, yea totally everting the very principal question: For Quatenus implies that SOME confidence may be placed in merit, but with a limitation tenus quâ; this last admits no confining, but draws our WHOLE confidence from man's merit to God's mercy ALONE, and carries with it a double contradiction, both Subiecti and Obiecti (so to speak.) The Subject, TOTA fidu●…ia, Man's WHOLE confidence, this excludes all partition in itself: it must be entire, take it either as totum quantitatis, because Confidence may be extended or remitted, be greater or less; or as totum rationis, as it is defined, an hope corroborated Aquinas and perfect; or as totum potentiale, seu virtutis, Confidence of this or that nature and quality, as Bellarmine himself describes it in the two first Propositions, whether nata ex meritis, raised out of our good works, or reposita Eodem capite in meritis, reposed in our good works, tota, THE WHOLE, saith the Cardinal, whether greater or less; whether weak or strong, whether one or other, is WHOLLY to be cast on God's mercy. Even as our Saviour when he commands us to love God with our Whole soul heart, & strength, includes therein all the faculties of Matth. 22. soul and body, parts inward of understanding, will, affection, etc. and parts outward, all the members of our Rom. ●…2. 〈◊〉. body to be made S. Paul's WHOLE burnt sacrifice; because God, though he love Cor contritum, a broken heart, Psal. 51. ●…7. torn with sorrow, yet he cannot abide Cor divisum a cloven heart parted within itself, which may make a Ose. 12. 2. man to be (as S. james calls him) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man with two souls: which Saint August: also implieth in that his short (but effectual) prayer, To TUM meum absumat ignis tuus, let the fire of thy spirit consume me WHOLE; In Psalm. wherein he exempts no part nor faculty of himself, from that sanctifying and cleansing power. 41 The Object also affords a strong Contradiction, SO LA misericordia, mercy ALONE; which, being (as Aquin. 1. q. 31. 3. Aristo. Elench. lib. 2 cap. 3. Mat. 4. 10. Schoolmen observe) an exclusive speech, admits no participation with any other; for SOLUM est, quod cum alio non est. The very force of which word, put the Tempter to silence and to flight also, Ei Soli, him ONLY shalt thou serve. Had the Cardinal said in the first place, man's Confidence must or may be reposed in his own MERITS and afterwards subjoined, man's Confidence must or may be placed in God's MERCY, these had not been contradictory but communicative; merit might have parted stakes with mercy: but when he adds in mercy ALONE; merit, & Saints, and Angels, and whatsoever beside, are abandoned & Cassiered for Solum admits no consort, saith Aquinas. Which Vbi supra. made David to profess directly, Memorabor justitiae tuae SOLIUS, I will remember thy righteousness ONLY; and Psal. 70. 16. Saint August. to insist upon the same, both with an admiration, o SOLIUS, and also with a question, Rogovos: I pray Aug. ibid. you, why should he add this word SOLIUS: had it not been enough for him to say, I will remember thy Righteousness? Not, but SOLIUS prorsus, it ALONE altogether I will remember. Why so? Vbi meam non cogito, for in so saying I put out of my mind any righteousness which is mine own. So then, TOTUM, WHOLE confidence, that takes away the particular ALIQVA, in his former proposition; SOLA excludes MERITUM in both propositions. 42 What is then the cause of this Epistler his confidence, to say that it cannot be any way defensible in the nature of a TRUE CONTRADICTION? Ignorance I think, which is the Mother (in the opinion of Fathers & Philosophers) of audacious assertions & undertakings. HE perhaps, thinks there is no contradiction, but where Nazian. Thucyd. & Plutarch. an universal (if negative) is crossed with a particular affirmative; as thus, Not jesuite is a Traitor, Some jesuite (as Parsons by name) is a Traitor: (if affirmative) with a particular negative; as thus, All jesuits are Machiauel●…sts, Some jesuite is not a Machiauel●…st. Whereas in Loguke we find two manner of contradictions; one expressed, the othe●… implied, and both of equal force: the first, Logician●… calla contradiction in negato; the other, in apposito ●…el adiecto; of the first sort, are those examples aforenamed, wherein the negative note is expressed, as Omnis est; Aliquis non est: of the second sort are such as this in hand, where the note negative is omitted, and yet one member overthrows an other. Take an instance which will please the Cardinal well; let the proposition be, Every bishop of Rome is (under Christ) the immediate and sole chief ' Pastor of the whole Church in the Christian world; this may be contradicted two ways; first, expressly, Some Bishop of Rome is not the immedi ate and sole chief Pastor, etc. This is a contradictory with the negative: Secondly, it may be crossed by implication, as thus, the Patriarch of Constantinople is under Christ, the immediate and sole chief Pastor of the Eastern Church; this though it be a Contradiction in apposito, yet doth it as mainly oppose the former general proposition as if it had a negative note; and Bellarmine would take it so, and as much derogatory to the Highpriest of Rome as the other; yea more, for there is in this a double contradiction, both Subiecti and Praedicati: The Patriarch of Constantinople crosseth the Bishop of Rome, the Eastern Church and the whole world contradict each other implicitly. 43 And this is our very case in hand; had the Cardinal said, MAN'S WHOLE confidence is to be reposed in the ALONE mercy of God; and cro'st it with an other, thus: SOME confidence of man must NOT be placed in God's mercy ALONE, this had been a manifest negative contradiction: but uttering it thus: SOME confidence of a man must be placed in his OWN MERITS, though it do not so Negatively confront the former, it doth as powerfully overthwart it, and as thoroughly overthrow it: take them then severally; WHOLE by itself, and ALONE by itself, the contradiction is irreconcilable: join them together, the jar and dissonance is redoubled; for TOTA admits no partial distribution in itself, & SOLA rejects all consorting participation with another. Therefore his majesties observation was justly made, and Logic confirms it to be a violent contradiction; for these two propositions, Man's WHOLE confidence is to be placed in God's mercy ALONE, and SOME confidence is to be reposed in MAN'S MERIT, will no more agreed (as being most opposite) then a new piece with an old garment, which our Saviour saith to be an incongruous impossibility. Mat. 9 44 And thus stands Bellarmine's case in itself, but his Proctor the Epistler hath made it worse: for he, supposing the Cardinal to handle the controversy by questions and answers (whereby it seems he never read the place himself) sums up the Chapter by way of interrogation, and Solution, and makes Bellarmine, first to say, That good works in a Christian man, joined with the promise of reward, do IN THEIR OWN NATURE increase hope and confidence; there being in the whole chapter no such thing. The Cardinal's first proposition is, the confidence which a Christian hath towards God, is not raised by Faith only, but also by the good works which he doth; for no Divine (either Protestant or Papist) will say, that good works increase confidence IN THEIR OWN NATURE, that opinion of a recent, but nameless Doctor, was condemned long since by the Bull of Pius Quintus, as Bellarmine De justific. lib. 5. cap. ●…2 reports; which causeth him often in those books of justification, to distinguish between good works and merits, because all good works are not meritorious, Si enim considerentur, ex NATURA SVA, for if in THEIR OWN NATURE they should be considered, without respect both of the promise made unto them, and also of the dignuie PRINCIPII OPERANTIS, of God's spirit, the original worker of them, they could carry NO MERIT with them, saith he, therefore by necessary consequent no confidence could be raised by them, nor comfort taken in them Of their own nature. 45 Secondly, he makes Bellarmine to assoil another question thus A man may place ANY confidence WITTINGLY in his own merits, so he beware of Pride. The Cardinal saith not so; but his second proposition is limited both in subject and predicate, that SOME confidence may be placed in a man's good merits, if he be SURE that they be TRVELY SUCH. For man is a self-loving creature, and because that affection interprets the own actions partially, confidence may be wrongly placed, if the goodness of the Act be not thoroughly discerned and assured: the want whereof condemned the Pharisees, supposing his works to be just, which were not so; but the knowledge Luc. 18. job. 9 thereof made job to pronounce of himself verebar omnia opera mea, I feared ALL my Works: and good reason saith Gregory, because the best works have attending on them, Grego. Moral. 9 cap. 26. two worms, which gaster and infect the goodness of them, Defidiam and Frandem, Sloth and Deceit; either negligence in them, or pride of them, or some corrupt affection mingled with them. 46 Now then join the last proposition of the Cardinals (from whence this debate ariseth) with these of the Censurers, and see how he will make them hung together: First, our own good works have such AN UNCERTAINTY in them, as that our WHOLE confidence must be referred to God's mercy, saith the Cardinal: Our good, works, IN THEIR OWN NATURE, are such, as that they may give hope and confidence of THEMSELVES, saith this Champion. Secondly, man's WHOLE confidence is to be placed in the mercy of God ALONE, sayeth Bellarmine: A man may WITTINGLY repose ANY confidence in his own good works, saith Fa. Parsons. Between them both, they have broached a goodly Doctrine, and very comfortable, no doubt: First, good works, of THEIR OWN NATURE, may raise up our confidence towards God, and yet a man is UNCERTAIN whether they be GOOD or no: Secondly, man must be ASCERTINED that the works he doth be TRVELY GOOD, or else he may NOT trust in them: and yet no De justificat. li. 5. cap. 7 §. Explico. proposition De verlo Dei. lib. 1. cap. 2. man can ASSURE himself that they are SO, unless he have a REVELATION, sayeth the Cardinal: than which what is more UNCERTAIN? Sape fàllax, semper incerta, are his own words. For that which seems a Revelation, may be an illusion: and as some superstitious people take that fire for a walking Spirit, which is but Iguis fat●…us, an illuding Meteor; so Pharisaical and melancholic conceits, may think them to be infusions of the Holy Ghost, which are but speculative Imaginations of their own Ghost. 47 It was well done therefore of the Cardinal, to add this last Proposition, though it overthrow all his precedent Doctrine, whereby he leads men to the nearest and safest way, the alone mercy of God, oblitos meritorum praeteritorum, forgetting all their bypassed merits; rather then to let the former stand uncontrolled, to procure despair to distressed souls, as needs it must: and better were it for the Cardinal to acknowledgan oversight in a long discourse, then to overthrow one souleredeemed by Christ's blood. Contradiction in assertions wounds but one opposite member; but unsoundness in doctrine, concerning Salvation, doth wound the weak conscience of a Christian; that may be amended by repeal, retracting it; but a wounded Spirit, who can bear it, saith Solomon? And if the wound of the Soul cause violence to the Body, who can recall it? And nothing sooner Prou. 8. 5. causeth it, than a wavering UNCERTAINTY for aff●…ance in the particular case of a man's own state touching his Salvation. 48. The Courteous Reader will pardon the length of this Discourse, by reason that the Censurer sets up his Crest & Rest upon it; that if in THIS there be any CONTRADICTION, he will yield, that the Apologer hath not OVERLASHED in the other, Let the unpartial trial be the severe judge either way: and so we come to the Second. 49. Where the Cardinal saith in one and the same Chapter, that God doth not incline a man to evil, either naturally or MORALLY; and yet again, that God inclineth a man to evil MORALLY; which is a manifest contradiction; De amiss grat●…e. & stat●… p●…. cat●…. lib. 2. cap. 13. even that by the Logicians called Contradictoria in negato, an affirmative crossing a negative in the same subject and predicate. This antilogy the Antapologer, Numb. 41, would salve by a figure in Grammar called Acyrologie, and would scar up the wound by an impropriety of speech; for that Morally in the second proposition is taken improperly: which if the Cardinal meant, he expresseth not: and then (like a Sphinx) he propounds Riddles, he reads not Lectures: but that it was not his meaning, is most plain; because what the Epistler calleth an IMPROPERLY moral inclining or commanding, is (as the Cardinal sets it down) not subordinate to that which he before had simply called MORALLY inclining; but membrum dividens, a several member by itself, distinguished and divers from the former. 50. For thus Bellarmine makes his Division: All impelling or inclining others to evil, is, first, either NATURALLY, by ●…ouing the will immediately; or MORALLY, by truly and PROPERLY commanding: or else secondly, PERMISSIVELY, by suffering an evil to be wrought, which is a TROPICAL kind of command: or else, thirdly, DESERTIVELY, by leaving those open to the evil, which are proposed and appointed to be ann●…iea therewith: or fourthly, ORDINATIVELY, which he takes from Hugo, by disposing the will of an evil man to this or that Act; not positively, but by permission. From the first ho exempts God wholly, that he neither NATURALLY nor MORALLY inclines; the three last may be verified in him: to which he also adds (Super podij loco; as an over-weight) a distinction out of Aquinas, His autem addipotest, etc. that ja Rom. 9 if the other will not serve, God yet may be said to incline a man unto evil OCCASIONALITER, indirectly and by occasion not naturally moving the will, but morally immitting and senaing in some good thought, whereby the wicked man takes an OCCASION to do this or that evil. If then the Cardinal, when he spoke of MORALLY inclining, had subdivided it into MORALLY PROPER, and MORALLY OCCASIONATE or IMPROPER, and had freed God from the first, but laid this last upon him, than had the Apologer wronged him, and himself had not been so wrung, as by his name (Tortus) it seems he is; but this he did not, nay, he meant it not: for he makes truly and properly to be the difference constitutive of MORALLY inclining, as if otherwise it were not so to be termed: for proprie makes it differ from the permissive, which Bellarmine himself saith to be a figurative and IMPROPER inclining or Commandment: whereby lie is also fallen into a gro●…le absurdity in Logic confounding members divided, and making disparatum dici de disparato. 51. Whoso reads the place, even with partiality for the Cardinal's credit, may thus perhaps explain the Cardinal's sense (and the Epistler slutters about it) that God doth not MORALLY incline man to evil in GENERAL, but to do THIS evil rather than THAT, he doth MORALLY incline the will; not as Author of the corruption, but disposer of the order. For example, that Clemens the Monk should rather stab a King, then poison the Pope (for the Priests say he left that to the jesuits;) which is as much, as if he should say; it is impiety and blasphemy to aver that God Morally inclives the will to murder in general, but to murder Kings rather than ordinary men, or this King rather than an other, God doth Morally incline: (the Doctrine we examine not; we are now to try Contradictions, not to handle Controversies) this, I say, may expound the cardinals meaning, but it no way reconciles the Contradictory propositions: much less are they salved by the Censurers adverb Improperly; for whether in the Order, or in the Matter of the evil, MORALLY inclining is that only (as Bellarmine describes it, and was touched before) which is truly, properly, and directly: and yet, jest the Cardinal should seem thus to distinguish without his Author (as he doth indeed) he cunningly thrusts in Moraliter, and joins it in Aquinas his speech (who hath no such word in that place) with Occasionaliter; which two will as well agreed together, as Moses his Ox & Ass in one yoke. Deut. 22. 10. 52. The third and fourth follow, which the Epistler crowds up together in one Numb. 44. the first, That Bishops do succeed the Apostles, and yet Bishops do not properly succeed the Apostles; and lest any should think that this Bellar. de cler. lib. 1. cap. 14. De Rom. Pontif. li. 4. ca 25. is no Antilogy because in the last proposition the adverb [properly] qualifieth it, the Cardinal himself hath in the very next precedent Chapter prevented that, where he saith, that Bishops do PROPERLY succeed the Apostles: than which, what more strong counter-shock can De cler. lib. 〈◊〉. cap. 13. est tamen. there be between any two? notwithstanding, this Epistler thinks he hath broken the force thereof with a Distinction namely, That they succeed in power of Episcopal Order, but NOT of JURISDICTION; and the judges thereof he makes the Places quoted: which either this Censurer never read, or if he did, the Poet gives him Horace. good Council Naviget Anticyras, for sure his brain wants purging. 53 The controversy canuazed in that Chapter which hath the affirmative proposition is, Whether Bishops and Priests be equal or no? that they are not, but that Bishops are Superior unto them, Bellarmine shows three ways. First, in respect of order; Secondly, of jurisdiction; Thirdly, of the principality and precedency in all ancient Sessions and assemblies of Priests. Having ratified the first (for Episcopal ORDER) he comes to the second, concerning their Superiority in JURISDICTION, Quod ad secundum, etc. For confirmation whereof, he brings his first argument from the Analogy and pattern of the Priesthood in the old Testament; but the second reason he fetcheth, is, for their power of jurisdiction, out of the new Testament: because they have THE SAME which the Apostles had, Nam episcopos Aposto lis succedere, that Bishops do succeed the Apostles THEREIN, is not one man's testimony alone, but constanter docent omnes patres, saith he, all the Fathers do hold it with one consent, without varying in themselves, or differing from others. 54 If he stand upon the other place where the negative is, there indeed the Cardinal (driven to his shifts) is forced to coin this distinction (but how unfortunately, he, whose name (though dead) like Zisca his Drum, is a Whitaker de Rom. Pontif. Qu. 8. Contro. 4. terror to Bellarmine, doth at large discuss:) but yet that salves not the Contradiction, but makes it greater; for therein he showeth that he manifestly opposeth both himself and all the Fathers: for in superiority of jurisdiction, Bishops (by the testimony of all the Fathers) succeed the Apostles, as himself confesseth, proveth and approveth in this place. 55 The fourth is concerning judas; of whose qualities to discuss, whether he were just before his Election, or made good by the choice, and how long he countinued so; whether (as Tertullian saith ad loculorum officium, till he was made both Almosiner and Purveyor; or till he was exasperate by his Master for repining at the expense; or Tertul. Brixicas. tract. 13. Hieron. contra. Pelag. 3. Cycil. 〈◊〉 Ioa●…. lib. 9 Ioh 17. 12. joh. 6. 70. till the first entry of the treachery in his heart: 'tis but periculosa questi●…, as the Fathers well term it; nor that only, but curious and frivolous. It is enough for so much as concerns his state, to know that the Son of God called him the Child of Perdition; and that the Saviour of the world pronounced him a Diveli; and for our Document, both to admire in our Lords choice his gracious kindness, Qui 〈◊〉 apud nos judicium suum, quâm as sectum vol●…it, That had rather appear to fail in his judgement, then in his affection; and by his patience also in judas his Ambros. in Luc. salt, to learn & tollerat, Si de socio erret judicium, & in cum pereat beneficium, if in our choice of a consort either our judgement of him be deceived, or our benefit toward him be miscarried to our own hurt. The question is not about his condition, but whether this in Bellarmine be not a Contradiction? that judas BELIEVED NOT, and yet that judas was VERE JUSTUS, IVST and TRVELY GOOD. 56 If Just be taken in the larger sense, to name him, a righteous man, that is so quo ad praesentem justiciam, for the time Cyril. jerosol. Catec Nazian. etc. Arist. Eth. 2. that he doth some actions of a Just man (as somewrite that judas did) them he & Saul, & Cain, may be so called, & the contradiction will not be harsh; for hypocrites & Infidels may do as much; yet the Philosopher in the light of nature, will not admit, even that title to be given, unless a man do justa just, that his actions proceed from a good ground; and be directed to a good end: but our Saviour notwithstanding Matth. 7. 23. all their preaching, Devils casting, and miracles whatsoever, calls such Just men plainly workers of iniquity; because all those without faith, are (as Prosper speaketh) falsa virtus in optimis moribus, the shining of Saint Paul's Prosper●…sen. August. 1 Cor. 3. Matth. 7. 27. Gold upon Saint Mathewes sand, making a glimmering show without sure ground. But the joining of the adverb vere, that he was TRVELY righteous, & CERTAINLY good, and yet NOT believe, makes it a Contradiction incurable, because he cannot be rectus (saith Saint Bernard that is, VERE justus, which divides those two in himself Cant. ser. 24. at the same time. 57 For the works of a Christian must be Sacrifices of Righteousness, saith the Prophet; a Sacrifice it cannot be unless it be offered, saith Chrysostome; the oblation is by Psal. 4. action, which makes it acceptable to God and before men, saith our Saviour; acceptable it cannot be except it be lively Chrysost. in Rom. 2. Mat. 5. Rom. 12. Abac. 2. saith the Apostle, Faith gives it life: sever these two, Righteousness from Faith, the Sacrifice is but munus mortuum, a dead present, take Faith from it, 'tis but Corpus exanime a breathless lump: non est profectò RECTUS, qui tam NON RECTE dividit, saith Saint Bernard, he that offereth such a divided sacrifice, had as good knetch a dog, saith Vbi supra. Es. 66. God by the Prophet: but judas believed NOT saith Bellarmine, there ' ore he could not be VERE justus; for being without Faith he was without Christ, Et quicquid in to est sine Christo, Satan est, saith August: because without saith 'tis impossible to please God; and whatsoever is not of Faith In johannem. Hebr. 11. Rom. 14. is sin.. All this the Epistler takes upon him to cure with a short and present remedy, and that is, by equivocation of Times, for in THE BEGINNING (saith he) judas BELIEVED, and then he was TRVELIE good; but after that, he fell both from Faith and goodness. 58 Yet well far an old acquaintance, a friend at need; equivocation hath a faculty to make treachery and perjury appear no vices; judas and jesuits to be honest men: but yet he that will make a concord of a jar by distinguishing times, should particularise the difference into their several seasons: which the Epistler did well to omit, because he could not do it. For though it be but a conjectural calculation what in that time should be spoken (there being no direct place of Scripture for it) yet to justify his Evasion, he should have taken that course, or have sought some other remedy. But if Scripture might determine, it is probable rather, that judas NEVER believed, and take no other but that very place which Bellarmine quotes, for the time of his unbelief, namely when Saint Peter made Mat. 16. that confession, Thou art Christ etc. which was not long after our Saviour had begun to show himself by preaching and miracles unto the world: which because it was new and fresh, it raised an admiration and extraordinary fame of him, concerning which our Saviour then made an inquiry with his Disciples, (for long continuance of any thing, slakes the wonderment, and makes the wings of report to flag) De Pontif. Rom. li. 1. ca 12. yet even THAN judas believed NOT, saith the Cardinal: nay before that time (as some in their H●…rmonies do place it) when S. Peter in the name of the rest, made that Ioh 6. 69. profession, Novimus & Credimus, WE know and believe that Ibid. ex Chrys. thou art Christ the Son of the living God; the opinion of some Fathers is, and Bellarmine approves it, that he spoke not then in the person of judas, nor that judas his heart did agreed with Saint Peter's word, nor gave his consent to that nos Credimus. 59 When was then that BEGINNING wherein the Epistler saith, judas believed? There is a place available (at lest probable) for the contrary, that there was no beginning of his Relief, for the Evangelist saith, that jesus knew joh. 6. 64. from the BEGINNING which they were that BELIEVED NOT, and who should betray him: which beginning take it either for Moses his Bereshith a beginning temporal, Gen. 1 the Incarnation of our Saviour; or Saint john's in Principio joh. 1. In joan. 6. Mat. 4. his beginning without beginning: (for Tolet refers it both ways) or Saint Mathewes exi●…de when our Saviour began to preach and choose his Disciples, he then at all these times knew who believed not, and who should betray him: the not believing he puts in the present tense (as if he should say, he then knew who did not presently believe, not who should or would not believe) and this he imputes to all the flinchers that forsook him; but upon judas he lays a double load, both of a present incredulity, and of a future Treason: & both these he knew to be the beginning, scil. that judas did not believe, and that he would betray. Yea, it seems that judas believed rather in the END then in the beginning; for●…, with the Halter in his hand he confessed more than when he had the bag in keeping, namely that the blood which he had betrayed was innocent and guiltless Mat. 27. 4. blood. If the Censurer had had but the shadow of such a place for judas his belief in the beginning, we should have heard of it with a Triumph, as of Nicholas Deaconship, and Saint Paul's conversion. 60 But grant it true that he did believe at the first; was his faith FORMATA, that which is form by grace, and worketh by love, and is the true life of a just man (justus ex fide vivit?) surely in him which hath that, saith Aquinas, Abac. 2. In Rom. 14. nihil inest Damnationis, for being once had, it cannot be totally and finally lost; nor is it more separable from him, than the essential form of any thing from the subject which it denominates. Was it fides INFORMIS a general apprehension, an Historical Faith? (as it was indeed) that could not denominate him to be a Just man, much less VERE justum; for such a Faith is common both to unjust Hypocrites, and uniustified Reprobates, and in sound Divinity NO Faith at all. 61 And so much for the Contradictions; for here the Censurer thought good to leave with his fellow judas; transmitting that of Antichrist to the Cardinal himself, with the rest of the Antilogies. The wisest part that ever he played, for these are no matters of State; but being points of learning (and so out of his element) he is weary of them. Yet, lest he should seem to do it for want of skill, he gives a double reason thereof: First, That he should WRONG the Cardinal; 'tis very likely, for if Bellarmine can understand what great pains, and little ski●…l this Empiric (the Romans were wont to call such, Medicos Parabolanos) a true Mountebank, hath bestowed in Cod de. Episc. & Cler. binding up his wounds, thus loosely and unsavourly, he will take up the old orison for ever after [a Medico indocto libera nos, etc. Secondly, that he should wrong himself, that's as true also; no man knows what is in man better than the spirit of man which is in him; and it is a point of wisdom to discern, 1. Cor. 2. — quid valiant humeri, quid ferre recusent. The Cuman creature strouted it a while in a Lion's Horace. skin, but feeling it too unwieldy for him, and how il it became Eras. Chili. him, he cast it off with some shame, but for his ease. Father Parsons is wise, and knows himself to be a more sit instrument to kindle Contentions in States, then to reconcile contradictions for a Cardinal. 62 And therefore from his didactical, we must now follow him to his Historical skill. For, his Majesty, to give some answer to that sarcastical objection of Bellarmine concerning that imputation of CAUSELESS FEAR, for that no Christian King is, or ever was afraid of the Pope, showeth by divers instances (ancient and modern) what other Emperors and Kings have done, who in fear of him have undecently stooped (whether voluntary by themselves, or compulsiutly by means) to the Pope's proud insolences. In citing whereof, this Censurer saith He finds such a deal of exaggerations, wrest, additions, and unsincerities, that he is not able to refute them; and yet that he may confute them, he gins at the wrong end first, scil. with the Example of King Henry the fourth of France that now is. 63 (For this you must know to be Parson's vein, if it be matter of ancient Story, whereof there are substantial Testimonies, by authority of Writers, (their own specially) them he casteth off, as the fellow in Athenaaeus did his spectacles, these are too true for my false eyes: his Rhetoric cannot there roll, to add, or deprave, or detort, or defalk, because he shall be espied: but if it be a modern Pl●…t. story of any thing lately done, and that at Rome, than he cries with Cato when he had got his sword (though therewith he killed himself) now I am mine own man, and where I would be; wherein, if there be any thing that may touch the Pope's tyranny, all the excuses, blandishments, extenuations, and pretences that may be, are heaped together for the qualifying thereof; for he may safely do it, in that there is no author extant to control him, & the eye-witnesses at Rome must underpin any tale for the Apostolic credit.) 64 And that made him begin with this particular of the French King, whom his Majesty (for a demonstration of his fear, in regard of the Pope) instanceth, that to have the excommunication revoked, he suffered his Ambassador to be WHIPPED at Rome for penance, Which the Epistler hooteth at for a manifest untruth, and propounds is to be laughed at for a monstrous assertion, and which will overthrow (in his Mathematical imagination) the PUNCTVALL sidelity of the rest: for that there are eye witnesses, at Rome, which can testify that the Ambassador was not WHIPPED with a Rod, but a white WAND was laid on his apparel SOFTLY, in token of submitting himself to Ecclesiastical Discipline. Which answer of his hath more disgraced his Holy Master, than his majesties assertion: for was it not for penance that the Ambassador was so ceremoniously strooken? and is not penance the severest part of Ecclesiastical discipline? veniam ad vos in virga was 1. Cor. 4. 21. no sporting threat of the Apostle. If in a ROD there be Severity, wherein was it showed? the end of Church Discipline (by Saint Paul's rule) is the very same which Uegetius giveth for war; Vt ad omnes METUS, ad paucos 1. Tim. 5. 20. PAENA perveniat: that all which behold or hear of it may FEAR, and that some may SMART. Who felt it here: De re military. lib. 3. cap. 4. the King himself at home, HE felt it not: his Ambassador had a wand SOFTLY laid on, that smarted not. To give Offices by White wands, is an ancient ceremony in great states; and to hold a White rod in the hand before the Congregation, as old a ceremony in penance: but that the rod of ecclesiastical Discipline, should be turn●…d into a White wand SOFTLI laid on (as if l●…ke Moses staff it might be a Serpent when he list, and a a rod when he would) that's such a Metamorphosis as Exod. 4. neither primitive Church, or ancient father ever dreamt of. 65 But hereby a man may conjecture what the selfe-whipping of the jesuits and Romanists is; for they which 〈◊〉 so tenderly kind unto then public offenders, such as will stand out to excommunication; will they not say to themselves, when they have the whip in their hands, as Saint Peter to his Master, parce tibi be good to yourself, Sir; Mat. 6. Ep●…. c. 5 29. for no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourished it? which is a better place of Scripture against selfe-whipping, than the Pope hath any for turning the Rod of Correction, into a wand of Ceremony. 66. His Majesty therefore did the Church of Rome more credit than it deserveth, in calling it Whipping, which is the original & true form of Displing, whereof the wand is but a ●…ymbole: for who would think that the Pope, & a Conclave durst dally with Church discipline, & make a mockery in a dumb show of Ecclesiastical penance! & which adds to the sport, that Penance should be performed by a Proxy; which makes it a more ridiculous jest, than that Assertion of his Majesty to call it whipping In Temporal affairs, for message or employment, Kings are to have their Ambassadors, to whom what honour is done, or disgrace offered, the Kings in person do take it as done unto themselves: but that they should have Ambassadors to be displed for their Master's offences (as they use to tame Lions, Plin●…at. hist. by whipping Mastiffs,; or to chastise Kings children, by correcting their play-fellows) is a childish act, and the ready way to weaken the strongest Sinew of the Church, and to bring all Religion into Contempt. 67. But were it Wand or Rods; lashing hard, or laying on soft; the name which his majesty gives of Whipping, is justifiable: for to call a figurative presentation by the proper term of that which it expresseth, is neither absurd, untrue, or unusual, either in human or divine learning; Significa●…a & significat●… ijsdem vocabulis censentur, saith S. Cypria. de unction. Chrism. Exo. 7. 12. Cyprian. Moses called Aaron's Rod, while it was a Serpent, and then devouring the rest, by the name of a Rod, and not of a Serpent; and (which sits this Tragicomical play best) the Poets, bringing Hercules upon the stage, do call that which he hath upon his shoulder, and is but a light compound of painted cloth and reed, by the name of his Clab, and describe it for the weight, compass, and stiffness thereof: so also this assertion, that the sending of his Ambassador to be thus handled in his stead, argued THAT King's fear and the Pope's tyranny, is PUNCTVALLY, lineally, and in all dimensions true, though the Penance were played but superficially. For that which drove the King to that submission, was nothing else, but fear of those usual Earthquakes, which concomitate the Popes Thunderbolts, and are the concurrent Meteors of the Romish Region either his Subjects Revolt, or populous Tumults, or intestine Insurrections, or defeizances of Succession, or personal Assault (whereof Bariere gave him some taste, and Chastile another, as the Priests declare at large.) Catechism. jesuit. li. 3. cap 3. & 6. 68 Neither was the Pope's over-awing Surquedry any whit the less, that the smarting rod or whip was turned into a wand, or ijrking into stroking (a change which French Crowns might easily make) no more than Galba his cruelty, when, being entreated for a Gentleman condemned, Sueton in Galba. cap. 4. that he might not die the death of ordinary Male factors, he willed that the Gallows should be dealbata, whited & coloured for him, quasi solacio & honore aliquo poenam le●…aturus, as if the painted Gibbet might add solace and honour to his death Neither doth it alloy the fearful submission of the King any more, then if a Magistrate of a Corporation, who for some great offence is enjoined (and all his Successors) to take their Oath with an halter about their necks, in token of their submission, should obtain the favour to have the Rope changed into a Ribben; the silken lace shows their servile homage, no less than the hen penhalter. For the principal end of Discipline is SHAME, the smart is not so much; and that was as great and as famous by the wand laid on, as if it had been the jash of Rods: yea more terror would it have strucken into Christian Princes (since they will needs stoop to such indignities, and debase that threefold Image of God in them; in their birth, of freedom; in their baptism, of Christianity; in their place, of Sovereignty) and more credit for the Pope's discipline to have it done in the right kind, and upon the offenders own body; for the Kings of Israel and Nineve did the penance themselves: and more wisely had this Censurer and his Master Tortus done, to have let his majesties word of whipping pass uncontrolled, that the world might have known, that the Pope will not suffer the contempt of his fearful Anathema to be redeemed so easily (I will not say so cheap) with the tap of a Wand, upon another man's cloak that never offended. But hereby Christians may see, that in Rome, as the Sacraments, so the Discipline is made but a mere pageant; they to allure the senses of carnal men, this to fill the Treasury of an unsatiable Priest: both of them to establish the monarchy of an oultrecuidant Pope. 69 But be it as it was, whether a Mummery or a Penalty, his majesties assertion is true, that the Pope drove the King into that fear, which made him sand his Pr●…e to Rome, there to be displed for him. If the Pope commuted for gold, that neither qualifieth his Tyrannies, nor the French Kings fearful submission: for it was as much on either side, sin the cause of King Henry the Second of England, who 〈◊〉 the very smart and rods upon his bore skin in the Church of Canterbury; which is the last, but two, of the 〈◊〉▪ that his Majesty gives, and the second in order 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 encountering Cersurer insists upon: (for of th●… 〈◊〉 King his great Grandfather 〈◊〉 by the Pope of half the Kingdom of Navarre (which is the next upward in the Apology) therein he is hushed.) 70 From which ijrking Penance this Epistler would feign rid the Pope; first, by Hovedens' authority, who showeth the contrary: and secondly, by Baronius (cited aright for the Author, but not quoted truly for the year) Baronius, Arr●… 1174. who resutes it as a fraudulent narration: both of them arguing it to be the King's VOLUNTARY CHOICE. So then, of the King's Body (sacred by holy unction) that it was whipped by the Clergy there assembled, with 40. strips H●…ueder. Matth. Paris. I●…end. Angl. Nubrige●…. etc. Ba. Vbi supra. 2. Cor. ●…1. more or less, there is no question, so many Stories concur therein and accord; and Baronius himself (out of divers) confesseth and commends the same, comparing the lashes with the Apostles stripes, mentioned by S. Paul himself, and avoucheth out of one Author, that they were above 80. But whether the Penance were Uolantarie, or enjoined the King, who maketh the question? His Majesty moved it not neither saith any such thing; only repeats the Fact: and yet had he so said, there are great probabilities to confirm it; for the Cardinals, who were sent from the Pope to examine the murder of the Archbishop, besides THAT Injunction which is in the Charter of Absolution (as the Censurer calls it) commanded him other Penances, not there specified. Genebrard insinuates so much, when he saith, Iniunctum est, INTER CAETERA, Anno. 1174. specie pae●…itentiae, etc. It was enioy●…ed vato them, in token, or for the manner of his Penance, this, among OTHER THINGS; what were they? quae adcommun●…m aud●…ntiam non pervenerunt, which came not to PUBLIC notice, In vita Thom. lib. 4. cap. 5. In Alexand. 〈◊〉. saith he that writes Beckets' life: After the King's humble promise for penance, saith Platina, additum est, it was ADDED moreover, that he should do this or that; it seems the Injunction went first for his Corporal Penance, and the addition followed for Rome's satisfaction. But the Legend of England, if it have credit (he was a Papist sure that wrote it) saith, that, over and beside those publicly noted, the Legates privily enjoined him fasting and Alms, and OTHER certain things; and that the King's answer was to them, Legend. Angl. fol. 292. de S. Thom. Cant. Ecce Domini Legati, CORPUS meum in manu vestra est: Lo Lords Legates, my BODY is in your hands, whatsoever you ENJOIN, I am ready to perform it: or, as an other reports it, who lived in those times (whom Baronius cities and approves therein) the King's answer was thus, Disciplinam Neubrigens'. lib. 2. cap. 25. non recuso Christianam, I refuse no Christian Discipline, decernite quod placuer it, devote ampl●…ctar, exequar que DECRETUM, I will devoutly embrace and perform ●…hat you DCREE. 71 Yet his Majesty charged not the Pope thus far: but showed that the cause of this dei●…ction was the King's fear of the Pope; wherein the most Authors concur. For the Pope was so enraged against the King about the death of Becket (that most unthankful Prelate, wholly made, and raised only by the King's grace) that when the king had sent his Ambassadors to Rome to clear him of the guilt, either by command of it, or consent to it, the Pope would not admit them to his Kiss, not to his Feet, not to Mat. Paris. in Hen. 2 his Sight: and being sent the second time, the Cardinals entertained them with words only, no other welcome; but so far they were from being admitted to the Pope's audience, that he was determined (having the consent of some Cardinals) upon Maundy-Thursday, then at hand, to have ACCURSED the King by name at the high Altar, and to have interdicted his Realm, had not some other Cardinals assured the Pope, that those Ambassadors were sent of purpose to take an Oath, both to clear the King their Master from that murder, & also to signify that he would obey whatsoever the Pope & his Cardinals should enjoin him: which notwithstanding the Pope was so far from believing, ut etiam contra at que illi dixerint, that, being Polydore Virg. in Hen. 2. persuaded that all things were clean contrary to that which they avowed, he sent his Legates into Normandy, with full authority both for examination of the Fact, and mandate of Satisfaction by penance. This was all that his Majesty intended, and which he undertook to specify; that it was the fear of the Pope's Interdiction, that made the King thus to stoop, and deject himself: which because the Censurer could not control, he frames a Question where none needs, Whether the Pope ENJOINED the WHIPPING Penance, yea or not? 72 For the third Example of the emperors lying agroofe upon his belly, & the Pope treading on his neck, without further answer (and for his own ease) he remits us to Baronius (as in the Contradictions he put us off to Tortus, for these are his two Oracles; Baronius is his Phoebus for Story, and Bellarmine his Apollo for Doctrine) who by many reasons and authorities hath refuted this, as he saith, 73— aut me PHOEBI cortina fefellit, he should Juvenal. Anno. 1177. have said for Baronius brings not one authority to confute it, nor any reason to discredit it. He takes, indeed, a great deal of pains, to set down the whole proceed with the circumstances, in that conclusion of peace between the Emperor and the Pope at Venice, out of an Author chosen to his own humour (if there be any such) for it is out of a Manu-script in the Pope's Library, of one Ronwaldus, not yet extant in view, &, for aught is known, may as well be forged as true. And is not this good dealing, when there are so many authors of credit in print to avow the Story, one Manu-script, uncouth, obscure Writer must encounter the credit of them all cited by Baronius (a very sincere Relator, no doubt) to salve the reputatio of his Master's Holiness? Stapleton insults upon Doctor Whitakers, for citing a Manu-script, and calls him (even for that) a Barbarous Divine, and seems to be eagerly Author. Eccles. desens. lib. 3. cap. 19 angry with any that take that course. But why should not Bessarion a Cardinal carry as much authority, who avoucheth the same, and hath for his warrant (as Baronius confesseth) ancient Monuments? Vbi supra. 74. Yet welfare B●…us, in that he professeth he knoweth no more but ONE Author, that is, Nauclerus, C●…l. tom. 3. p●…s altera, pa. 1345. which writes this Story; but thereby to infer such a necessity of fabulositie upon the report, as he doth, shows him to be more peremptory and partial, then judicious and learned: since that (besides Nauclerus) there are an heap of Witnesses in print, all concording in the truth thereof; as Petrus justinianus, Philippus Bergomensis, Papirius Masonus, Alphonsus Cyacovius, etc. and (of all other the most In Censur. Orient. an●… at. in cap. 13. sect. 6. Psal. 9●…. forcible) Gennadius the Patriarch of Constantinople, who doth particularise the Fact, with the manner of Conculcation, and the words there with uttered out of the Psalm, Thou shalt go upon the Lion and the Adder, etc. with the Emperors answer thereunto, and the Pope's reply upon it. 75 If exception be taken against HIM, as if of envy or malice he should speak it (being of the Eastern Church) it is in that his Tractate, which of purpose he made for the extolling and magnifying of the Pope's Primacy, divulged, not by any Protestant Writer, but put into the Oriental Censure, dedicated to Gregory the thirteenth, translated by Socolonius. with his Annotations capitular, and Fevardentius his notes marginal; premised with this reason of affixing Gennadius his testimony to that Book, ut & istorum Socolovi. ibid. (that is, the Protestants) & aliorum oculi confodiantur: & even in that piercing Tractate, which should thus dig out their eyes that would abase the Pope's sublimity, is this Story (with all the circumstances) alleged for the advancing thereof. If HIS credit sway not, what say they to a Venetian Historian, who wrote in Italian the full discourse Girolam. Bardi. victoria Naval. impress. anno 1584. cum privilegio. of the Sea-sight between the State of Venice, & Otho that Emperor's son? a partial Writer for the Pope, bitter against the Emperor, and a rank Catholic (as Rome entitles Her Professors) who describes the manner of that Conculcation, and recites the words uttered by both the parties, only differing in the Pope's alleging the text of the Psalm: for others repeating it (as in the Scripture it sefe) in the second Person; THOU shalt walk, etc. HE for the Pope's glory, makes him pronounce it in the First, Ambulabo, I shall or will walk upon the Lion and the Adder. Notwithstanding all these, we must appeal to Baronius; to whom if we should go for trial (let all things be unpartially weighed) the Relation of so many Authors will be more probable, than the omission of that particular (by an obscure corner-creeping Relator, presented like a Puppet to speak what his Prompter will have him; yet therein lieth his main force of argument) will be available to the contrary. 76 For first, in his entry to that Narration, he much bewaileth the blending and mingling together of truth and fallhood, by divers Historians; & gives a Caveat, that men should not be carried away Numero, but delectu testium, by the number, but by the choice of witnesses, (a good warning, if followed by himself, and in this very case:) but this argues that something appeared to him in his reading about this matter, that did distaste him, as making little for his Lord, the Pope's commendation. Secondly, in his censure of the Story itself his argmments are all (without wresting) easily retortible against him; as first, Ronwaldus who was present at the Acts, and wrote the story, doth NOT MENTION it; a weak reason: for a narrative discourse, is no forcible confutation, and an omission of a circumstance by One single man, falsifieth not the credit of many men's Relations; and to argue from authority negatively is but a silly piece of Logic: three Evangelists omit the story of the repenting thief, yet is Saint Luke's Luc.. 23. narration, & the thief his conversion truly uncontroleable. Thirdly saith he, If the Pope had so done, it had been an action monstrous for the unseemclinesse, wonderful for the strangeness, singular for the Novelty: therefore the more beseeming and likely for the Pope, who, being THAT Antichrist, exalts himself above all that is called God. Fourthly, that had been the way to have exacerbated the Emperor, and driven him from penance, saith he. True, but rage expels discretion, and revenge admits not of religious Cautions; the Pope was then thoroughly incensed▪ for having taken Venice (in a Cook's habit) for his refuge, and being thither pursued by the Emperor, and having fast in custody the Emperor's Son, who (contrary to his Father's Commandment) fight before his time limited, was taken captive; 'tis most probable, that (having gotten this start) by the sons restraint, he would handle the Father somewhat coarsely, upon his former pursuits, and this present advantage: as Hawks seize upon those fowls with most eagerness, which have put them to the longest flight, and the oftenest retriues. For had not the Emperor, upon the sons entreaty, and tendering his present state, yielded to the peace, he must have returned a Childless Father. His fift argument, which is by admiration of God's providence (for stabbing and trampling upon Kings is all now referred to that lofty commonplace) that could make so CRUEL APERSECUTOR, who hadset up an Anti-pape thrice, and promulged DEADLY EDICTS against the Pope's authority, should be brought so LOW, as to hold the Pope's STIR-UP after the Reconciliation, makes it more likely that the Pope would debase him yet more vilely in the very Act of his Submission. sixtly, his Insultation upon the Emperor in those high terms and unfittinging comparisons, do make for the punctual truth of the Pope's Conculcation: for if Baronius, being but a Cardinal, a Story-writer, and a Library-keeper, cannot (without indignation) pass his Censure of the Emperor, now dead 500 years since almost, nor forbear to call him Tyrannical Persecutor, comparing him to Pharaoh, to ●…roaring Lion, and to jobs Leviathan (that is, in Gregory's moral, the Devil) calling him the King over all the children An. 1160. n. 35. of Pride; it is most probable, that the Pope himself, who felt the rigour of the Emperor's puissance, & was but newly stripped of his Cook's apparel (not at all from his choler and former terror) would, when he had him at his feet (kissing and licking them, as Baronius himself confesseth else where, and triumpheth in it) not stick to compare him to a Lion and a Basilisk, having a Text (as he thought) fi●… for it. But that which he adds, of the Emperors Revolt Ibid. after Reconcilement, is an invincible demonstration, that either the former Submission was forced and involuntary, and only in respect of his sons redemption: or that he was indeed (though for the time he suppressed it) exasperated at the insolent Conculcation and usage of the Pope in the acting of his penance. 77 And so much for that story, and Baronius too; unto whom the Censurer remitting us, (if his authority be so irrefragable) it hath wrought us this benefit, that we shall abridge the next Instance which his Majesty bringeth, of the Pope's putting on, and striking off (with his foot) the Emperor's Diadem at his Coronation. For howsoever this silly Antapologer would glide it off, because it hath but two Testimonies, one borrowing it from the other (that's more by one, than the Lybrary-Cardinal brought to confute the former stories) yet Baronius assumes it for a truth, & graceth it with a Symbolical Hieroglyphik, expressing what the Anno. 1191. sect. 10. Pope should mean in doing so: but still all this makes for his majesties purpose and argument, that both the Emperors did what they did, in awe & fear of the Pope. 78 The next instance which his Majesty bringeth, is of Philip the Emperor, elected against the Pope's liking, in the minority of his Nephew Frederick the second. And that the Pope liked him not, there are two proofs; first his proud threat, that either HE would wear no Mitre, or Philip should wear no Crown; Secondly, that he set up Otho the Duke of Saxony against him, whom he abetted in his pursuit, and crowned him after he had SLAIN Philip. This in two words, briefly, but smartly the Epistler calleth a MERE SLANDER, because not Otho the Emperor, but another Otho of WHITLESPACK, a PRIVATE man, did SLAY him. Mistaking of a person, where two of one name concur in the same story (if it be not wilful may be censured for a negligence, but not improved to a Slander. And who so reads that history of Garboil caused by the Pope (for therein all that writ, consent) may easily be deceived in the two Othoes; neither of them both being a private n Turrian the one Duke of Saxony, the other a Count Palatine, or (as Fascic. tempor. an. 1204. some will have him) a Lantsgrave: both of them espoused to one and the same Daughter of Philip, & each of them so near allied to her, that they could neither of them Naucler. Gen. 41. 1208. Krantz. sax. lib. 7. cap. 29. lawfully marry her: which circumstances considered, 'tis an easy matter to mistake the word, ab Othonedolose interfectus, he was deceitfully SLAIN by OTHO; and without attentive diligence, hard to say unto which of them both to ascribe it. 79 But yet his Majesty is not so incurious in perusing stories, as to commit even such a slip; for he did not say he was slain by Otho the Emperor's HANDS, but that Otho SLEW him; which may be referred to his means as well, or rather than to his hands: even as when Eliah reproved Ahab about the death of Naboth, and asked him with indignation, Hast THOU SLAIN and also taken possession? when as Ahab meddled not therein, 1. Reg. 21. 19 further than consenting to his wives wicked plot, (if so far:) did the Prophet thereby reprove him as the Actor or as the procurer thereof? And that it was by Otho the Emperors underhand means (as things then stood) there are strong presumptions: First, their hatred in pursuit each of other was for an Empire: Secondly, it issued out into blood, and with open & often battles eagerly followed, still with Otho his overthrow and disgrace. Thirdly, their Reconciliation was but fresh and newly made; wherein, by Salomons rule, there is not much trust to be reposed; for hatred Pro. 26. 25. 〈◊〉 (of an enemy reconciled) is easily covered by deceit, and his fair pretences do usually conceal Seven abominations: Fourthly, one condition in the peace was, the continuing of the Empire unto Philip, DURING HIS Sigonius de reg. Iraliae. lib. 15. Anno. 1207. LIFE; and such Termers are quickly dispatched; especially (which is the fift presumption) when the second condition was, that Otho should be his NEXT successor: for hope deferred is an affliction to the Soul, saith the wise King; Pro. 13. 12. and where there is but One life in the way to hinder from a Crown, the afflicted soul will seek her ease, by what riddance soever, S●… violandum est Ius, hath too current a passage in every age, especially where Coronation and Possession have preceded, and blood hath been spilled for the keeping of it; which was the case of Otho. 80 Add to these, that long after this new agreement, Philip was slain; and what sitter instrument could Otho the Emperor use, than Otho the Palaine? for, though Philip espoused his Daughter simply upon Otho his conditionate successor (as a pledge for more assurance of his life and peace,) yet the Duke knowing that by alliance he could not marry her, and assured that the Count (to whom she was before betrothed) would be enraged at this Sl●… and mockage, took her the rather for his spouse, as the mean●… to shorten her father's life, and hasten his own way to the Crown, by the PALATINES revenge, whereof he needed not doubt, the nature of the man being so ireful and bloody, as all that writ of him do observe in him. For thus Otho saw he might be rid of two obstacl●…s at once Philip, that stood in his way for the Empire; and the Count also, whose life must needs be an eyesore to him, as having a kind of interest in his wife, before by promise assured to him. And this may truly justify his majesties assertion, that Otho the Emperor SLEW Philip; as King David did Uriah by Treachery; though neither with his own hands, nor to the world's knowledge; and yet Nathan 2. Sam. 12: 9 told the King that HE had slain him. 81 But not to let it pass so; there are not presumptions only, but authorities also to confirm it. Nic. Cisnerus (who by his place in the State had easy means to be acquainted with the Records of the Empire) in his Tragical Orat. de Freder. Imperat. History of Frederick the second, spareth not to say, that, not long after the peace was concluded mutually, What by the Pope, What by Otho, between them BOTH Philip was murdered in his Chamber and Slain: If he may not pass for currant (being a modern writer) what HE saith Conrade. â Lichtenaw. he justifieth by the testimony of an Abbot of Vr●…erge, living at that time, whose name being for a long while not known, his Annals were ascribed to him whom we usually call Urspergensis, till the error was espied and amended, and he directs Cisnerus to say as he doth. 82 Yea, but the Author (saith the Epistler) whom ONLY the Apologer citeth, is plain for his murder by the COUNT, not by the EMPEROR. For the Count he is plain; of the Emperor he saith nothing. Silence omits the relation, excuseth not the guilt: neither doth his Majesty cite him for IT, but for that comminatory speech of the Pope, that either he would lose his Mitre or Philip should lose his Crown. Urspergensis writes that but for a REPORT, saith the Epistler; no more did Cuspinian THAT, when he saith, that Gregory the seventh absolved Henry the fourth, before he died; and yet Parson's Numb. 29. insisteth upon that (though but an Hearsay) as a strong argument to rid the Pope from being reputed as a Persecutor of that Emperor. 83 But to this Report Urspergensis adds (quoth he) quod non est credendum, which is not to be believed: that's not so; he saith, that what he heard was an hard thing to be related, and UIX credendum, SCARCELY WOULD be believed. But doth that excuse the Pope, or exempt him from so saying? yea rather, it doth exaggerate the Pope's pride and malice, that would deliver such a speech, which being written and TRUE, yet men would HARDLY believe it: (not that it is any strange thing with Popes to utter words, and perpetrate facts, for their Abomination, INCREDIBLE) 〈◊〉 that reads that whole Chapter to the end [De Gestis Philippi] shall found that the Abbot's VIX credendum was not inserted as suspecting a Apud. Vrsperg. defect of truth in the REPORT; but to express the Hyperbolical arrogancy of the Pope, as if HE were THAT God by whom Kings must reign or stoop at his pleasure. 84 Neither doth the Abbot's relation only, but the Pope's Acts also, verify the report. For first, that he never loved Philip, in that ALL writers do agreed: Secondly, he deprived the Archbishop of Colen for Crowning him, and put Bruno in his room: Thirdly, he denied to give any Archbishop Krantz. Saxon. li. 7. ca 15. 26. the Pall, nisi OTHONI inhaereret, unless he would take OTHOES' part against Philip: Fourthly, when Philip had committed Bruno the Pope's Archbishop for deturbing the other, the Pope sent him word, that if he did not deliver him. Graujoribus IPSE vinculis teneretur, he would lay sorer and heavier bonds upon HIM: Lastly, Quamuis NON sit credendum saith Urspergensis, although men will not believe that the Pope would utter that strangely proud threat above mentioned, as if thereby he would pin●…on the divine providence to his own Will; yet he sets a Constat upon this. It is manifest that all his life long, the POPE was an HEAVY enemy of Philip's, and his continual opposite: yea, even for that small time he possessed the Crown, Baptist. Egnat. lib. 3. in Philip. it was indignante Innocent●…o Pontifice, saith Egnatius, with the Pope's dislike and heavy displeasure. 85 But if the Pope should so speak; why is ther●… no Vrsperg anno. ●…198. de gestis Philippi. more to Witness it but one? Nauclerus (who repeats it in the Abbot's words) gives a reason for it, Quia Res est non parum odiosa, for that it is a very UNPLEASING and an ODIOUS matter; (for truth begets hatred) and yet with all he confesseth; that he found the fame, apud Naucl. gen. 40. an. 1198. alios quosdam, in some OTHER Writers: but he that reads Cusp●…ian shall see the very words by him also repeated and closed with a pretty glance at the Pope's charity, and In Philipp●…. humility for so speaking. And now what's become of this mere SLANDER, which is grounded upon such strong presumptions, as well for Philip's death by Otho his Competitor, as also for the Pope's Insolence in making such a proud vow? both which do still ratify what his Majesty intendeth, the Awe that Popes kept Emperors in at those times; for it was only the fear of him that made Philip to release Crantz. lib. 7. Sax. cap. 26. the intruded Archbishop of Colen, and condescend to a parley with Otho the Pope's darling. 86 That other of Emperor Fredrick the second, poisoned by the Pope's corrupt means in Apulia, whereof then escaping, he could not avoid the other by one Manfredus, hired by the Pope to do it, but thereof he died, This he calls a TALE; and a MALICIOUS tale; a TALE, that the Emperor died of the Poison; a MALICIOUS Tale that the Pope procured it. And herein, as thinking he hath gotten an advantage, He spends three whole Numb. 52, 53. 54. First, That of all the Authors which wrote the emperors life, the most part mention NO Poison; and Six of them he marshalleth in the margin. Be it so; yet his Majesty had good ground for that which he said, if some of them do so writ (for Clocks will sooner agreed, than all Historians concur in the same relation;) but sure they, (whom his Majesty grounds upon) were no Protestants: and that he was poisoned, Cuspi. Fred. 2. Vineis. Ep. lib. 2. Paris. Hea. 〈◊〉. there are as many for it, as otherwise. Cuspinian Petrus de Uineis, and Matheus Parisiensis; of which, the two last lived in that Emperor's time: yea, two of the authors marginated by the Epistler, incline that way. Nauclerus mentioneth the poison, but will not determine it; not that Gen. 42. Anno. 1247. it was not so, but because divers Authors report it diversly, so that a man knoweth not which is the truest, saith he: & of that mind is Binnius, seeing the variance of writers, de Concil. Tom, 3. par. 2. vita Innocent. 4. De Reg. Ital. lib. 18. mortis genere, about the manner or kind of death which he died. But Sigonius is direct, and saith that in Apulia UENENO est mortuus, he died of the POISON in Apulia. 87 But all, or most agreed, saith the Epistler, that he was STIFLED with a pillow by Manfredus the emperors base Son. Not all, nor the most, for they cannot agreed either of the person, place, or kind of his death; but grant it true, what then? Therefore he died not of the POISON: that's no good consequent: for a man's death may be effectuate by two means, though one more speedy & visible. Abimelech was slain by a Woman, and yet his judg. 9 54. page thrust him through: she gave him his death: he sped him. So was Saul said to be slain by his own hands, and 1. Sam. 3●…. 5. 2. Sam. 1. 9 yet an Amalekite rid him of his life. Certain it is; (and therein most agreed) the Emperor was drenched before, & had Parisiens'. ubi supra. taken in the poison, potionatus Venit in Apuliam; but Manfredus thinking the time long, and fearing his recovery, shortued his life with the pillow, which had the deaths wound before by the poison, So saith Sigonius, he died by poison, Vbi supra. and Manfred was shrewdly suspected for it; by whom (it is reported) he was CHOKED with a pillow. In Apuliam Epist. lib. 2. rediens UENENO peri●… saith Petrus de Uineis, returning into Apulia he perished by POISON. Sive morbo, sive veneno, extinctus est; whether by a disease, or by Poison, he died, saith Nauclerus: And Cuspinian agrees with them, that Anno. 1247. Cuspi. Fred. 2. the Emperor recovering by the help of Physicians from the poison, manfred took a shorter course with him; and (as Hazael screwed Benhadad with a cloth) stopped his breath 2, Reg. 8. 5. with a pillow. Where is now then the Fabulosity of this assertion? and what audaciousness is this, to entitle that for a Tale when his Majesty hath so many Authors (and all of them Papists) to direct him to this averment? 88 But belike, the malice of this tale is inexcusable, by laying it upon the Pope, who was free from it. No Author freeth him, the only freedom which they give him, is their silence of him; save only one who acquits him thus, that Matth. Paris. in Hen. 3. indeed the Enemies of the Church gave it out that the POPE HAD HIRED ONE (what with money what with Promises) to POISON him? but doth he free him thereby? God knows saith he, Whether it were true or not, but absorduit Domini Papa fam●… per hoc no●… mediocriter, the Pope got him a FOULENAME by it, quoth that very Author. And the presumptions are very strong for it; for sure it is that the Pope hated him so extremely, Vt noctes, diesque (saith Cuspinian) that day and night he devised how to DE STROY him. Saul not more eager in the pursuit of David Ubi supra. (yet he eyed him & followed him as the Hawk doth 1. Sam. 26. 20. the Partridge) than Pope after Pope was in pursuing that Emperor, more like Devils than Christians, if their own stories be true. 89 He is Excommunicated and deprived of Crown and allegiance; upon slight pretences by them; he is procured by them to promise' in person to go into the Holy-hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 om●… 〈◊〉 V●…perg. against the Turk (even as Iaso●… by Pe●…as into Colch●… for the Goulden-Fleece) that in the mean time they might r●…fle his Territories in his absence, and so they did indeed. The Emperor by reason of the dangerous sickness, was forced to stay his journey one year; the Pope took it for a dissembling, and excomm ●…nicated him for his delay; the Emperor sending his Ambassadors to Rome with their affiduit, to make faith for his sickness, the Pope would not admit them to his presence. Next year, to satisfy the Pope. the Emperor determined his journey, but before his going, he called a Counsel of his Princes to Ravenna: which he appointed also for the place of Rendrevous for some of his Soldiers to attend him. The Pope caused them to be stayed from that meeting, waylay the Coasts of Uerona and Milan, and took order that the Soldiers should be spoiled, that were prepared for that expedition against the Turk; which, ●…las is a shameful thing to speak of, saith the Abbot that wrote it. The Emperor being in the Holy-Land, and in battle against the Turks, the Pope (in his absence) enters Apulia (part of the Emperor's Dominions) surpriseth and takes it to his own use, & keepeth back all supply of Soldiers that should go for aid of the Emperor in that holy war: & (which is the height of all impletie) the Emperor having performed his promise by that his journey, requesting absolution from the Pope, he, not only with contempt, denied it, but commanded the Christian Soldiers in Asia, to leave the Emperor Naucler. gen. 4●…. 〈◊〉. 1228. to the Turks malice, as being a public enemy of the Church; and dispatched secret Letters to the Patriarch of jerusalem, and the Soldiers there, to Rebel against the Emperor, as Blondus (the Pope's soothing flatterer is forced to confess: And by private Letters (which were intercepted by the Emperor, and whereof he complains) dealt with the Saracens to make no truce with the Emperor, nor to deliver the Crown of jerusalem unto him, though he should win it by Conquest: And when the Emperor sent Letters of joyful advertisement to the Pope, of his victory and truce taken with the Turk, the Pope threw away his Letters in disdain, and caused it to be given out thorough the Empire, that the Emperor was d●…ad; upon which rumour, there grew a defection of many Cities from the Emperor to the Pope; & those valiant soldiers (the Almains) which were returned from that Christian expedition against the Turk, into Apulia, were designed to be slain by the Inhabitants, upon this rumour. 90. What is this (will he say) to the Pope's consent for his POISONING? Surely they are violent inducements, that he thirsted after the Emperor's death which way soever: for he which would arm the Emperors own Soldiers against him; cause a treacherous Revolt from him while he was fight the Lords Battles; betray him into the mouth of Christ's sworn enemy; 〈◊〉 his possessions in his absence; dispers●… false rumours of his death, contrary to truth and his own knowledge; and by contempts and Anathemtes do his best or worst to break his heart: would make little account or conscience to drench him out of his life, if opportunity and secrecy would coucurre. 91. And yet, that presumptions may not only carry it, Cuspinton having Authors for both reports, ●…lates the Procurers thereof doubtfully, but the 〈◊〉 certainly, that Manfredus POISONED him, without c●…ntrouersie; In Fred. 2. Sive ab hestibus, sive à Pontifice corruptus: 〈◊〉 ●…ther corrupted by the enemies of the Emperor, or by the Pope, he will not say, but so he died. Yet the Emperor h●…selfe having discovered a Poison intended & prepared for him by his trustiest attendants, as he thought them, upon ex amination, found it to be the Pope's doing, and makes a Matth Paris. in Hen. 3. lamentable complaint thereof. Being very sick (whether poison●…d or diseased) he sent to be reconciled to the Pope; Sed Papa laetificatus est de adversitatibus suis: But the Pope Idem ibid. Paulo post. REJOICING at his misery and distress, refuseth to accept the offer, which made many (the Peers of France especi ally) to love the Emperor, & SUPERBIAM servi servorum Dei detestari, and to detest the PRIDE of him that calls himself the Servant of God's Servants. Not long befor●… that, four Conspirators were apprehended, that should Cuspin. ubi supra. have made away the Emperor, and they all confessed, that the POPE had set them on. Had Urspergensis continued his Story to the death of the Emperor, he would not (as is probable by his free delivery of the former part) have spared to set down the truth, with the circumstances of his death, more than he did the aggreevances above specified, offered by the Pope. 92. But what better witness and of more credit can there be, than Petrus de Uincis, who lived in those days, and was continually about the Emperor; and, as Cuspinian saith, hath truly related the occurrences of that time? It seems by this Censurer, that three exceptions may be taken Ibid. against him. First, He is but one for Cuspinian borrowed what he had for that point, from HIM, and none else. True, and he gives a good reason for it; because the Italian Writers (being DELICATIORIS STOMA CHI) disdaining to read the German Stories (as rude stuff) do make many and foul ESCAPES in their relations; Et multa 〈◊〉 digna praetereunt, and OMIT many things worthy of knowledge. Secondly, they are the Pope's Vassals, therefore (as Tully once said) Gentis suae vilia silent●…o obruunt, the things which may discredit their Nation, and the Head of their Religion, they pass over in silence. thirdly, this Epistler, in the case of Fred●…rik the first, remits us to Baronius, though but ONE, and he foists us off with ONE 〈◊〉 a Vatican Desk creeper, never yet extant; and he, being but ONE, must foil the credit of a whole jury in Print, and we must take him for good, only because he lived in that time, and was present at the conclusion of the peace: but Vineis, who (being Secretary to the Emperor) was ever about him, wrote truly, and is an Author approved, must be cassiered in the case of Frederik the second, because he is ALONE; in whom Cuspinian, an authentical Writer, verifies that Proverb, Omnia Strabo Geogr. lib. 10. sub unam Myconum, that HE ALONE may stand for all the rest. 93 His second exception thereof is, Petrus de Vineis was a servant to Frederick, and a professed enemy to the Pope; so were Surius and Baronius, two sworn Supporters to the Papal See, & professed enemies to the Religion which we maintain; yet in every example the one is intruded for confutation of whatsoever out of history we object, and the second obtruded for every fabulous Story which they approve. Secondly, Servants do not always speak the best of their Masters, even when they make their fairest semblance; for a man shall often times hear his own servant cursing him, saith King Solomon: and no fit instance can Eccles. 〈◊〉. be given, then of this Emperor in that case, for HE differed 〈◊〉. In Henr. 3. ubi supra. Some think it was the same party, but it is no●… probable. not much from the Historians name, whom the POPE hired once to poison this Emperor Frederik (if Parisiensis do not err or deceive the Reader;) for HIS name (being of near place and trust about the Emperor, even for his soul) was Petrus de U●…ea, that was so HIRED, and plotted withal. Thirdly, neither did Vineis writ that discourse as a Servant, but as an Historian, who in all his Tract must have an eye to the truth, without which, an History (as Polybius well resembles it) is like a living body with all the bones taken out: which (it seems) this Gentleman did well know; Lib. 2. for, as it appears by Cuspinian, he dissembles not even the foul vices of the Emperor his Master. 94 Which might prevent the third Objection of this Epistler, who saith, that he wrote so partially in this matter, that the Pope was feign to writ LIBROS APOLOGETICOS, BOOKS of APOLOGY to clear himself. And HIS books must go for currant without contradiction, being in defence of his own particular acts; but his Majesty writing an Apology against a defaming invective of a Cardinal, about the OATH of Allegiance, framed by the Council and wisdom of the whole State for his majesties safety, and trial of his true Subjects, that must be encountered with a Tortus in Latin, and a Traitor in English, and may not pass uncontrolled. But who can witness that the Pope wrote those Books? Blondus, saith he, recorded it. And HE the most glozing Recorder that ever the Pope had; who for his extreme flatteries of the Papal Mitre, is usually called Blandus, the only painful Pseudolus of any Historian that writ many a day; Secretary to a Pope, and living two hundred years after Innocentius. But did the Pope writ those Books in defence of himself, to confute Petrus de Uineis? Surely that's an argument that he was guilty: Suspi●…onem mihi facit nimia diligentia, saith S. Hierome, Promptitude of excuse implies Ad Pammach Epist. 61. a consciousness of the f●…ult: Yea what saith the same Father of judas the Traitor, when our Saviour told his Disciples, that one of them should betray him, and all the rest of the Apostles Matt. 26. 23. (as strucken with grief) plucked their hands from the dish, for bidding meat to their mouth, and judas ONLY thrust in his hand? This he did, ut audacia bonam conscientiam men●…retur, that thereby he might dissemble, and Hieron. in eum. think to persuade his innocency by his BOLDNESS. The Prophet describes one kind of man, that flattereth himself in his own mischief, until his wickedness be found out, and appear to his own detestation; but being depren●…nded, then verba oris eius iniquitas & dolus, Psal. 36. 2. 3. the words that he speaks in defence of himself are impiety and deceit. Pope Innocentius did see that his Acts could no longer be hid, descried they were, and it was time for him to speak: and then if he would not make the best for himself wit●… his own pen, he might have been begged for an Innocent. 95 And now all this while, where lies the Apologers mali●… in this Relation? Not where, unless it be that he did not make a Concord●…nce of all Authors for one Story; which were a harder task than the torment of Sisyphus in Hell, described by the Poet. It was his majesties exceeding humility, that he would grace Bellarmine (being but a Cardinal) so much, as to vouchsafe him an answer; 'tis his eminent commendation, that he can readily understand all Stories written in this kind or any other; it argues his singular industry, that after so many hours spent in the higher affairs of the Realm, he could take the pains to peruse these which he did; it is his pregnant d●…xteritie, that he contrived and abridged the Discourse with that method and sincerity; but it was his admirable judgement and wisdom, in forbearing variety of other Authors which wrote but By hearsay, and deli●…red what they wrote upon the second hand, in this Example to pitch principally upon him who lived in that time, and saw and wrote what passed between the Emperor and the Pope, in every particular. True Christians, and well affected to Godward, would rejoice to see so great a Monarch, so learned and so expert, considering what the ignorance of Kings hath been heeretosore: but this is the Catholic envy and vexation, that not Eld●…d and Medad, but monarchs Num. 11. 26. also can prophecy, and discover their weakness; s●… that whereas now they cannot (as in former times) ●…hral them by superstition, and insult upon their ignorance, they are enraged against their knowledge; accounting their learning forgery; and their truth-telling malice. 96 Another instance obicted by his Majesty (which pincheth their Holy Father to the quick) is of that Pope, who, when Emperor Frederik was in the holy land fight in Christ, quarrel (fearing that his return would be some annoyance to the Romish See) betrayed him to the sold in, to whom he directs his private Letters, and with them also sent the Emperor's picture, in case the sold in should mistake his Person. Unto which, this Epistlers grave Answer is, That it is a Calumniation, for there is 〈◊〉 such thing in PAULUSIOVIUS. Had Saul, in seeking his Father's Asses, returned such an answer, or himself retired, because he found them not in 〈◊〉 and Salim, he had never proved Sa●…linter Prop●…s; for who directed this Censurer 1. Sam. 9 4. to iovius? The Apologer (sith he) quote●… hi●… in the margin. True, for the NEXT Story immdiately following, but the Printer misplaced him, giving him a higher room by five lines in the page than he should have. An error or slip at the Press, is not a Calumniation in the Author; if it be, than Medice teipsum; for if the Reader turn but only one leaf back (in pag, 100 of this Epistlers Censure) the very like escape, for all the world, will appear in himself: for in Numb. 49. speaking of King Henry the Second of England his WHIPPING at Beckets' Sepulchre, the marginal note wills us to See BARONIUS in Anno MCLXXVII. there to receive a Confutation of that inioned Penance: searching the place, we find no syllable of any such thing; for that point he discusseth in An. 1174. so that the note of Anno 1177. is to be brought down to the next Instance of Frederik Barbarossa, for that's the place indeed, where Baronius doth tumble himself in that Story. And yet examining thereof, and finding a wrong direction, we revile it not for a Calumniation, nor sl●…r it off with an Ignoramus, nor pronounce it untrue, because we found it not where we were directed; but sought the right place, alight upon't; & discussed. So that, had there been any grace or good nature in this Antapologer, if he read (as he faith he did) the second book of iovius, and found not this, but the next succeeding Story there, he might presently have discovered the Printers slip, given a touch at it, and confuted the Objection: but because, in likelihood, he saw it uncontrollable, all the Answer he makes, is, 'tis a Calumniation, for he finds it not in JOVIUS. The Reply therefore must be semblable; that, since he searcht●…t not the right Authors, the Story must stand for true, and he must pass on for a Wrangler. 97. As he doth manifestly, in the very next example; with the evident & confirmed truth whereof being convicted, that Pope Alexander the sixth caused the Turks brother to be poisoned, he first confesseth, that THIS hath MOST APPEARANCE of truth, only because OTHER Authors, besides Cuspinian, who is quoted in the margin of the Apology, concur therein, Belike then if it had come alone, though iovius be a Popish Bishop, and do at large particularise every circumstance, it must not have passed; for even as it is, he makes it but an APPEARANCE; whereas the rule of Almighty GOD is, that if the testimony of two witnesses speak with one mouth, in Deut. 19 15. o'er duorum, it shall be an Establishment, and that is more than an appearance of truth. In the case of Frederick the Second, Vineis and Cuspinian were both produced to confirm one Story; that could not serve the turn, because they were but One (the last borrowing what he said, from the foremost:) In this Instance there are two different Witnesses, which concur in verifying of one and the same fact; and this, though thus seconded, is slightly turned off, as making but an APPEARANCE. But it will be found, that with this their Appearance, they will also give in such Evidence of an irreligious treachery, as could not be imagined would enter the heart of any that professed Religion: scz. that the High Priest of Christendom (so he would be called) at the request of a Mahometan Turk, for a bribe of money, and (which is a horrible, yet a ridiculous thing Paul. iovius, lib. 2. to hear) in exchange of Christ's unseamed Coat (for we must think the Soldiers, at our Saviour his passion, cast lots to have it kept for the Great Turk, to be reserved by him for a Relic 1500. years after) should poison a Prince committed to his refuge and protection, to satiate the thirst of a blood-golofer, and secure him in his Tyranny: for did he not hereby give a just occasion to the Turk, bothrto blaspheme our Saviour, and scoff at Christianity? that, as once his own Disciple betrayed him to death for a piece of money, his dear Vicar would now poison an innocent man (and in whose life remained great hope for the good of all Christendom, as their own Writers record) for the exchange Onuphr. Alex. 6. of a mock robe; a Relic which must needs perform great wonders, being thus purchased with the price of blood: as also brag that Christendom was beholden to him for her principal Relics; for before, he had sent the Spear that S. Longies pierced our Saviour withal, and iovius, ibid. now they should have THIS Coat. His second answer therefore is, that Writers set it down doubtfully and suspiciously. 98. It seems he hath read them; but which of them isit? for Cuspinians words are, that Zizamus (so he calls In Bajazet. 2. Gemen the Turks brother) died of poison, Pontifice haud ignorant, the POPE not unacquainted therewith; eratque constans fam●… (saith iovius) and it was the CONSTANT and uncontrolled report, that ALEXANDER the Pope mingled powder with GEMENS Sugar, which should not Ubi supra. END him presently, but WASTE him by little and little. The most doubtful Reporter is Sabellicus, who saith that there were that BELIEVED he died of poison, and that the Pope caused it, etc. which doubt (if it be any) must not only be referred to the Author that procured his death, but to the matter also that caused it, which was never questioned; for all agreed that it was poison, save only Onuphrius, who, indeed, mentioneth not the poison, but names a disease as an effect thereof, a disentery or continued looseness●…, the true & designed operation of the poison, as Ubi supra. iovius describes it; which was so prepared, as that it should spend him slowly, but speed him thoroughly. But Guicciardine stops not at it, who avers it for undoubted that he was poisoned, and by the Pope's means too. Yea, saith the Epistler but he gives a reason why it was so reported, because the corrupt nature of the Pope made any wickedness to be believed of him. (Christ had a good Vicar in the mean time, and Saint Reter a worthy Successor; might not the Church truly have then complained Caput meum doleo?) 99 It is true that Guicciardine gives many reasons, not of the report, but of the ground thereof, why the Pope should do it; and they all make singularly to the excuse and credit Hist. lib. 2. of the universal Bishop. First, the Turk allowed the Pope for his brother's maintenance 40000. Ducats yearly; This Gobbet the Pope lost, being enforced to part with Gemen to the French King, and that vexed him into the purpose for the poison, and into the practice too. Secondly, he took pleasure with himself (so much good it did him) to think how he had co●…sened the King that got him; who looking for the same annual allowance, should so quickly be eased of it by Gemens death. Thirdly, he envied at the glory which the French-King should get, having that Prince in his possession, by whose means he might con quer the Turk so easily and speedily. Fourthly, he was in bodily fear that the French-King succeeding well in those wars against the Turk, (whereof there was little doubt, Gemen being with him) would after the return from that battle, set upon his skirts, and look into the Reformation of the Church: the abuses wherein (it being wholly aliened from the ancient devotion-custome, and purity of the primtive state) had brought the Religion of Christ into Contempt Lastly, because the Pope had good cause thus to fear, therefore he also thought the poison was very necessary (for nothing preventeth Reformation more speedily than poison doth): His entry into the Papacy by wicked means, made all the world expect no better, but a more corrupt state of the church, day after day, and that the Pope knew well enough. These are the reasons which that faithful Historian coucheth together; and are by him alleged, not so much to justify his speech that there was such a report, but to necessitate the author, that it must needs be the Pope that acted it. 100 After which, a joint fame being spread the Motore, that some body should instigate the Pope to do it, and the opinion concurring that it was by the great Turk's motion, who had corrupted the Pope's Legate Bucciardin to solicit his Master thereunto; Guicciardine addeth to this (for Vbi supra. that it was so horrible) that the nature and ha●…or of the Pope was so Wicked, that there was no conceit (though never so detestable) but Alexander's WICKEDNESS was capable of it, and able to make it sound true. And yet for all this, the Epistler saith, That this matter is but doubtfully and suspiciously related, than the which, there cannot be of any in Story (to use his own words) a more assertive affirmation, than Cuspinian, iovius and Guicciardin have made; who, both categorically & constantly, do avouch it. And here, as before with that trusty Disciple JUDAS he ended his contradictions; so with this honest Pope, ALEXANDER, he closeth up these Instances, which his Majesty rehearseth to justify his own wari●…es, rather than fear; since so many Emperors and Kings have felt with smart (and sometimes their ruin) the rage and revenge of the Pope's MALICE. 101 As for all particulars of those plunges, which our late Queen of happy memory was driven into by succeeding Popes; as also of his majesties own motives to this wariness, by the Pope both his engines of cruelty, & indulgence of lenity; the first, his debarring Bulls at his Maisties' entry, and his barreled Bullets after his investitute: the other, that though the principal Agents and plotters thereof were the Pope's Mancipia, jesuits, (so confessed by some of that sort that died for it) yet neither the Pope would call them that fled away and escaped, to accounted for it; nor fasten any note of Obloquy or infamy upon them which acted it, and were executed for it: Of all this, I say, (his own conscience bearing him witness it is too true) he is wholly silent, and so passeth to the third part of the cardinals letter. But first he must give a parting blow, by a ijrking Comparison of Kings with Popes, that as 〈◊〉 Moses Chair, and Saint Peter See, there sit Scribes and Pharisees, so in Thrones may be placed wicked Kings, and yet the Authority of neither be either discredited or pr●…iudicated by their wickedness. 102 Wherein first, is verified that speech of Seneca, Ne●…opersonam diu f●…rre potest, Art cannot long estrange Seneca. nature. But as the Apologue describes VENUS' trans●…fors med●…aiting maid, who being tricked up like a Gentlewoman, mink'st it a while till she spied a Mouse, but then made it known she was a Cat: So this Censurer, who all this while would make the Reader believe that he confuted Eras●…. Chil. Only one T. M. the younger, and would seem to take no knowledge, that our Gracious Sovereign had to do in the Apology; now being exa sperate with this round canvasing of the Pope, and knowing that it will be descried, for the style and vein of more than an Ordinary man, he forgets his dissembled adversary, and, like a perfect jesuite, retort's upon Kings. For if T. M. (whom he makes but an Inferior Minister of small account) were the true Apologer the Para. 1. recrimination had been more fit, both in respect of these precedent instances of Popes, and that supposed Author, to have made the comparison by Bishops and Ministers; that as not all Popes, so neither all which wear the habit, or are invested into holy orders amongst us, are free from notorious vices, and scandalous to the world: but he was pinched, and the Egyptian Ape could not forbear to break out of the Mask, to show himself in his right kind. 103 Secondly, what Insolency is this, to compare Popes with Kings, Subjects with their Superiors; for even Priests (as well as others) are subject to their Sovereigns, In Rom. 13. by Chrysostom's rule; the Pope's Sublimity exempts him not; it is usurped. King's are enthroanized by Divine ordinance, Pope's advanced by hu●…ane Arrogance, per me Reges regnant is the Text for Kings, spoken by the wisdom of God, and utered in the book of God, by the mouth of the wisest King that ever breathed: the Text for Pope's Priestly pre-eminency none at all; for their Temporal principality, none other but UNAM SANCTAM, a text Bonifac. 8. in. extrauag. come. in the extravagants from a Pope's own Decretal; and HE one of the worst that ever sat in Rome, described commonly by the name of three Beasts. 104 Thirdly, doth he not hereby offer some disgrace to their Holy Father? For if Popes and Kings were to be compared together, in respect of their eminent places as the world finds them; yet, for integrity of life and freedom from Sin, there should be a great disparison between them: for it were a shame to Popes, that Princes should be so free from vices, as THEY who profess themselves the abstracts of sanctity, and are SO entitled; make themselves Christ's Vicars: take upon them to be the ONLY Censores Morum through the whole world; and challenging the highest place, should give the best example: whereas Kings have many occasions which may allure them to sin, especially having that Privilege in Scripture, whether exgratia or de facto; whether by exemption from God or fear in men, that NO Man may say unto them Why do you thus? And yet never could this Eccles. 8. 4. Censurer have made a more untimely and unfitting retortion then at this instant: His majesties endowments and cartage being such (as if their own Historians deceive us not) few Popes will be found less tainted than his Majesty will appear in the strictest search; for, as some of their own Authors do testify, Popes are usually praised for their GOODNESS when they SURPASS not the WICKEDNESS Guicciard. lib. 6. of other men; and some of them confess, that a Pope hath been trised away on the sudden, because it was suspected he would be OVERGOOD. Fourthly, if that Genebrard. lib. 4. Chron. be true which he saith (as it is indeed) that the wickedness of Kings doth not prejudicate their princely right, either for power or dignity; what Doctrine then is that which teacheth, that, be Kings never so virtuous, if they acknow ledge not the Pope's primacy, their right is NONE, either in hope if they expect, or hold if they possess a Crown: but their persons are liable to Deposing and killing; and their Subjects excitable to Insurrection and Rebellion? So that all Blasphemies and profanations; all murders and oppressions; all concubinacies, nameless, innumerable; shameless, unmatchable, shall not impeach or Subvert, a Kings Right; ONLY the denial of the Pope's authority, shall be able to turn him out of his Throne and life. 106 And now is it time that we come to the Third part of this Paragraph. Which is spent in the examining of the Sentences & authorities of the ancient Fathers cited by the Cardinal in his letter to the Archpriest. Among which (as he closeth up the other part with Alexander the 6. an eminent Pope for singular wickedness; so, be like because Pindarus would have in the beginning of a Treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some glorious Pindar. parsonage to be fronted) he singles out julian to be the foremost, an excellent Emperor for famous Blasphemy; unto which impious Apostata, it pleased Bellarmine (the jenocinating Pander to the Whore of Babylon) to compare our gracious Sovereign: hereby insinuating, that as julian to beguile the Christians did insert the image of Devils (which is Nazianzens' word) or false Gods into his own picture, that they, according to the Roman law, bowing to the Emperor's image, might unwittingly also adore those cunningly included Idols: so his Majesty in the OATH of allegiance, hath mingled with some Articles concerning his own Sovereignty, other clauses touching the Pope and his authority; to the end, that as the ancient Christians discerning that fraud in the pictures: so they also, which, discovering the Mixture in the OATH, forbear to take it, might both be drawn within the compass of TREASON. 107 In which comparison, his Majesty observing (as Homer in Thersites head, no countenance of a man, and Iliadae. the tongue of a Scrpent) both venomous malice in the personal, and a total diversity in the real resemblance, unrippeth this Similtude; and by divers particularities showeth, that whereas all comparisons are (like jaakob after his wrestling,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sinew-shrunke in the thigh, halting Genc. 32. 31. of one leg; this, not only like Mephibosheth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lame of both the feet, but, as the Physicians describe some 2. Sam. 4. 4. diseased, it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & hath a general luxation in all the joints and members, not agreeing in any one point for which it is brought, save only (which his Majesty well observed) that our Sovereign is a King, and julian was an Emperor: which thing alone reveals the malice in the Cardinal's choice of that Example. For if he had meant to touch the OATH, only for the mixture, and left the persons alone; even in that very place of Nazian▪ whence he borrowed that resemblance, he might have fitted his purpose better, in comparing the blending and tempering of those MIXED articles, unto the compounding of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wholesome meats and rank poison together Nazianz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in julan. (for so that great Divine fitly compares that action of julan:) but hereby he would notify, that it is not the Oath, but the King, which is the eyesore of the Romish Clergy; his glory provokes their Envy; his Religion their malice. 108 And now to this, what saith the learned Censurer? His answer is an est long, but not an inch to the purpose. Namely, that the Apologer, being sore pressed with this resemblance, is forced into a wearying discourse, to show the diversities in that comparison, which must needs be LOATHSOME to every man of mean judgement, who knoweth that a Similitude must be defective in all things but in THAT POINT wherein the comparison is made; or else many Parables uttered by our Saviour Christ (whereof he cities many) might seem very strange and impertinent: and so he goes on in a long flagging discourse, whereout the offals of scorning terms being taken, to be resumed by himself (as the ejection which he hath once voided, with Solomon's loathsome Creature) all comes Pro. 26. 11. to this one profound conclusion, that a Similitude must only hold in that point wherein it is compared. Of which, if any man but meanly learned had had the handling he would have reduced it all briefly to that rule of Isidor, Pelusiot. epist. 175. that in Parables we must not take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor sit matter to every circumstance thereof, for that were to wring the Scripture by wresting it too violently, and to wrong Divinity by forcing in many a fancy (which is Gregory's speech, alluding to the place of Solomon, of wr●…ging the Nose till the blood come); because if a comparison Pro. 30. 33. should hold in ALL, it were an identity not a resemblance. 109 For which cause, Divines have reduced all Parables to four heads, either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein the nature only of the thing doth make the comparison; as in the parable of the Seed sown, the variety of increase by the word preached, is expressed by the multiplying Mat. 13. 19 or failing of the grain, according to the several soils where it alights; or 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein the disposition or affection only is resembled; as when our Lord compares himself to children piping and whistling, to express the mild & comfortable means which he used for the winning Matth. 1●…. 7. of Souls; or thirdly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein a passion or perturbation is only assimilated, as the second coming of Christ is resembled to a thieves burghlary, and a woman's 1. Thess. 5. 2. 3. travel, for the suddenness and affrightment; or lastly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein the action only is to be regarded for comparison, without respect to any other Circumstance either of person or manner, as in the Par●…ble of the unrighteous Steward, who made friends with his Master's money Luc. 16. 6. against an hard time, as we (of the goods lent us) by Alms to the poor, whose prayers may help us against the day of trial. To which last, this resemblance that the Cardinal hath brought, is to be referred; produced by him for no other purpose (as is pretended) but only for the Mixture of diversities (as there in the Banner, so in the Oath with us:) and therein hath he m●…nifested more malice than judgement. For even in that very point, his Similitude (as taken with the Cramp) halts downright: because in the Imperial pictures, though there were different features, yet they all concurred to one end, and for the same intent, that is for Adoration, though to the one more openly, to the other more covertly: for so saith Nazian. in this action of julian, there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 AMIXT ADORATION Ubi supra. communicated both, with the Emperor, and with the Idols also; In the OATH 'tis clean contrary, which is so far from being a MIXTURE of Allegiance, that it separates all acknowledgement of any temporal right, or right of any temporal acknowledgement from Pope, or any other else; but to his Majesty alone within his Realms. And if this be a Mixture, it is such as Philosophy will not acknowledge, [mistio secernens] & no other but that which King Solomon speaks of, REMOVE the wicked from Pro. 25. 5. the King; and his Throne shall be established in judgement; which is the sum of that part of the Oath that is thus said to be tempered, so, to abjure and abandon that wicked doctrine, and that usurped authority of the Papal claim for Deposing of Kings: and so Prince's Thrones will be established, they shall rule in peace, and live in safety. And that's no other Mixture than fire makes in the Finers furnace, dispergens heterogenea, to clear the dross from the Gold, saith Ibid. the wise King. 110. Had the Oath been so cunningly framed, that with the recognition of his majesties absolute & unmatchable right, there were secretly couched a covert acknowledgement of some other person; whereby, in swearing allegiance to his Majesty, he that takes the Oath, should at unawares swear also to the support of some other exotic authority; then had the resemblance been very pat, and fitly applied, even in the very point: but seeing those modifications (as the Cardinal calls them) be all EXCLUDING ones, the Oath may be called any thing rather than a mixture; or if it be so, it is only because the Pope is eftsoons named in some clauses where his Majesty is inserted, and so indeed the resemblance in that circumstance may hold of the Imperial Picture and Image of Devils. But though the King and Pope be named in One OATH (as Christ and Belial in One TEXT by the Apostole) yet is it not for 2. Cor. 6 15. joint Adoration (as in the banner) but for Recognition of the One, and Abjuration of the other. Whereupon, his Majesty, to show the virulent malice and unlogical argumentation of the Cardinal, by fetching in this sinister Comparison, advisedly expresseth, how it faileth not only in the very apodosis and assimilatum for which it is brought, but that in EVERY circumstance beside, thereiss a manifold difformity and disparison: a labour as it now appears, by way of prevention necessary; for Tortus; according to his name, plays the wiredrawer, and will needs stretch the resemblance, into an identity, forcing it to agreed in every point. 111. And yet THIS the NASTY Censurer, taking the savour by his own breath, calls a loathsome labour of his Majesty (but adds withal, saying more truly than he was ware of, it was LOATHE SOME to men of MEAN judgement, he knew that by himself) but endeavours not to confute it: only with certain inkhorn terms (of Euacuating, and Shifting, and Tristing, etc.) and a few Postilar notes of Scripture-parables (so dully and iniudiciously laid out, that a man of any learning would LOATHE to read them) at last he pitcheth upon this stolen and trivial conclusion, that a Sim●…litude requireth not parity in all points; which his Majesty denied not, yea, he said as much before him; and thereupon displaieth the absurdity of this resemblance, which varieth (as the Logicians speak) in ratione instituti, in that very poy●…t to which the Cardinal would maliciously apply it; and hath no conformity either with the manner, or with the intendment of the Mixtures (so to call them.) For the manner THERE, was covert, and purposely dissembled; HERE, open, and advisedly revealed: the intent THERE, was a colourable worshipping of BOTH the features; the intendment in the OATH, a diametral renouncing ONE of the parties. And grant there were a MIXTURE in both; yet THERE it was real, for a mutual adoration; HERE, but verbal (at most) for a real separation. 112. The second authority which the Cardinal allegeth to rectify the Archpriests judgement in the nature of the Oath, is an Apocryphal of Eleazar, that as he would neither eat, nor feign to eat Swine's flesh, jest by his simulation 2. Maccab. 6. 18. he might make others to prevaricate; so should not the Archpriest take the OATH, upon the like reason of giving offence. Which his Majesty answering, showeth, not only that the ground of Refusal is different, because THAT eating was expressly for bidden in the Law of God, THIS Swearing warranted by Scripture, & commanded by the Magistrate: but also retorteth it upon the Cardinal, that if a man should choose to die rather than break a Ceremonial Law, or feign the breach thereof for fear of seducing others; much rather should a man hazard his life, than either Refuse an OATH (which the Law of Nature, God, and Man, do justify and enjoin) or pretend the Refusing of it to the scandal of a Realm, and the just offence of his Sovereign. This being a knot— Vindice dignus, Horace. which the Epistler cannot tell hastily how to unloose; therefore as the Orator notes of Poets in their Tragedies, Tulli. de nat. deorum. that being driven to an exigent, they will have Deum ex improviso, some God in an Engine, which must give them a list, and help them out cleanly: so this Censurer, whensoever he is at a stand (wanting another answer) presently winds in his old commonplace of Conscience and Catholic Religion; for thus he speaketh, That if a man in his OWN Conscience think the OATH to be against the CATHOLIC Faith he aught to be as shy of it, as Eleazar was of eating Swine's flesh. 113 But what if there be a false assumption, or an untrue application by the Conscience? then is it erroneous, not binding: as put case the conscience either assume that to be sound and Catholic, which is false & unchristian doctrine; or apply that which is true & unchallengeable, to a wrong end: then is it not Conscience but Error; and this is their very case which refuse the Oath. For first, they assume the Pope's power of deposing Princes to be Catholic Doctrine, which hath no ground for it in warrantable Divinity: Secondly, they avoid a Recognition of mere Temporal Allegiance, as applying it to be a denial of a Spiritual Supremacy. A pattern of both these errors, in another case, may be seen in S. Peter himself; first, when he forbore Gal. 2. 12. to eat with the Gentiles, jest he should give occasion of offence to the jews, assuming THAT his abstinence for avoiding scandal, to be warranted by Divinity, which S. Paul not withstanding, to his face, told him was not the right course; there was his false assumption: the other was Matt. 16. 21. his undue applying of our saviours prediction touching his trouble and death; which S. Peter referring to a Temporal pressure, not a Spiritual redemption, was therefore persuaded in his Conscience, that he aught to dissuade our Saviour from it, by using means to prevent it; but thereupon he procured to himself the name of an Errand opposite to be called Satan. Therefore, as it hath been often said, (for the Epistler his frequent palinody causeth irksome reiterations) either make the doctrine sound, that the Conscience directed by it may not err; or else if that be corrupt, this will be Leprous. 114 And it were well, when such as He pled their Conscience, they would withal define what it is in them, seeing, that (as the Elephant useth her probos●…is or trunk) it is extended or contracted (as it seems) at the Pope's pleasure. For in the year 1580. Campian enlargeth it, assuring the Catholics, that not withstanding the Pope had excommunicated Queen Elizabeth, yet with a safe conscience they might obey Her in all Temporal Causes. About eight years after (upon the Invasion) Allen doth straighten it; though THAT Holy Father, saith he, did then permit obedience in some cases to the Queen, yet THIS Holy Father dischargeth all men from it; and therefore with a safe conscience they may not obey her in ANYTHING. In such diversity of Science, how can there be a settled persuasion of Conscience? And this puts the main difference betwixt Eleazar's abstinence, and their refusal; that he had, for the warrant of his Conscience, Legem scriptam, an express Commandment from the Law of God, and therefore did forbear: they, having none other but either a fancied conceit of their own, or a Tyrannical Injunction from an intruded Usurper, pretend conscience for refusing that which the Law of God alloweth. For proof whereof, his Majesty instanceth the Oath enjoined by K. Saul to his Army; the punishment whereof. God himself took in to 1. Sam. 14. 24 his own hands, for the breach thereof. But that example,— reddidit Harpocrates, hath put the Censurer to silence. 115 And so he passeth to the third authority alleged by the Cardinal, and recorded by Theodoret, concerning S. Basil; who refused to yield his consent in the points of Eccles. hist. lib. 4. ca 17. lat. 19 Graece. Arrianisme, at the 〈◊〉 request, made unto him in the Emperor's name for that purpose; and gave his reason for it, that rather all kind of Torment should be endured, than one syllable of GOD'S WORD should be corrupted. In his majesties answer thereunto, the Epistler o●… serveth (as he calls them) three Shifts (for lightly an Impostor will speak in the phrase of his own occupation:) the first whereof (where his Majesty taxeth Bellarmine for one of his old and usual tricks, in cutting off and leaving out that piece of the sentence which should make most against himself, and for the requisition to the Oath) he calls, a Calumniation in two respects; first, because the sentence left out doth nothing avail the Apologer, but sits the Cardinal's purpose directly. How proves he that? Nay, Dixit & obmutuit, ye must take his word for an Oracle; for, proof he hath none. Examine it notwithstanding. 116 The words of S. Basil (added by Theodoret, omitted by the Cardinal, called for by his Majesty) are; that he much regarded the emperors friendship, SO far FORTH as it was joined with PIETY: but if THIS be wanting, the OTHER is dangerous: which words do thus make for the Apologer; that seeing the Oath consorts in all points with Piety, both towards God and the King, the Archpriest (by that speech of S. Basil) should embrace his Sovereigns love by taking the OATH, and submitting himself unto that which true godliness doth warrant: But that being wanting in the Emperor's request to that Reverend Prelate, it caused S. Basil to make small account of his Deputies message. If the Cardinal had sound proved the same defect to be in the Oath, the example had been proper: but the contrary being manifest, he both reveals a falsity, by coupling a conclusion which makes against him; and an indiscretion also, by citing an example that avails nothing to his purpose. 117 And this the Censurer calls the first shift, in answer to this ANCIENT, or rather ANTIC; for so, both in his gibing vein he profanely terms that grain and holy Bishop, and with his ignorant boldness scoffs at his Majesty for calling the Father's ANCIENTS, which is (in truth) their most proper term. For first, to denominate persons of eminent qual●…e by the concrete, is usual in every language. The Hebrews do style men, notable for valour and courage, in the adjective alone; for Benaiah is said to have his name among the three STRONG: so the Grecians do entitle men singular for Sanctity above others, 2. Sam. 23. 22. by the name of Holy or Saints: and so, men for years multiplied, or by authority advanced, the Latins Rom. 1. 7. do call them Seniors, Elders, or ANCIENTS of the Numb. 11. 16. vulgar. people. Secondly the title of FATHER is always understood relatively to the sons which he hath; and so in spiritual sense it cannot be proper to those great writers alone. For, if it be given in respect of begetting men to Christ by preaching the Gospel, so, both the Apostle challengeth 1. Cor. 4. 15. it to himself, and every Preacher of the word, or Rector of a Congregation, deserveth that name: if in regard of Ordination, so is it proper to Bishops only, in the opinion of Epiphanius and S. Augustine; and then all those Holy Writers cannot appropriate that name of Father unto themselves Aug. in Psal. 45. because Tertullian, Origen, and Clemens Alexandrinus, three of the nearest (almost) unto Christ's time, that are extant, and S. Hierome, one of the four principal in account, were not Bishops but Priests, and justin Martyr a Philosopher only entitled: The word ANCIENT therefore, whether we respect their authority in the Church, or their antiquity of time, is the more suitable: albeit for the most part, in Scripture, they signify the same thing. For the Text, whereby they use to arrest us, and force us to make those Father's judges in our Controversies, combines them together. Ask thy FATHER, saith Moses, Deut. 32. 7. and he will tell thee; thine ANCIENTS, and they will show thee: So S. Paul, Rebuke not an ANCIENT or Elder, but exhort him as a FATHER: And the mighty God 1. Tim. 5. 1. whom S. james calleth the FATHER of lights, the Prophet Daniel entitles him the ANCIENT of days. Yet jac. 1. 17. Dan. 7. 9 such is the inbred gibing nature of this Ishmael, that he cannot forbear his ●…ering vain, though to the disgrace of the holiest Writers; but, because his Majesty calls them ANCIENTS, he will stout them into ANTICS. 118. Indeed, were they (whom his Majesty mentioneth) such ANCIENTS as those foisted upon us by the Romish Church, such as Abdias and Amphilochius (cited Hardi. contr. jewel. for the antiquity of their Mass) the one of them (as they say) being of man's years in Christ's time, in his Story then written, mentioning Egesippus who lived an hundred and sixty years, after him: the other writing the Story of Beckets' life seven hundred years before the sullen Saint was borne: These, with their Clement and Dyonysius, and those of that fry, he might have called ANTICS, covering young faces under old deformed vizards, and presenting nothing worthy view but moppish toys, in ridiculous fables. But let him go; for what credit can a man win with encountering such a mate? sithence he that reproves a Prover. 9 7. Scorner, gets himself a blot, saith King Solomon. 119. To the point itself. Is his majesties pressing challenge of the Cardinal, for slicing of that piece of the sentence which might make against him, a SHIFT? Than have all the Fathers turned off the Devil with a shift for that is it of which they challenge Satan in his Temptation of our Saviour, that under pretext of a Scripture Text he would have our Lord to break his neck: which had not the Devil mangled, by leaving out the words that would have choked him, the very same Text had confuted him, even for that very motion: for thus he cities it to Christ, He shall keep thee, that thou shalt not hurt thy foot, Matth. 4. ex Psal. 91. the original being, He shalt keep thee in ALL THY WAYS that thou sh●…lt not etc. and so is it a contrary Scripture to that temptation, and against the throwing himself from the Temple-pr●…cles: for that's not via TV A; because the right way from the top of a Church is down by the greases or stairs, not by tumbling over the Battlements: and this was Bellarmi●…es case in that his mutilated ci tation of Saint Basil. 120 The second reason why he calls it a, Calumniation, is, by occasion of those general words of taxing the Cardinal with that his usual 〈◊〉: which had it been sitting to the matter in hand, would with ease have been justified out of all Bellarmine's works; both his CUTTING of Fathers when he cities them for his advantage; delumbating the positions of Protestants, to make their doctrine odious. Take one Instance of each: citing a place out of Saint August: to prove that the Scriptures 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 D●… 〈◊〉. cap. 〈◊〉. S. 〈◊〉. are so deep and profound, that if from a man's you●…h to his decr●…pit age, he should seriously apply them, yet he could not attain to the perfect knowledge of them; the honest Cardinal CUTS off the ver●…e next words that follow (and touch the controversy indeed) that yet for all that, those things Aug. Epi. ad Uol. 〈◊〉. 3. which are NECESSARY TO SALVATION, are not WITH SUCH DIFFICULTY to be attained. ●…ll. de gr●…. & 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. cap. 1●…. P●…. 〈◊〉. Ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Elsewhere fetching in a place out of the same father, that after grace is increased, it is perfected by the will of man not leading, but following it: as the hand m●…, not as the Usher thereof; now saith the Cardinal, Calum, audacter re●…, judiciously REJECTETH Saint Augustine for this speech. AS ●…E cuts him off, it is true, but he that reads Calum, shall ●…d him alleging that saying of Saint Augustine, and concluding it with the words that would have throttled Bellarmine, quod non male à sancto viro dictum, PRAEPOSTERE detorquet Pet. etc. Which being no ILL I●…t 〈◊〉. lib. 2. 〈◊〉. 7. speech of that holyman, PET. LOMBARD hath DEPRAVED, and PREPOSTEROUSLY detorted, ●…nd so goeth on to justify S. August against Pelagius & Lombard. And many such might be produced, were it now pertinent; but let us come to his second imputation, & that is his challenge of the Apologer for mistranslating the words, & this he calls an eluding of the Reader or Author. THAT then must be tried. 121 The words of S. Basil are: they which have been thoroughly nu●…tured ●…nd brought up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in GOD'S WORD, will not suffer one Syllable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of GOD'S DOCTRINE to be betrayed. The Sleight, which the C●…r, here observeth, is that his Majesty hath translated this last part with reference to the former; thus, they which are thoroughly instructed in GOD'S word, will not suffer ●…ne syllable of THE SAME etc. which is the natural Interpretation in the sense, though not the grammatical reddition of the words. But how doth the Epistler mend it? first, by a translation, They that have been nourished (saith he) in SACRED LEARNING cannot suffer any one Syllable of DIVINE Doctrines: secondly by adding a Parenthesis, not in the Text [OF THE CHURCH] to be violated. CORRECTOR, quoth Terent. Phor. he in the Comedy of such another; this is just the very botching which our Saviour speaks of, whereby the rent is made worse: first, for the Translation, to make a glorious show, he hath placed the Greek in the Margin for his credit, which indeed is as the flag of confusion to himself; for first, who ever read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used by the Fathers, or translated by faithfully-learned Scholars, for any other but for the holy Scripture? yea, even Christopherson (whose interpretation he follows) translates it scarae literae; and those words are never attributed to any writing but those which were penned by the holy-ghost. 122 For those things are only & properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein there is something either of God's divine nature, or his attributes included▪ & so the mysteries of our salvation (the Sacraments) are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divine mysteries: or where the spirit of God is the penman (if it be for writing) and so the Scriptures only are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God's writing; both these in one place of Cyrill. And Dionysius the Areopagite (as he is entitled) speaking of his Master Hier●…theus, a 'mong other his praises gives him this, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cateches 4. De diui. nomini. cap. 2. which the Greek Scholiast expounds in Saint john's word out of the Prophet, that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; taught of God, as having it by especial Revelation; & a Papist examining Maximus ibid. that place though he vary from that interpretation, yet saith as much to our purpose, that he which frameth his life according to God's word, may truly be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Billi. in Isid. Pelus. lib. 1. cap, 36. Eccles. hist. li. 1. cap. 7. Seek no further than Theodoret (the Author now in hand) who manifestly expresseth the same in that excellent speech of Constantine the Emperor, whose words are, that seeing the evangelical and Apostolical Books, and the Oracles of the old Testament (which S. Paul in the abstract Rom. 3. 2. calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the words of God) do plainly teach us whatsoever we aught to know or learn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of any thing that CONCERNETH God (that is, either his Divine nature, as S. Luke useth the word; or his attributes and qualities, as S. Peter applies it; or his Law and Religion, as the penner of Act. 17. 29. 2. Pet. 1. 4. the Maccabees takes it; all which, the Emperor had before 2. Macca. 4. 17. called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God's business) away therefore (saith good Constantine) with all strife, and seek for the Solution of these matters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the Scriptures inspired Theodoret. Ubi supra. by God himself. And elsewhere also the same Theodoret making the orthodox Christian to check his fellow disputant, for adding something of his own to a Scripture-Text, tells him that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to DIVINE writings nothing must be added; which must be understood of God's word only; for it is the prerogative of it alone, to be exempt Theodoret. I●…mpati. Orthodox. from adding or detracting; a privilege which no other writing, be it never so holy, can challenge. 123 But none can better expound Saint Basil then himself, who in the controversy, about the manner of speech concerning the Trinity, resusing custom or any other learning, wisheth that the Scripture inspired by God, might judge between the Adversaries and him, and that the truth for ever might be decreed to be theirs, whose opinion shall be most consonant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto God's word, here's the very phrase that he used to the Emperor's Basil. ep 80. add Eustath. Lieutenant, which this profound jesuite cunningly translated Sacred Learning, jest Saint Basil should be thought to attribute over much authority to the Scripture, and thereby should imply unwritten Traditions: and to make this the more probable, very honestly he forceth in a Parenthesis [of the Church] upon the Text, and translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Divine Doctrines, as if that holy father had understood Decrees or Canons Ecclesiastical concluded by the Church in some Synod. 124 Which gives occasion to the second question, that will appose a better Scholar than this chattering Censurer, where it was ever read that the Church constitutions or opinions, resolved by Counsels or Fathers (not having their warrant from the express word) were called divina dogmata: Bellarmine, in his division of Traditions, implieth De verbo non scripto. lib. 4. ca 2. the contrary: for sorting them into three kinds, Divine, Apostolical and Ecclesiastical, THEM only he saith to be Divine, which, though they be not written, Christ himself with his OWN mouth delivered unto his Apostles. But had he been silent, ONE of more antiquity and Credit than he is, hath long since interpreted Saint Basils' Epiphani. lib. 3. haeres. v●…. words, making these three, Divina Dogmata, the holy Scripture, and the word of God all one: yea, even in this very Chapter, Theodoret useth it twice in that very sense. So that his Majesty translating it with a reference to that former part, did it not either with prejudice to any party, or superficially through neglect, but upon good warrant; for they that betray the Doctrine which God hath delivered, (that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) they do also betray the book of God itself wherein it is delivered. 125 And yet jest it might be thought that his Majesty did this without precedent or direction, not only Camerarius, whose translation is most rise, and was known to be a perfect Gr●…; but (because He being no Papist might be excepted against) a great Officer among the Parisien Inquisitors hath SO turned it into Latin in his last edition of Theodoret. His words are, The●… which are nourished DIVINIS LITERIS, eos 〈◊〉 syl bam ILLAR●…M johan. Picus. edit. A●…. 1608. in discrimen venire pati posse: if he hath done it falsely, than were their book- Censurers negligent, to let suc●… an error escape; if truly then is there both malice in this C●…r to challenge his Majesty for sh●…ing it by a wrong Translation; and Hypocrisy also to make it a fault in the Apologer, which is passed for good, and so divulged by their OWN translator. 126 But of this challenge he gives a reason that it could not be meant of God's Doctrine in the SCRIPTURE, because the controversies then debated, were concerning HOMOOUSION and HYPOSTASIS, and other such names SUBSTANCE, PERSON, TRINITY, etc. which being not found expressly in Scripture, but determined by the Church, Saint Basil called DIVINA DOGMATA. Now who would not admire Father Parsons his dexterity in answering, but special lie his profound skill in Divinity? Are Dogmata, the Positions and opinions concerning the Coessence, substance, person, etc. conclusions only of the Church, and not Bible Doctrine? then was S. Ambrose to blame to triumph over the Arrian with such a daring question, how is it thou sayst that homoousion is not to be found in Scriptures divinis (that is Basils' Ambrose de side contr. Arrian. Cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in the HOLY SCRIPTURES, being that thou seest and mayest know, the UNITY of substance to be ratified by the authority both of PROPHETS and EVANGELISTS? whereof Saint Ambrose had cited many in the Chapter before; and the most of them Theodoret our Author also hath couched together in his first Eccles. hist. lib. 1. cap. 8. Book. Than was Saint August: likewise too venturous in appealing for homoousion, both from the Council of Nice which confirmed it, & that of Ariminum which confuted it, unto the SACRED SCRIPTURES as the most August. lib. 3. contr. Max. Arrian. indifferent witnesses in that controversy. But Epiphanius more bold than they all, who saith that the Coessence of the Father and the Son, is in the Law, in the Apostles, and the Prophets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in THEM it is MANIFESTLY Haeres. 60. contained. And so might we cite Tertullian, Athanasius, Basil, Hilary, and many other, all earnest in the point, that the Coessence, as it is DOGMA, a Divinity Position, is Scripture Doctrine. 127 Yea, but the WORD itself is not there, what's that to Saint Basil? that's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. THAT, for which the Deputy challenged him, and requested him to relinquish, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a curiosity of OPINIONS, not of Divinity TERMS & WORDS; neither the controversy of the Christians with those Arrians was for the word so much, as for the Substance & Doctrine Euseb. hist. li. 1. cap. 12. and yet it appears by Theodoret (reciting the Epistle of Eusebius concerning the Nicen Creed, wherein that word is inserted) that those Fathers accounted even the WORD itself, to be a Scripture term; for in the Anathema annexed by that Council unto the conclusion of that Creed, it is enjoined upon pain thereof, that none should use any term or WORD not written in the Scripture. And that is it of which S. Basil himself challengeth Eunomius for enforcing Contr. Eunom. lib. 2. WORDS and terms not found in any place of holy Writ; which, within a line or two after, he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God's Doctrine, school, or library. So that the Reader, by this time, may judge, whether of the translations, either that of his Majesty, or this of the Censurer be more agreeable to the Greek Text, or the purpose of that holy Father: His Majesty to avoid a repetition of the same word twice Moral. reg. 26. & 80. Tracta. de sine Reg. brevior. jater. 1. etc. [God word, God's Doctrine] translating it with a reference; This Epistler to make Traditions good (which Saint Basil is the most forward to anoide in all his works, and so is Theodoret also) by botching in a word [of the Church] never dreamt or by either of them both, and for which he hath no warrant either from author or interpreter. His Majesty having a translation of their own, justifying his reddition word by word, and the questions also then in hand, being to be vmpered only by the holy Scripture; for that which led the Fathers in the Nicen Council to the word Theodor. eccle. hist. li●…. cap. 8. homoousion was the sole authority of God's word. 128 From thence he passeth to the third shift, (as this Land-le●… per cals●…t) which is his majesties counterpoise of Disp●…rities between the case of Saint Basil and the Archpriest; that holy Father being excited to Arrianisme, an Heresy subvertng the main ground-cel of our Religion, being no less than the denying of our Saviour his eternal God head: Blackwell urged to thwart no article of Faith but only to recognise his loyalty to his natural Sovereign. Which though the jesuite at the first, calls, a weak argument; yet he is pleased afterward to try how he can make a conformity between it and the Oath; which he doth, by a compatative supposing; and that two fold: first of the persons, both of the Emperor's Deputy, and our judges, that, If Modestus the Deputy, had been asked, infavour of what Religion he made the demand to Saint Basil, he would have answered, the ORTHODOX: as the judges, of England do now, that require the Oath. 129 Which is a su●…posall of utter improbability of the one, and manifest untruth of the other part; for the Deputy, it appeared he cared not which was Orthodox or heretical he was of the Emperor's Religion up and down, true or false; which by his arguments unto S. Basil was evidently apparent: for the opinions then controverted, he termed them but quillets: as Gallio an Other Deputy, but a question of words and names: either might stand as the Act. 1●…15. Emperor thought good: and for the profession, he told Saint Basil, it was but yielding for the time, making fair weather for the present: and the most pressing motive he used, was but the promise of the Emperers friendship: for THAT (you may be sure) the Deputy thought to be a man's Summum bonum, and to be preferred before all the Coessences or hypostases, or Trinity or Deity, or whatsoever. Which made that holy Father to tell him that his arguments were toys for Children. As for our judges; which of them amongst us, in tendering the Oath, doth offer it as a matter of Faith or Doctrine; tending one way or other? save that as the allegiance of a Subject, and the assurance of the King's safety is a point of Religion. 130 His other personal supposal is of the forenamed Emperor, and a Protestant prince, that if any man should havethens called Valens, Arrian, it had been no less offensive, then now to call King james (that's his meaning) a Caluinist or Lutheran. And what's this to the purpose? But that his gall overflows, and he must voided it by his pen in his icteritious Pamphlet: His Majesty no further holdeth with Luther or Caluin, than Saint Paul his Sicut gives him leave; that is, so far forth as they hold with Christ: and were 1. Cor. II. I not the Romish both Princes and Priests enthralled to the Pope's Dictates,— jurare in verba magistri, to take his word Horace. for Gospel, more than King james is to Caluin or Luther, factions in Religion had long since vanished, & Christianity had been more firmly established, and floutished more generally. In the mean time, to this scorning Flur, his majesty answers with the same modesty, truth and learning, that Saint Augustine did such a petulant Companion (as Contr. lit. Petil. lib. 2. Cap. 10. 12. this jesuite) by whom he was charged to be a Manichee It is Petilian, saith he, who judging of an other man's conscience doth so entitle me, but I deny myself to be, which know myself, and speak out of mine own conscience; homosum de area Christi, I am a man of Christ's floor; if I be nought, I am the Chaff; if I be good, I am the grain: buius autem Area ventilabrum non est lingua Petiliani, yet is it not the peevish or lavish tongue of Father Parsons, that must Ventilate the Corn of this Floor, to try whether I be chaff 〈◊〉 Wheat. 131 His second conformity therefore is of the matter that the differences betwixt Arrians and Catholics in Saint Basils' time, are the same which are between Protestants and Papists at this day. In the Chapter where this Story in hand is recorded, Theodoret makes mention of Lib. 4. cap. 17. the Emperor's Cook (whose name was Demosthenes) how rudely he railed upon Saint Basil when he was conferring with Valens the Emperor; and all the answer which that Reverend Father gave him, was a smile, with this touch, now I see an UNLEARNED Demosthenes: and who will not smile and say, that he now hears not an unlearned only, but a shameless jesuite, making this comparison? For it is known that Arrianisme razed the very foundation of our Faith in Christ jesus; whereas there is no principle of divinity, nor Article of Creed, but the Protest ints (so called) do profess it more sincerely, and maintain it more firmly, than the Church of Rome hath done for these thousand years. 132 But grant all this that hath been said by him were true (as nothing can be more false) yet what is it to the Oath, or to the cardinals intendment; or for the Archpriests refufal, either as Bellarmine applies the Story, or as the Censurer abbets it? For this is Bellarmine's argument (if he meant it to the purpose in hand); Sant Basill denied his yielding to Arrianisme at the Emperor's command jest there by he should deny the God-●…ead of his Lord and Christ: therefore Blackwell aught to forbear the taking of an Oath, wherein he should only recognise his Faith and Fealty to his hedge King and Sovereign. The Epistlers is this: Arrianisme and Calvinism are both alike opposite to Catholic truth, therefore Papists may not take the Oath of Temporal Allegiance to their lawful King. For let it be duly weighed (be the Circumstances never so many) this is the sum and substance of their applying and supporting that alleged authority, if they speak to the point. And did not then the Saducees make as necessary a Consequence upon the judicial Law? Seven brethren successively married one woman, as Moses willed; & they Matt. 22 25. all deceasing she at last died, therefore there can be no resurrection to another world, jest the marriage there should prove litigious? 133. But by this time now, the Censurer hath surfeited of his pains, and is glad (as it seems by him) that he is come to the REMAINDER, as he calls it, Num. 68 So that all the the Sections following, are but transitions of S. Peter and Marcellinus, & Gregory and Leo, etc. Examples produced by the Cardinal, and refelled by his Majesty with singular d●…xterity, learning and zeal. And yet this (though but a Remainder) the Epistler, as being too heavy for his weak skill, transmits' to the Cardinal: wherein he disfereth from that railing Cook before mentioned; Theodor ubi supra. for S. Basil was enforced to cut him off, telling him that his skill was best in the Kitchen when he was seasoning broth, his Adder's ears were not for Mysteries of Divinity. But Fa. Parsons (though the Priests describe him to be a most hot and choleric fellow) hath, you see, this grace (or Art at lest) while these points are in hand to dismiss himself, and slip the collar just as Gallio did in the Acts, and in his Act. 8. 15. very words, Siiniquum aliquid aut facinus pessimum, ō judaei recte vos sustinerem: If there be matter of any notable Treachery, Villainy, Conspiracy, you shall find me ready to support you, Cardinal Bellarmine: but if they be questions of God's Law touching points of Divinity, matter of ancient Story, or reading in Fathers, Uos Ipsi videritis, judex ego horum esse nolo: Look to it yourself Sir, I will be no judge in THESE matters. If any matter of scorning or reviling, or fresh intelligence of things never acted nor thought of; then turn HIM loose. To justify this for a truth. the Reader shall not skip a Section; for, howsoever he transmits' the reply, upon his majesties answer to those authorities, unto the Cardinal, for the substance there of; yet he hath alight upon a SCOFF therein (as he terms it) and there he stays a while. 134. If it be a Scoff, 'tis that which they call edentata Macro. Satur. lib. 7. without gall or Contumely: and what is it? Tully said, that Hortensius lift up Eloquence to Heaven, that himself might go Cic●…n Hortens. up with her; so Leo praised S. ●…eter up to the sky, that he, being his heir (for so he styles himself) might thither also be advanced with him. A comparison full of Urbanity and truth: civilly taxing, not the Pope's arrogancy so much as his Policy, that could wind himself up into an universal pre-eminence by the Proxy of S. Peter's pretended assumption. But is not this facete Resemblance retorted (indeed) with a bitter scorn by the Epistler, when he saith, that his Majesty borrowed both that allusion and those subsequent Collections out of Leo, from M. Reynolds (as if all his majesties learning were at the second hand) and M. Reynolds from M. jewel? (sure he was as lawful a Bishop, as M. Bellarmine is a Cardinal, and deserves the Title as well;) which is not a Scoff only, but a plain Slander. 135. First, for his Majesty: He that hears his ordinary Discourses at every meal, upon every occasion, in any argument of any kind of Learning, shall found (according to the ancient Greek Proverb) that he is not Achil●…s his son, but Achilles himself; and that he hath not fetched his Learning from any man's Cistern, but drunk it Plut. de dis●…r. adulat. & amici. in at the Wellhead from the Authors themselves: and were the great Cardinal his majesties Attendant at board, he should know and find, that, in any different point of Religion, his Majesty would appear a more perfect Textuary (and for the Scripture especially) than himself. Secondly, for D. Reynolds, his Books divulged are few; but compare them that are, quantity for quantity, with Bellarmine's large bulk of Controversies (let the collation be unpartial) the Cardinal will be found to come as short of him, for variety of all kind of Learning, admirable memory, uncontroleable Quotations, and true Allegations as the ●…oot-man dragged behind the Lydian Coach, which they say, was as swift in the flight as an arrow. Thirdly, as Plutar. Aristotle once applied it out of Homer, Polydamas mihi pris mum? Doth Fa. Parsons tax any for borrowing, who, not Aristot. Eth. only by the averment of the Priests, but by the true tracing of his Pamphlets, is discovered for a more vain crowling, bragging it with his borrowed plumes, then that jacke Daw, which Aesop describes, and Horace applies in the like case? For if every Creditor should arrest him for that he hath borrowed in the worlds view (besides his privy debts, he would be forced for shame to say, as the Leno did in the Comedy for his stolen Damosels (when he was attached, and could conceal them no longer) Miratus fui Plaut. Paenulus. neminem venire qui istas assereret manu; mea profecto non sunt: I marvel that no man challenged them from me before, for I will swear they be NONE of MINE. In his Ward word that whole Decade of reasons to d●…e the Pope from being Antichrist, is wholly taken out of Bellarmine's Books. In his triple Conversions, all his Martyrs and Saints fetched out of Surius and Barovius, with the Roman Legend. In this Censure of the Apology, those foul imputations laid upon Lady Elizabeth, THAT QUEEN of precious memory, all borrowed from Saunders, Reynolds, and Gifford, save some railing terms wrought out of his own brain, as the Spider's web out of her own substance. But whatsoever concerneth the nature of the Oath, or title of Supremacy, Allens apology is his chief Oracle; and that so palpably, that (as he once said) Him alterum hunc ex hoc natum dicas: Terent. Eunuc. But of all other, his Resolution (which is the only praiseworthy work that ever he did) if from thence, Gasper Loartes Quodli. pa. 71. 173. should take what is his, a few scraps would remain of Parsons own, if the Priests say true. Yea Bellarmine himself, that Great Apollo for Controversies (it will be justified) hath no answer to any Argument, nor definition nor division of any wit or weight, which he hath not borrowed from Popish Writers, that have handled the same questions before him. But it is all-day seen, that there is none so ready to take a debtor by the throat, for borrowing a petty sum of four Nobles than he, who himself was in arrearages above ten thousand Talents. Matth. 18. 28. 136 And what is that which is thus borrowed by M. Reynolds? Certain hyperbolical bombasted phrases, wherewith Leo sets out S. Peter's authority; especially that blasphemous speech of his, that our Lord did take S. Peter into the Fellowship of the INDIVISIBLE UNITY; such an impious and profanely proud assertion, as a Christians heart would tremble to imagine it, his hand ab horre to writ it. And this (saith the Censurer) hath the Apologer taken from M. Reynolds, and he from M. jewel And will Fa. Parsons avouch this upon his small credit? Such Challengers should direct the Reader to the places, else they will be thought forgeries; and make truer quotations than the Epistler doth here, who, for that speech of Leo, sends us in the margin to an Epistle of his ad Episcopum Uiennensem, there being no such in all his Book, but one entitled ad Episcopos per Uiennensem Provinciam constitutos: which, were it his own or the Printers error, since he will be such a curious Lynceus in other men's marginal slips, it is good to let him see his own escapes, yet not as HE doth with contumelious insulting. But in what Book of Bishop jewels is it; or where hath Harding answered it? The truth is, that this may be a double untruth, both for the challenge and the answer, seeing he quotes no place. For Bishop jewel in one Book neither names Leo therein, nor B. jewel, Re ply, Artic. 4. Diuis. 32. reads the words so as Leo hath them: but the words by him there cited, are, that God took S. Peter in Consortium individuae TRINITATIS, into the Consort and Fellowship of the indivisible TRINITY; and for the Author of the speech, he quotes Boniface the 8. out of the sixth or Extr. de elect. & elect. potest. paragr. Fundament. Decretals. How then could Harding answer him for Leo, when in that case he mentioneth him not? but suppose he hath answered it, what follows thereof? Being once answered (quoth he) they need not repeat it so often again: (if Pap●…sts had taken out that Lesson, the world had been eased of many Books, and Bellarmine might have Epitomized his three Tomes.) 137 Indeed such swelling words of Vanity (or rather of Blasphemy) were better buried in silence, then revived in print, if the Pope would leave arrogating to himself Uide Martam & Benedict●… Benedict. NOW, and his Advocates cease to flatter him in it, as much as that Hyperbole comes to, though in other words. But unsufficient answers must not impose a perpetual reticence from Reply; for silence in that kind, doth not only betray the truth, but also establisheth a falsehood, by an implied consent. 138 Hear we then that answer, either made by Harding, or cogged by Parsons: The Unity that Leo speaks of is of NAME, not of ESSENCE. First then, both Leo and Boniface were to blame, who in the very same place where those words are, say, that Christ made S. Peter the chief, that from him (as from the head) he might power Vbi supra. his gifts into the whole body of his Church: and presently subnects the reason thereof, for that he had taken S. Peter into the Consort of the indivisible Unity. This is another manner of assumption into Unity then Names will afford. But the Gloss is much more to blame, to point us, for the interpretation of the word Unity, to that Chapter of the Decrees, In Christo Pater; but that thereby they would have us know, the Unity whereunto Christ took S. Peter, to be Gloss. ibid. & de Consecr. dist. 2. in Christo. Aluar. Pelap. de planct. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 37. the same of the Son with the Father. And do not their own Canonists plainly say, that Papa participate utramque naturam cum Christo? Secondly, what learning will justify that phrase of speech [an Unity of names?] One name may be communicated between two, or among more, and many names of divers appellations may be united in one Catalogue; or, after the custom of the old Romans, and some Nations, in one man's title: but that the same name, imparted to several persons, should be called an Unity, le●… all the Onomastiks, and Nomenclators, or Mathematicians, or Schoolmen be searched, and 'twill not be found. Or what Divinity will warrant, that Individua unitas was ever attributed to any but to the holy Trinity, in the eternal & unseparable essence united? Thirdly, whereas he saith, that Hardings' answer is according to Leo his sense and drift, it is an errant falsehood: for his word assumptum signifying the ●…o. Epist. ad Episcop. in. Vi●…ens. time past, thereby he infers, that Christ having first assumed S. Peter into that fellowship, id quod ipse ERAT voluit nominari, his pleasure was to call him by the name of that which himself was. Fourthly, the word Rock is none of the names of our Saviour, but Symbolically only; and so is the name of light: which title notwithstanding Matth. 5. 14. he imparted to all his Apostles, which (by this rule) might invest them with as high an interest in the Indivisible Unity as S. Peter had; and Moses much more, unto whom the Almighty gave his own name, telling him that he should be Elohim, God unto Pharaoh; another manner of Unity for Exod. 7. 1. a name, than the Metaphor of a Rock. 139 In brief, let Leo expound himself, as elsewhere he doth, when he saith, that our Lord (of his favour and grace) vouchsafed to S. Peter Consortium potentiaesuae, the great and wonderful consort and fellowship of his own 〈◊〉 Serm. 3. de. ass●…mp. sua. power; among the rest, that there should be no Principality on earth, but it should be given by S. Peter. And a little after, making Christ speak to S. Peter of the Prerogative which was granted him, he declares (withal) the extent thereof, Vt quae mihi potestate sunt propria, because those things ●…oid. which are proper to my ' POWER, are also participated in Common between US two. And is not this Unity of more inward consort then Names can work? which (to turn the Censurers words upon himself) if Harding or Parsons would have equally considered, neither would the one have answered it so slightly & un-divine-like, neither the other be offended to hear it often repeated, that even for the credit of their eloquently arrogant Pope, it might have light upon a sounder Apology, or Interpretation at lest. But speak insooth (honest Censurer) is Unity of NAME Hardings' own distinction in answer to Bishop jewel? Himself denieth it▪ for M. Harding saith, that Har. fol. 174. D. jewel. def. of Apol. part. 2. fol. 121. Addition. Leo meant thereby an Unity in Quality, an Unity in Grace, an Unity that is proper to Christ himself; and mentioneth no Unity of NAME: for though he were a corrupt Doctor, yet was he a better Divine then to speak so absurdly, as Parsons would here make him. 140 After this, like another Lysander, having stripped himself of his Lion's skin, and spoken for Leo, what he can, and as you hear; now he presents himself in his Fox's Case, and takes Bellarmine's person upon him (for of Saunders, it seems he is ashamed) in which habit, he hath cunningly crept thorough seven leaves at once of the Apology, from page 95. to 110. even to that place where his Majesty doth charge the Cardinal (after an excellent comparison of Contrarietyes between the Scriptures and Bellarmine's writings) that God and Belial, light and darkness, Heaven and Hell, are not more contrary, than the said Bellarmine's estimation of Kings, is to Gods. Which after this Censurer hath embossed with a name according to his Custom (calling it A PASSIONATE CONCLUSION) he makes a long relation of the Reverend opinion that Bellarmine hath, and of the high Supremacy which he allots to Kings, which we may see (he saith) in the Cardinal's Book, De Laicis (for he is excellent to lengthen a discourse, when 'tis prepared to his hand, as jacob Gen. 27. was to commend his cogged venison when Rebecka had provided it.) 141. But having read that Book (to which he refers us) what shall we fin de there? First, that the Cardinal doth there respect Kings, as much as any other, perhaps, hath ever done bef●…re him: Secondly, that he maintains the Authority of Princes against Anabaptists Atheists, and other miscrean●…s, etc. In both which, Fa. Rainard show himself what he is, for jest he should be taken in the first for over-lashing (because it will appear that Bellarmine, in that theme, comes short of many Books both of God and Men, extant before his) he puts in [PERHAPS] and then what hath the Cardinal done equal with other men? For THAT Word must excuse him, if either his good respect of kings come short of other Authors, or his base account of them exceed any other; that, perhaps, he respected them as well as they did, and, perhaps, not. Now sure, M Bellarmine, Quicquid rectè curatum velis huic mandes, You have alight upon a worthy Patron, and his Majesty upon Terent. a learned Antapologer. And even so he deals in the second. For the Cardinal maintains Kings (saith he) against Anabap tists and Atheists; but he addeth not & against the POP●…, unless he rank him amongst those whom he 〈◊〉 MISCREANTS; and than what great matt●… hath the Cardinal done for Kings? Just so much as the Saxons did for the ancient Britain's who freed them from the Picts, but inth●…alled them to themselves in a sorer s●…ruitude Polydor. Virg. Angl. hist. li. 3. Apthon. progym. It is an old rule of Rhetoric, in themes comparative, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to disgrace a thing by extolling it, and to advance that which an encountering comparison ●…hal debase to the lowest. Such Art hath Bellarmine showed, in his lifting Princes up to the skies, by embroidering their authority; but (setting the Pope above them) he doth turn them down with a more foul disgrace; as the Eagle in the Apologue soared the higher with the tortoise, that ●…he might 〈◊〉 her in pieces with the greater fall: Yea so Aesop. much the Cardinal himself confesseth, that all the prerogatives Resp. ad Venet. which ever he gave to Kings, was only in refuting of Anabaptists, not in respect of the Pope. 142. But which are those moun●…ing pre-eminences that he hath afforded unto Kings? One is (saith the Censurer) that the Civil Law of the Temporast Prince, doth no less bind the Subject in Conscience, than the immediate Law of God. This is (indeed) an eminent Prerogative; but is it a true position in Divinity, or false? (take it, for the time, but as a question asked, not now to be debated.) If false, then without controversy, the great master of Controversies hath fond erred in setting down such an unlimited Maxim: If true, why then do not the Romish Catholics of England obey the Temporal Laws of the Realm, by his Majesty established? or by what Divinity can the same Bellarmine, di●…wade the Archpriest from yielding his assent to the OATH, which a Statute and Law-civill (confirmed by his Majesty,) doth in●…oyne? or how can the profound Antapologist. inti●…le THIS Law of a Temporal Prince such an A●…gartation of conscience, as never was imposed upon any 〈◊〉? If that Position stand firm, then have Recusant Catholics sinned against God and their Consci●…nce, in denying the OATH: if it be limitable by their Romish di●…tinctions, than never brag of any Prerogative that Princes have by this 〈◊〉 of Bellarmine's. 143 Well, but he is yet more kind, and endowes Kings with a more special privilege; affirming, that unto them belong●… the protection of Religion. And is this general unto all Kings? first then, that Pope deluded the Kings of England, when he annexed the l●…itle [DEFFNDER OF THE FAITH] ●…o their 〈◊〉, a of 〈◊〉 grace, and different from other Princes; making that affixum which is ad●…atum; and an honour o●… favour which is so by nature; and a reward for merit, which is an office unseparable from Sovereignty Secondly, w●…at kind o●… Protectors doth he make them? surely Protectors minors; for, as if they were in their non age, they are bound (saith Bella de laicis. lib. cap 18. pa●…ag. at hic ●…rror. he, in that very place) to protect no Religion but what the Catholic Bishop (and specially the HIGH PRIEST o●… Rome) do teach to be held and maintained. 144 But yet more than that HE permits them Civil government in Civil matters over all persons as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal. An high fa●…our verily, and Princes are much beholden to him for it: but is not this an implicit Contradiction to the former? For how can a King defend Religion, that is, repel Heresies, suppress Schisms, and see that the Faith of Christ be sincerely professed within his Kingdoms, and yet be a Governor in Civil causes only, and not in spiritual? can a King be a Protector of that, with the violation and breach whereof he may not intermeddle as a Governor? And is it not a thank worthy privilege, that he affordeth Kings, especially over Clergymen, whom he submits to their Sovereign's only vi●…rationis, as if Discretion, not Religion were the bond of their Duty? 145 Why but this is as much (saith the Epistler,) as, reserving Gods right to himself, a Catholic can give to Caesar. First then THAT Catholic streightens Caesar more than God himself doth; and this is that wherewith his Majesty challengeth the Cardinal, for his vast difference from God in this case; who in his word hath appointed Kings to be Guaraians' of both the Tables, to command Deut. 17. 18. and prohibit, not in Civil affairs only, but in Matters also concerning Religion, saith Saint Augustin. Secondly, Cont. Cres. Gram. lib. 3. ca 51. THAT Catholic is no less, nor better than the Donatists'; whose opinion it was (as the same Father describes Co●…. 〈◊〉. P●…m. lib. 1. Cap. 7. it) that Princes might not meddle in CASES SPIRITVAL. But Solomon (who himself was a King, and knew what concerned a Sovereign in all points, for who might compare Eccle. 2. 12. 13. with him? saith the Scripture) is of opinion that the Pro●…. 20. 8. King sitting in his Throne, doth with his look chase away OMNE m●…lum, all kind of evil; and I trow (saith S. August) that all Heresies and Schisms are an evil, I am sure (qd. 〈◊〉) Ubi supra. Gal. 5. 20. S Paul reckons themamong the works of the flesh: and that speech of King Solomon, Bellarmine himself citeth 〈◊〉. ●…bi supra. for Princes, in that place where he graceth them with that power, to be Protectors of Religion. 146 Now we have followed him thus far, we must retire; for this wily Creature, fearing jest he should be taken by the tract or sent, hath earthed himself back a gain into the 92. page and there breaks ground, where his Majesty showed the Cardinal what wrong he had done Gregory the Great, in saying that he assumed unto himself the title of Caput fidei, the Head of Faith. In consuring whereof, the Epistler first differs from Bellarmine▪ for that which the Cardinal applieth as a personal ●…le to Gregory himself, this Champion of his ●…e●…erres as a local privilege to the See Apostolic (which perhaps they will reconcile, by making them two, the Pope and See, terms convertible.) Secondly, he repeats his majesties interpretation, refutes it not; but labours upon the second answer, where his Majesty said, that if the interpretation and sense which he had given, would not be admitted, he might then as well dismiss Gregory (suppose he spoke in his own behalf, as they would have him) as Bellarmine often casts off many of the Fathers [minus ca●…tè locutus est] he spoke not very advisedly, and to that purpose citeth two places. Now here's work for the Censurer, to tumble over a Book, and see if he can take the Apologer tripping in the quotations; as for the matter it self, that, the Cardinal must look too. 147 And what hath he found in his search? That the Apologer cannot defend himself from WILFUL EXAGGERATION & VOLUNTARY MISTAKING, because that speech is used but only in one of those places, marginated by his Majesty, and there uttered of Lyra a recent Paraphrast, not of any Father. But he that reads the place, shall find both an explicit contradiction, & Numb. 25. 8. a double trans-fixion, like that stroke of Phinees (for force, not for zeal) piercing with one speech through two at once, For in the very next precedent Paragraph, Lyra Bellar. de. Rom. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 10. (saith the Cardinal) is of no such authority, as that we should oppose HIM omnibus antiquis Patribus, to all the ancient Fathers: presently in the next words, without doubt (saith Bellarmine) Lyranus Hieronymum sequitur, Lyra doth follow Hierome in that his opinion; there's the Contradiction: for how could Lyra thwart ALL the Fathers, when he had what he said from Saint Hierome. Secondly, he had Hierom for his Author, in saying as he did, although therein he spoke not so advisedly (saith the Cardinal) whereby he strikes them both at once; and Hierom rather than Lyr●…: for if Lyra spoke unadvisedly (having what he spoke from Hierom) Hier●…m was much more unadvised to utter such a thing of his own head. Briefly, was the opinion Orthodox and true? then was not Lyra to be blamed: was it unsound and not justifiable? then was Hierom touched by the Cardinal, and not Lyra. In the other place, the very words [minus caute etc.] are not at all, but the sense of them to the full; for Bellarmine saith there, that some of the De Christo. li. 2. ca 2. add secund. Fathers do sometimes err, that is, speak unadvisedly or worse, and that therefore he follows them not in their singular opinions, when ONE crosseth the rest; & I trow that singularity is either an unadvised, or a wilful error. Where is now the Apologers VOLUNTARY MISTAKING? the places for quotation, and the speech for substance being truly alleged. 148 Yea, but it is a WILFUL EXAGGERATION, to say that he doth it OFTEN. And to exaggerate a truth justifiable against an adversary, is no fault either in Rhetorik or Divinity, and that it is a truth, a little pains shall be taken (seeing this Champion of his doth exact and challenge them) to cull out of his works some few places, to show his frequent rejection of the Fathers, with worse than Minus cauté. 149 In one place he casts off Theophylact and Euthymius together, for making unfit answers, & giving Solutions not De Christo. li. 2. cap. 22. to the purpose & the first of them a little a●…ter, with some disgrace; bothby comparison, that father's more learned, holy & ancient than he, were of another mind; & with scorn also, no●… dubito quin ridendus sit ipse, himself no doubt will be laughed at if he serve from their opinion. But it will be said, perhaps Ibi●… parag. Quart. that he being a modern writer (not past 800. years standing) might be so shifted: But justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Epiphanius etc. HE will regard, if THEY come in his way it may be so, for of them three he saith. Non video quo Lib. 1. de. Bea. Sanct. ca 6. pacto ab errore defendere possimus, I see not how we can possibly defend them from an error: neither can Tertullian (whose antiquity may not be accepted against) free himself; De Pontif. Rom. lib. 4. cap. 8. for Tertulliano non est OMNINO habenda fides in h●…c part. In this case Tertullian is not AT ALL to be credited, saith the Cardinal. Elsewhere of Saint Hierom; he seemeth (saith Bellarmine) not to be very constant to himself De cler. lib. 1. cap. 15. De Pontif. Rom. lib. 1. for that his opinion. In another place, Hierom seems to be of that opinion, which is a false one, and shall in the due place be confuted. Elsewhere, he crowds three of them up together, very curstly: Tertullian (saith he) was an arch-heretic, Lactantius slipped into many Errors, and studied Tully's De beatitud. sanctorom. lib. 1. cap. 5. works more than the Scriptures: as for Victorinus, though a Martyr, yet he was no Scholar. Briefly, take them altogether: who knoweth not (saith he) that the Fathers had the gift of interpretation in an excellent manner? and yet, De verbi dei interpret. lib. 3. ca 10. para. Dice●…. CONSTAT, it is MANIFEST, quosdam ex pracipuis, that SOME of the CHIEF, among them have erre●… in some things, non LEVITER & that is more than Minus Caute, to speak unadvisedly. Now these are but a few among many, and that in one of his Tomes only, which notwithstanding (for good reasons) might still have been suppressed, but that the Epistler would needs (according to the Proverb) anagyrian commovere, have this mixen stirred, which was neither much to the purpose in hand, nor Erasmus ex Aristoph. for the cardinals credit; who is observed to use the Fathers as it was said that Solon used his friends, and that is no otherwise then merchants use their figures in accounts; for thousands if they please him; for Ciphers if they cross him. 150 But here again the Vermin hath out stripped us, and is scudded as far as pager 08 where his Majesty setteth down the base and mean styles & titles which Bellarmine gives to Kings: and the first is, that Kings are rather slaves than Lords, which charge by his majesty, the Censurer (according to his custom) calls an outrageous proposition, an intemperate accusation, & a shameful. But how doth he confute it? even like a vain & frapling surveyor who taking upon him to make a terrar of some men's lands describes the situation, & discourses of the quality of the grounds and meadows that lie about it, but of the contents of the land itself, he says nothing: for after the Epistler hath spent three whole numbers, to tell us what excellent Arguments Bellarmine hath made in two or three Chapters THEREABOUTS to confirm the authority of Kings against the Anabaptists: (but in no case against the Pope) and of the difference of Se●…uitude, with a great deal of such stuff; to avoid the imputation itself said against the Cardinal, he saith not a word; but hootes at it, as if there were no such thing: which, if it be not there to be found, let the Reader judge. For the Cardinal first laying his division of a twofold Subjection, Civil and De lai●…is. lib. 3. cap. 7. parag. Ex his. despotical, this last he saith to be propria servitus the true & proper Servitude or Slavery: then showing the difference between these two; that the politic subject serves for his own commodity, not for others, but the true note of Servile subjection is to serve for another's, not for his own benefit; upon these, the conclusion which he inferreth is: that if there be any servitude in a State politic (as there must needs) the King aught to be called propriè seru●…s, and his reason is, because he serveth not for his OWN benefit, but for OTHERS. Now lay these together; HE is PROPERLY a slave or vass all, which serveth for an OTHERS commodity, NOT for his own, but a King serveth NOT for his OWN, but for his SUBJECT'S behoof; Ergo, What is this then but to conclude Kings to be mancipia, slaves in the right kind, upon his premised division & difference, if it be right. 151 The second is; that Kings are not subject only to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but even to De acons This is Saint Chrysostom's (saith the Epistler) not Bellar mines. Hom. in Mat. 83. That's not so, though the Cardinal will needs fasten it upon him. The particular instance, which followeth of keeping men (though of the highest place and condition) from the Communion, because therein the Deac●…ns power goes beyond Kings, this indeed is Chrysostom's, but the preamble general is Bellarmine's, when he saith, that Chrysostome doth subject Kings even to DEACONS. Therefore unto him may the Poet's verse be applied, At malè cum recitas incipit esse tuus. Chrysostom's speech was good, as it is confined by him to Martial. such an high Ecclesiastical function; for no man ever denied, that Priests had more authority than Kings in such Cases of ministerial duties; but is the conclusion thereupon sound or honest, therefore Chrysostome maketh Kings inferior to Deacons? yet this was Bellarmine's Sophistry to put in the words of Chrysostome, Si indignè adeat, cohibe et coerce, as if that holy Father had meant indefinitely of any moral access, or coercion civil; whereas he only speaketh of coming to the Lords Altar or Table to receive the Communion: if THAN the Priest know the King to be a notorious, and publicly scandalous sinner, and continueth therein, to the offence of God & Church, without repentance, he might in that case, and for that time forbear to minister unto him. But that Bellarmine meant in all Cases whatsoever, is manifest by that speech, which (out ja Psal. 98. of Saint Augustine) he citeth in that very place, that Moses was therefore a Priest because he was the greatest, nam Sacerdote nemo maior, for no man could be GREATER than a Priest; which, as propounded by Bellarmine, he that reads it, would think that Saint Augustine abased Kings below Priests in all things (a conceit, which was ever farthest from that holy Father) and yet, distingue tempora, at that time (in Israeli) 'twas true, before there was a King for hereditary Succession: for as the same father showeth elsewhere, the State of Israel was then to be entitled Regnum Sacerdotale, a Priestly Kingdom. 152 And yet thus doth he also shifted off the third place which is, that an Emperor must content himself to drink after a Bishop, yea, after his Chaplain or Deac●…n, for, this also the Censurer transmits' to Sulpitius Seu●…us, from whom Bellarmine fetched it. And true it is, that Sulp●…tius so sets it down; but he that reads the story, how Martin the Bishop De vita Mart. ●…p. 23 Dialog. lib. 2. cap. 7. of Towers carried himself in his outward behaviour toward that Emperor, as also toward the Queen Augusta, suffering her to stand & wait upon him a●… supper time; to fill him his drink; to minister water to his hands; to eat of the remainder which he left; and in the mean time, the Bishop to sit in his chair, & permit all this, with many other such passages, would rather think that Sulpitius described a Sullen and a Surly Prelate, then either an humbled Christian, or an humble Saint: first therefore to the story, and after to Bellarmine. 153 Bishop Martin being at a feast with the Emperor, a ser●…itor at the midmeale (according to custom) offers a bowl of wine to the Emperor, who comm●…nds it to be first reached to the Bishop which sat next to him in a chain hoping to have received it from the Bishop's hands again▪ the Bishop takes the cup and his full draft, and passing by the Emperor, Dukes, and other guests of high place, reacheth it to his Deacon. A mannerly Prelate surely, both to drink afore the Emperor, & to baulk him after; but the reason added by the Historian is notable, Nullum existimans digniorem quipost se biberet, because he thought no man there more worthy to drink after him then the Priest: and no marvel, for Saint Paul had taught them both that rule, Rom 12. 10. honore invicem praevenire, to outstrip each other in giving honour and precedence: and elsewhere, that every ●…an esteem an other better than himself; for questionless; the spirit of God Phil. 2. 3. sets him out for an example of admirable approbation, Esa. 65. 5. that said of himself, Stand apart, come not near me, for I am holier than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sto●…y, But what's this to Bellarmine, for he must take it as he finds it? 154. Doubtless, it argueth his extreme base account that he makes of Kings, even in recounting this Story; & especially as he hath placed it: for, having urged two Arguments before out of Scriptures and Fathers, to prove the inferiority of Kings to Persons Ecclesiastical (how well applied, this is no place to examine, the Christian Reader may there judge) he adds a third, which is drawn from the behaviour of Bishops & Kings (so he marshalleth them each to other; first, how Fabian the Pope excluded Philip the Emperor from the Comm●… at E●…ster; Secondly, how S. Ambrose made Th●…odosius the Emperor do public Penance in the Church; and the third is, THIS of Bishop Martin and his Chaplain, thus uncivilly using the Emperor a●… his own board, openly: and all these to show the Subjection (as he calls it) of Kings to Eccl●…siasticall persons, and that of the meanest Order. Wherein the Cardinal discou●…reth his mind that not in Spiritual Offices of the Church alone, but even in Civil behaviour, Kings are inferior to Priests; else, as he did cite the Story to show what was done, so would he either have censured the 〈◊〉 for that proud fact; or at lest have reproved the Historian for rendering such a reason, so unchristian and so unsavoury: but citing it for a proof, and not confuting it for a surquedry, he revealeth the base conceit he hath of Kings. 155. To all this, what saith the learned Censurer? As if either the Cardinal had appointed him to be the Apologies Godfather, or as if he had taken Adam's Office upon himself; he thinks it enough for him to give Names to every Instance as it passeth by; and this he calleth, A Gene. 2 19 VIOLENT ENFORCEMENT, which will be found to be a ●…turall and necessary deduction for if the Bishop did w●…ll in preferring his C●…plaine before the Emperor, (and the Historian gave a good reason thereof, because he thought none of the c●…mpanie more worthy to pledge him) and Bellarmine infer this as an Argument, to show the mean account that Kings are of, in respect of Priests; and not declaring his dislike in the lest circumstance, it is a necessary consequence, that he prefers the meanest Deacon before the greatest King, even in Civil comportments. Had Bellarmine excused the Bishop, that his SO doing proceeded of modesty (as not presuming to drink, either to the Emperor, or those great Personages) this had been well, but than it had been no good Argument to his purpose: had he therefore taxed Sulpitius for his vain aitrologie, and that reason given of the Bishop's proud thought, so had he rid himself of his imputation; yet than the example had not fitted his intent: but both he and his fellow Cardinal cite and recite the Story, as in a glorious triumph over Kings; for Baronius premiseth this Story, and that usage of the Bishop towards Augusta the Queen, with a Non praetermitt●…nda, that in no case they must be concealed. Bar●…ius. anno Christi. 386. n. 21. 156 The fourth place is, that Kings have not their authority from God, nor his Law, but from the Law of Nations; in repeating whereof, the Epistler SHRIEKS as if he saw a Monster, and cries out GOOD GOD, and will not a man bless himself to se●… such dealing? True, Fa. Parsons, he would indeed, and desire to be blest from such a Doctor; who, being a Christian, should writ so impiously; and a Divinity-reader, should speak so unlearnedly. But why doth the Censurer thus exclaim? Are they not Bellarmine's very words; or are not the places truly quoted? In the first; Secular principality 〈◊〉 ordained by men, and hath his being by the Law of Nations, sayeth the De Pontif. Rom. lib. 1. ca 7. paragr Pr●…terea. De Cl●…icis cap. 28. Cardinal. In the second place, Orbis terr●…, 'tis within the compass of the inferior Orb, from whence is given to Kings that power which they 〈◊〉. Now where is the CALUMNIATION to be descried, which the Antapologer talks of? 157 Bellarmine's meaning (saith he) is mistaken; for thereby he understandeth the different forms of government▪ not the power itself They which read Books, use not to ●…ift Riddles; the words are plain; if this be his meaning, he dissembles it. But it is manifest, that this is not his meaning; for he doth not say, the divers forms of secular Principality (as to be an Emperor, or King, or Duke, according to the custom of several Nations) are by Man's Ordinance; but simply and indefinitely, Se●…lar Pri●…cipalitie is from men: and in the other place, Kings have THAT POWER which they have (he saith not the form of the regiment, but the Power itself) by human constitution▪ which is flat contradictory to the Apostles theorem: that there is no power but of God; and to our saviours negative Rom. 13. 〈◊〉. unto P●…late, Thou couldst have no POWER; except it were given thee from above: which pla●…e meeteth both with the joh. 19 11. Cardinal, and his learned Interpreter: for did Christ speak there of pilate's Power simply (that which Pilate before mentioned his power to lose, or crucify?) then is Bellarmine gone, who saith, that Secular Principality is from men: did he speak it to him as he was Deputy then under Caesar, and appointed so by the Emperor? Yet even that his Deputyship, saith Christ, he had from above; there's the Censurer gone: Yea, both of them speak contrary to the light of nature, for blind Homer could see and say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that honour and principality (what name soever it bear, or Iliad. 6. what power soever it have) is of God. And if Bellarmine's meaning should be as his abettor makes it, could the Cardinal have said any less of the meanest. Office in a City, that the execution of his authority is from God; but to be that Officer rather than an inferior, that is from Men? So to be a King, and not an Earl by the Cardinal's rule is from men; but being a King, to rule and govern, that's from God. Where is then that other image wherewith S. Augustine graceth Kings, different from other Christians, and Magistrates subordinate? If not as he is a King, but as he hath power thereby to do this, or prohibit that, so much the meanest substitute Officer in a State hath within his compass, even the Sergeant that a●…esteth a Felon or a Debtor: therefore one of their own rank and sort (a Cardinal, and once a jesuite) adjudged better, in saying, that in every Governor there is potestas authoritatis and facultatis; his authority titular, whereby he is denominated Tollet. in johan. 19 11. annot. 4. either Emperor, King, or Duke; and his power executive, either to lose or bind, to condemn or ●…ree: and both these (saith he) our Saviour told Pilate he had from above; and yet we know that Pilate was then but Caesar's Deputy, and at his appointment. 158 And had the Cardinal either true religion, or Christian Policy, he would not have left such speeches. Religion, because the wisdom of God itself hath said, By Prou. 8. 15. 16. ME Kings reign, both as they are Kings, and as they reign; their title and their power both by me; as they are in that place in several names distinguished, Kings, Consult, Princes Statesmen, judges; all of them for Office, for Power, by ME they are. 〈◊〉, for is this the way to make Kings Nursing Fathers to the Church? or to win the favour of Princes to Churchmen? For, if to be christened, bring Kings into such Slavery under Priests, whether one or more, Pagans' have more liberty (and that is dear to Princes) they will rather remain no children of the Church, then be Slaves in the Church. And can Princes either truly love them, or desire to advance them, who, being in place, shall be the chief to abase them? 159 There is no King truly a Christian, which will not afford both Bishops and Priests, in their places, their due respects, knowing them to be God's Ambassadors, and his Vice●…gerents in spiritual functions; but if it once come to counter-mastering, and depr●…ssing Kings to men's ordinance, the meekest of them all will say (as the dam to the cursed heiffer) Have I given thee horns to gore myself withal? And therefore who can blame his Majesty, if (as the Epistler saith) his conclusions be passionate, when he reads such a Letter dissuasorie to the Archpriest, from acknowledgement of his allegiance to his majesties Right and Royal authority, sent from a man that broacheth Positions so meanly respecting (yea so contemptibly abasing) the Sovereignty of Princes. 160 But let the Reader take comfort, for the Censurer sets him down here to breathe himself, and professeth that he is weary to wade any further in these Objections. And he may be believed in all respects▪ first, for his 〈◊〉, having (as the Prophet speaketh) t●…ken a great deal of pains to do wickedly; and feeling within himself augustiam jerem. 9 5. spiritus (which is the fruit of such toil) he prevents Sap. 5. 6. the tune, and uttereth that in a figure of Rhetor●…ke by himself alone, which (without repentance) elsewhere, with gn●…shing of teeth he must pronounce among other company, Lassati sumus, We have WEARIED ourselves in the way of wickedness and destruction: Secondly, for Wading, Ibid. it is as fit a term to express his shall●…w passages, as he could devise; but if his treading so overly hath wearied him, how would he have been tired if he had dived into the depth of those points, which he hath thus but waded over? Thirdly, for the Objections, in the front of the Apology 'twas told him, he should meet with Wedges too deep Triplex Cuneus. and strongly driven, for his light tripping or shallow wading pace to find, much less to remove; which made him, of twelve Propositions to tra●…ke but four and yet for all his weariness, because he will not seem to be tired downright, he cannot leave, but he must fumble and tug at three of the rest at once. 161 The first whereof is that Proposition of Bellarmine's, that Churchmen are as far above Kings, as the Soul is above the Body. And what is the name which the Onomastical Censurer giveth unto this charge by his majesty? A mere Calumniation, for it is Nazianz●…nes, and not Bellarmine's. The contrary is true; for Bellarmine cities Nazian. but misseapplying him upon wrong translating, and not rightly understanding him, he makes it his own. For Nazianzens' comparison of the Soul and Body is not personal, between himself and the Emperor, (if it were the Emperor to whom he spoke, or rather a deputy sub-ordinate, which is the opinion of the Greek Paraphrast) nor between their two judicial powers (the Imperial Nicetas. bench and the Bishop's consistory) as the Cardinal would have it, and another Cardinal (Allen by name) doth say it and urge it: but a power spiritual only in the Pulpit: and so far forth as Freedom of speech extendeth itself in preaching of the word; which being the power of God un to salvation, the highest must submit himself unto it: the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is usually translated his Tribunal being no other but that which Ezra had when he read the Law that is, the Pulpit wherein Nazian. preached, and out of Nehem. 8. 5. which he spoke at that time; for so, both the Septuagints do call that wherein Ezra stood, and Nazian. used it in that sense, as in many places, so in his Apologetike; where complaining of the forwardness of some that thrust Apologet. themselves into the Ecclesiastical Function, he saith, that before they be thought worthy to come into holy Orders they strive & crowd about the holy Table, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and challenge unto themselves the possession of the PULPIT; which was the Tribunal that Nazianzens in that Allegory meant: and so it is of all Bishops and Pastors; for that is the place indeed where the Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (that is Nazianzens' word) his power and authority is most eminent, and should be most prevalent. 162 Now what is this to the Comparative Superiority? A word not mentioned by Nazian. for the authority which he there describeth, he saith not to be superior, but greater or more absolute, as the doctrine of the Gospel, deliuere●… by Bishops & Ministers in the Pulpit (which he calleth the Spirit) is more mighty and perfect then the wrath, revenge, and desire of punishing, and such other carnal affections, which in the great man there present were predominant▪ and that great Divine in that place cal●…eth fl●…sh; and is no other but an allusion to that Text of S. Paul, That the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty (through God) 2. Cor. 10. 4. to pull down holds, and cast down imaginations, and every high thing that is exalted ag●…inst the knowledge of Christ: and therefore the Cardinal, in citing Nazianzen: as making there for a personal pre-eminence, abuseth the Reader, and misse-leads the Epistler, who takes what he writes, out of Fathers upon trust, and at the second hand. 163. The other two places he shuffles together; first, that Obedience due to the Pope is for conscience sake; and the second, that Obedience due to Kings is only for certain respects: which the Epistler very learnedly would make but ONE; for his Logic doth teach him to put two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flat opposite assertions, into one categorical proposition; and yet he grants the first to be true, the other he terms Calumnious. The truth of the first, he grounds upon the Apostles precept, Obedite Praepositis vestris; a Text well applied; if once he could prove that the Pope Heb. 13. were indeed one of those Praepositi, whom, as a Pope (that is, Universal pastor) they never yet could defend to be Praepositus: either as God's Ordinance by S. Saul; or as by S Rom 13. 2. 1. Pet 2. 13. Peter, humana creatura: neither Scriptures authorizing him, nor Fathers, nor ancient Counsels, nay, not all their own Writers so approving him. The other, his watching for Souls, God wots it is the lest part of his care, not so much as in the King of Sodoms' sense, Give me the souls, Gen. 14. (that is the persons) take the rest to thy self: for he inverts the speech, and Give me the OTHER things (saith he) and take soul and Body too, who listen. Simony, either carnal for affinity, or pecuniary for ready pay, shall make Vide Bernard. ad 〈◊〉. & Al●…r: Pe●…gium de 〈◊〉 Eccle siae. Boys be Bishops, and Idiots accumulate Dignities, and Strangers (which shall never approach) to h●…ape Benefices in foreign parts sans number: and this is the watchfulness which that grand Gregorian hath of the Souls, or the ca●… that he hath o●… accounted which he must give for them. 164 The other, of Obdience due for certain RE SPECTS (which he calls the Calumnious Assertion) makes him amazed at the Conscience of the Apologer, for quoting a place where there is no such thing. With what eyes doth this man look, who being in a grove, cannot see wood for trees, nor respects, in a Chapter which hath nothing else in it? wherein there are at lest as many, and one more, than the son of Haraphah had toaes on a foot, or fingers on a hand. In causes ONLY TEMPORAL Clergy 1. Sam. 21. 20. men are bound to obey Princes, there's one respect. To the De cler. lib. 1. cap. 28. paragr. S●…t igitur. public Laws of the Prince, their obedience is bound, so that THOSE laws CROSS NOT the Church Canons, there's a second. Or that THEY make not AGAINST Ibid. parag. secunda proposi. Ibid.. Ibid. the clerical Function, there's a Third. Those Politic Laws must be DIRECTING only, not enforcing, that's a forth, and yet to those directing Laws the Clergy is not bound by an obedience COACTIVE; there's a fift. Ibid. Their obedience is so tied, that though they BREAK those Laws, yet they may NOT be PUNISHED by the CIVIL judge, or OBEY if summoned to his Audience, Parag. Tertia. proposi. there's the sixth, The Clergy is not bound to obey Kings, longer than Kings are THEIR SUPERIORS Parag. Respondeo negande. and that is so long as THE POPE WILL: for whom HE EXEMPTS they are all FREE, that's another. Reckon them now, and it will appear they make up the number of Mary magdalen's Devils, whereof she was freed by our Saviour; but so will not Bellarmine of these, as long as he hath either the Papacy in his hope, or Popery in his heart, or controversies in Print. 165 Odious matter, the Epistler calls them; and justly too; for God and good men detest such assertions, but fraudulently laid together (saith he) to make Catholics hateful. T●…'s labour not fraud to bring scattered propo sitions into one Synopsis; the hatefulness is in the pestiferous Assertion, nor the Industrious Collection: If there be fraud, it is in the Cardinal's dispersion, that the thin conveyance may not so easily discover the contagion▪ & malice with all, that every place may have some poisoning infection. His Majesty hath herein done what God himself threats, things Psal. 50. 21. acted in secret & in several places, Ordinavit in Oculis, he hath brought them into one view together, and placed them in order to their confusion and torment. 166 But to whom do they make Catholics odious? Surely to him unto whom they desire, most of all men under God, to yield most satisfaction, for their Temporal duties, saith he;— Credat judaeus Ap●…lla, unless they understand Temporal for Temporary, that is, till they may have a 〈◊〉 season, and place (as a vault under a Parliament house) or that they may be strog-enough to make their parties good. Otherwise it may be said to them, as a learned Knight said of his wife to his man, with whom he found her too familiar, and heard her profess that she loved the fellow above all men, Believe her NOT Sirrah (quoth the Knight) She hath told ME so an hundredth times ere now. The Law presumes every man to be good till he be apparently nought; but when facts have been evident to the contrary, fairest words, as they cover the deepest treachery, so have they not with wise men the easiest passage for credence: and therefore the same Law presumes him to be still nought, in that kind, who hath been once tainted with a crime. 167 But matters are made worse by these makebate Ministers, who put daily jealousies in his majesties mind, against us, saith this Censurer. They are makebatess indeed, that have justly made his Majesty not ieal●…us through fear or suspicion, but zealous to enact prudent laws, and wary to provide for his assurance; but those are ●…esuits, the principal Boutefeaux, and incendiary makebates through all Christendom; who laying fuel to fire (which is Salomons resemblance of such dispositions) with their Doctrine kindle, and with their Counsel inflame both the minds of Princes in jealousies each of other, and the natural subjects with disloyal conspiracies against their lawful Sovereigns. Ministers in England have other studies than State-busines, they confine themselves within the Scriptures limits, which hath prescribed Am●…riah the Priest for God's matters; & Zabadiah the chie●…taine for the 2. Paralip. 19 11. King's affairs; who needs no Ministers to incite his affections, nor descry falsehoods: the Apology showeth that he can understand ‛ Bellarmine's positions without an interpreter; and the jesuits Dur●…tean-Horse (the VAULT Hemer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. of GUNPOWDER) hath taught him Epicarmus his rule, to beware how he trusts. He is no such Novice in government that he needs be instructed, nor hath s●…ch weak Spirits, that they should be excited. Diu●…atio in Labijs Regis (saith Solomon) and experience showeth both that He can by Prophecy discover intended Treasons; and Pro. 16. 0. that he will not stick (in justice) to turn the Wheel over the offenders. Notwithstanding, if Elisha do know of any ambush laid for the King his Master, it is his duty to reveal Pro. 20. 26. it, and the King's wisdom, to credit HIM, and avoid IT: and if it move the Aramite to indignation (as it doth 2. Reg. 6. 9 10. this wolfish Brood to regrett) that his Majesty hath such Watchful Shepherds, the matter is not great nor the wonder strange. But Vespa fatiscit, he hath now cast his sting & left it in the Apology, which makes him end like a Dorre in a verbal Epilogue, full of noise and buzzing terror: and this in great Letters he entitles. The Conclusion. 168 Wherein there are as many pangs of divers passions, as there are Numbers of uncoherent Sections; as if he would h●…ue it to be resembled for the first, to Ezechiels' Roll (●…s the Vulgar reads it, & some of their own interpretit) wherein there were Lamentationes, & Carmen & va, a medley of varieties consisting of Laments of grief, and Ezech. 2. 10. Songs of praise, and threats of wrath: but a man would think, by thus writing, he were another Novatus (as S. Cyprian describes him) Saepe blandus ut fallat, aliquando saews ut terreat, semper curiosus ut prodat, nunquam sidelis ut Epst. 8. lib. 2. diligat: Sometimes he glavers palpably; presently he minaceth with terror; eftsoons he prays uncharitably; by and by he insults with disdain; anon he complains lamentably. Now he is upon Mount Gerazim, and from thence he blesseth our Sovereign; instantly upon Mount gebal, and from thence he curseth our Religion. Here he braves Deut. 11. 29. it like a Soldier; there he slatters like a Parasite; anon he weeps like a Crocodile; every where he speaketh in the idiom of a Traitor. 169 First, he lets fly at the INSTIGATORS, so called by him, but names not who they are; sure by his own description of them, they must needs be honest men: for he saith, that the principal and chief Motors of them are in general hatred with both extremes of opposites in Religion (that is, the Puritan●… and Papist.) Certainly, happy men are they; for it seems they hold a middle course which is both the safest and best: Est virtus medium vitiorum utrinque redactum: The mean between two extremes is virtue. Herod and Horace. Pilate at opposite jar each with other, and yet both conspiring against Christ, argue his innocency to be the greater: and excellent actions are hereby commended, saith the Philosopher, when nothing can be added or taken from them; a moderate track between a superfluity and a Eth. 2. nullity of Ceremonies, shows the most religious Conformity of Scriptures, and Uniformity in a Church. And such, it seems, is the case of these Instigators. 170 Yea, but these men are interessed in the Rapines and spoils which their ravenous Pursuivants daily bring them home. This, if a true challenge, is a shrewd imputation; if a false, a devilish Calumniation. DIVINES they be, of eminent place and note, which use these Pursuivants, as public Officers for search, and forfeiture of Superstitious Relics, Vessels, and Vestments, whereunto by just authority they are warranted by Statute; not with any intention of appropriating them to private use, for increase of their wealth; that is a base conceit of a Malicious Fugitive; it is far from their thought, who are known to be more religiously wise: For first, THIS, they are assured, would make them too openly liable (in the mouth of the Adversary) to that imputation of the Apostle, that they did seek their own, and not that which is jesus Christ's. Secondly, they know, better than any jesuite can instruct them, that Mammon's Service is the basest of all other, especially when it comes in a religious habit. As for other goods, whether of Money, Plate, Utensils, etc., they are not in those searches meddled with; if any be (as what man can answer for the particular facts of all inferior Officers?) who so doth it, as he utterly perverteth the true meaning of those eminent persons, to whose trust our most Religious Sovereign committeth those affairs: so, upon due proof, he is severely punished, and the goods safely restored. And therefore so deep a charge, till it have stronger evidence, must pass (with the like) for an impudent Slander; and that it is none other, Fa. Parsons his silence makes it very probable, who is known to be a man, neither so tender of mouth, nor so charitable in heart, but that, if he could name the parties, he would proclaim them, though they were the greatest. 171. Now he is at his Prayers; first, for his Majesty, that his eyes may be enlightened, to see what Inconveniences (many and great) may ensue such violent co●…rses. His Majesty knows how to pray for himself, and desires none to pray for him that loves him not his precept in this case is the same with Tertullian: Esto Religiosus in Deum, qui vis illum Imperatori Propitium: Let him first be Religious to Apolog. cap. 34. God, that will have God Propitious to his Prince●… & his Prater in this kind is the same with David, Lord open thou Psal. 119. 18. mine 〈◊〉, that I may see Marabilia Legis, the wondrous things of thy Law; as for Terribilia Gregis, the threatened fears of a Malcontent and a Treacherous band: his eyes are piercing enough both to discover them, and to recover himself from them. He is not (as Elisha his servant) able only to descry an host of Aramites beleaguring, and not 2. Reg. 6. 15. an Army rescuing, but both together, as a treachery environing, so God's host at hand for defeating that danger, and defending him. As for these minaced Inconveniences, they can be no greater than some of his Royal Predecessors have felt, for disturbing their state, and assaulting their life; and his Majesty also in his time, for treasonable surprises of his sacred Person, with his hopeful issue, and for utterly extinguishing (though with fire) in a moment, the brightness of his glory, the glory of his succession, and the succession of any settled good in the future state. (For present there should none have been.) 172 But what is the great Inconvenience to be feared or lamented? A pi●…tifull thing to see an house divided within itself, beating, hunting, and pursuing one each other; and a greater sin to cast in Oil to augment the flame. Doubtless, here's an Allegory learnedly followed; for what hath Oil to do with beating, or a flame with hunting? But to the point: The Divisions of Reuben are great thoughts of heart, saith Deborah in her Song: and frater●…all judg. 5. 16. factions, are both dangerous and lamentable: but when the cohabitation is treacherours, and the concordance unfaithful, safer is a pursuing Separation, than an intestine falsehood; and better is an open division made by the Prince, than a tolerated coalition of minds divided from the Prince. I came not to sand peace, but a sword, saith our Saviour; and therefore happy is that Division whereby Religion Matth. 10. 34 is preserved from mingling, the king from hazard, and the state from mangling. 173 He hath done with his majesties Eyes; and now comes to the Ears, both of his Majesty, and also of his Counsellors, that they could reach beyond the Seas, and hear the variety of Discourses, concerning the issues of this pursuit, for that it must needs weaken the force of the Land both at home and abroad, if there should be (as heretofore) foreign wars. And WOE be to the Authors both of these inward Divisions and foreign Invasions, that either cause the one, or procured the other, or nourish both, and desire the last: whose encamped power, were it answerable to this writing malice, neither should our walls have peace, nor our Palaces plenty. But doubt not you, Fa. Parsons of his Majesties, or his Counsellors their reaching ears, whereby they can easily convey from foreign parts perfect intelligence both of the treacherous courses and unnatural discourses, which English Fugitives complot and compile against their native Country and Sovereign; & also of the base account those Runagates are in with foreign States, further than they may make use of them, for Proditorious and Prodigious mischiefs; because otherwise no wise man will ever trust Traitor, saith the Orator. Cic. in ver. 1. 174 O but the Cries and Complaints of these men's afflictions give a strange admiration; for no such thing was expected from his Majesty, for many causes. Things strange and unexpected are admired; but what hath his Majesty done, either New, or not looked for? Execution of offenders is no Wonderment in a just judge; and constancy in the same Religion is no strange occurrent in a Resolved Prince; and provision for his Security is a matter coincident with the prudence of a King. His majesties course to distinguish the true from the falsehearted Subject is made a Wonder of Admiration; but the complots of dreadful designs against his Majesty is but a point of sleight regard: such is one misery which Princes have (saith the Historian) that Conspiracies, though disc●…uered, will either not be credited, or impaired in the report, nisi occisis Principibus, Suet. Domitia unless the Prince's DEATH be effected by them: for if they escape and punish, their executing the Delinquents is a persecution of Tyranny, and an admired violence: but the villainy complotted, only an Unfortunate enterprise; even the GUNPOWDER TREASON itself, is styled by this jesuite, a lamentable attempt at the 〈◊〉. of Sir Ed. Cook. highest: and his majesties providence to secure his indemnity, is by the Cardinal proclaimed a causeless Fear. The Epistola ad Blackwell. admiration should rather be of his majesties exceeding clemency, that, upon such a monstrous combination, doth not utterly crush both Dam and spawn of that viperous Brood. 175. Nor that only, but it works a strange alteration in judgement and affections, saith the Epistler. And who are the parties in whom this change is wrought? If he mean their Catholics, whether Writers or Actors, the alteration is none other but that the Prophet speaks of in jer. 13. 23. the Blackamoors skin, and the Leopard's spots, the same that hath been before; the positions of the one in their tractates and arguments, both for contemptible abasing, and proudly deposing Kings; the complots and attempts of the other for Murder and Treason (the POWDER-PLOT only except, which was singular from all examples) being as mischievous and dreadful in former times, as since his majesties blessed government over us. For Clement the Pope his Breves, and un-clement Parsons his Doleman, with other his Seditious Pamphlets, discovered both the same judgement for opinion of his majesties Religion, and also the same affections for disturbance of his possession before his entry, as since his investiture into the Throne. 176. But he means of Princes and People abroad, whose aversion is inward, howsoever they hold external amity. This is but to intimate his embowelled familiarity with Prince's inwards; if as a Councillor of State with them (so, poor Snake, he would be reputed) then is he perfidious in revealing them: Disclosing of Secrecies is the extremity of unfaithfulness in a Councillor: If as a Confessor to them, than is he Sacrilegiously false, and Canonically irregular, by their own jesuitical rules: To reveal what is confessed, is the height of impiety, for that is to break the Seal which should not be bruised, say themselves: But withal he proclaims them as well for notorious hypocrites, that thus carry peace in their mouths, but war in their hearts; as also for busy Polypragmons in the State of other Nations: for what hath any foreign Prince to do with the managing of another man's Kingdom, either for Religion or Policy, so that neither himself nor his Subjects receive any injury thereby? but his envenomed 〈◊〉 to lay an imputation upon his majesties government, carrieth him, perforce, to slander other Princes also with these despiteful reproaches. 177. Lastly, all this is but a clap out of a Cane, or the crack of an Alder-stalke, that yields more noise than force: for first, doth he think Princes to be so idle, or simple, that, for the slanderous reports of a few Fugitives (malcontent either through waywardness of mind, or for differences in Religion) they will fall at jar, much less to open war, with their Confederate Princes? Yea rather 'tissupposed, that such Revolters do receive from them, either the like answer which Verdugo (a great Commander under the King of Spain) gave Sir William Stanley, Estate of Engl. Fugit. who, when he heard the false Knight transported into violent speeches against this Realm, wished him to use more moderation of his tongue, for though HE had offended his Country, his Country had never offended him: or that which Count Charles (another of the same rank) ●…itted York withal, when he breathed out, at dinner, his blasphemies against our late Queen and State, the Count bid him hushed, telling him, that his table never gave Privilege to any man to Ibid. speak unreverently of Princes. (Parsons were not to be dieted there.) 178. But suppose there should be Kings cast in this Censurers mould, that would arm themselves (under pretence of Religion) against our Sovereign, 'tis no more than others have done before against some of his worthy predecessors: and his Majesty knows there is a Psalm that gins with Quare fremuerunt, which is able to lead them all in Triumph, and teach them, that if they Psal. 2. 1. band against the Lord, or against his Anointed, he that sitteth in heaven can laugh them to scorn. In the mean time, his majesties favour (we hope) is greater with God; and his Conscience (we are sure) more secured in the right of his cause, & his power more enlarged in the view of the world, then to be afraid of Paper-threats, yea, or armed terrors; that if the trial should come, the wills of his subjects (to use the Epistlers words against himself) will appear so united, as that their forces in their Sovereigns defence, shall be both admirable and dreadful. 179. From Cries of Complaint, he proceeds to tell us of Obloquys and Prayers. A good conjunction, and proportionable to his own and his associates affections; whose devout Soliloquies concerning this state, are naught else but reviling obloquys of the State. To him (by Scripture rule) all Prayers are truly directed, who dwelleth in the light which no man can attain: and, by Saint Bernard's warrant, 1. Tim. 6. 16. Bern. Sent. those Prayers are to him unacceptable, and in themselves unavaileable, wherein there is either nulla or nimia lux: either no light at all, as a man being in a dark place that seethe not himself (which our Saviour checketh in their prayer that would have fire from Heaven, You know not Luc. 9 55. of what spirit you are) perhaps the affections be mudded with earthly things; or the understanding enueloped with a superstitious darkness; or the cogitations transported to malicious intents, or uncharitable revenge: or when there is too much light, men see themselves too well (as the Pharisee that vi●…ified all other in respect of himself) Luc. 18. such as think no religion or actions good but their own: the prayers proceeding from both these, whether Cymmerian or over-radiant affections, might better be spared; which, because we take to be the conceits of their bee-yond-Sea prayers, when they think of us, not devots, but devouentes, not with charitable devotion, but malicious imprecations; we doubt not but they receive, either the answer which God himself gave by the Prophet, Though you make many prayers, I will not hear you, for your Esa. 1. 15. hearts and hands are full of blood; or as our Saviour to the Daughters of Jerusalem (though they better affected) Weep not for them, but weep for yourselves, and for your own Rebellions. Luc. 23. 18. 180. In their Oratories perhaps they pray for our conversion: But what should be the ground of these general obloquys here mentioned? First, the very Catalogue of English Statutes extant in print against Catholics, for profession of their Religion. If this be the offence, the Obloquys cannot be general; for none in those parts understand the language, but a few English Fugitives; and their calumnious slanders are no more to be regarded then the curses of that people, which yearly go out, and very solemnly revile the Sun for scorching their bodies. Heredot. Melpom. If the Offender be angry with the Law, it is no marvel: yet he discovereth thereby both a singular impatience, and a bootless rage. He that will not fear the vigour either of Law or Magistrate, let him do well. But perhaps these Statutes are translated for other Nations to view: if falsely, than not the Statute, but the corrupt Gloss causeth the Obloquy: a pregnant presumption whereof, Rom. 13. 3. is a modern practice in that very kind; for the place is known, where those two Statutes made since his majesties reign touching such men, were bee-gored with such bloody additions in another Language, that being compared with the original, he that reads them, might truly exclaim as the Poet did, Heu quantum haec Niobe, Niobe distabat ab illa? If truly, neither our State nor Statutes ovid. need fear any Obloquy, except for Clemency; since there is no Realm which hath not more severe Laws for men of different Religions, and treasonable affections, then all ours are. The speaking of a word, or making the lest sign of dislike to the Religion established, in any point or ceremony thereof, is Condemnation to the Fire presently, without remission in a Nation whence Parsons hath his best maintenance. And doth not Cardinal Bellarmine both confess & commend that rigid course, when he saith that Catholics will not suffer any among them, qui ostendunt ullo signo, etiam externo, se favere Lutheranis? De laicis lib. 3 ca 19 parag. Septimo. that shall declare by any outward sign or gesture that he favoureth the Lutherans? Yea, he is very peremptory, that it is the only remedy against such, mittere illos maturè in locum suum, betimes to sand them their long home: and gives a Idem ibid. cap 21. parag. Secundo. reason for it, because to keep them alive (though clapped up in prison, or banished the land) is no safe course; for that, so they may corrupt their conversing neighbours with words, and foreign nations with their books. 181 And yet this Censurer makes that the second part of those Obloquys, namely the banishing of threescore Priests at one time out of the Kingdom. In describing of which Lamentable Spectacle, he is very passionately Rhetorical that men of so good parts, amiable aspects, sweet behaviour, etc. should be cast out of their native soil. It was a grave conclusion of the Senators of Troy concerning Helena, the world's wonder for beauty and excellent parts (which the Philosopher elegantly applies to any vice, seem it never so delightful) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. That Arist. Eth. 1. cap. 9 Homer. Iliad. 〈◊〉 even though she be such an one, for unmatchable beauty & behaviour, yet for all that, rid her hence, say they, rather than to us and our posterity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 She should abide here for a Ibid. snare and destruction. The Counsel was wise, but the indulgent King refusing it, her stay brought forth twenty four Books of Iliads, and an Iliad of miseries. The like resolution (but with a more active execution) was that of our King and State, when they enacted, that, were their birth, personages, and qualities never so honourable and admirable, yet having viperous hearts under their amiable aspects, the Land should be disburdened of them, rather than nourish them, under pretext of Religion, to alienate true Subjects from their Sovereign, and make them fit for assistance of any enemy, either intestine or foreign, as occasion fitted. For what was one of Sauls faults, the sparing of Agag because he was a goodly man, more regarding his 1. Sam. 15. feature than God's precept, as josephus noteth: but Samuel joseph. Antiq. lib. 6. cap. 8. for all that, hewed him in pieces. And our saviours charge in the spiritual sense for the soul's safety, willing that if a man's right eye (the most amiable member that he hath) do offend him, he should pluck it out, and cast it from Mat. 5. 19 him, rather than keep it to his own overthrow, is as fit in politic advise for the realms security: for better those eyes were lost, than the whole state endangered by keeping them in; if they be eyes, or men so extraordinarily endowed, as this jesuite makes them. For were they better, than any of them yet could appear to upright judgements, they have left behind them in all respects (both for outward feature, birth & behaviour, and also for inward qualities of nature, art, and grace) men of different Religion, their equals at lest; and, which is the true commendation of Christian Priests, of more faithful and true hearts to their Prince and Country: without which, all the rest (in any man) are but the weapons of Disloyalty, and impiety even in the Philosopher's judgement. Arist. Polit. 1. 182 But here to borrow this man's Rhetoric in his own words against himself (as physicians do the Scorpions inwards against the Scorpion's sting) what a lamentable spectacle to all nations should that have been (wherein Parsons had his heart, hand & head) to have seen, not threescore only, but, to that number, a thousand more at lest, in one moment, with one hoisting puff, without all judgement of law, men of so good parts, amiable aspects, sweet behaviour, natural borne subjects of the Land, the most of them of very worshippfull▪ parentage, all, of Learned Education▪ clear and denoid of suspicion of crimes, in the Flower of their age: add hereunto the natural King and Sovereign of the Land, his virtuous and goodly Queen, his hopeful and innocent progeny, with personages of most honourable place, noble birth, admirable wisdom, peerless virtues, matchless learning, to be cast out of their native soil, and up into the air, only for professing that Religion, which, only, is justifiable by scripture, and only warrantable in all purer ages? This Sacrifice of so much blood, is, ●…elike no ground for Obloquy in other nations, if it may be called a Sacrifice; not of the old Testament surely, for that was on mount Zion, of beasts only; this, as in the valley or Vault of H●…nnon, of human creatures, 2. Cor. 28. 3. 1. Pet. 2. 13. Mar. 9 49. even of all for the most part in Saint Peter's sense: nor of the New Testament, for every Sacrifice, saith our Saviour, there, must be powdered with Salt, but this must have been salted with POWDER): Mary for threescore treacherous Priestling (condemned by the Law to death) to be pardoned their lives, and fairly di●…mi'st the Land, which they infested deadly, and before time had left, both unnaturaily and voluntarily; and with convoy and safety to be sent into those parts where their hearts do lie: this is such an obloquy, that the cutting of Alcibiades dogs tail filled Plutar. not Athens with more talk, than THIS (forsooth) doth the whole world. 183 Especially being seconded With another lamentable spectacle of the like number of Noble and Gentlemen passing in very good sort through sundry Countries, being retired out of Ireland their native Country for the same cause of conscience. There is no Paradox so strange, but some Philosopher will undertake to defend it, Cic. de divin. saith the Orator: nor any vice so soul, but the Grecians had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some refuge of Apology, to maintain just. Mart. it for good, saith the Christian Philosopher: but yet, till now never would any justify or deplore a band of open Traitors: for even enemies, though they entertained the Treason, did ever abhor the actors. Proditore▪ etiam ijs Tacit. Anal. lib. 1. quos anteponount invisi sunt, saith the Historian. But such a Privilege hath jesuitish Divinity, that it may commend a banded rout of forlorn fugitives, as if they were Religious Pilgrims. Sic manus manum fricat, and one Traitor knows how to bewail another. Only this art the Lamenting jesuite hath in this height of his Impudency, to conceal the name of TYRONE the chieftain and ringleader of the rest; whose Rebellious Insurrections in the time of our late Queen (who gave him his first Nobility, being otherwise but of a base original) causing the waste of the Lands treasure, and exhausting the blood of too many valiant soldiers, cassiered all hope (even in himself) that his life should be spared, much less his case pitied: yet this last revolt, and contemptuous out-breach, so exceedingly disloyal and unthankful to his Gracious Sovereign, who had pardoned him his former treasons; entertained him with favour; protected him with authority; dismi'st him with honour; and followed him with all occasions that might give a well disposed man contentment, doth make him so odious and abominable, that even Caecilius himself that great undertaker for Verres, and of any bad cause else, would be ashamed to patronize HIM. 184 Much less (as this Jesuit) shrowded him under the Cloak of Religion, whose profane life, & heathenish opinions (expressed by his brutish actions) are proclaimed to the world, that he made no Conscience of Religion; so far was he from being nice upon difference in point of Religion: unless to make murder no sin; promiscuous marriage no Adultery; Rapine no stealth; oppression no wrong; and Rebellion no disloyalty, be the points of Rome's Catholic Religion. Otherwise his conscience (so called) was set as free for Popery as his heart could desire, not in Ireland only, but while he was in England; where he had his Mass and Priest without impeachment or disturbance; and with such favour, that in a search for others, his Pri●…st being taken, and signifying to whom he belonged; he was presently dismissed, without any further quequestion or molestation: nor did HE alone obtain this favour, but all the rest of that Fugitius sort from the highest to the lowest, not one of them being once questioned for his Religion, or any Oath cendred to him: which, if they were asked, they will not be so impudent as to deny it. But hereby the Readers may clearly see, what the Epistler means by that Liberty of Conscience which he pleads for so often; namely, immunity to sin against God; freedom to make port-sale of his native Country; licence to revolt from his dearest Sovereign; connivence to entertain treasonable consorts; permission to enrich himself for projected usurpations; briefly, a general indulgence to stain the earth with blood, the ayte with blasphemy, the soul with corruptions, the heaven with luxurious Rapines and incontivencies: and if these may not be granted, it is such an Angariation of Conscience, as must needs break out into these retiring events, saith the Antapologer; that is to say, into these Traitorly Revolts from his sacred Majesty. 185 Whom this Censurer here vouchsafeth to besmear with his glavering balm, commending his majesties natural inclination to sweetness, peace, and tranquillity. Which as his Majesty repelleth with that speech of Ecclesiasticus Eccles. 25. 9 speciosa non est laus in ore peccatoris, that a good man's praise doth no more befitte a wicked man's mouth, than a ring of Prou. 11. 22. gold doth a swine's snout; therefore thinking of him, as Milo did of Vatinius (whose name, for detestation, came into a Catullus. Proverb) doth take it for a disgrace, that so lewd a man should offer to commend him: so he demands with all, why being of a disposition so sweet and peaceable (as his Subjects found him, and such Fugitives confess him) they should bewray such bad natures, with small wisdom, to use the means which must exasperated and provoke him? For the quietest spirits once thoroughly stirred, are not easily allayed: Macrob. Satur nay, the neatest wine if it once turn eager, proves extremely keen. 186 And as he praiseth, ●…o he bemoaneth his Majesty, and the State with him, whom he thinketh, by such Revolts to be cast into perpetual Cares about the same. Such tender affection issuing from a loyal heart, were very acceptable; but this being unsound, the other is a coggery. Kings and Statesmen have their Cares, many and great; especially a monarchs Crown, is, unto him that wears it rather a Diadema Spinarum, then Gemmarum, and circled with more Cares than jewels. The more wrong therefore do they offer to their Sovereign, who by such contemptuous and disloyal out-leapes augment those Cares, which the breaking out of many more such as these, do not so much accumulate, as the fomentation of these rebellious practices, by Priests and jesuits, the principal instigators to such continual Revolts and Insurrections. So that who can blame his Majesty and the State, if, to lessen these Cares, and to prevent such mischiefs, they take order to keep out, and cut off the original nourishing inflamers, which minister the rechaffment to these disloyal attempts? 187 But were these Cares more than they ar●…, yet are they not dismaying with terror, but exciting to providence; nor blunting the sword of justice, but rather edging it, to execute suchincendiaries. For shall not the corrupt humours be purged, because at moving of the same, a few pustles will break out? which though for a time they disfigure the countenance, and 'cause a little pain, yet the body is cleansed for a long time after, When this Spartacus of these Fugitives (Tyrone by name) had his Rebels in Plut. Crass. the field, with his ensigns displayed, and his auxiliary supplies from a potent adversary; yet then did he not cast the State into such Cares, but that in the end it brought him on his knees: being now fled, the Care is the less; for an open enemy gives more security, than an intestine dissembler; and a roving fugitive than an home biding Rebel. For what trust will any foreign Prince repose in such, or commit to them? but conclude of them (as Mon dragon did of the like, ●…o these that were then in pay Estate of Eng. Fugi●…. unde▪ a King, in those days hostile to this Nation) that they were all but Traitors whence they came, and spies where they came: and 'tis worth the remembering which one hath observed, that in the famous Invasion of 1588. not one of our English Fugitives (thou●…h some of them men of great valour, honour, and birth) were trusted so much as with any Idem ibid. inferior place of command; ●…ay scarce suffered to be banded in t●…e company of the Invaders: the Land rid of such, doth ease the Realm, not fill th●… State with Cares. 188 Now hath he done with his pair of lamentable spectacles, and is suddenly fallen into a chafe (for these sections conclusory, are rather Counter-passions of Lunacy, then artificial closes of an Epilogue) and his anger is, that the Apologer will say, that there is no persecution or ha●…d dealing for Religion, neither in our Kings, nor in the late Queen's time. The averment of a troth, should not raise choler through impatience, but incline the mind to believe: neither is it the avowing assertion which moves his patience; for in his own conscience (though seared) he knows it, and he knows that the world, rightly informed, is fully persuaded of the truth thereof: but the diminishing of the hoped number, (which the Pope only expects, and they rely on) by divers Statutes wisely provided for, is indeed, that Angariatian of their Conscience which he so terms: for ravalling of a Confederacy, where affiance is placed in Number, is a tormenting discouragement. 189 That pang is past; now he is rapt into an ecstasy of admiration: Wondering why this late Apology hath been so published in English and Latin to the world? First, for the publishing: to that end it was done, which is the general intendment of all writing; which in Scripture is twofold, Diffusio & duratio, that it might both disperse itself to Psal. 102. 18. public view: and remain also to posterity. Secondly, for the double Language; therefore it was done, that both strangers might be therewith acquainted, and also that it might be freed from corrupt Translations, by which jesustish trick our Doctrine and Nation are usually & wrongfully made odious: for both together; that in present and future age, as well fo●…rainers abroad, as friends at home, might on each side see, both his majesties prudent and clement course, only requiring an OATH of his Subjects, for his own security in Temporal Allegiance, after so many attempts by that bloòdy Generation; and also the Pope's frampold dealing, who not only redoubled an encountering Prohibition, but his Champion Bellarmine also brandished a violent dissuasion; he to the Catholics in general; this to the Archpriest in particular; both of them disallowing and reproving that, which whole Counsels ancient have warranted, and holy Bishops have never denied to any Emperors. 190 Why, but the Pope's Breves were written privately to the Catholics of England. The nature of any writing is judged, not by the Secrecy of the Conveyance, but by the Authority of the writer; especially, if in a public cause, and to many persons: Familiar Epistles are Secrets; Breves from Popes are Writs upon Record: jest therefore the succeeding age, finding such Precepts in the registry, might persuade themselves of the Pope's Sovereignty for England, the Apology, to prevent such mischief, hath crushed that conceit, disclaiming his proud usurpation, and proclaiming him for a busy-body where he had no command; for what hath a Bishop in Italy to do with the Subjects of Great Britain? To inform their Consciences, saith the Epistler, or rather to infect them; and by a Spiritual Tyranny to countermand with an Interdiction, what they of themselves were most willing and ready to perform; being afore persuaded, that it was most consonant to God's Religion, and Christian duty. 191 But Bellarmine's letter was written only to a private friend. True, but neither of them both was a private person; the one a Cardinal, the other an Archpriest: nor was it written to be kept private; for scarcely was it read by him, but Copies were dispersed. Wherein his Majesty seeing not only his Public Act, but his Sacred Person both scornfully and contumeliously handled (besides the general infection which this Pharisaical trebled Leaven, though secretly conveyed, might work by contagion) thought it stood him upon in honour, both to make the world judge of these irreligious passages from Rome, and also to discover as well the wickedness of their purpose, as the weakness of the arguments produced by this couple of Grand-Clerkes in their several encounters. 192 Ye but by this publishing of them, first, divers will hold themselves obliged, or provoked to answer the same. What, after Tortus and Parsons? If they shall do it better, that will be a shame to the Cardinal: if worse, a stain to themselves: Only this comfort they have, that worse than the Censurer hath done they cannot answer. Howsoever they do, either better or worse, let them assure themselves it will not pass with silence: Longus post me ordo est, idem petentium decus, saith he in Livy. Scaevola lib. 1. 193 Secondly, The unlawfulness of the Oath will be disputed, and condemned in all Universities, Schools, and Books of particular men. 'Tis a good counsel that the Poet giveth, not to take measure of another man's foot by Horace. your own Last. Universities have more judgement and discretion than a single Cardinal, or one scribbling jesuite. Dispute the Question they may; but before they condemn the OATH, they will be advised; or if they do, they shall not be seared: truth hath as strong armour as falsehood can show. Yet the Censurer, being no greater Clerk than the Priests make him and this book shows him, had done wisely, first to expect such a Schoole-determination: but ignorance will ever press forward; and a boiling stomach cannot conceal or retain the enclosed rancour. 194 Thirdly, The unjust violence in forcing men to swear, and notwithstanding to make them say that they do it willingly, and without coaction, will appear both to be one of the greatest Contradictions in itself, and most injurious to Christian men that ever was heard. How often hath it been answered, that a pain upon a Statute is no enforcement of the Conscience, which hath liberty left both to demur, and refuse? after which demur to reject it utterly, argueth an overt disloyalty; to take it, and not willingly, implieth a Covert treachery: the Law punisheth the first upon the plain discovery; it requireth the last for the more sure discovery. Where is now the Contradiction either expressed or enfolded? The Law insticts a mulct upon him that refuseth the Oath; there's one Proposition: The same Law inioines him that takes it, to profess that he swears willingly; there's the other. If the Oath had been imposed upon a man to take it whether he would or not, and withal required of him to say that he took it willingly, this had indeed been Contradictory: but ill lu●…ke hath this Epistler, either in framing, or pationizing Contradictions. 195 What is the second grievance? It is most i●…rious to Christian men (saith he.) Every injury is, according to the name, either an injustice against some Law, or a wrong offered to some persons right. Now what Law doth the taking of an Oath, to be hearty true unto the Native Sovereign for his Temporal Security, either defeat, or thwart? As for the persons, a party consenting to an action, cannot be said to receive a wrong by that Action. But his Consent is enforced. Not; Liberty of choice is no enforcement of consent. But if he do it not, he incurs the danger. True, that's a punishment for his contumaci●…, no violence to the Conscience; were not the Inquisition more coactive, Christians should have less pressure; and Popery fewer Di●…ciples. 196 Yet an other fit takes him; for after a few fair pauses, wherein he tells us by way of Prophecy, That some learned men will answer more sufficiently than he hath done (that's easily credible, for, as Tully said of Heius, he hath rather marred the cause then helped it) because what Act. 4. in Ver. HE hath written, did but occur to him: (so said jacob of his sergeant venison, that it was brought to his hand) after Gen. 27. this, I say, he falls again to his P●…rs, that God would incline his majesties heart to take the best course for uniting his subjects wills, but his Prayer is with a vengeance, that if God will not so incline, Despair, the mother of headlong precipitation will enter; for patience provoked will turn into fury: here's an Herald of defiance, not a jesuite at his Devotion, the very humour, or rather heat of him in the Poet, Flectere si nequeo Super●…s Acheronta movebo. Did our Saviour pray so? Not, for you have condemned and killed the Just, saith Saint james, and HE hath not RESISTED jac. 5. 6. you; but hot spirits must have fire from heaven if the Luc. 9 54. gates of a City be but shut against them; for they have, belike learned it of Saint Paul who wills men not to avenge them Rom. 13. 9 selves, but to give place unto wrath; and of God himself, because he saith Vengeance is mine, I will repay; and of his blessed Deut. 32. 35. Son, resist not evil, but if a man will angariate thee a mile, go with him t●…aine. Mat. 5. 39 41. 197 Not withstanding all this, there is no remedy but one, and that is Toleration; for friendly entreaty (saith he) would bind up wounds bleeding on all sides, whereas exulceration makes them fester with grief and danger. Sic Sententias loquitur; and neither of them untrue where the wound is green, or the cure not desperate: where the cause oppressed is good, and the party cassiered is innocent. Otherwise most false; for absence of an adversary doth alleviate, the concurrence of opposites doth exulcerate both grief and wrath: as the wound dried up, will bleed a fresh at the presence of the murderer. If therefore, that remedy denied, there must needs treake out a desperate rage; be it so, better that a few be driven into despair then the whole state raised into a commotion, which nothing sooner than Toleration of TWO divers Religions in one Realm. Interim, these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, false fires, and paper-threates Eras Chil. Cent. 4. are bootless, where the wrath is forceless, and the denouncer graceless. 198 But is not the very up-close of all, a plain Contradiction, to these precedents? To God's holy providence, (saith he) than hole is to be committed; who for his greater glory, whether to life or death, will dispose of all. Threats of revenge for pretended pressure, and total committing the same to God's providence, are mere opposite. HIS Sacred providence is to keep Kings Persons, and their authority Sacred: that is, free from touch of disgrace, or dismay of terror, by any hu mane power. Obedience of the Subject is the safe guard he hath appointed for that immunity: any Doctrine ●…o the contrary, is adversary bo●…h to his holy providence, and that divine ordinance. Patience with hope are the best arguments of Reliance upon his care and wisdom. Priests especially, should pray with charity, not threaten with affrightment; preach to subjects Loyalty with sufferance, not arm them with impatience; no●… charm them with fraudulence. To affray Kings living and revile Princes dead, argueth neither trust in God's providence, nor reference to his glory. Controversies in Divinity, there may, there must be; but Schools and Clerks have naught to do with Prince's Crowns, save in duty to obey, and with learning to support them: so may the end of all turn to his glory, of whole glory there is none end. But RELIGION turned into STATISME, will soon prove AT HE IS ME. FINIS.