A MANUDUCTION, OR INTRODUCTION UNTO DIVINITY: CONTAINING A Confutation of Papists by Papists, throughout the important Articles of our Religion; their testimonies taken either out of the Indices Expurgatorii, or out of the Fathers, and ancient Records; But especially the Manuscripts.  
By THO. JAMES, Doctor of Divinity, late Fellow of New-Colledge in Oxford, and Sub-Deane of the Cathedral Church of Welles.  
This mark † noteth the places that are taken out of the Indices Expurgatorij: And this ☞, a note of the places in the Parchments.  
Imprinted for Henry Cripps and Henry curtain at ●●●ord, 1625.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, AND RIGHT REVEREND Father in God, John, Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and one of his Majesty's most Honourable privy Council.  
Right Honourable, my very singular good Lord;  
BEing encouraged by your Lordship's favourable acceptation of some small Labours of mine, heretofore presented unto your Honour, I presume to offer up these few, but important and chief Articles of our Religion unto your Lordship's farther consideration, as they are maintained and explained by Primitive Fathers, known Papists, and ancient Manuscripts, a threefold cord, which, in my conjecture, cannot easily be broken.  
As concerning the Manuscripts, they are ancient, but not many; innominable as yet, but not long so to continue, if their names can be redeemed by any▪ means; and that they cannot well be excepted against by the common Adversary, being written long before Luther, Hus, Wicklife, or Wal●o, as the Character plainly showeth. And if they were not old enough, it would be easy for me to evicls the true Antiquity of our Religion, ●ut of that great Treasure of Books, amassed together by that judicious Knight, Sir Robert Cotton, the truest Philobiblos of our Age in his kind. For the Papists, whose words and works are often cited by me, though the Papists would seem to elude their testimonies, or expunge their Sentences in th●●r unsufferable and unwarrantable thrise-accursed Indices Expurgatorij; yet they speak fully and home for the truth of ours, and the falsehood and novellisme of their Religion: and do the Papists what they can, as what hath not been done by their close Indices? Yet all the water in the main Ocean will never be able to wish their testimonies out of our Books: Ours I call them, because though bred and brought up in the bosom of their Roman Church, they are but seeming Papists, so called, as Montes are a non movendo, or Parcaes a non p●rcendo, being easily moved to take part with us, and if need were, to defend and subscribe unto the Articles of our Religion, so uniformly, so catholicly agreed upon by the Prelates of our Religion in the year 1562.  
Lastly, for the Fathers, whom they would fain make Partiaries, and defenders of their new and vpstart opinions; it is not to be marvelled, when they have squeazed out the juice of their Books, Text, or Gloss, pared them to their purposes, and purged them to their minds, or fancies rather: For if they also chance to err, or miss▪ speak in their judgements (as the best have failed sometimes, and in some things) they have a del●antur for them also; they shall be no longer Fathers, but Sons, and therefore subject to their censures, and in plain terms, purgeable, as Gretser the jesuit hath long since from Ingolstad advertised us. But let them leave the Fathers of the purer Ages, in puris naturalibus, without mixture or mutation of theirs, pure and sincere; and we doubt not, but the truth of our Religion will as clearly appear, as the Sun shine at midday, which I shall believe, till I shall see a round and plenary Refutation of the defence of ●ewels Apology, which was threatened to be answered in the late Council of Trent, and our Countryman Master Harding, hath challenged it here and there of some misquotations, which the learned Bishop doth confess most ingenuously, and retort the like, and greater escapes upon the Challenger: but wilful, or purposed corruptions, idque cum authoritate (such as theirs are) he cannot, he shall not find in him, nor any of his supposts.  
This small Work of mine, Right Honourable, such as it is (and better it had been, if due encouragement, health, and means had not failed me) I willingly submit unto your judicious Fatherhood and grave wisdom, hoping some small good may accrue thereby unto my dear Mother, the Church of England, a sound member and obedient child whereof, I profess myself to be, far from Popery, and farther distant (if farther may be) from all itching, upstart, Schismatical humour, going the King's Highway, and fight as others have done before me contra Dextrarios & sinistrarios. I have better learned my Religion out of Tertullian and others, that the first Religion is the best; and that the higher we step, the nearer we approach unto the truth. And if this small attempt of mine, graced by your Honourable Patronage, shall but work in my poor seduced Countrymen and Compatriots, a true love of Antiquity, and detestation of all Popish corruptions, in defacing and disgracing of all manner of good Books; to God only be the glory, I have my desire. Resteth nothing but to show my willing readiness, and ready willingness to be employed by your Honourable Lordship, in any service that cometh within the compass and sphere of my small knowledge, and poor ability, and so I rest,  
Lond. 26. April. 1625. Your Honourable Lordships in all duty to command, Tho. James.   

The points that are briefly handled in this Book.  

OF the sufficiency of holy Scripture for salvation, etc. 1  
2. Of the justification of Man. 14  
3. Of good Works. 19  
4. Of Priest's Marriage. 23  
5. Of the authority of general Counsels. 27  
7. Of the Civil Magistrate. 29  
7. Of Purgatory. 57  
8. Of Indulgences. 61  
8. Of Prayers for the Dead. 67  
9 Of Relics and Pilgrimages. 67  
10. Of Funerals and Diriges. 72  
11. Of Adoration of Images. 73  
12. Of the Invocation of Saints. 81  
13. Of the Sacrament of Penance. 83  
14. Of Auricular Confession. 85  
15. Of Satisfaction and Contrition. 88  
16. Of the authority of the Church. 90  
17. Of the Lord's Supper. 95  
18. Of the certainty of Salvation. 97  
19 Of Rome. 98  
20. Of Cardinals and Bishops. 101  
21. Of Popish Priests. 103  
22. Of Popish Monks and Friars. 109  
23. Of Miracles. 114    

Errata.  
Pag 3. (b) ●●milio, read ●unilio p 4. (c) pretera, r preterea. ib. l. 2 collected▪ summed up, r. collected and summed up. ib. esta perfecta, r. esca perfecta. p 6. c. jud, r. ●nd ib. (●) confugium, r. confugimus. p. 7. p po●iend●, r. ponenda. ib. (x) Val▪ r. Vat. p 8. (z) Luic in ex, r. Lincoln▪ in ep. ib. (b) scita decretas, r sci●a decretaque. ib. (c) disputandi▪ r disputanda ib. (f) curiosa●, r. curiosae. ib (g Quaedam esca est praelator est perfect, r quaedam esca est prae●atorum perfect p 8 It's common, r, Its commons. ib ay qui novit, r. quod novit. ib. (k) coarctatuu r. coarctatus. p 9 Bonium, r. Boiorum. ib. (9) exori●ntur, r. exuruntur ib. (y) Laudec, r Pan decked. p. 10. (c) oculus twis, r. oculus tuus. p. 12 in the text, infested, r. infect. p. 13. (q) ●urent, r. curabant. p. 16 (u) confitentum, r. confitentium. p. 17 (y) languiudi, rlam guidi ib (●) Pardus r. Paradinu●. p. 18 ●. 2. in the text, us we, r. that we. ib. l 16. fo●●e. r some. ib (s) Christus▪ r. Christi p. 20 siu-siu, r. sinsin. ib. ay que accepit ostendit, r. q●ae accepit ostendunt p 22. (g) & alma, r. la alma. p. 23. (b) Apostoli uxorem, r Apostoli uxorati. p. 24 (r) Sylvan▪ r. Sylva p. 26. (x) In in mivoribus, r, In minoribus p. 27 l 15. Franciscanus, ● Francischinus. ib. (b) hab● at, r habean●. p. 28. Wern●riu●, r. Wernerus. Ib (c) Pa●dr. r P●ndect. Ib (k) Cytizensi. p. 31. ●●n. 16 serve, r deserve p 32. por eppo, r. por ello. ● 33. pl●ruque r plerumque. p. 34. (g) jesue, r ●osue. p 36▪ ● 26 Sheriffs r Sheriff. p. 38. l. 33 proposinon, r. propositions. p. 4. l. 11. quaerit, r. quad p. 44 l ●● Their, r. True p. 46 ● 3. harend, r. ●azend. p 47 l. 2● if jury, r. it ●ur. ●. 51. (●) Argironae, r. Angyr●●ae Ib N●gedon▪ r Hugedon. p 58 ●3 Cacologus▪ r Cacolog●●● Ib l. 20 Not of their Theologus, but of their Cacologus, r Not of their Theologues b ●● of their Cacologues p▪ 59 (g) sentiat, r. sentiant. p. 62. Nutius, r. m●t●u● p 67 (b) m●niae, r. neniae. p 7●▪ l 14. sharos, r. shoes. ib. l. 16 and allowing besides. r and all know besides ib. l 19 common ●ur●●o, r common burr●a●●● 77 sultaries, r surta●ies p 86 (d) ●●●ci●uis r. specialius▪ p. 99 Lv●●●thro●●●s, r Lycanthropia ib (q) modo is muneret donegare. r. modo is ●●m ●●●, de● ga●● ib. (x) megab● r negabit. p. 100 ●oemine, r. foemineo p 102 (k) S●naed●● r. Cyn●dis ib (●) vneimu●, r. ven●mus. p 104 exclaim ● procla●●●●. ●●●. (●) B●●●●ulaeuis r▪ 〈◊〉 p 105. l. 4 stone●, ● stoves▪ ●●●. 12. sorely▪ r. w li ●● (●) ●●●● caution●▪ r dedi cau●●●nem▪ b (s) 〈◊〉. ●▪ insaniae. ib. (t) ●as●●●●●asu p. 106. l. and that r and ●f that 107 l 9 ●●v●● r ●●y p ●08▪ l. 4. can 〈◊〉 ●audaces p ●●9. (●) s●mniaria, r s●●●●a▪ p ●● Monaste●●um, r. Monasteri●. p. 113. a ab otium, r. ob otium. p. 116. Th●ca, r. The●a.   

The sixth Article.  
Of the sufficiency of the Holy Scripture for Salvation.  
HOLY Scripture containeth all things necessary for salvation; so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as an Article of faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation.  
In the name of the holy Scripture, we do understand those Canonical books of the old and new Testament; of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church.  


Of the names and number of the Canonical Books.  
GENESIS.  
EXODUS.  
LEVITICUS.  
NUMBERS.  
DEUTERONOMY.  
JOSVA.  
JUDGES.  
RUTH.  
1. book of SAMVEL.  
2. book of SAMVEL.  
The 1. book of KINGS.  
The 2. book of KINGS.  
1. book of CHRONICLES  
2. book of CHRONICLES  
The 1. book of ESDRAS.  
The 2. book of ESDRAS.  
The book of ESTHER.  
The book of JOB.  
The PSALMS.  
The PROVERBES.  
ECCLESIASTES, or the Preacher.  
CANTICLES, or Song of SALOMON.  
4. Prophets the greater.  
12. Prophets the lesser.    
And the other books (as Hierom saith) the Church doth read for example of life, and instruction of manners: but yet doth it not apply themto establish any Doctrine, such as are these following:  

The third book of ESDRAS.  
The fourth book of ESDRAS.  
The book of TOBIAS.  
The book of JUDITH.  
The rest of the book of ESTHER.  
The book of WISDOM.  
JESV, the son of SYRACH.  
BARUCH the Prophet.  
The song of the three Children.  
The Story of SUSANNA.  
Of BELL and the DRAGON.  
The prayer of MANASSES.  
The first book of MACCHABEES.  
The second book of MACCHABEES.   
All the Books of the New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive and account them for Cavonicall.  

This sixth Article maintained and explained by the more moderate and learneder sort of Papists, from whom I have taken these Propositions following.  
1 THat they make the same Canon with us.  
2 Exhort us to the diligent study of this sacred Word.  
3 Show the manifold use and profit that we may reap thereby.  
4 Its perspicuity.  
5 Its necessity to salvation.  
6 The unprofitable and unnecessary use of all other books.  
7 Its commonness to be read of all.  
8 Lastly, its contempt and reformation.   

Whence by way of Corollary, I will entreat briefly.  
1 Of its translation into the vulgar.  
2 Of the Latin Edition.  
3 Of the Septuagint.  
4 Of the Hebrew Canon, showing that it ought to be the Canon and rule of all other Translations.   

The First Proposition.  
That they make the same Canon with us.  
FIrst, 
†a In Leo●ti● Ad●●c●to Act. 2. Col. 96. ●. Bibl. ●●. P●trum p. 4. ex Cron. Rom. ubi legitur in textu. Hi sunt librita●● prisci quam recentes, quae in Ecclesia pro Canonicis habentur, Ascribe in ●●rg▪ Caute lege: Nam Tobiam, judith, Esther, Sapientia, Ecclesiasticum, & Macchabae●s perperam omisit.  Leon●ius, commonly called Aduocatus, is a sure Advocate for us in this point, making the same Canon almost with us, and informing us, That in his time, it was not only his, but the Church's opinion. 
†b In I●milio de partibus div. legis l. ●. c. 3. Col. 3. C. M. Adiungunt plures— Esdrae 2. judith 1. Hest. 1. Macchab. 2. D. Quare hi libri non inter Canonicas Scripturas currunt. MS quoniam apud Hebraeos, quoque super hac differentia recipiebatur, sicut Hieronymus caeterique testatur.  Irmilius, in his learned Dialogue, between the Master and the Scholar, proceeds further, and yields the same reason that we do: because the Hebrews difference them after the same sort, according unto the testimony of S. Hierome and others. But there is a cautè lege, or Caveat put in against them both: Maledicta glossa quae corrumpit Textum. Scripturae libris non Canonici. Caute lege, nam perperam quosdam libros, à Canone ss. Scripturarum evellit.  
Secondly, 
c ☞ Boston of Bury in his Ca●logue of Manuscript books over all England in his time. ☞ Sunt praeter● alii quidam libri ut Sapientia Salomonis, libri jesu filii Syrach, quidicitur Ecclesiast. liber judith, Thobias, & libri Macchabaeorum qui leguntur quidem, sed non scribuntur in Canone. In Catal. MS. in praelat.  Boston of Bury, the painful, but uniudicious Monk, treating of Apocrypha books, out of Isidore and Iuo, makes the self same Canon with us, and that for the same reason, and with the same limitation: Showing besides who were the supposed Authors of those Apocrypha books.  
Lastly, the History of Bell and the Dragon, is challenged by our quicksighted 
d † Historia Belis Apocrypha 1. Eras. ex Annot. Dion in p. 5. Aug. & scholijs in p. 3. in Duper praesat●n Dan●olum.  Erasmus for an Apocrypha story. The like censure 
e † Quam historiam scio inter Apocrypha numerari.  Spondanus passeth upon the Book of Toby, and Erasmus upon judith, and the Macchabees. 
f †▪ Erasmus in ep▪ ad p. 86.  
h †▪ Erasmus in jud Aug.    

¶ The second Proposition.  
That they exhort us to the diligent study of the sacred Scriptures.  
BY the complaint of divers writers both old and new, the Scriptuees were too too much neglected, shall I say, or utterly despised, generally of their Monks, and Friars, Preachers, and others (as more opportunely shall be showed in the handling of the eight proposition) and therefore the Spirit of God which bloweth where it listeth, and illuminateth whom it pleaseth, raised up some in private, some in public, to be notable instruments of his glory. I will only touch and away.  
In the history of the Council of 
i Ms. in Coll. Ball. Oxon. ☞  Basi●e, there is a whole Sermon, to rouse their diligent attention to the hearing and heeding of God's word. Vatablus, more powerfully and feelingly, before his Bibles, with the double translation and Scholiaes', hath collected summed up all the testimonies of the Bible, 
k † Ad sacrarum lit. studi●m exhortatur ex sacris literis.  the rather to incite and provoke men to the study of the holy Bible, and not unworthily; for there is 
l †. Benedictio obedien tibus verbo Dei, maledictio non credentibus. In Cap. 11. Deut. Bibl. R●, Vatabli in Marg.  a blessing annexed to them that obey, and a curse upon them that disobey, or discredit God's word, 
m † Vita in verbo Dei, Vatablus & Steph. in Lucae, C. 4. in Marg.  wherein is contained life, yea 
n ☞ Vita aeterna in S lit. tota continetur. Bacon Ms. inter opera minora, p. 41.  life eternal, and therefore it is called 
o ☞ Sermo Dei cibus est. Ms. 43. p. 28.  food, the 
p ☞ Sacra scrip. dicitur esta perfecta, Ms * p. 22  food of the soul, perfect food, 
q ☞ Mane etiam colligebant Manna in signum quod ab ineunte aetate insudand● est, s. Scripturae quae per Manna exprimitur, Ms * p. 22.  spiritual Manna, which must be gathered in the morning; to show, that we must begin betime to gather, that is, to study it as it were in the morning of our ages. 
r ☞ Corpus Christi est ecclesia, cuius oculus est S. Scriptura ut dicit Psalmista, lucerna pedibus meis verbum tuum, D. Ms. 29. p. 324.  The Church may fitly be termed Christ's body, & this the eye whereby it seeth, according to that of the Psalmist, The word of God is a lantern unto my feet. The 
s ☞ Recte Scriptura Zion, dicitur quia speculum est Dei, quod hic reperitur & videtur. Hist Basil, Ms. 2. p. 5.  word of God is called Zion, Zion signifieth a looking glass or mirror, wherein God is both seen and found. To conclude, it is both a 
t ☞ Gladius clypeusque Ms 43, 128.  Sword to 
v † Antichristus debellatur, per S. Christi Euangelium, Liniger, p. 1468.  conquer Antichrist, and a Shield to protect us from his fiery assaults, of a 
x ☞ In s. scriptura auctoritas principalis ad dirigendam fidem Catholican. Ms 21. p. 205.  principal virtue to direct man to the right Catholic faith. And to say no more, all the 
y ☞ Omnes Scripturae referendae ad Christum cui seruire est regnare, Bacon Ms. p. 46.  Scripture is referred ●o Christ, whom to serve is to reign.   

¶ The Third Proposition.  
The manifold use and profit thereof.  
THis proposition, hath a necessary coherence with the former, and a near dependence on the fifth, of the necessity to salvation: and therefore being virtually contained in them, I will pass by it, with a light touch,   

¶ The Fourth Proposition.  
Of its Perspicuity.  
THe word of God being (as hath been formerly showed) the bread of life, the spiritual Manna, what availeth it, if it be not broken; or if it be broken, if it bes not digested? If the Ark be under its covering, how shall the glory of God be seen? Or if it be seen, if only the Highpriest may enter? The Scriptures are hard, and the difficulties are many; to assoil this doubt, and resolve the question, the Scripture is plain, 
y Ms 2●. p. 149  ad dandam homini viaetori notitiam veram sufficientem partim per plana, and for the rest, the observation is safe that is given upon 
z ☞ Q●● aperte dicta no sunt, curiosi●s in dagari non debe t. Cy●il adversus Anthropom. c. 2. p. 709.  Cyrill, that we must not be too curious to hunt after that which God would have unknown in the Scripture.   

¶ The fifth Proposition.  
The Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation.  

a ● Scripturae credulitas sufficiens ad salutem. Ferus in c. 17. Io. pa. 508.  Belief in the Scripture is sufficient to salvation, and that a man would think were sufficient to cause us to meditate in God's word both day and night: but we 
b ☞ Nihil valet meditari, nisi sequatur operari, Ms * p▪ 528.  must join Good-workes with our Faith. Meditation without operation is fruitless, it 
c ● In I●d. Ch●●s. Scripturas continere omnia.  containeth all things: all things 
d ☞ Necessaria ad salutem ●radit. M●h●st. ●o●●. Bas. p. 643.  necessary to salvation: herein is contained the wisdom of God, 
e ☞ Sapientia ●ei comprehenditurin lege Dei utriusq. Testamenti.  Sapientia Dei, etc. the wisdom of God is contained in his Law, that is, in both the Testaments, we need seek no further, 
† Et nihil in Ecclesia Dei debet plus confiderari, Bacon Ms. p. 47.  this alone is able to save us. It 
g † A de● perfecta ut nihil ei adiiciendum. In Synopside vita Abopardi ad 4.  is so sufficient, that nothing can he added to its sufficiency: this sure 
h Antony's de Dominis fidei regula certa. l. 1. pag. 5.  rule of Faith will square all that is amiss, 
i Ad eam tanquam ad Ancheram confugium Id. ib.  this Anchor will hold all that is fleeting, 
k ☞ Nec fallere, nec falli potest. Conc. Bas. Ms. p. 39  it neither doth deceive others, or is deceived itself. For a conclusion of this point, it is 
l ☞ Infallibi is reg ●a & sufficientissima, Ibid. pag. 42. & Ant. de Dom. lib. 6. cap. 1. ss. 39  a most infallible rule, and super sufficient, or omnisufficient means of our Salvation, let this suffice: but that I must needs take away one objection before I pass further. It may perhaps be granted, that all things necessary to Salvation are grounded in the Scripture: but in what sense, literal or mystical, apert, or hidden? I answer, 
m ☞ Omnia necessaria ad salutem fundantur in sensu literali. Hist. Concil. Bas Ms. p. 42.  out of the Council of Basil, All things needful to Salvation, are founded in the literal sense of the Scripture.   

¶ The sixth Proposition  
The unporfitdble and unnecessary use of all other Books.  
THere was a time, when blind superstition did so far prevail amongst us, that 
n † Claves caelestis Philosophiae Aristoteli acceptae, Io. Auent. Annal. Bonorum l. 2. p. 95. in Theologorum scholis cele brior Aristoteles quam Paulus. Erasmus. schol. in Hier. p. 17.  there was no God amongst us almost but Aristotle, no 
o † Argumentorum rivi ex Aristotelis fontibus. Io. Auent. annal. l. 2. p. 146. † Mundana Philosophia dominatur, Germ ser. v. ●. p. 831.  Divixitie, but drawn out of the dregges of Philosophy; and as if these were not sufficient to blind our spiritual eyes, or puzzle our understandings, a labryinth of humane traditions were found out, to amaze and perplex us: but thanks be to God, the night is passed, and the day is come; darkness is passed, and the glorious Sun shine of the Gospel hath long since expelled these mists or fogs: We have a certain rule to guide us; an Ariadnean clue to direct us, 
p † Non Dialecticorun tendicula nec Arist. spineta quaerend a sunt, ipsa Scripturarum verba poniendi. Io. Langus in Chron. Cytiz. p. 833. Germ. ser▪ pag. 1.  ipsa Scripturae verba ponenda: Catches and sophisms of Logicians, abstruse and hard questions of Aristotle will not serve the turn: God's word alone is certain, other profess uncertain and false, if they descent from it. 
r Sine Scriptura nihil asserendum, in Ind▪ Chrysost.  Without Scripture nothing is to be affirmed, and 
s † Nihil ultra quam sacris literis proditum est definiendum, Er●sm. annal. in Hisarium.  beyond it nothing is to be concluded: to know nothing but the Gospel, is to know all things. 
u † Solum Dei verbum honoretur omnino: coetera autem velut adventitia & superflua, si non etiam noxia reiiciantur: Christus est omnia, verbum Dei omnia, caetera tanquam nihilum & inane. jac. Faber in Marcum, p●g. 285. ● Lex Dei adeo perfecta ut nil ei adiiciendum, Insynopside vita Agob●rai ad 4.  The word of God, only and alonely is to be honoured with all manner of reverence; all other things are but adiectitious and superfluous, if not hurtful and noxious: in comparison of God's word, all other things are as nothing, or of no weight. 
x † Ire ad▪ dexteram est addere verbo Dei, ire ad finistram detrahere, Val▪ in jos▪ c. Ms 10.  The Law of God is so perfect, that it admits of no addition: much less 
q † Solum Dei verbum certum: coetera falsa si dissentiant. Ferus in ep. ad Rom. c. 3. pag. 303.  
c † Extra Euangelium nihil scire est. omnia scire, Faber in p●●fat in 4. Euang.  may we take aught therefrom: This 
y † Ad●●re p●●● 〈◊〉 de● gravius peccatum quam velle s●●● futura 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 in ● Reg. 1● 〈◊〉.  were to turn to the right hand or to the left, and not to run the way of righteousness. 
z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fundament des, vel pro fundamentalibus, non fundamentales ponantur 〈◊〉▪ Luic 〈◊〉 Regentes Oxon, ●●s.  Addition to God's word is as heinous a sin, as the sin of witchcraft. The stones that David must carry in his sling, must be taken out of this Sanctuary: my exhortation to all shallbe, briefly that of the famous Grosthead to his Regent's of Oxford: Take heed that in stead of these 
* Myst●●● sensunt 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 predicatorum cum ●nusquisque de●●●gat pr●●● vult No●● marg. apud Tho●●at. in ●os. 6. q. 73. p. 98. ex edit.  foundation stones, you bring not unfundamentall or moultering ones; such as are the ᵃ dreams and fictions of Preachers, which by an Allegorical, or mystical sense, make good what best comes into their brainsick heads, causing the 
b † Sc●ta decretas Christi non seruare sed seruire, Io▪ Auent▪ annal. l. 5. p. 452.  Scriptures which should save them, to serve them. I conclude with the saying and belief of Erasmus: 
c † Quae lego in sacris libris & in Symbolo Apostolorum summa fiducia credo, nec ultra credo, caetera permitto Theologis disputan de Erasm. pag. 117.  Whatsoever I read, either directly in the holy Scriptures, or virtually to be deduced out of them: as the Symbol of the Apostles, I believe with the greatest assurance that may be▪ further I dare not go; this faith contenteth me: all other 
d † Quidditates & esseitatas, p. 1. Grrman. ser. pag. 833.  Quiddities, and Esseities, 
e † N●gae inscholis, Eras. ex annot. v●●●●. p. 3. cap. 10.  Fooleries, Gryphs, 
f † Curiosas ne dicam, impiae quaestione● Er●s●nnet in Hilarium.  Curious, orrather impious questions, I leave to be disputed, in their proper place, the Schools.   

¶ The seventh Proposition.  
It's common to be read of all.  
THe holy Scripture, as it affordeth stronger meat for them that are or should be 
g ☞ Quaedam (elca) est Praelutor est perfectorum scilicet, s. Scriptura, M● * pag. 22.  perfect, that is, Clerks and Praelates: so it hath milk for Babes, 
h Lectio debet omnibus esse communis, In Ind Chrysost.  must be read of all: 
i ☞ Communis est ista pastura, qui novit Aposto●us cum dixit: Frater debitorsum omnibus Graecis, Latinis, & Barbaris, M● * pag. 300.  all have pasturing upon these commons. 
k ☞ Progressus S▪ Scripturae, non est coarctatuu ad partem universitatis, Ms 21. p. 149.  The progress, or profit thereof, is not restrained to one part and not to an other: as if some may read it, and some may not. Why then do they so much 
l † Quare indignantur si prophanus legat Scripturas, Io. Auent. ●●wnum, l 4. g. 382 & p. ●●6  scorn, that lay or profane men (as they term them) should read the Scriptures: 
m † N● quis loquatur de Christo aut de S literis nisi Theol Eras. p ●  as if no man were to take of Christ or Scripture but Divines. What 
n † Lectio populi non prohibenda quia aliqui abutuntur, Auen in Io.  though some abuse it? All will not; it is no such 
o † Nefas esse scripturam in populare linguam vertere. Erasv. 9 p 802.  heinous matter, as you would make it, to translate the Scripture into the vulgar: and yet, some for translating the Bible, more for 
q Nunc exoriuntur hom●●●. Erasv. 9 p. 5●8.  reading of it, have been consumed with fire and flames; when poor souls they 
r † Doctore hic magis opus est quem tortore, Lipsius in polit. l. 4. c. 16  had more need of instructers, than tormentors, and might have been 
s † Docendo magi● quam iubendo, monendo quam mira●do, Lipsius polit. l. 4. c. 4.  won to the truth of their religion (supposing it to be so) by fair means, rather than by compulsion. Faith is free to be persuaded, not commanded: with Erasmus I will leave men that cannot be persuaded, to God's mercy, the furthest that we can do, (unless they be troublers of States, and seditious schismatics) is to excommunicate them. But as a wise Lawyer saith, non movendum quod sine sanguine moveri nequit: as we must save blood and not spill it; so we must save souls, and not damn them, if it may be otherwise. 
t † Fides suadenda non imperanda. Io. v v Relinquendus animo donec resipiscat aut excom Eras. v. 9 p. 380. x Non errantes in religione sed turbantes punitum ●●e in Lips ad Polit. Not. in c. z. l. 4. & p. 78. y H. Aaerod. Lauder. c. 21. p. 47.    

¶ The eight Proposition.  
The contempt of Scripture, and a desire of Reformation.  
THe complaint was too true, that 
y † Verbum Dei & Scriptura multo perus a Christianis discrep 'em est, quam a Iudaeis vel Gentibus, Ferus in Io c. 5. 9 ●0.  Ferus once made; the word of God, was in worse case amongst Christians then amongst jews or Gentiles, it was so tossed and tumbled, rend and torn, no otherwise saith 
z † ●urisperit● detorquent Scripturas quo volunt, v● Sutores sordidas pellet, Virg. de invent. l 4. c. 9▪ p. 271.  Polydore Virgil, than Cobblers use their filthy leather. He speaks this of the Canonists and Lawyers, the false Prophets, whereby God doth 
a † Deus opera Pseudo-prophetarum seducit eos qui verbum eius oderunt, Vatabl. in R●g. 3. c. 22. in marg.  seduce men, when he gives them over to a raprobate mind, that hate his word, and refuse to be reform by the same, 
b ☞ Neglecta 〈◊〉 ● propter bullat & instituta hominum. M●. 29 p. 383.  neglecting it for I know not what B●lles and traditions of men. Of these writeth an ancient writer, whose name were well worth the knowing, and his observations noteworthy; and therefore I will take the pains to transcribe it wholly, as much as maketh for our purpose. 
c ☞ Isa speculatores eius caeci omnes, viden●●s var●a, hoc est caeci in spiritualibus; sed perspic●ces in temporalibus. Et in evangelio dicitur, lucerna corporis tui est oculus twis. Corpus Christi est Ecclesia, cuius oculus est sacra scriptura, ut dicit Psalmista. Lucerna pedibus meis verbum tuum, etc. Sed hodie est amphora oculis eorum qui per saeculare scientiam & lucrationem Ecclesiam quae est, corpus Christi diriguut, & secundum instituta hominum regum & gubernat. Talentum plumbi ponderosum scilicet peccatum significat, & nogotium saeculare quod exigit avaritia. Et quid hodie talentum plumbi nisi bullata Privilegia, dispensationes, rescripta cau●●d●●a et huiusm Duae mulieres quae leuant amphoram, voluptatem significant, & inanem gloriam propter quae congregant multi aua●itiam malam Domui suae. Quarum alae sunt ut milui, qui est Auis rapax, querula, circumvolans, au●bu● comesticis insidians & cadaveribus. Sic & intentum avari inter caelum & terram defertur quia captat inania: sed stabilitur in terra Sennaar, id est, in inferno ubi faetor & stridor dentium, M● 29 p 324.  I say, their watchmen are all blind, and yet as blind as they are they can see vain and transitory things, thus we may interpret these words: they are blind in spiritual affairs, but quicksighted enough in temporal matters. It is said in the Gospel, the light of thy body is thy eye. Christ's body is his Church, his eye is the holy Scripture, according unto the saying of the Psalmist: Thy word is a lantern unto my feet, etc. But in these present times, alack for woe; there is an Amphora, a beam in their eyes, which by saecular and gainful Sciences, take upon them the rule and governance of the Church (which is his body) by traditions and ordinances of men. The weighty and ponderous talon of Lead, signifieth sin and saecular affairs, procured by covetousness. And at this present time, what is this talon of Lead, but their Privileges, Dispensations, and such like, sealed with Lead? The two women which lift this two eared pot between them, signify pleasure and vainglory, whereby many gather evil riches into their houses. Their wings are like Kites: The Kite is a ravenous bird, hover up and down, to lie in wait for tame foul, or stinking carrion. So these covetous men, lie hover between heaven and earth, casting about how they may get into their hands, whether it be by right or wrong, this transitory pelf of the world: but their being is in the land of Sennaar, that is to say, in hell, where is nothing but loathsome smells, and gnashing of teeth. Out of these words we infer this, that many in those days sought after wealth, few after the Scripture, the light of their souls: few looked into this 
d ☞ Sacra Scriptura speculum est Dei, quo videtur sacra hist. Conc B●snu. 2 p. 5.  mirror, to see the deformity and foulness of their souls, fewer that 
e Paucissimi hod●ernis temporibus repeciuntur, qui eam visitors, aut frequentent, Ibid.  tread in those steps which lead unto salvation.   

The first Corollary.  
Of the Translation of the Scripture into the vulgar tongue.  
OF this we have heard Erasmus judgement, in the seventh Proposition; if that suffice not, 
f ●lagitat necessitas huius aevi, ut sint conversa Biblia in linguas unicuique nationi vernaculas. Geo. Wicelius meth, Conc. Cap. 2.  Geo. Wicelius a moderate Papist, that wrote not many years after Luther, will be able to inform us, that as the times are now, it cannot be otherwise, but the Bible must be translated faithfully out of the originals: He reckons up the great use, and soucreigne profit likely to flow therefrom: but chiefly (saith 
g Porro praeter alias commoditates, quas secum affert interpretatio primariae linguae, magnum incitamentum ecclesiast is erit, ut vel literati vulgi metu, accuratiús cau●iusque Scripturae loca in Cathedris usurpent. Geo. Wicelius. Ib.  he) it will make our Preachers more wary and careful in their citations of Scripture, lest the lay hearer may perhaps take them tardy now and then. And he further saith, in the same place, that 
h Nec periculum est ut hinc haereses pullulent, si in sua quisque statione modo s●eterit. Ib.  there is no fear of making them Heretics, by reading God's word, if the Pastors and Teachers do their duty. The 
i † Laicos non sub movendos a lectione: sed Biblia traducenda in vulgarem Galli▪ came vel Britannicam. Anon. in Io.  Anonymus writer upon john, will not have the people prohibited from reading the Bible: but that they ought to be translated into English, or French. 
k † Ob articulos huiusmodi exuriuntur homines. Io. C●sp●n. Aust. p. 602.  Cuspinian, saith, that the Scripture was read, by the same token, that some were burned for it. By the means of Cyrill and 
l † Contra Pontif. sententiam obtinuit sacra patrio sermone, Zuingerus p. 4146. ex Ranulpho Higden l. 5. c. 32. Anton. Tit. 16. c. 〈◊〉 Ant. de Dom. l. 7▪ e. ● ss. 4.  Methodius, the Sclavons enjoyed their service in the vulgar tongue, full sore against the Pontificians will. ᵐ Ant de Dominis, urges this point mainly: but what need have we of more testimonies? This point is ratified, by a voice from heaven (if 
n † Audita vox de coelo, omnis spiritus laudet Dominum, et omnis lingua con●●●catur ei. A●●. Siluius referent Zuinger. 1. 4168.  Aeneas Siluius report before he was Pope do not fail me:) There was a voice, whilst this business of having the service in the vulgar tongue was treated of, heard from heaven saying, Let every spirit praise the Lord, and every tongue confess him.   

The second Corollary.  
Of the vulgar Latin Edition.  
SOme make the vulgar Latin of equal authority with the original Hebrew and Greek, preferring Agar the handmaid, before Sara the Mistress, to verify that of 
Gen▪ 16. 8.  the Scripture: I have seen many servants ride, and their 
keels ●●, 1.  masters go on foot. It is also questioned amongst some of the less learned, whether it be Hieromes or no; but that opinion, and that of theirs, who shame not to say, that he wrote as a 
Mariana ●aith otherwise, Interpret non ●● dictan 〈…〉 reddi ●it. De● ●g edit. c. 〈…〉 ●0.  Prophet rather the● as an Interpreter, is cried down by the 
o ● Non est ●a ipsa 〈…〉 Mariana 〈…〉.  learneder sort of Papists; styling it therefore (as commonly it is) by the name of the Vulgar Edition. The judgement of the best in these ages, since the light of the Tongues hath sprung forth, is, that it is a 
p ● Mendosa joh. Mariana, ●b.  faulty, 
q ● In ea confes●i errores Tucc. Tucc. 〈…〉 12●.  corrupt, 
r 〈…〉 Aug Steuch●s ●● Deut 28 pag 1●6▪  depr●ued translation: How often is the Interpreter taken tripping by their best linguists? It is full fraught, with 
s 〈…〉 p▪ 2.  gross errors and mistake, with I know 
● S●at●hat q●●s 〈…〉.  not what riff-raff. One hath noted unto us 8000. at the least, and these errors are rooted and inveterate; for Roger Bacon our learned Countryman, hath long since observed, 
☞ 〈…〉 p▪ 53.  that to ●he a spleasure of God, and infinite l●sse to his Church, it remained uncorrected in his time: or if it were amended, it was the 
☞ Quilibe● cor 〈◊〉. ●● sua 〈…〉 l. ●●. p▪ 54▪  worse for their corrections, few of them being willing, and fewer able to perform the same, as it ought to be done, 
☞ Non ●●nt 〈…〉 qui s●●unt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arab. ibid. 16▪  wanting both Greek, Hebrew, and the Arabic tongues and ●ee ends with a pathetical speech to the 
☞ Clamour ad 〈◊〉 & ad vo● qui soli pot●st● 〈…〉. 54▪  Pop▪ to app●● a remedy in time to this malady, lest it should happen to fester and infest the Church of God, as it hath done these many years after his death, and is to this present day (notwithstanding they have been often tampering with it,) in no good state of convalescencie, the more to blame are the Dowists, that have translated it into English, and obtruded to our simple Countrymen, as the very word of God▪   

The third Corollary.  
¶ Of the Septuagint.  
OMitting the curiosity and speculative knowledge of those hidden questions, whether the ●2. Translators, were shut up in 72. diverse Cells: or being all together, did so unanimously agree upon one Translation: most certain it is, that as it is, be it more or less, corrupted 
q ● Apostoli atque Euangelistae frequentissimé cum proferunt Scripturarum testimonia minime curent exactam illam Hebraicae veritatis explicationem: v● nonnunquam diversa, atque Hebraica habet, si verba caute contemplere, scripsisse videantur. Isid. Cla●. in prefat in Biblia. ● Nulla super discrepantia veritatis Hebraicae quaestio erat. Simpliciter credebant Sermonem Hebraicum, in Grae●as voces fuisse mutatum. Nec cuiquam tunc curae fuit discutere cum de v●●●tat● non dubitaretur. Sed nec Apostoli debuerunt is●iusmodi rebus occupari q●i necesse habebant opportunae et importunae predicationi C●●estis gratiae et Gentium ●onuersioni insistere, ●t prou●dere bona non solum coram Deo sed etia● coram hominibus. 〈◊〉 in Chron. l. 2. 118.  it was, and accordingly and frequently cited and urged by the Apostles, who being to plant the primitive faith in men's hearts, thought it not best to put such seruples of reading, and diverse lections into their heads, and it was no fit time then to move or dispute this question, whether the Hebrew originals, were to be preferred before the Septuagint translation, the fountain before rivulets: They were otherwise occupied, about preaching the word, converting of Nations, there was a consta● for the truth of that they taught: further then that which tended to edification, they sought not, but to provide honest things for them before God and before men.   

The fourth Corollary.  
Of the Hebrew Canon, showing that it ought to be the Canon and rule of all other Translations.  
IF the rule swerve or decline, it cannot direct; if the fountain be miry and tainted, the water that issueth from it cannot be staunch; that which directeth others, must be infallible in, and of itself: so fareth it with the Hebrew Bibles, (say our obiectors what they will) 
● Ex●●platia He●ra●ca non 〈◊〉 corrupta. 〈◊〉. ab 〈◊〉 p●ae●●t▪ in 〈◊〉.  they are incorrupt, and not only the vulgar, but all other translations must be reduced unto it, as rivers unto their 
s N●que nostra ●ides inte●pretation●●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cu●●onti 〈◊〉 comparata. Io. 〈…〉 pag. 110. Col▪ 1.  Fountain. This hath been hitherto the practice of the best learned of the Romish Church, Aug. Steuchus, Arias Montanus, Isidorus Clarius, jac. Faber, we are able to produce clouds of witnesses to manifest the clearness of this truth and therefore taking it as granted, we will with 
t ☞ No● sunt qua●●or qui sciunt Graecam, Hebraicam, & Arabicam, R●● 〈◊〉 in oper● 〈◊〉▪ p▪ 16.  Roger Bacon, 
† Ex●●●uinis fonti 〈◊〉 p●●●us quam ex qualibu●●unque rivulet, Pras v 6. Annot in Novum Test in prae●a●. ad Lect▪  and 
u † Priores doctores linguas non calleban●, Tuc. Tuccius in Cantica, p. 129.  others, bemoan the want of men expert and learned in the tongues of former ages, and with thankfulness to the Almighty rejoice, 
x † Redeunte Euangelii juice, quae seize tand● mundo rurs● ha● tempestate insinuat— a temp Constantini non fuit maior linguarum cognitio, jac. Fabe●●●●●a●. in ●uang.  for the light of the Gospel, in this 
y † Hac ae ate nostra quam ego hoc nomine auream appello, Isid. Clar. prae●at▪ in 〈◊〉.  golden age, which hath brought with it so much knowledge of the tongues, and shineth so brightly amongst us, that none but men 
z † (Homines) oppleti tenebri●. Io. Mariana de vulg p. 34.  that sit in darkness, and in the shadow of death, will dare to oppose against this truth, and defend the contrary.    

The Eleventh Article.  
Of the justification of Man.  
We are accounted righteous before God, 
☞ N● ex nostris 〈…〉 sed ex sua b●nitate▪ Phil. Re 〈◊〉▪ M●. p. 296.  only for the merit of our Lord and Saviour jesus 
● 〈◊〉 ●ids in Christam & nullis 〈◊〉 nostris in 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉. in c. ●6 ●● R●●. ● Non deb●ti sed gratiae, non iustitiae sed misericordiae, F●rus in c. 5. Io p. 154. † Pii ●● sol. De● misericordia confidunt Sn●●goud in arg. Psal. 57, p. 201. † N●llis mortalium vel viribus, vel cop●●s 〈◊〉, ●●. in Ps 61▪ in Arg. p. 252. † Fidei nostrae bas●s, ●ras. v. ●. ●p. p▪ ●. † Totum Christionorum 〈◊〉 est, Stella in Lucam, p. 64.  by faith, and not for our own works or deservings: Wherefore that we are justified by faith only, is a most wholesome doctrine, and full of comfort.  

This eleventh Article explained and maintained by Papists.  
BEcause justification by sole faith, 
a R. s. p. 100  is the soul, life, and definition, and all, in a Protestant; first devised by 
b R. s. p. 87.  Luther, 
c Fathers against justification by sole faith.  inpugned by the Fathers, never 
d R. s. p. 1●7▪  believed of the Waldenses, nor to be gathered out of their own opinions, or out of the writings of Catholics: no signs or tra●●s of only justifying faith, but only such which doth 
e R. s. 172▪  separate them far from the Protestant cape, and lead them unto looseness: we will make bold to scan this Article more narrowly, and resolving the whole into its parts, we will diligently inquire;  

1. About the name, nature, parts, and effects of justification.  
2. Affirmatively, that it is only for the merits of Christ by faith.  
3. Negatively, not for our own works, or deservings.  
4. We will endeavour to make good this proposition, which is as it were, an Eleophuga, or scarecrow to the Papists, that we are justified by faith only, is a most wholesome doctrine, and very full of comfort, and all this according to the doctrine of the most renowned and best learned Papists.    

The first Proposition.  
About the Name, Nature, Parts, and Effects of justification.  
Justification, is when the faithful and chosen servants of God, which were preordained unto salvation in Gods secret wisdom, being sinners by nature in Adam, guilty of eternal damnation, are accounted righteous, and pronounced just before God, by his imputed and free righteousness; and not only for the merits of Christ, acquitted from the guilt and punishment of hell fire: but made partakers of eternal life, to their assured comfort in this, and certain fruition in that better life which is to come.  
Let us take a better view of all the parts of this definition. justification appertains only to the faithful Believers; and none but they are 
f ● In filio pre ordina●● sunt ad viram nempe qui in ipsum credant. Fe●●●●●●●●●● 144.  preordained to life in Christ: these are a certain number, not 
Non omne● cred●●●● sedso●● electi 〈…〉 ● 17. joh. ●●●●.  all chosen out of the mass, and elected to salvation: and yet for all this, they are called sinners, and are 
〈…〉 omines infi●●●●, ●scii & pec●a●ore●▪ 〈…〉, p 70 & p 87  all sinners by nature. 
● Homo qu●●●nus 〈…〉 ●●mper pecc●● 〈…〉 ●● in 〈…〉 ● 12.  as we are men, there 
● Nu●●● in nobis ●ust●●●a, ●●●▪ ●●●●▪ ● ●● ●● marg.  is no manner of righteousness remaining in us▪ 
Male ●●ta sunt ●on solum quae n●●●g●m●● sed & quae in nos aguntur▪ ma●●dicta est cordis no str● cogiratio, ratio, ●●, manus, pedes & ● 〈…〉 ●●●●. ●. 1. p 14.  all that we do, or is done upon us, is accursed: accursed are the very thoughts of our hearts, understandings, the members of our bodies hands mouths, and feet, and the very contingent things of this world, whether of joy or sorrow, are all accursed: so 
● Q●●qu●● agit ●●stus, 〈◊〉 〈…〉 p 7  that the best deeds of the best men, are no better than sins. In 
●●●●o●●s 〈…〉 m●●●▪ ●●amuis ex mice▪ ●●● 〈◊〉 De● non ●mputetur ●●● 〈…〉 ●●●th 22. p. 180.  our Good-workes there is some medley of evil, not imputed to us through God's free mercy: and 
Q●ntacunque●●●● 〈…〉, 〈…〉 ●● m●●o●●▪ vel saltem plum 〈…〉 ●●●●● mala, 〈…〉 p ●●  albeit we do never so much good, still we sin, and summing up our good deeds and bad, the bad will be the greater number, and the more ponderous. To conclude this point, 
● Om●●●●●stra e●●e m●ra●●enebra & peceata atque hic primus gradus est ad iu●●▪ ficationem, ●●● in ●●. cap. 3. pag. 92.  all that we ca● challenge to ourselves is nothing but sin, and a fre● acknowledgement, that of ourselves we deserve to be thrown into utter darkness, where is weeping and gnashing of teeth. In this deplored estate of ours, what remedy? What help is there for a distressed conscience? The self same that was last mentioned, let us ascend by an humble and lowly confession of our sins, which is the first step to salvation: then by degrees acknowledging our sins, let us call upon God for 
● Ad fontem misericord 〈…〉 N●●● ad ●o●●● misericordiae pro canto ●elicto misericordia conetur ei, ●ac Fa●er ●● Can. ●p. ad Cor. c 11 ●● 81▪  mercy in fervorous prayer, lively 
● Andit eos qui v●na fide illum invocant. Stella in ●ucem, p. 100L. v. 2.  faith, and 
● S●●●rta in Deum fidu●●● credit S●goudanu● in arg Ps. 224. v. 503. ● Portis fides te ad●●●●●●t. Id▪ in Psal. 129 ●. 511  assured confidence, and then lay sure hold upon the throne of Grace, and the Mercy seat: thus appearing and appealing to God's mercy from his justice, though we be sick he will cure us, though we 
● Mundari per fidem Fer. ●● c. 26. p 343.  be foul he will cleanse us, though 
● Christus cō●●●ent● & ●●●dentium tegi● peccata per suam iusti●●am, F●●●● ●●●. p. ●●.  we be naked, ●e will cover us with our elder Brother's garment, and joseph's 
● Agnos●●t cunicam Iosephihoc est, iustiti, am et merita Christi Fer. in c. 18. Math p. 158.  particoloured ceate died red with his passion shall be acknowledged, yea, though we be 
y † Langiudi aegroti, imó mortui. Ar. Montanus▪ l 4. de Gen. et Regen. Adam p. 202.  dead in sins and trespasses, we know that our 
z † Vivinus in fide. Vatabl. in ep. ad Gal. c. 2. † justorum vita in fide sua. Cl. Guilliaudus. in ep. ad Rom. c. 1. ●u 7.  lives are hid in him, and that he is able to raise us up from the death of fin, to the life of righteousness: such seekers find, so they seek in Faith, such Debtois 
* † Qui non habet Christum per fidem, non habet legem, non satisfecit legi. Fer. in joc 5. p. 157.  are able to satisfy the Law by their surety Christ, are made of Servants God's 
a † Fides facit discipulum Christi, charitas ostendit et probat discipulum. F●r. in c. 13. Io. p. 427.  Scholars; of Scholars, 
b † Per fidem efficimur filii dei. F●r. in ●p. Io. ●. c. 5. p. 670.  Children, and of Children heirs 
c † Filios facit, et deum patrem. jac. ●aber. in c. 5. ad Gal. p. 159.  unto Eternal salvation: and this, not for 
d † Non pr●●uiusquam meritis; sed pro mera largientis liberalitate. jac. Faber prefat in Euang.  any worth of ours, but of his free gift. So that to descend this Jacob's Ladder, as we before ascended it. The 
e † Spiritus s. donum. Vat. summa tot. Scripturae.  gift of Faith is infused into our hearts, this Faith bringeth us unto Christ, Christ unto his Father, God seeing us in Christ acknowledgeth us to be his, 
f † Christi iustitia iustitia nostra, et in Christo essic●●ur iusti. Isid. Clar. in ep Co  accepts his righteousness for ours, and for his sake takes us unto mercy, takes off the debt and hand-writing that was against us, and finally admits us into his heavenly mansions. And all this proceedeth not of our 
g † Regnum coelorum non est merces operum, sed gratia dei. In Herma ●●. Pl. Col. 83. v. 5. ☞ Donum sine merito. M. 29. p. 233.  merits: but of his mercy, as now cometh to be showed in the next place.   

The Second Proposition.  
That justification is only for the merits of Christ by Faith, in the affirmative.  
THis gift 
h † Donum gratuitum ●● indebitum. 10. Ferus in Io●●. 5. p. 154. † Non debiti sed gratae, non iustitiae sed miser▪ cordiae. Ib. ☞ Gratiae dei o●nia adscribenda Tho de Brackley in sermonibus. Ms. 30. p 91. † Ex mera liberalitate largientis. jac Faber prefer in Euang.  of Grace is no debt, no righteousness of ours, but a favour of Gods, to whom only all must be abscribed, as proceeding from his mere liberality, by 
i † Sola fide in Christum et nullis meritis nostris iustificamur Fer. in c. 16 ad Rom. p. 327.  Faith alone, by Christ 
k † Sperant salurem per eum et non per alium. Rain. Snoyg. p. 67. in arg. ps 19  alone, in his 
† In Christi ●erito. Claud. Paradus Symb▪ heroici● p 124.  merit for his passion, all rests 
m † In sola dei misericordia confidendum Snoygo●●d in Arg. ps. 51. p. 201.  in his grace no Christ: 
Christus non recipitur nisi fide Fer. ●● c. joh. 1 p. 19  without Faith, 
Fides sine operibus non magis est dicenda fides, quam cadaner hominis meretur hominis vocabulum, Eras. To. 9 p 570.  no Faith without Works, no works of our as we dare stand unto, or rely upon, or 
p † justus ne in operibus confidat quantumcunque bo●is▪ ●● Ind. Chrysost.  interpose between God and us, his judgement and our sins: 
q † Gratiam excludi▪ si meritis salua●ur, ●b.  mercy excludes merit, grace is opposed to works, to this 
† Ad fontem misericordiae recurrendum, jac. Faber in Can. ●p ad Cor. c. 11. ●● 81  fountain of Grace we are to have our recourse, and of this mercy 
† Recipere omni saluificam Christo fidem, Faber in c 10. ad Rom. ●u. 92.  and all-saving faith, to look for salvation, and of no other.   

The Third Proposition.  
Not for our own workesor deservings, in the negative.  
WE look for no salvation from ourselves as of 
t † N●ll● sal●●a ●ubis † Virtute efficientiaque sua ●●berari ●on poterunt. Arias Montanu● d● Gen. & Regenerate. Adam. l. 4. c. ● p 202  ourselves, who 
u † Comparatus Iob iustitiae Dei hominis nullam declarat, Va●ablus in job c. 9 Not●●●rg. † Homo homini comparatus unus altero iustior— si ad Dei potentiam aequaliter omnes infirmi, ins●●● & peccalores. Fer. in c 3 Io p. 70. † Si cum deo conferantur sunt impii Vat. in Io ● 15 nu 15  though we be never so just before men: yet are sinful in comparison of God. Nor from our own righteousness, which 
u † In bonis operibus nonnihil mali, Fer. in c. 12. Math. p. 180.  is damnable, if it be examined in rigour; nor from our own strength and virtue, which is but weakness, our best 
x † De fide habitu credendi, & fide confidentia dicta: vide Stellam in Lucam. p. 64. † Certa in Deum siducia & forti fide, Snoygoud in Ps 124. p. 303.  works that are tainted, wanting four grains to make them currant in God's scale, and therefore in the last place, it is a most wholesome doctrine, and full of comfort, that we are justified by Faith. It is a wholesome doctrine, because it agreeth with the word of God, and teaching of their own men: full of comfort because it doth not only hope that we may be saved: but breeds y an assurance and confidence in our minds, that we embrace Christ, and leave the world trust to Faith and disclaim merit: which doctrine is not so to be understood, as if Faith were barren without Good-workes, or that Good-workes were not to be followed of us, if ever we mean to run the way of salvation, which now come in the next Article to be examined. 
v v Quae iudicamus bona, recta intention & feru nti facta, non protinus bona sunt, si a nobis sunt, sed si a Deo, Faber in Math, p. 201.     

Of the Twelfth Article.  
Of Goodworkes.  
ALbeit that Goodworkes, which are the fruits of Faith, and follow after justification, cannot put away our sinnes and endure the severity of God's judgement: yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and do spring out of a lively Faith, in so much that by them a lively Faith may be evidently known, as a Tree discerned by the fruit.  

This Twelfth Article explained and maintained by the Papists.  
THere is no Article throughout all our Doctrine so much seandalized as this of Goodworkes. Our Adversary the Devil hath raised up our Adversaries the Papists, to reproach the whole host of Israel, and the God of Hosts, as if we lead men to looseness, taught men to eschew Goodworkes, as sins, and never so much as studied the point of Sanctification: but look into their Indices expurgatorij, harken unto their unpartial and moderate Papists, and the scandal will cease, and this Article be cleared from imputation of calumny. For taking away all opinion of merit, all confidence in Goodworkes, making them accessary after, and not necessary before justification, embracing them as the fruit, and not as the root of a true and lively Faith, and we will be as forward as they to advance the doctrine of Goodworkes, as being involved within the doctrine of Faith, and incorporated in the Articles of our Religion proving these Propositions.  

1. That Goodworkes are the fruit of Faith, and follow after justification.  
2. That they cannot put away our sins, and endure the severity of God's judgement.  
3. That springing out of a lively Faith, they are pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and are to be known no otherwise, than the Tree is discerned by the fruit.    

The First Proposition.  
That Goodworkes are the fruits of Faith, and follow after justification.  
FErus a most learned and pious Writer of their own, saith as much in other words. 
a † Fides radix, et opera bona fructus. ●or●n 3. ●. Io. p. 61.  Fides radix, Faith whereby a man 
b † Qua homo iustificatur. Ib.  is justified, is the root, Good-workes the fruit of our justification. Now I suppose it will be easily granted, that the root goeth before the fruit, both in order of time and of nature. Wherefore though it be most true, that 
c † justificatio non ex operibus. Faber. in Lucam. p. 376.  Good works have nothing to do, or do intervene in the very act of justification, which is wrought by free mercy and faith 
d † Hoc donum in hac vita obtinetur per fidem tantum. Ar. Montanus in Math c. 19 nu. 30. † Fides ex Dei gratia. in ep. B. Petri nu 1. p 385.  alone, and which hath the prime place in our justification, as being more operative in the means of our Saluatition, 
● Primas partes asserendae a Deo salutis sidei tribuo. jac. Faber. in ●p. ad Rome c 4. p. 76.  yet they do convene to, and follow after our justification; a true and lively Faith is still 
e † Operosa est. Vat in Baruch c. 1 ●●. 21.  working by 
f † Non puede set fee sui limosau sui charidad joseph Luquian Erudition Christiana. p. 331. discars. 14.  charity 
g † Fides charitate stipata. Nota Marg. in Lemnium de ●ccul●is natura miraculis. l. 1 c. 14. p. 92.  which waiteth upon Faith, attired 
h † bonis siquidem deoque acceptis operibus fides solida nunquam destituta est sed ornata. Id. Ib.  with the ornaments and habiliments of Good-workes, and they are so necessary by 
† Fides ad iustificationem summum tenet Id. ad Galat. c. 2. p 154.  way of 
i † Bona opera non precedentia quae meruit, sed consequentia que accepit ostendat. Cl. Gailliaudu● in ●p. ad Rom. c. 4 p 22.  consequency, but not of precedency, non causatiuè sed ostensiuè, showing, but not causing our justification. That I 
¶ † In re salutis fides plus operatur, per ipsam n. iustificamur, non per operosam charitatem Fer. in Eccl. c 9 p. 147.  dare be bold to argue with 
k † Qui bona opera non habet, testatur se fidem in Christum non habere. Vatablus in Is●●. 58. in Marg.  Vatablus (as Saint james doth) a posteriori, that he that hath not Good-workes, hath no true faith in Christ, no Christ, no benefit of his passion, and shall have no part in his resurrection; he hath denied the Faith, and is already become a reprobate, and Infidel: but grant that he hath Faith, it is but 
* † Instigandi praedicatores ut libere hypocrism bonorum operum redarguant. Vat. in Isc. 58. in Marg.  hypocritical, and without true faith his works are abominable and 
l † Fides sine operibus non magis est dicenda fides, quamm cadaver hominis meretur hominis vocabulum Er. p. 9 p. 511.  cadaverous and stinking in the nostrils of God. This is our, this is the Papists doctrine concerning Goodworkes built upon the rock Faith, or Christ, against which the slanderous mouths of Obiectors, nor the gates of hell shall ever be able to prevail.   

The Second Proposition.  
That they cannot put away our sins, and endure the severity of God's judgement.  
IF we look for our 
m † Per Christum (fideles) sperant salutem et non per alium Suoygoud in arg. Ps 19  salvation from no other person but Christ, no other gift but from 
n † Salus per Christum Geo. Ven. p. 4 sect. 3. Probl. 340.  his Grace, no other 
o † Christus moriens pro omnibus mortuus est. Geo, Ven. Probl. p. 4. sect. 1. p. 19  action but his passion, that by his death hath made a full 
p † Christus solus pacificator et iustificator Vat. nota Marg. in c. 26. Isp. 33●.  atonement for us, 
q † Victoria nulla a Diabolo sine Christo Geo. Ven. p. 4. Sect. 3. Probl. 98.  conquered the Devil and his Angels, pacified and satisfied God and his justice, paying the full ransom for our sins, and rather more than less than we were indebted for: so that Christ is now become our only Saviour, 
s † Solus qui pro salute invocandus. Vat. in 1 Reg. c. 2. nu. 8.  Redeemer, & justificator, and all in all 
t † Christus omnia in omnibus. Cl. Gulliaudus in ep. ad Gal. c, 5. p. 219. nu. 4.  both in us, and for us: than it can neither truly nor safely be said, that good works can put away our sins, and endure the severity of God's judgement. In the best of men (Christ jesus only excepted) there is somewhat amiss, and in the best of our works, aiming at the best end, but proceeding not from a true cause, nor ascribed wholly to God's mercy, there is much evil, no merit, either 
u † Meritum nullum ex aequo vel condigno. Fer in Io. c. 3. p. 85. x Eras. p. 9 p. 85.  de congruo, or de condigno; they are not satisfactory, 
r † Satisfactio pro peccatis. H. Steph. in Ps. 69 in Marg.  cannot turn away God's wrath from us.   

¶ The Third Proposition.  
That Good Works springing out of a lively Faith, are pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and are to be known no otherwise then the Tree is discerned by the Fruit.  
GOod works 
a † Opera bona ex fide, aliâs mortuâ, Ferus in ●. 1. ad joan. p. 669.  owe their being to faith, without which it is impossible for any man to be pleasing, or any work to be acceptable to God in Christ. This faith, which is the basis of our religious works, and the 
b † Totum Christianorum bonum, Stella in Lucam, p. 64.  all-good of a Christian, must not be an 
c † Fides vana & o●iosa, For in Io. c. 3 p. 102.  idle, vain, cadaverous, and 
d † Vera fides & non mortua, Stella in Lucam, v. p. 2. p 189.  dead faith: Non entis nulla sunt qualitates, it must be a living, 
e † Mira operatur agente spiritu Dei, Snoygoud in ●●g. Ps. 27, p. 97.  working, and operative faith; and thus every faithful soul being justified by 
f Sola Dei misericordia, Snoyg. arg. Ps 51 p 201.  grace, and 
g † Porque el agua y riego de la fee, con que riega & alma, corre por las canales y alcaduzadas de la charidad. Ios. Luquian. Erudition Christiana, Pag 331. Distinct 14.  watered with God's holy spirit, bringeth forth fruit abundantly in his due season: and the argument holdeth both in the affirmative, such a one hath true faith, ergo he 
h † Fides semper facit bona opera, Vatab in Cant. c. 4. ●● 4.  will bring forth good works; and negatively it may be said, such a one hath no faith, or no lively faith, ergo he hath no works, or 
i † Vbi defectus fider, omnia opera inutilia, Fer in ep. Rom. c. 3. p▪ 304. Math. 25, 34. Verse 35.  no profit by his Works. And last of all, in the last day of judgement when the sheep shall be discerned from the goats, the faithful from the reprobate, the elect (as we know, and all confess) shall be judged, although not propter opera, yet secundum opera; not for, but according to their works: then Christ shall say unto them, Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the beginning of the world. For I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat, I was thirsty and ye gave me drink, I was a stranger, and ye took me in, etc. And they shall answer again in effect: These good works were thy gift, and these thy gifts thou dost crown in us: Not unto us, not unto us, unto thy name be the glory.    

The 32. Article.  
BIshops, Priests, and Deacons, are not commanded by God's Law, either to vow the estate of single life, or to abstain from marriage. Therefore it is lawful also for them, as for all other Christian men, to marry at their own discretion, as they shall judge the same to serve better for godliness.  

This Article explained and maintained by Papists.  
WE will by God's grace handle this question, partly Historically, showing that Priests have been married; and partly Theologically, proving that they have a liberty to marry, as well as all other Christian men.   

Historically thus.  
FIrst, in the old Testament, all the 
a † Chrysost. in Iudi●●. Prophetas omnes uxores habuisse.  Prophets were married, sans quaestion, and as little doubt is to be made of the 
b † Apostoli uxorem in Ignatio. ●●. 9 Bb Pp. v. 3. Col. 25. Nota Marg. † Apostoli ducebant secumv xores suas. Io. Neviz. Syluanupt. l. 4. p. 256. nu. 1.  Apostles in the new: of Peter, the case is manifest in the Scripture, and yet the place that showeth it, is blotted out in a 
c † Petrus et eaeteri Apostoli secuti sunt Christum praeterquam in via virg nitatis. Barin F●r●ar▪ de jesu Christ● are sc●ndito 43.  late writer: of Paul, we have a plain constat out of Ignatius Epistle, that place is likewise corrupted in an old Ms. 
d ☞ In a very old Ms in Balli●l Col in Oxford but is or was extant in an other Ms of Ignatius in Magdalen Col. Platina apud. Zuing. p. 4136.  Ignatius with us, belike to justify Bellarmine's bold assertion saying, that it is not found in the Manuscript copies: but who told him so? I have not seen many, but those that I have viewed, either have, or had Paul named written at large. Of Lucas, Platina saith expressly, uxorem habuit in Bythinia, Lucas had a wife with him in Bythinia: this place hath passed the censure of our Inquisitors, and the later Edition (if I be not mistaken) read uxorem non habens in Bythinia, he had no wife with him in Bythinia. There was some such motion in the Primitive times, that Priests should be removed from their wives: but this was 
f † Contra ss. Patrun sententiam, Sigebert B●. PP. v. 7. Col. 1495.  against the will of the Fathers in general, and good 
g ● Theodoretus l. 1. c. 7. Sozom●●. 1 c. 10. & 23. Apud Zuing p 4363 & Zuing p. 4THS.  Paphnutius in special, by the testimony of Theodoretus, and Sozomen: but the witnesses now will acknowledge no such matter, if you may have your will, for the story is twice canceled at the least in Zuingers great Theatre. 
h ● Io. Langius Annot in Nicephorum l 4. c 8. p. 182. Admonitus ne coelibatus o●u● tanquam necessarium fratribus imponat.  Pynitus, one that lived not long after, was admonished that he should not lay so heavy a burden upon his weak brethren: a burden indeed, that neither they, nor their successors, were ever able for to bear. 
i ● H●dio in Chron Germ. apud Zuing. p 870.  john Bishop of Leodium, took a wife and left his Bishopric. Adolph Archbishop of Coleyn, was married and left his archbishopric: one 
l ☞ Per extensum aliquoe milliarus campum in●ueor di ad miror eas Presbytero●um uxores esse à dactore●meo didici. Mr. Dunelm▪ in visione Bosonts. p. 140.  Boso an old grandsire, in our English stories, had a vision (for at that time it could not be said there was no vision nor Prophet in England) and in that vision, he saw a plain field, I know not how many miles long; and yet there were none there but Priests wives. He is but meanly versed amongst our English Chroniclers, that knoweth not that Priests were commonly married in England before 
m Ead●e●●s in vita Anselmi. Anselm. in ep.  Anselmes' time, and there was no general prohibition of them in the West Church, till 
n Sacerdotum coniugium interdictum gratissimum Scortatoribus, Io. Auent. Annal. B●iorum, l. 5, p 4●0.  Gregory the seventh, and as facts are sometimes to be measured by their events, what followed this strict prohibition? But the abominable sin of 
o ☞ Ranulph Higden in Polychron. Ms 1.  Sodomy in England, 
p † Sub honesto castimoniae nomine stupra, incestus & adulteria, Auent. Annal▪ Boior. l. 5. pag 460.  Adulteries, incests, ravishments of men's wives and daughters, and what not, amongst their religious Friars, Clerks, Monckes, Seculars, Priests, and others? In somuch, that it was enacted for a law among their 
q Gratianus in jure Canon. ● Dan. Venat. reader it thus. Is qui non habet uxorem, at pro uxore concubinam, etc. Analysi jani. p 481.  Canons, that he that had not a wife, might in stead of her, have a Concubine, and accordingly, 
r † Rust●ci Sacerdotem suum cogebant concubinam habere, Io. Neniz. l. 1. Sylvan. Nupt. apud Zuing. p, 139. & apud Neviz p. 217. num. 9  they did compel their Parish Priests, to keep a Concubine, and unless he had one at the least, they would not suffer him to live amongst them; was not here good stuff? And yet nevertheless, 
s ☞ Graeci habent eosdem ordines, quos Latini: et Fr. non tenentur continere sed habent uxores suas Ms. o. p. 5. ☞ In Nicaena Synodo— occidentalis ecclesia contradixit, et noluit continere. Ms. o. p. 160.  the East Church, neither then, nor now to this present day, received this doctrine into their Church: but left them free to marry at their own discretions, as cometh now in the next place to be showed.   

Theologically, thus.  
ALl proofs in divinity, are either divine, taken out of the word of God: or humane, as the Lawyers call them Semi-probationes, or half proofs, drawn from the testimonies of men, or traditions of the Church, which are not binding, but of a fallible nature.  
Again, divine proofs are either plain, in the literal sense of the Scripture; or hidden and latent in the Allegorical interpretation of the words, whereout no sound argument 
Theologia allegorica non est argumentativa.  can be deducted, as most Divines know. To accommodate and apply that which hath been said to our present Article. What more plain, and in express words can there be alleged in defence of Priest's marriage, then that of the Apostle, Propter fornicationem vitandam uxorem habeat unusquisque: To avoid fornication, let every 
See Vatablus in 1. C●r.  man have his wife? But (if my observation fail me not) as you have since divorced men from their wives; so your tormentors of books have divorced this sentence of S. Paul's either out of the body, or the margin of your Bibles: Let me say unto you, as Gamaliel did to the Jews: If this prohibition of yours be of God, it will doubtless prevail, but if it be not from him, the contrary doctrine will take place, will you nill you. I know it is objected by some, that in one of the 
u ☞ Quomodo potuerunt Patres qui fuerunt in Nic●na Synodo dare nobis legem, qui neque interfuimus, neque consensimus? Item quomodo potuit eorum institutio irritare matrimonium institutum a Deo et ab Apostolis inter legitimas personas. Sed ista disputare si ivolum est, quia oportet nos institutionibu●. S. Rom. Ecclesia. [stare.] Ms. o. p. 160, 161.  Nicene Synods, there was a Canon published, enjoining Clergy men perpetual chastity: but what saith the Author, an ancient Mannuscript, where this objection is read, how can this Canon of the Church be of force against us, that were neither present in person, nor consenting by our voices to the making thereof? Thus far my old Manuscript, and further too: for in those days when he wrote, there was no question made, but those of the 
x ☞ Dicit Canon quod si qui Cle●●ci in mivoribus ordinibus constituti continere non possunt et contrahere inatrimonium voluerint, debet ei assignari sustentatio sua de beneficis suis, extra Ecclesiam, it a scilicet quòd de caetero non ministrent in Ecclesia in ordine suo, sed ●onsuram habeant et libertate gaudeant Clericorum. Ms. o. p 160.  inferieur sort of the Clergy, should (if they could not contain but needs would marry) be sustained, and maintained out of the profits of their benefice, and enjoy the benefit of their privileges. 
y ☞ Si Acolythus veniat ad discretum Sacerdotem in privata confession, et dicat se non posse continere: non multum peccat Sacerdos dando ei consilium, quòd occulté contrahat cum aliqua, et fallat oculos Episcopi sui: quia minus malum credimus esse retinere beneficium cum occulto con●●gio sine scandalo, quam habere concubinam contra prohibitionem divinam. Si autem postea cogatur ad sacros ordines á suo Praelato, credimusminus peccatum esse uti uxore, quam fornicari cum aliqua, si ex toto coutinere noluerit. Ms. o. p. 160.  At that time also if an Acolythus came to a discreet Priest, and told him by way of Confession, that he had not (to say the truth) the gift of continency, it was but a venial sin in the Confessor, to advise his Confessee, to contract himself with some one or other, in private sort, & so deceive his Diocesan: for of two evils, the less is to be chosen, and it is a less fault for a Priest to marry privately, and to keep his wife without scandal together with his benefice, then to keep a Concubine against the express commandment of God. And put the case, that this man after this be compelled by his Diocesan, to ascend to holy orders, we believe and assure ourselves, that he is in less fault that keeps the company of his own wife, than he that haunts an Harlot's company: this is spoken of them that cannot contain. Answerable to this ancient Tenet, was that of Erasmus, and others. 
z ● Qui concubinas ante con●●gium habere praesumit, peius facit, quam qui adulterium committit. Er●n jod. Aug.  Whosoever he be that prefers the having of a Concubine, before the marriage of a wife, (to my seeming) is in as bad case or rather worse, than he that doth commit adultery. The more ashamed might our Papists be, that tolerate Stews, and maintain harlots in, and by their Church policy; they shame not to write it, I am ashamed to repeat it, ne deterior libido usum assumat: and, as if they would put chaste marriage clean out of countenance. I have read of one Tho. dela Bear, a Welsh Bishop, who more like a Bear then a Bishop, would not suffer the Clergy of his Diocese to part with their concubines, (though they earnestly desired it) because, forsooth, he should lose an annual rent of forty Marks, which was well and truly paid him: and no marvel, for Espencaeus, a later Writer, telleth us, that in his time, their Archdeacon's and Officials in their visitations respectively levied the same of concubinary Priests, 
* ☞ Ad vitandam deteriorem libidinem sustinentur meretrices, et Scorta tores in Ecclesia. et ab Ecclesia. etc. Ms, 29. p. 55.  
a ☞ Gascoigne in Dictionary Theologics Ms.  and sometimes of those that were continent. 
b † Espene. digress. 2 in cap 1. ●d Tit. p 65. Turpissim●m, quòd et hos cum concubinis, pellicibus, & meretriculis cohabitare liberósque procreare sinunt, accepto ab eyes, atque adeò alicubi à continentibus censu. Habeat, aiwt, si velint.  Habeant aiunt si volunt; They might have had their whores if they would. 
c † Officiales plus reddituum se●tiunt ex concubinis, Er. v 9 p 400.  Erasmus wondereth not at this, because they made a sweet gain, by this sweet sin. To conclude, consideratis considerandis, the premises duly considered, the 
d † Magni laquei animarum quos vulgo dissimulat vulgus Sacerdotum. Kran●▪ t●●. l. 14 c. 31 p. 333.  great snares wherewith their Priests and religious were entangled, the intolerable fire of lust, wherewith they did burn; their 
e Dal. 4 Melch. ●un. quest. Politic. part. 2. q 27. nu. 13. p ●1.  homicides, incests, whoredoms, Sodomitic all sins, denaturalizations, sins against nature, all which shall be reckoned up in their proper place: Were it not safer for us to conclude with 
f Fulgosius l. 7. c. 2. apud Zuinger p. 869. Io. Neuisylu●. script. l. 1 p 16 nu 134 & p 75. nu. 133.  Pius 2. his golden saying; As there was great cause to remove Priests wives at the first, so there is greater cause to restore them again now? Which he spoke belike, because this old Aeneas had a young Ascanius brought unto him, which his Father Franciscanus was fain to keep; or rather, because Priests and Monks are less 
g Io. Auent. l. 5. p. 446.  chaste than married men; that Marriage is at this day now in the 
h Coniugium apud reformatos sanctius. Antony's de Dominit l. 2. c, 10. sect. 45.  Reformed Churches more holy, and more acceptable unto God; and the 
i † Caelibatus apud Christianos non praefertur nuptiis Pa●riarcharum. Er. in Ind. Aug.  bed undefiled far to be preferred before single life, as Erasmus, 
k † Laurent Schraderus in monumentis Ital. p. 2●4.  Laurentius Schraderus, 
l † Melchio● junius quest. Polit. q 27. par. 2. n 13. p. 11.  Melchior junius, 
m † Dan. Venatorius Anal. tit. 3. p. 492. & p. 444.  Dan, Venatorius, and 
n † Lib. 14. the discipl. benesta c. 5.  Petrus Crinitus do conclude on the behalf of married men. And so I end my Treatise of this Article, That marriage is not to be forbidden Clergy men, and Ecclesiastiques; but it is lawful also for them, as for all other Christian men, to marry at their own discretion, as they shall judge the same to serve better for godliness.   

Of the authority of General Counsels.  
General Counsels may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of Princes: and when they be gathered together (for as much as they be an assembly of men, whereof all be not governed with the Spirit and Word of God) they may err, and sometimes have erred, even in things pertaining unto God: wherefore things ordained by them as necessary unto salvation, have neither strength nor authority, unless it be declared, that they be taken out of holy Scripture.   

This Article maintained by the Papists.  
MEdicines (say Physicians) must be proportionable to the diseases: when the diseases of the Church grow Epidemical and common (say wise men,) there is no remedy so apt as a 
a † Concilium generale remedium omnium malorum. E●. v. 6 in Mat. 1●  General Council. But who shall assemble them together? Who, but Princes and Emperors? so the same 
b † Er. in schol. v. 2. ad lib. 2. Apol. adversus Rusticum.  Erasmus, 
c † P. A●rodius P●●d●●s. c. 17 p. 45.  P. Aerodius, 
d † Fr. Duarenus de S. Ecclesiast. ministerii●, l. 1. c. 5. p. 443.  Fr. Duarenus, 
e † Aug. Thuanus l 5 p. 123.  Aug Thuanus, 
f Ant. de Dominis l. 7 c. 3. ss. 27.  Ant. de Dominis, and others of the best note with them. But then this question again may be demanded; Who shall preside and govern the Council? The same Princes by whose commandment and will they are gathered; so 
g † Io. Langius in dedic. operts p. 33. & l. 8. c. 17.  Langius upon Nicephorus, and the fore cited 
h C. 11 p. 448.  Fr. Duarenus. But in the mean time, what shall become of the Pope? Is not he the great Patriarch of the West, and Prime Prelate of the Church? Be it granted, we will for order's sake, allow his voice in the first place, but consultive at the most with, and not decisive without the Council: for else 
i † Si Papa est Superior, frustra cogitur Concilium. K●●●tz Metrop.  it were in vain to call them together; Nay, when the Pope doth not his duty, see how far he is in danger of a Council, he may be opposed and deposed by them. If the Fathers of Constance and Basil were silent, 
7. c. p ●●●.  this might be otherwise proved: but the truth is, the best Writers of your side, whose eyes are not dazzled with the brightness of the See of Rome, nor their persons awed by the Pope's greatness, do confess thus much in express terms totidem verbis, that Counsels are above the Pope; as 
k ● Io. Langius in Chron. Cytizensis ad 〈◊〉 1414. † Fasciculus temporum Germ. Script. v 3. ●. 277. & ulsta p. 5.  Io. Langius, 
l † Auctoritas Concilii Pontificis auctoritati praefertur, Krantz. Metrop. l 11. c. 36. p. 312.  Albertus Krantzius, 
m † Ant. de Dominis, l. 7. c. 3. ss 79. etc. 5. ss. 24.  Wernerius Rolewinck, 
n † Zuinger. theat. p. 1317. 1503. 1674 & p. 4097.  Ant. de Dominis, and a whole legion of Writers in 
o Atud Zuinger. p. 756.  Zuingers Theatre. It is not then to be marvelled, if the Pope in these latter times be so loath to call a Council; if no man will tell us the reason thereof, ● jovius in the life of Leo the tenth will blab it forth; Concilia terrori Pontificibus: Our Popes are too wise to hazard their estates in a General Council, if they may otherwise dispatch the business, and come fairly off.  
There remain behind two scruples in this Article, whether, first, General Counsels may err? Secondly, Whether Scripture must be the Rule to guide them? Prudent Erasmus taketh them away both, by saying, that 
p † Eras. v. 3. p. 76.  Counsels may be depraved, and then that no moral persuasion of Counsels, but authority of Scripture must be insisted upon.    

Of the 37. Article.  
Of the Civil Magistrate.  
THe King's Majesty hath the chief power in this Realm of England, and other his Dominions, unto whom the chief government of all the Estates of this Realm, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil, in all causes doth appertain; and is not, nor aught to be subject to any foreign jurisdiction. Where we attribute to the King's Majesty the chief Government, by which title, we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended: we give not to our Prince the ministering either of God's Word, or of the Sacraments; the which thing the Injunctions also set forth by Elizabeth our (late) Queen, do most plainly testify. But that only prerogative, which we see to have been given always to all godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself; that is, that they should rule all Estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil sword, the stubborn and evil doers.  

This thirty seventh Article explained and maintained by the Papists in these subsequent Propositions.  
1. THe King's Majesty hath the chief power in this Realm of England, and other his Dominions.  
2. Over all persons, in all Causes, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil.  
3. The King is not subject to any foreign jurisdiction.  
4. He may restrain with the Civil sword; the stubborn and evil doers.   

The first Proposition.  
The King's Majesty hath the chief power in this Realm of England, and other his Dominions.  
I Must crave pardon of every honest Reader, if I enlarge my papers in this point, and the propositions following, beyond my first proposal; for that I take it to be a piece of my allegiance, for me and all of my coat, not only to oppose those paper walls, but to interpose our dearest lives between the King and danger (if need require). Danger there is, and ever will be to Kingly power, as long as their bloody Inquisition-house shall stand at Rome: for if their transcendent and uniustifiable power be not limited, they will in time to come (if they may have their wills, quod absit) first, thrust Kings out of their books, and then out of their Kingdoms. But the best is, nocumenta, documenta: his most excellent Majesty being forewarned, is forearmed, not only to preveut the danger by their books, but by their mischievous persons, with a just deleantur both out of his Kingdom and State. We may see their evil intents in their thrice accursed Indices Expurgatorij. If a flower of Regal authority do begin to bud forth, it is presently nipped off with their ulcerous hands. For example; Place we the King according to our bounden duties, by the Laws of God and men, in a Throne 
a † Non enim habet in terris quicquam se excelsius. Bibl. PP. Col. p. 208. l. 2. Serm. Ant. Abbati●.  higher than all other men, because he hath no Peer or Compeer upon earth, that can equalise, much less overtop 
b † Agapet. Dia●. Col. Bb. Pp. v. 2. Col. 795.  Honore quolibet sublimiorem quum habeat dignitatem: this doctrine was taught us long ago by Agapetus the Deacon, and other ancient Writers, whose steps the Papists pretend to follow, and who but they, that seem to reverence their grave sentences and grey hairs? Nevertheless, you see a cross in the Margin, and you shall find a Deleatur in their books, or a Cave, as if you had trod upon a Serpent. I have an ancient Manuscript in my keeping, that made an hard shift to come unto me, (for he almost lost his coat by the way): but ragged and torn as he is, he hath these words, which do serve to be written in letters of gold, because they speak the Supremacy in express terms, and accord with this our Article: 
c ☞ Rex in Regno suo nullum supra se habebit.— unde à Rege ferente sententiam appellari in Regno suo non potest. nu. 29. p. 7.  The King hath no living person above him in his Kingdom, who then dares appeal from him? Unless it be some traitorous Becket, or other, that passing the Seas, raised such seas of trouble in this Kingdom, that he had well-nigh overwhelmed both King and State, if the providence of God had not the better preserved them, as may appear in our English Stories. But leaving Becket to be fully displayed in all his colours, and proved to be (as he is) a notorious 
By Mast oer Rich. james, B. of Divinity of C. C. C. in Oxford.  Traitor, notwithstanding all their shifts that would apologise for him, I proceed, and further show, that there is just occasion given us to fear, that if this old Manuscript had lighted into the Papists hands, either this leaf should have been purged or torn, or the whole book made away, that it should never have come in evidence against them. For Manuscripts as well as other books, whether Greek or Latin, old or new, are the subject, or obiectum adaequatum of their damnable, unheard of, and Diabolical censures. But to resume my first Proposition again, that the King's Majesty hath next under God the chief power in this Realm, is a doctrine so harsh and distasteful in their mouths, that there is a Deleatur wheresoever it is found, non habet in terris se quicquam excelsius, He hath no man greater upon earth, is shamefully put forth, and clean turned out of an ancient Writer in their Bibliotheque of ancient Fathers. This very sentence in other words, in 
d † Cuius potestas Maiestásque secundum Deum maxima.  Lud. Viues Epistle unto King Henry the eight, hath endured the like purgation, and is washed away clean out of the book. Now to grow to a conclusion: If the Papists do so ill entreat Kings in their books, I leave you to imagine what they would do to their persons, if they could as easily come by them? But, noverint universi, I would have all men know, that the more they corrupt, the less they gain in the judgement of any indifferent Papist not too much Romanized: and of favour, let me ask them this question, and let them answer me (if they can) upon their consciences: do these sentences that they have caused to be blotted and blurred, make against them, or not? If they do not, they make themselves ridiculous, by taking so much labour in vain, (the 
* No se entiendor por eppo ser prohibito el Thargum cum canto que al Principio della se p●nga por Antidoto, lo notado en el Expurgatorio deste Indice en la Palabra Thargum I● Indice Sandoval p. 2.  Thalmud of the jews, nor the great Theatre of Zuinger amongst the Protestants, nor Tostatus, or Salmeron among your Papists, nor any book in any Science, have wearied your patiences, or terrified your Inquisitors from prying into their books, or corrupting their writings:) if they do make against you and your doctrine, which cannot subsist without these notorious shift and shufflings, wrenching and wrinckling, the more dishonest men you, that while the controversies are depending, and the questions are in disputing, do shamefully either suborn Authors to bear false witnesses to testify untruths, or suppress and subvert the testimonies that make against you. To close up this first Proposition and your mouths (if it be possible) this first Proposition standeth inviolable: The King's Majesty hath the chief power in this Realm of England, and other his Dominions.   

The second Proposition.  
Over all persons in all causes, whether they be Ecclesiastical, or Civil.  
Harken than I pray you, to your own Writers. 
e † Quod minus obs ruantes quidam mota inter regnum & Sacerdotium controversia, mi●um quos quant●sque turbas utrinque dederint. Atqui tos post pa●lum, tot ante hanc camerinam annorum Centenariis & Chrysostomus ut nihil unquam futurum tale suspicans, simpliciter illud omnis anima enarrat, sive Apostolus sit, sive Euangelista, sive Propheta, sive Sacerdos, siue Monachus, illum sequuntur Theodoretus, Theophylactus, Oecumenius, & qui non Graeci● Et Gregorius 1. idem & Magnus ingenuè agnosceb● Imperatori à Deo concessum non militibus solum sed Sacerdotibus quoque Dominari▪ Regist. l. 2. Ep 64 Et utroque tantò posterior Bernardus ad Henricum Senonensem Archi episcopum Ep 42. sic colligit; Si omnis anima, & vestra▪ quis vos excipit ab universitate? si quis tentat excipere tentat decipere, nolite acquiescere consiliis. p.) Claud. Esp in ep ad Tit c. 3. p 513.  Claudius' Espencaeus, a man of singular note, trencheth upon this troublesome question, and decideth it thus; Having spoken of Saint Paul's omnis anima; Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, expounded by Chrysostome, whether he be Apostle or Evangelist, Prophet, Priest or Monk, (which exposition is seconded by Theodoret, Theophylact, Oecumenius, and what Greek Writer dares oppose against it▪) he inferreth these words: [Yea, Gregory the first, Gregory the Great, doth ingenuously acknowledge the Emperor's sovereignty, aswell over the Priests (that fight Gods battles) as over the soldiers that warred under his conduct, Regist. lib. 2. Ep. 64. And after Gregory and Chrysostome, Bernard, a late Writer, in his to Henry Archbishop of Senes, Ep. 41. argueth after this manner out of the words, Every soul: If every soul, then yours: he that would have you conceive otherwise of these words, doth but deceive you, follow not their counsels. Espenc. ep. ad Titum, cap. 3 pag. 513. And not long after; 
f Si Principum nihil interest rerum sacrarum, cur de negotans Ecclesiasticis in Codice 3▪ in Novellis in Authenticis tot Augustae leges atque constitutiones, tot in nostris & omnium Christianorum Annalibus Edicta Regia, tot denique Senatus consulta 5 (Audio. Cum horrenda per universam Galliam exercerentur vivi-comburia, res erat sacra religio. Cum agitur, & necessario agitur de Clero Monachismoque reformando, de pastoribus ad caulas suas amandandis utque verbo pascans compellendis: R●s est Synodica & Pontificia. Sic enim audivi & memini distinguere & quidem Episcopos. Quasi verò Principies tantum sint alieni zeli, pleruque i●discreti & sine scientia, ministri n● dicam cru e●●tatis car●fic●s, non etiam ut Ecclesiae filii, sic omnium eius Sanctionum exter●i custodes assertores et vindices. I●. p. 526.  If Princes have nothing to do with Religion, and sacred businesses, what makes so many Imperial laws and constitutions for Religion in the Code, Novels, and Authentikes? And to what purpose do we read of so many Royal Edicts and Parliaments in the Annals of all Christian Princes for the settling and establishing of Religion? [As I hear, when those horrible fires were lighted throughout all the kingdom of France, for the burning of men and women alive: Oh, that was a matter of the Church, appertaining to Religion. But when there was speech of reforming the Clergy, conforming Monks to their primitive orders, and sending Nonresidents home to their Cures to care for their flocks, that matter was not to be spoken of by the temporal Magistrate, it was to be treated of in a Council, or before the Pope's Holiness: for so I have heard, and do well remember, that our Bishops were wont to distinguish after this manner; as if Princes were not to be zealous and careful in point of Religion: but to commit the care thereof not only to men very indiscreet, but altogether ignorant, and so to become mere executioners of their cruel designs; as if they were not sons of our Mother the Church, and chief propugnators, propagators and defenders of the same. We have heard what Espencaeus judgement is of Princes, intermeddling in Ecclesiastical affairs: hear we now a man nothing inferior to him for learning, 
g Si Sacerdotes, vel sacris legibus, vel usu sancitum approbatumque colendi Dei ritum, & sacra aut negligenter, aut non rite conficiant, aut etiam violent; aut denique improbis actionibus Reip. statum conturbent laedantue, non alienum à Profani Principis munere, ipsos sui officii admonere; atque etiam si opus sit, ab eo quod improbè faciunt, suo imperio refraenare, videtur Sacr●rum literarum testimonio atque exemplis confici posse. In I●s●● cap. 3. p. 59  Andreas Masius, writing upon josua; what saith he? If it should chance, that the Priests forgetting their duties, do against the Laws of God, Customs of the Church, or approved Ceremonies and Rites of God's worship, and do perform the services of God either negligently and disorderly, or do violate and break them; or by their lewd lives and wicked actions do trouble and disquiet the settled state of the Commonwealth; we may not say, that it belongeth not to the office of a Lay Prince to put them in mind of their duties, and to admonish them; and if this will not serve, to bridle their audacious actions by his Princely authority: and this doctrine I take to be well warranted by the letter and examples of the Scripture. If out of the mouths of these two witnesses, this doctrine be not sufficiently concluded, we will endeavour to evince the same out of the pragmatics of France, and Courts of justice here in England; and first of France. 
h † Posse magistrarum animaduertere in vestales. P. Aerodius Pandect. ●. 9 p. 3●.  The Vestal Virgins are not free from the punishment of the Temporal Magistrate, and who more sacred? And (as learned Budaeus saith) there was a French King, that made their Cardinals and Bishops quake; and who so great? But optima prima, his government was too good to last long; he was soon sent packing with a fig in his mouth, or a 
i † Angynarum pyrum voravit Bud. damn Ass l. 5. p. 725.  pear, or some such thing, as the Devil would have it. Boniface the eighth brought an error into the Church, which was greatly prejudicial to the Pragmattick of France, one Tanquerel openly in Paris took upon him to defend the same: but a good pair of legs were his own best defence, he ran away, and one P. 
k † Aug. Thuam. hist. l. 28. p. 41.  Gustus in his steed, before fifty Doctors of Divinity, and Sorbonists in their School, stood bare a pretty while, and then shamefully acknowledged his error, and not only his, but Boniface the eighths; and forthwith their chief Divines offered themselves prompt, and ready to take the Oath of Allegiance, or to give any satisfaction to the King, or Courts of justice. But why dwell we so long in France, when domesticis exemplis abundamus? England is sufficiently provided to furnish us with examples out of Westminster, or the Tower, as may appear by the diligent hand of a most knowing Lawyer, who hath collected them together, sending them to a reverend friend of mine, who copied them out, and imparted the Transcript unto me; whence I gather, that it was a familiar matter in old time, when the State stood Popish, and the judges stood too much affected with that, which they now call the Roman Religion, to sue, fine, and imprison Archbishops, Bishops, Deans and Clergy men, for beating, wounding, burning houses, killing of men, cutting of lips; and not so only, but about Prohibitions in, & Provisions out of the Realm; Appeals to, and Bulls from Rome: and it would not serve a Bishop's turn (so careful were the judges of keeping and preserving the ancient liberties and customs, and the King his Crown and dignity,) that though they reverenced the Church according to their blind devotion, yet a Bishop coming before a Lay-Iudge, pleading that he was an anointed Bishop, Brother to the Pope, and an Ecclesiastical person, that he was a Clerk; neither of both could be heard, but in the Tower, Marshalsey, Kings-Bench, etc. or fined and ransomed: brought they Letters, Prohibitions and Bulls from Rome, the very bringing whereof, was no less danger than a Praemunire. I know you expect proofs, and not words; Records, and no other proofs; and therefore I proceed, and show out of the Records, that  
For Archbishops and Bishops, Anno 27. R. Henrici filij I●nioris, there came a precept to the judges of the Kings-Bench, to proceed against Robert, Bishop of Worcester, and others, in a cause of Prohibition, as being against the King's Crown and Dignity.  
The Bishop of Exeter lost his Temporals, for not admitting the King's Clerk to the Church of Southwell.  
The Bishop of Ely for being accessary to the burning of Blanch Wakes house, and murdering of Will▪ Holme (which was killed in a Wood by his servants, and entertained by him after the fact was done) was put upon his twelve Godfathers.  
Walter, Bishop of Exeter, for appealing to the Court of Rome, to the King's great prejudice, finds sureties to answer the matter before the King, Anno 6. Edw. 1.  
Semblably, Ralph, Bishop of Bath and Welles, was proceeded against, for summoning men to Rome. Anno 19 Edw 3.  
William, Bishop of Norwich, had his Temporals seized on, for excommunicating one Richard that brought the King's Prohibition, Anno 20. Edw. 3.  
Adam Hereford, for partaking with Roger Mortimer, is tainted in Parliament, notwithstanding the Archbishop's challenge. Anno Edw 17  
Rob. Archbishop of Canterbury's body was to be taken, for excommunicating the Sheriffs when he came to serve the King's Warrant. Anno 32. Edw. 1.  
And to see how small a matter would incense the King, and how sharp his punishments would be against the Clergy, there was a warrant sent down to the Sheriff of Worcester, to serve upon him for hunting only in Windsor Park.  

Concerning Deans of Churches, and Abbots, and Priors of Conuents.  
THe Priors of Kockford and Bingam, were sued for proceeding against some in the spiritual Court after prohibition. R. Io. anno 15.  
The Dean of Doncaster for molesting diverse of the King's liege people, was convicted before the judges, and admitted to his fine.  
The Prior and Covent of Saint Patrick's in Dublin, lost their Temporals, for electing an Archbishop without the King's consent. Anno 6. Edw. 1.  
The Dean of Wooluer-hampton was cited to appear before the judges for his contempt, for admitting one Ottobon to a Prebend in the same Church, by a Mandate from the Pope. Anno 31. Edw. 1.  
The Prior of Canterbury for appealing to the Court of Rome, was adjudged to be imprisoned, and to revoke his Appeal. Anno 23. Edw. 1.  
Io. Abbot of Walden attached for the same. Anno eodem.  
Thus far of Bishops, Deans, Abbots and Priors; the recital of the rest would fill the book, and not much more satisfy the Reader, and therefore I forbear to name them, and come now to show how little the Pope of Rome, or his Bulls were regarded of our English judges. There was an Act made against drawing causes to Rome, anno 27. Edw. 3. and a commandment given, anno 16. Edw. filij R. Edwardi, that no man should alienate, sell, or send any thing beyond the Seas; and how many were accordingly indicted and committed: as Io. Ouerton to the Tower, Simon Mellercet to the King's Bench, anno 28. Edw. 3. William Bevercot to the Marshalsey, anno Regis filij Edwardi 17. And for the Pope's Bulls, how little were they regarded, or rather how greatly were the getters or procurers, their fautors and abettors, & those that did but threaten to make use of them punished and censured? There was a proceeding with some severity against one, that threatened, he would get a Bull from the Pope, Anno 27. R. Henrici. There was likewise an Inquisition indented, taken for those that procured them, anno 20. Edw. 3. their Abettors, anno R. Edw. 4. and one that pleaded them was committed to prison. So then those that bought those Bulls at Rome (giving Gold for Lead) found them still Led, and no better here in England, and neither Bulls, Appeals Bishops, or liberties of the Church, could protect them against the King, his Crown and dignity, Kings of England here, and (I trust ever shall be able) to maintain their sovereign jurisdiction within these Kingdoms, over all persons, and in all causes, against all foreign jurisdiction, which cometh next in order to be handled.    

The Third Proposition.  
The King is not subject to any foreign jurisdiction.  
THe Pope pretends to be the Head of the Catholic Church, how rightly we shall see hereafter; I am sure the King of England holdeth it by as good right, as the Law of God, and the Law of this Kingdom can give him. I know it will be presently objected, that King Henry the eighth being a violent King, took this title upon him; they are certainly deceived that either think or say it; and therefore to manifest this point the better, I will tell you my conceit how this matter was brought to pass, not without an especial providence of God, out of very unlikely means. For, when King Henry the eighth was sharpened against Luther, there wanted not some about him, that buzzed this into the King's ears, that the doctrine of Martin Luther was nothing else but drawn from the heretical proposition of john Wicklife, which was condemned long since in, and by his University of Oxford. Whereupon the King being tickled (because the full knowledge of this at that time served well for his purpose) presently dispatched Edward Leighton, one of his Chaplains, and Bachelor of Divinity, with those Letters to the University of Oxford.   

By the King.  
TRusty and well-beloved, We greet you well. And 
Ex Registro Actorum in Archivis Acad. Oxon. p. 109. etc.  forasmuch as We at this instant time, for certain great and weighty considerations Us moving, touching as well the repressing of such erroneous opinions and heresies; as be now a days spread abroad in sundry places; as also the consolation of Christ's Church, and good Christian people, be desirous not only to be advertised of the Articles whereupon Wicklife was condemned heretofore by that Our University of Oxford; but also of the confirmation of the Council of Constance, concerning the condemnation of the said Articles: We therefore will, that ye with all celerity do send unto Us, by Our trusty and well-beloved Chaplain, M. Edward Leighton, the bearer in writing, under the Seal of Our said University, in as lawful and Authentic wise (as ye can devose) as well all and singular the said Articles of condemnation of the said Wicklife, and also the confirmation thereupon of the said Council of Constance, giving unto Our said Chaplain firm credence in such things, as he shall show unto you in Our behalf touching the premises. And in thus doing, you shall minister unto Us full acceptable pleasure. Yeven under our signet at our Castle of Windesore, the last day of july.  
Upon the receipt of these Letters, followed a Convocation; a Delegacie was appointed the sixth of this instant month, (there wanted no celerity;) the Instrument is made, and both it and the answer to the King's Letters sealed the ninth day of that very month. Amongst those Articles that were sent up, there were diverse that did mainly trench upon the Pope's power, which (as Wickliefe said) were neither found, nor founded upon God's Word. What effects these Articles wrought in the King's mind, I know not: but of one thing I am well assured, that not long after, the King being at variance with the Pope, a Parliament was called with in two years, and a motion was made therein, that the King should be declared Head of the Church: but his Majesty refused, till he had advised with his Universities upon that point; and whilst the Parliament sat, God (in whose hands the hearts of Princes are, so disposing it), the King reflecting belike upon Wickliefes former Articles, directing his Letters to the University of Oxford, about the election of the Bishop of Lincoln into the Chancellorship of the University of Oxford, in the room of Archbishop Warham, lately deceased; After the accomplishment whereof (saith the King) Our pleasure and commandment is, that ye, as shall be beseem men of virtue, and profound literature, diligently entreating, examining, and discussing a certain question, sent from Us to you, concerning the power and primacy of the Bishop of Rome; send again to Us in writing under your common Seal with convenient speed and celerity your mind, sentence, and assertion of the quaestion, according to the mere and sincere truth of the same, willing you to give credence to Our trusty and well-beloved, this bringer, your Commissary; 
Ex Registro Act. in Archivis Academia Oxen add ann. Dom. 1534. p. 127. etc.  aswell touching Our further pleasure in the premises, as for other matters, etc. Yeven under Our Signet at Our Manor of Greenwich the eighteenth day of May.  
Upon the receipt of these Letters, the University (at that time, for aught we know, consisting all of Papists) being assembled in Convocation, decreed, as followeth: That for the examination, determination, and decision of this question, sent unto them to be discussed from the King's Majesty, viz Whether the Bishop of Rome had any greater jurisdiction collated upon him from God in the holy Scripture, in this Kingdom of England, than any other foreign Bishop; that there should be deputed thirty Divines, Doctors and Bachelors of Divinity of that faculty, to whose sentence, assertion, or determination, or the greater part of them, the common Seal of the University in the name thereof should be affixed: provided, that the question should be first disputed, and then sent up to his Majesty. And the 27. of june, in the year of our Saviour 1534. this Instrument following was made, and sent up, sealed with the common Seal of the University. The Instrument itself is in Latin, in English thus.  
TO all the sons of our Mother the Church, to whom these present Letters shall come, john, by the grace of God, Chancellor of the famous University of Oxon, and the whole assembly of Doctors and Masters, Regent's and not Regent's, in the same greeting. Whereas our most noble and mighty Prince and Lord, Henry the eighth, by the grace of God, of England and France, King, Defender of the Faith, and Lord of Ireland; upon the continual requests and complaints of his Subjects exhibited unto him in Parliament, against the intolerable exactions of foreign jurisdictions, and upon diverse controversies had, and moved about the jurisdiction and power of the Bishop of Rome, and for other diverse & urgent causes against the said Bishop then and there exponed and declared, was sent unto, and humbly desired, that he would provide in time some fit remedy, and satisfy the complaint of his dear Subjects. He, as a most prudent Solomon, minding the good of his Subjects, over whom God hath placed him; and deeply pondering with himself how he might make good and wholesome Laws for the government of his Commonwealth; and above all things taking care, that nothing be there resolved upon against the holy Scripture (which he is, and ever will be ready to defend with hazard of his dearest blood) out of his deep wisdom, and after great pains taken hereabouts, hath transmitted, and sent unto his University of Oxon, a certain question to be disputed, viz. Whether the Bishop of Rome hath any greater jurisdiction granted to him from God in the holy Scripture, to be exercised and used in this Kingdom, than any other foreign Bishop; and hath commanded us, that disputing the question after a diligent and mature deliberation and examination of the premises, we should certify his Majesty under the common Seal of our University, what is the true meaning of the Scriptures in that behalf, according to our judgements and apprehensions. We therefore the Chancellor, Doctors and Masters above recited, daily and often remembering, and altogether weighing with ourselves, how good and godly a thing it is, and congruous to our Profession, be fitting our submissions, obediences and charities, to foreshow the way of truth and righteousness to as many as desire to tread in her steps, and with a good, sure and quiet conscience, to anchor themselves upon God's Word; we could not but endeavour ourselves with all the possible care that we could devose, to satisfy so just and reasonable a request, so great a Prince (who, next under God, is our most happy and supreme Moderator and Governor.) Taking therefore the said question into our considerations, with all humble devotion, and due reverence (as becometh us) and assembling our Divines together from all parts, taking time enough, and many day's space to deliberate thereof diligently, religiously, and in the fear of God, with zealous and upright minds, first, searching, and searching again, the Book of God, and the best Interpreters and Commenters thereupon, disputing the said questions solemnly and publicly in our Schools, have in the end unanimously, and with joint consent resolved upon the Conclusion; that is to say, That the Bishop of Rome hath no greater jurisdiction given unto him in Scripture, than any other Bishop in this Kingdom of England. Which our assertion, sentence, or determination so upon deliberation, maturely and throughly discussed, and according to the tenor of the Statutes and Ordinances of this our University concluded upon publicly in the name of the whole University, we do pronounce and testify, to be sure, certain and consonant to the holy Scripture. In witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be written, sealed, and ratified by the Seal of our University. Yeven in our Assembly-house the 27. of the month of june, in the year of Christ 1534.  
This Instrument being brought into the Parliamenthouse, an Act passed, whereby the King was declared Supreme Head and Governor of the Church. What exception? was it taken or given? The Parliament motioned some such matter to the King; his Majesty wisely referreth it to the Learned of his University; the University to thirty Delegates; the referrees return their joint opinion to the King; that the Pope had no more to do here in England, than any other foreign Bishop: this their opinion was grounded on the Scripture; the places of Scripture confirmed by the exposition of the best interpreters: the Parliament upon full knowledge of this, banish all foreign jurisdiction out of the Realm, to the comfort of God's Church, and the relief of his distressed subjects, which had so long been enthralled and groaned under this Baby lonish captivity. What remaineth? If this be not satisfactory, Ireferre you to the reading of three excellent pieces of this Argument, which I forbear to insert into this book; first, 
In my Cousin Richard james of C. C. C. of Beckets' De-canononization, lib. 3. c 4  because of prolixity; secondly, because ere long, you shall have them all comprised in one volume. The first is taken out of Guicciardine, the second out of Machiavelli, the third out of Stephen Pasquier, quarit Recerches. The place in Guicciardine is shamefully expunged; that of Machiavelli with the whole book, and all his Works forbidden; only Pasquier is improhibited and unpurged. But no thanks to the Inquisitors, for fear lest our French men, which are accounted lost men at Rome, should be utterly lost from the Church of Rome, if the Inquisitors went about to infringe their Pragmatical Constitutions. Of these three witnesses, two of them are without exception, Guicciardine and Pasquier: the third is branded for an Atheist, and (as I dare not make any Apologies for him, so many, and so great Scholars having fastened this imputation upon him) so I cannot but say (it is only my conjecture) that if Machiavelli had not touched the Pope's freehold, but suffered him to have been a God upon earth, Machiavelli had been no Atheist for this book, but might have hoped rather to have been a Cardinal: but how deadly soever they hated him, and interdicted his Works, at his death (as it seemeth) he left his Machiavelismes to be disposed of by the Pope and his Cardinals, which have made no small use of his politic ends. But to revert, the tenor of these afore recited places being read and perused, and thought upon, may breed such a unitic in our Christian Princes, that both Church and Commonwealths may be much the better for it. If I fail in my conjecture, yet my hopes and prayers shall stand good. And thus having plainly showed the King's Supremacy, and made him Head of the Church, let us see, what can be said in defence of foreign jurisdiction; or, which is all one, for the Pope's Primacy.  
First, the Papists will plead a deed of gift, or gift from Constantine the Great, a great gift, if it can be proved. It is registered in their Canon-Law, (though the Record where it is, be somewhat doubted of; yet it is confirmed out of Gesta Syluestri,) which is (if I durst believe them) of an undoubted truth. I answer; First, the Donation, or gift itself, (I will give them this gift before hand) is not found at all in all our English Copies, nor in Gestis Syluestri. There antiquity knows them not; they must be contented to forbear to urge this donation any longer. And I am moved the rather to think so, because by their own confessions, if this gift of all the Western Provinces, etc. were made to the Church (as is suggested,) doubtless it was made by Syluesters Constantine, upon his Baptisine. But what if this Story be not true? Then it will follow very suantly, no Sylvester, no Baptism; no Baptism, no such Constantine; no such Constantine, no Donation. And that this is not a bare conjecture of mine, but cometh apparelled unto you with some likelihoods at the least. Harken 
The ●wner of this, Master Hen Party of C. C. C. Bachelor of Divinity hath given it to the Library  I pray you, what an ancient Writer saith, the Copy whereof is now in my hands, but shall hereafter (if I can persuade) be placed in the public Library, ad dicti fidem liberandam, & ad perpetuam rei memoriam.  

a † Secundum quosd am non fuit iste Constantinus Imperator qui à B. Syluestro Papa fuit baptiza●us, & ad fidem conversu, sicut aliquae videntur innunere. Nu 24. p. 84. sed is fuit Constantinus pateristius Constantini, sicut in aliquibus historiis invenitur Ib.  According to some Writers (saith he) this was not Constantine the Emperor, which was baptised and converted by Pope Sylvester (as some other Histories seem to intimate, or insinuate), but it was Constantinus, the father of this Constantine, as we find it recorded in other Histories. By this time we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a gift, and no gift; for farther proof, put the matter to any indifferent jury of Papists, and if they cast not the Papists, if they dare join issue with us upon this very point, we will yield. But what if a full jury should not appear upon the summons, on the day of trial? Surely then I would say, there were some knavery abroad, and some such thing it is. I hear upon good intelligence, that some of them are coming on the way, that offer readily to depose of our side: but they are deposed already from coming, or so harend being come, that you cannot get a word from them: but speak they shall, and must. One of them (as I am informed) hath these words against your temporal and foreign jurisdiction. The Citizens of 
b † Io Paulus Langius in C●●onico Cyti●●●●i id annum D●m 1405. Germ. rerum script v. 1. p. 849. 〈…〉 entio P. Romani cives claues Civitatis cum Ramis palmarum ob●●lerunt, et omne Dominium urbis Romae etiam temporale illi concesserunt, sed minus rustè minusque laudabiliter, quoniam illa Temporalium affluentia officiat haud parum spiritualibus, Nec Petri successor ipse Pa●a eius●●●di periculosum tempotale dominium sum p●●sse debuerat. Nusquam equidem legitur, priests quod temporibu, etiam post donationem Constantini ●de qua cuncti Canon stae magnum faciunt festum) quispia● summus Pontis●● temporale dominium urbis Romae gub r●auerit. At novis temporibus nostraque memoria certi Pontifices, de illo 〈…〉 & dolores ●●●met inde cumulantes, se intromittere ausi fuere.  Rome (quoth he) carrying boughs of Palm in their hands, came unto Pope Innocent, and offered up the Keys of their City, and granted unto him the temporal Dominion of the City of Rome, neither moved with any just ground, neither are they to be commended for it; sith abundance of temporal things doth much hinder the progress of spiritual affairs. Nor in truth ought the Pope himself (though he be Peter's successor) take any such temporal Dominion, that might entangle, or endanger his government, into his hands. For it is not read in old time, since the time of Constantine's Donation (wherewith all our Canonists, whom I must needs say, are too curious in this point, make themselves merry), that any chief Bishop did take upon him the temporal Government of the City of Rome. But of late days, and in the memory of man, some Pope's procuring labour and trouble upon themselves, have been so bold, as to intermeddle therewith. This witness speaketh well, but not so fully to our purpose; let us hear another, 
c † Ex eo, inquit, Pontifex multarum urbam dominus, & qui antè religionis Maiestate res tenebat, mox imperio & potentia metuendus fuit: etsi quidam historiarum ignari, & temporum nescii, ignorato rerum gestatum ordine, à Constantino Syluestro Pontifici datum referant. Gunthorus po●ta Ligu●nius, pag. 383. Spigelius Script. Germ v. 2.  Guntherus, or rather Spigelius: From this time forward, the Pope, Lord of many Cities, that awed men heretofore by the Majesty and greatness of his Religion, is now feared for his greatness and power: and yet if all were known, it would not be found so great (as it seemeth): for some unskilful Historians, ignorant of the course of times, and the order of things, do say, that Constantine gave some such matter to Pope Sylvester. How now? Are all they unskilful in Histories, ignorant of times, knowing not the order of things, that defend Constantine's Donation? this censure may prick to the heart, and fetch blood. But the same Author hath not yet done with these Constantine-gift defenders: Oh, 
d † Sed neque tanta fuit largitio Designat vulgatam illam Constantini iam dicti Donationem, de qua apud nullos extat Auctores, praeterquam in libro Decretorum, idque in antiquis voluminibus minimè contineri auctor est Antoninus in Chronicis. Quamquam Isidorus in Historia sua scribit eum urbe Româ Pontifici cessis●e, ornamentisque omnibus Imperialibus, Diademate viz habituque, & albo equo, quo vehebatur. Basilicas item dicitur nonnullas in urbe condidisse. Sed quid haec ad tam immensum, ut aiunt, Petri Patrimonium, elephantia Constantini, san guine puerorum, & Syluestri baptismate partum? O beata● nugas, quae tantum constituêre Imperium. In Laurentium Vallam, virum propter veritatem odio habitum & persecutum, quòd probare conatus est eo libello, qui iam vulgò notissimus est, nullum ius sive munus Imperii Pontifici concessum, ●listichum iactatum legimus, & c. Spigeli●● in Guntherum. p. 377.  he means the Donation of Constantine (which is so commonly spoken of) and yet as common as it is, there is no Record of it, but in the Decrees, nor in the Decrees, neither in ancient Copies (just as I told you before) so saith Antoninus in his Chronicle. Isidorus, I confess, in his History writeth, that Constantine quitted the City of Rome, leaving it to the Pope, and with it, his Imperial Robes, Diadem, and white Horse which he was wont to ride on, and bestowed many dignities. What is all this to so great a Patrimony, as they say, of Peter, purchased by his leprosy, his cure thereof, by the blood of Infants, and his baptism by Sylvester? Oh happy tales! which erected so great and large an Empire. We read a certain distich against Laurentius Valla, a man hated and persecuted for the truth, labouring to prove in a book, now in the hands almost of every one, that the Pope hath not any right or title granted to him of Empire, or temporal Government, etc. So these honest men that are likely to be impanelled upon this jury, (and I will be bound to bring forth a full jury of these, if jury Masters of the Inquisition do not cut out their tongues, before they come to be produced either as witnesses or jurors;) or if they do, they may happen to rue it, by that time we have inquired (as diligent inquiry shall be made) either by writ, or by a dedimus potestatem. Do you know the danger? It is Felony by the Statute, and villainy unexpiable. But if all that hath been said, cannot satisfy our Roman Catholics about this their Donative, what if we be able to bring forth a plainer Surrender again into the Emperor's hands, of all that large Grant from justinian the Emperor, or Charles the Great, and why not from Constantine? It is to be read in a 
e Leo P. 8. Othonem ipsum coronau●t, & universalem Augustum declaravit: omnemque eligendi Pontificis authoritatem à Clero populoque Romano abstulit: & Gratiano referente, in ipsum Othonem transtulit: ut habemus in Cau. 63. di. C. in Synodo: & non modo Imperiales titulos; verum etiam omnes Donationes per Iustinian● Carolumque Imperatores Ecclesiae Rom. factas Leo hic Othoni & eius successoribus concessit; ut scilicet Italiam ab invasoribus defensarent. Io. Stella in vita Leonis 8.  Popish Writer, and what reason have Protestant's not to believe it? This, I say, as not believing it much, because (as I have formerly showed) their own Authors do diffide the Donation as much, or rather more than we: but in case the Donation be proved, and the witnesses and testimonies against us be disproved, this shall serve to close up their stomaches.  
But the Papists say, they have a better Grant from Christ Jesus, the true Emperor of the whole World, on whose thigh is written this divine Impresa, Rex regum & Dominus Dominantium: the proofs taken out of the Scripture (the Protestants Card) in diverse places of the New Testament, and some out of the Old, as Matth. 16. Thou art Peter, and upon this Peter will I build my Church. And again: To thee (Peter) will I give the Keys, etc. and again: Ecce duo gladij; two Swords at once, to signify two Empires, either of them two-edged, as well to establish the Empire in the person of Peter, as to cut off all opposites, and all knots and difficulties, that are incident unto these controversies.  
Touching, Thou art Peter; and, Upon this Peter, etc. unless they get more by their Saltpetre (as they are Devils in the Vault) then by their Peter, they are not likely to get much, for the Popes either temporal or spiritual power out of this place: you must make your Peter either the Rock of Faith, or the Rock of Christ; or else you dash against so many worthy and famous Writers of your own, as against so many rocks. ● Fer●●s, 
g ● Ferus in ●. 16. Math p 220. German script. v. 2 p 375  Erasmus, and 
h † Erasm. v 10 1. in prefat. R●enani. h † Petra, verbum, clavis, fides 1 c Faber in Math c. 16. p 126.  Faber, besides sundry others of your Worthies, interpret the words of the Rock of Faith, or the Rock, the Word; that is, Christ. You cannot better these Scholars, nor this expositions and furthermore, let me inform you, Peter's Faith was not 
Super hoc fidei so●●do Is●●. Clarius in Math 16.  personal, but common to him with the rest of the Apostles.  
For that which is urged of the Keys, much may be said 
● ☞ Fides Petri ●on personalis. Bas●●. 2 p. 493.  of that also out of your own Writers, but nothing that will do you good. Ferus and Faber in the places above named, the one giveth these Keys to the Church, the other unto faith. Concerning that which is objected out of the Gospel, Ecce duo gladij, I may very well say unto them, as Christ did unto Peter; Put up your Swords, the controversy is ended: (for aught I know,) thus writeth the Commenter upon Guntherus, by occasion of these words, 
k † Sequitur commentitiam Scholasticorum Theologorum sententiam; qui Christi verba de duobus gl●diis, ut pleraque alia, quae propius ad philophiam caelestem pertine bant, subvertetunt: reclamantibus omnibus Christi praeceptis, reclamante tota ipsius vita, reclamante doctrina Apostolica refragantibus tot Martyrum millibus, repugnantibus vetustis Interpretibus, paveis illis verbis, Ecce duo gladii hîc, mundi gladium Imperatori & Ecclesiae, si Christo placet, asseruerunt; quamuis ipse affirmet regnum suum non esse de hoc mundo, & Apostolus; Arma nostra non sunt carnalia, sed potentia Dei. Sed quid attine bat hinc trahere pullicam Magistratuum functionem, quam neque Christus, neque Apostoli admerunt, quin eis etiam Idololatris incolum● esse volueru●t, quòd iustitiae divirae seruiret? Dumque Sacerdoti conatur iunger● Regem hoc est dum superi● oritatem (ut vocat dominan li, Sacerdo ibus pla●è interdictam à Christo usurpat Spigel. Germ. Script. to 2 p. ●69.  Gladijs quae rite duobus Niti●ur: He seemeth (quoth he) to follow the commentitious opinion of the Schoole-divines, who do not so much interpret, as subvert the words of Christ of two Swords, as they do all other that appertain unto this heavenly Philosophy, against the example of his life, which is our best precept, against the doctrine of the blessed Apostles, and so many thousands of Martyrs, and the whole stream of ancient Interpreters commenting upon this place. In these few words, Behold two Swords, (say they full wisely God wot) one for the Emperor, the other for the Church: and yet would they be pleased to hearken unto Christ, he would inform them, that his Kingdom is not of this World: and the Apostle semblably, Our weapons are not carnal, but power full unto God, etc. Which latter words, aswell as the former, are objected against Hildebrand by Conrade Bishop of Trai●ct at a meeting of all the Bishops of Cermany and France at Ga●st●ng, reproaching him very worthily, for going about 
l † Gladio duplici ense ancipiti ad viwm reserare. Io. Auent. Annal. Bo●●●, p. 462.  with his double or two-edged sword, to rivet open and unfold the obscure places of both Testaments. Thus you see plainly, that the edge of both your Swords are well abated. If you list to try a veny or two at foins (for at sharp you cannot) 
m † Papam non habere v●rumque gladium ait. Sigebertus Trith●mus apud Zuinger. p. 4126.  Sigebertus and Trithemius, have beaten these Swords about your ears, as one 
n † Ensem ancipitem, gladium duplicem Christianae Ciu●●ati da●um ad seruandum vi●●ficar dumque, non occidendum esse putabat: eundemque spiritualem appellabat, qui est sermo Dei, vita & ●ux hominum● & mortuos ad vitam revocat, ex hominibus Deus, ex mortalibus aeterno● facit. Io. Auent. Annal. Boior. l. 5. p. 446.  Gerochus in Aventine, is bold to put you in mind, that this double or two-edged Sword, is given to save and quicken us, and not to kill, he understandeth this Sword spiritually of the Word of God, the life and light of men, that is able by its power to raise dead men to life, to make gods of men, and to convert and turn mortality into immortality. Thus far Io Aventine, so much, and so often commended by your Papists: though you have taken away his just commendations, quo iure, quáue iniuria, I know not. But the best is, 
† jam enim Pontisices in eam venerant Maiestatem (quam Principes Saeculares dicut presumptionem) ut Reges crearent, citantes verbum primi post Christum Pontificis, Ecce (in quit Petrus) duo gladij hic Contra quod Principes ipsi verbum aeterni Pontificis (Mitte gladium tuum in vaginam) de gladio carnali, humano & saeculari interpretantur, quasi non liceat summo Pontifici in eo pugnare. Albert. Krantz. Wandal. l. ● c. 2. p. 17●.  Albertus Krantzius, as good a Writer as he, gives this censure of your two Swords: The Roman BB. were come now to take that state upon them (which our Temporal Princes (saith he) call presumption) as to create Princes, citing for themselves Peter's words, that was first Bishop after Christ, Behold, here are two Swords, against which, our Temporal Princes oppose the words of Christ, Put up thy Sword into thy sheath; interpreting it of the material, carnal, and temporal Sword; as if it were not lawful for the Pope to use that to his purpose. And thus having put up your Swords, and showed out of your own best Writers, that these Keys will not serve to open the way to any foreign jurisdiction, we cleave fast to the Rock Christ, or faith; and do certainly believe, that the Pope hath no temporal jurisdiction, either in this Land, or any other Country, out of the New Testament: as little help is there out of the places of the old; for in this very question, you would be accounted like the good Housholder in the Gospel, that have both old & new in store for us.  
The places cited by you, are two in number, and none in effect. The first is taken out of Deut. 17. He that shall refuse to obey the commandment of the Priest, by the decree of the judge shall die the death. This argument being taken out of a corrupt reading in your Bibles, ex for &, and well 
In a Treatise against Doctor Norrice, etc.  amended in your Clement Bibles (as I have showed elsewhere) let it stand by a while, while we examine that other of planting and displanting, planting God's Word, and displanting errors, and not Kingdoms, which I could prove very sufficiently out of the ancient Manuscripts: but I content myself only for the present, with that Exposition which the Council of 
p ☞ Con●. Bas. MS p. 678.  Basil giveth of these words, answerable to my former words, and contrary to your unwonted exposition. And thus having extinguished the Pope's pretenced right, let us take a full survey of him, his doctrine, life, manners and actions towards God, and towards men. Some things seem otherwise then they are; all is not Gold that glistereth; all are not 
q † Budaeus de Ass. l. 5. p. 724.  of the best that are called so; Popes may be sainted and canonised here upon earth, whose souls fry in Hell fire. I know (as once 
r † Ex opusculo de Herculis vita. p. 544. Me extemplo impium, & cum facinorosis hominibus aqua & igni interdicet.  Lil. Greg. Gyraldus said) that it were better for me to hold my peace, and to commend their many abominations, and manifold abuses unto 
s † De eius modi magis mutire possumus, quam palam loqui, & idcirco satius ea fuerit Harpocrati, & Argironae consignare. Lil. Greg. Gyrald. Syntagm. 1. p. 14.  Harpocrates, or the Lady Silence; for else I must look to be cursed with Bell, Book and Candle: but iacta est alea, I am resolved to go on in my intended courses, to entreat first of their wicked and accursed lives, and then of their heretical and damnable positions and doctrines, speaking no more than others have done before me of your own side; some of them of great mark and eminency. I trust I shall find favour both with God and men, both Papists and Protestants; or if the worst come to the worst, I hope I shall have a pardon of course. And first,   

For their lives and manners, what goodly Popes have we?  
IT is no matter in what order I rank them: as they live in no order, so I will take them as they first come to my hand. And first, because there is a common saying amongst us, As merry as Pope joan; Was there not a Woman Pope amongst them? 
a † Zuing. p. 439 & p. 491 & Bb. Pp. v ● col 1452.  Sigebert & Bocace de claris mulieribus, c. 99 
c † Germ. rerum Script. ●●● p. 731.  johannes Baptista, 
d † Zuing. p. 1997.  Egnatius, l. 3 c. 4. Chronicon 
b † Zuing. p. 950.  excerptum de diverfis Chronicis, Baptista Fulgosius, l. 7. c. 3. Calius 2. Curio l. 14. c. 1. Crantz l. 2. Metrop. 
e † Zuing. p. 1201.  Fr. Petrarcha. 
f † Pag. 39 Io. M●gnuntinus ●●m. 1.  Anselmus Rydd. And to help to make up a full jury, 
g Ms. in Coll. Ball.  Ran. Nygedon, ad an 858. And lastly, a book of the 
h Ms. O. 4. 11. in the public Library.  Stations of the Church of Rome of great antiquity, remaining in our public Library at Oxford, there are many more witnesses yet remaining behind: but because they are many, and these only not so much distinguished from the rest, as clean extinguished in your books. I leave them to be dressed for your dainty palates by one that is a very expert Cook.  
Sergius the third begat 
i † Zuing. p. 23●3.  john the twelfth, on the body of Marozzia, a common strumpet. Luitprandus, l. 3. c. 12. Here is a good succession of your Popes: you were best plead this.  

k † Zuing. ex Trithemio & S●geb. p. 2289.  john the twelfth, like father, like son, kept his father's Whore, and I know not, whole troops and squadrons of Whores and Queans; and for this very cause was turned out of his Popedom like a knave as he was; and lastly, was 
l † Zuing. ex Trithemio, Platina, Bl●ndo, & ●uitpr●nd●, p. 531.  taken with another man's wife in the very act of adultery, and so slain.  
Hildebrand was hateful both to God and men (you may be sure not without good cause) being Antichristed, by so many good Writers, and free speakers of those times: but above all, commend me to john Aventine, 
m † Equidem nullus obtrectator & adulator sum, sicut lex Historiae postulat libero ore loquor Io Auent. Annal. l. 5. p. 535.  who was neither flatterer nor backbiter of any; but with a full mouth invayed sharply (as far, and no otherwise, than the truth of the History required;) who hath set 
n † Io. Auent. Annal. Boior. l. 5. p. 452.  him forth in all his lively colours, and who dares take up the Pencil after Apelles?  
Anno Dom. 978. 
o † Iste dicitur in Papatu magus & N●● romanticus, & Diabolum pro di●●tiis adorasse, etc. C●r●●. de d●●●●s●s, Co●on▪ p. 732. Germ. Comm. Script. ●● 2.  Gerbert●●, alias, Sylvester, Poped it; a great Pope, and as great a Magician and Necromancer, he worshipped the Devil for riches sake, and was promised by him, that he should not die, till he came into Jerusalem. Hereupon he promised himself many years, and bade his soul take much ease; for as for that Jerusalem that was above, he meant never to go to it; and for that on earth, it was beyond the Seas too far for his Holiness to go: but (as secure as he was of his life and happiness) as the Devil would, there was a Chapel called by that name, which for the very name of a Chapel, he had not of likelihoods visited often, where he ended his unhappy days; and after his death (see the judgement of God) 
p † ●ussit seipsum amputati manibus si●s, & pedibus, & a●●s membris enor●●iter, & crudeliter ●●utilar●▪ Ib. p. 732.  his privy members, hands and feet, and all the rest, were piteously torn and cut off by his own appointment: and it is more than probable, that as his body went not to the grave in any decent or Christian sort; so his soul went not to Heaven, notwithstanding he had the Keys about him when he died, as 
q † Eyes licet rectà in coelum migrare, quip cum claves. gerant Er. to. 2. C●nt. 7 Adag 1. p. 774.  Erasmus merrily once said. But leaving him unto his Lord, to whom he doth stand or fall, (because it shall not be said unto me, Who art thou that judgest another man?) I only note this by the way, that it is no strange thing for a Pope to go to Hell. 
r † Cap 4. ep. 5. In Scholiis super illa verba, Benedictum Papam. Haec eadem narrat d● Benedicto 8. & 9 Martinus Polonus in suis supputationibus: quod si constat ut in utriusque vita ait Platina, qui tamen Christianus erit, non hinc scandalizabitur, sed aedifi●●bitur: verba quae in Textu hab●ntur haec sunt. Episcopus qui tum (si rectè teneo) Capuae praeerat, vi it Maiorem Benedictum Papam qui ●am obierat, nigro ●quo quasi corporaliter insidentem▪ P Damianus Bb. ●r. 10 3. col. 721.  P. Damianus reports of a Bishop of Capua, as far as he remembreth, that saw Benedict the Pope riding on a black Horse in those infernal Lakes.  

s † Sixtus 4. bonis malisque Artibus instructus▪ jovius in Leone 10. & 〈◊〉 l. 6 Hist apud Zuing p ●7  Sixtus 4. was brought up in the better and the worse Arts.  
Pope 
t † Stuprum Zosim. Pontificis etiam p●r Diabolum. Zuing. ex Marulo, l. 3 c. 2 1347.  Zosimus was an Adulterer by confession of the Devil.  

* † Zuing. p 1531.  Benedict the ninth got the Popedom by Simoniacal chaffering, and marchandizing, a small sin, a peccadillo.  

u † Zuing. p 1627. (●) See a book entitled, Loci duo ab Expurgatoribus dolo malo subrasi, 8. s. 39 Th.  Alexander the sixths' vices, or abominations rather, were recorded in Guicciardine: you have practised to deface the foulness of his crimes from out the memory of man; but as you have your Indices, so God and the truth have their (:) Vindices.  

x † Hic iaceo in nomine Diaboli. Zuing. p. 1482.  john the 23. was an accursed blasphemer, when he chanced to fall down on the ground, Here I lie (quoth he) in the Devil's name.  
john the 13. is called a 
y † Monstrum vitiorum appellat. Platina Zuing. p. 1613.  Monster of all vices.  
As Benedict the ninth got the Popedom by Simony, so 
† joh. ●●. P●optrâ scorti Theodorae adeptus Pontificatum. Lui●prandus Zuing. p. 2314.  john the eleventh got it by means of a lewd Harlot: it must needs thrive, that is so well and truly gotten.  

a † Zuing. p. 2208.  Leo the tenth his luxury is known out of jovius in his life. 
b † Onuphrius apud Zuing p. 1208.  Onuphrius hath described julius 2. his Houses and Gardens of pleasure, but speaketh nothing of his travels and pains in his Vicarship. I have 
c † jovius in Leone 10. apud Zuing. p. 22●●.  read of Hadrian the sixth his Peacocks, not kept without some Epicureisme, and lost with great blasphemy. Petrarches red Hat that was offered him, if he would be but a Bawd to the 
d † Squarziaf ●n vita Petrarchae. Zuing. p. 2272.  Pope for his own sister, might cause the Papists to blush at their bawdy Popes, if they had any grace in them. Boniface the 8. whose famous sentence it was, that if he lead millions of souls into Hell, no man could tax him for it, or say black to his eye; gave good tokens of his repentance: for, upon Ash-wednesday, when after the usual ceremonies with great solemnity, his Holiness was to throw ashes upon their heads, he cast it into one's eyes, that was of the contrary faction, saying in mockery, or blasphemy rather, in stead of these words; Remember man that thou art ashes, and to ashes thou shalt go: Remember Sirrah, that thou art one of the Gibellines, and with the Gibellines thou shalt perish. Much more may be said out of Stella, that shineth like a bright Star in 
●●. Stella de vitis 100L. Pontificum.  those darker Ages, and hath most lively represented unto us the lives of their impure unholy Fathers, the Popes. But as I began with Pope joan, so I end my discourse with Pope Eugenius the fourth, who, whether he were man or woman, God or Devil, I know not: but he made havoc of all things, neither fearing God, nor regarding 
e † Divina simul & humana contur●a●●t A●● R●dd. ●. 53.  man, putting all things as it were into a combustion.  
But let their lives be as bad as may be (and worse they cannot be) yet as long as their doctrine is sound, and their teaching good, we may and aught to adhere unto them: it may be they are impeccable and inerrable by the special providence of God, and assistance of his grace, possessing that Chair that hath that promise: but because both 
f Papa de haeresi 〈◊〉 accusari. Nic. 〈◊〉, part. 2. p ●●82.  Nic-Eymericus, in his days a famous Inquisitor, and Franciscus Pegua his Commentatour, do determine this question, and resolve us, that the Pope may be accused of heresy, and proceeded or informed against by an 
g Inquisitor vel 〈◊〉 alius procedere possit contra Papam deprehensum in haere●i. Illius judex vel Generale Conclium, vel Cardinalium Consist●rium. Ib. part. 3. quest. 25. p. 359.  Inquisitor, or any other ordinary man: but his competent judges are none but a General Council, or a Consistory of Cardinals: (the selfsame doctrine that was preached in the Council of Constance and Basill) we will now see by their leaves, what Schisms and heresies have been stirring amongst them; and as before their hearts were without any honesty, so here the Head of 
† Diu caput Ecclesiae fuit sine cerebro. Krantz.  the Church may be found to want wit or brain, to discern betwixt truth and falsehood, the right faith and false heresies.  
The Council of 
h ☞ Conc. Bas. MS.  Basill hath made a muster of their secessions, Schisms and departures from the true faith, which thing I find carefully set down in one or two choice Manuscripts 
i ☞ MS. ●.  in Magdalen College in Oxford. To come therefore to particulars.  

k † Haeresi A●●ianae subscripsi●. Chron. excerptum de diversis Chron. germ. script. v. 1. p. 716. † Erasmus in schol. ●p. ad Dam●sum.  Liberius was an heretic, his heresy was no less than the worst of all others, that of the Arrians. 
l † Ib.  Leo succeeded him both in his Papal Sea, and Arrian heresy. Who is so little versed in the Stories of the Church, but knoweth, that 
m † Io. Villanus hist. sui temporis. Krantz. l. 5. Vanli●, c. 15.  john the 22. his error de visione faciali, was condemned by the Sorbons', and blown abroad by the sound of a Trumpet throughout all Paris? But I will dwell no longer upon this incongruous and unpleasant subject of banishing all foreign jurisdiction of Popes out of this Kingdom and territories. We say, that his Majesty may restrain with the Civil Sword, the stubborn and evil doers; which is my fourth and last proposition in this Article, and cometh now to be explained by the more temperate and moderate sort of Papists.  
In the Chapter preceding, we have forced the Temporal Sword out of the Pope's hands; and that it may be drawn forth against the stubborn and evil doers, none but the frantic Anabaptist, will dare to deny. With them and their fantastical propositions and delirations, we will have nothing to do; at this present we will inquire only, how far forth this Sword is to be drawn, according unto the Papists Tenet, and the practice of these Kingdoms.  
They make two sorts of heretics: some, that err of 
a † Qui pietatis study, non autem mala malitia Andr. Masu● in Ios. c 22. p. 318.  malice, and 
b † Non errantes in religione sed turbantes. Iust. Lips. ad Polit. Not. in c. 2. l. 4. Polit. p. 78.  trouble the State: some, that 
c † A maiorum s●orum religione paululum deflectant. Ard●▪ Master. in I●s. c 22 p. 318.  err the errors of their Fathers, and stand stiff in that Religion which hath been taught them, because they know no better: these are to be reclaimed and informed by 
d † Euangelica mansuetudine & operatione Eras. to 3. p 5.  good and gentle means, according to the example of the primitive times, when the ` Doctor's and 
e † Olim trucidahantur Christiani, nunc trucidant. to. 3 schol. in to 3. Hier. q 1 ad He●thi●m.  Pastors were readier to lay down their lives, then to take them away from illiterate and simple men and women; they 
f † Religionis causa non gladio sed ver●● D●● transigenda Thuan lib. 27 p. 28.  knew no other Sword than the Word; no other fire then the Spirit. Touching those that err of malice, they are to be dealt withal in sharper sort, especially if their malice break forth unto the disturbance of the State, either Ecclesiastical or Civil; and yet these are to be reclaimed also, and purged of their malice (if it may be) as well as of their errors; or else prevented in time by the stroke of justice, according to their demerits, without effusion of blood; but for blasphemous heretics, that impugn the Trinity, or wilfully trouble the unity and peace of this Kingdom, be they Schismatics or Heretics (it now groweth to be a matter of State rather, then Religion) I leave them to those, that know well how to rule them, thinking no punishment too sharp for them. But for your 
g Ant. de Dominis, ●● c. 8. ●● 24.  sanguinary punishments, and 
h † Au● Thuanus, ● 3 hist p 73.  bloody Inquisitions, as our State useth them not, nor our Religion doth warrant them; so your own Writers do, inveighing against them as eagerly as we can, or do; supposing, that the Church of Rome hath 
i † Saeuitiā●ihil perfectum est Eras. to 2. Adag. 1. Cent. 3. p 6 13.  profited little since it first used these unwonted and unwarranted courses, 
k Qui suadent ut omnia infumum & cinerem vertantur. Geo. Wicelius in ep. nuncupa●.  to turn all into fire and sword upon small occasions, God he knoweth: for denying the Pope's 
l † Nunc in ignem pertrahuntur, qui dubitant an Rom. Pontifex ius habeat in Purgatorium. Er to 9 p. 861.  power in delivering souls out of Purgatory; for speaking against the Canons of the Church, the opinions of their Schools: sometimes for crossing their positions (though it be but in 
m † Haeresis si quis dixerit aut scripset●● aliquid quod aliquo pacto, cum magistralibus Theologorum posituniculis vel in re Grammatica dissentiat. Er to. 2 Cent. 3. Adag 1 p 603.  Grammar) notantur Articuli; parantur fascculi; away with them to the fire, they may no longer live: one or two of their illiterate 
n † Nunc interdum monachi vanum spargunt rumorem, mox veluti suspectum pertrahunt in carcerem, ibi notantur articuli, & parantur fasciculi. Er. to. 9 p. 861.  Friars shall accuse them; some others shall bear witness; the spiritual Magistrate shall condemn them; the Temporal shall execute the sentence, to the utter destruction both of soul and body (as you are persuaded). If your men were as 
o † Saevi potius quam eruditi. & ad damnandum quam docendum instructiores. Er. Anno●▪ in ep. 168. p. 492.  ready to teach, as to burn; and dealt by 
p † Non ferro & igne, sed colloquiis grassandum. Thuau●● l. 28. p. 222.  Colloquies, and not by the Sword; by the Gospel, and not by Arms; we would think that your Religion had some show of truth, and the Christian World some likelihood of Peace; to the which in Christ I commend the cause of God's Church, and it a period to this long Article, much the longer, because it treateth of two the greatest powers upon 
q † Euangelium armis propagatum magis, quam verbis Krantz. l. 7. 6. 13.  Earth; the one lawfully challenged by his Majesty, the other unlawfully pretended and usurped by his Holiness (such as it is,) as I have showed heretofore.    

Of the 22. Article.  
Of Purgatory.  
THE Romish doctrine concerning Purgatory, Prayers, worshipping and adoration, as well of Images, as of Relics, and also invocation of Saints, is a fond thing, vainly invented and grounded upon no warrant of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word of God.  

This 22. Article explained and maintained by Papists.  
HEre we are to run through Purgatory; or rather, through a Hell of devilish inventions; but I will contract myself and it. The Church of England gives no definition of it in this Article, neither can it be defined, because non entis nullae sunt qualitates: but out of the writings of moderate Papists, it may be described briefly thus:  Purgatory is a pretty slight to pick men's purses.  

Largely thus.  
PVrgatorie is an excellent invention of fiction of some Cacologus, Schoolmen, or Legendaries, founded upon dreams and revelations, to certain politic ends: partly unknown, partly known to pick men's purses, and fill the Pope's coffers, to defeat men of their lands, and rob their souls of true comfort, leaving nothing in men's consciences but scruples and terrors, to think when it began, what it is, how long it shall continue, for years, days, months, or till the day of judgement. This awing the people by it, more than by any thing, and causing them to reverence their persons more than any men; that can by their Prayers, mages, Invocations, and Relics of Saints, Indulgences, Funerals and Diriges (being well hired unto the same,) quench this fire, deliver these souls out of Purgatori, and free them a poena, and send them strait into Paradise to their endless joy and comfort (as they think, and are persuaded by their ignorant guides). To course over the parts of this description. It is a mere fiction, not of their Theologus but of their 
a A Cacologis non Theologis excogitatum Antony's de Dom. l. 5 c 8 ●● 39 Luke 16 29  Cacologus, founded upon dreams and 
b The sto●● e● Odilo.  revelations of men, that 
c ☞ See Higden ad 〈…〉 67● especially about the story of the fellow at Long-compton, that was tormented in his grave, till he had paid his ●i●hes; and his senne by paying for ●●●●, quieted his father's soul, and ●●● prof●●●d his own  appeared to them from the dead. Habent Moysen & Prophetas, could not content them, picks men's purses, and robs men of their lands to enrich the Pope's 
d Ditavit & indies magis ditat Ecclesi●m. ●●t. ●e Dem. ● 5 c. 8 ss 75  coffers. What scruples it leaveth in the conscience, I leave to your considerations, when you shall perfectly understand, that either there was no mention of it 
e † De Purgatorio nulla mentio Inda●● renaum. † Apud priscos nulla vel quam ●arissima fiebat mentio, sed & Graecis ad hunc vs●ue diem non est creditum esse. Episcopus Roffensis apud Polydenum Virgil. l. 8. c. 1 pag. 484.  in the primitive times, or very little; that the Grecians believe it not, neither are the learnedst of the Papists able to define the place, quality, duration, and extension of it unto this present day. The Papists have been ever Sceptics in defining and defending it; take them of what time and age you will, first, middle, or latter. For the first age, you have heard there was little or no mention of it; and for the middle age, 
f ☞ Quaeritur quid tit ignis Purgator●us & qui tr●nsi●uri sunt per ilium. & qualiter. Quidam dicut, quòd est ignis materialis ultra ignis elementum non ignis cui sunt ligna materia & nutrimentii: sed ignis qui ●am existens sub luna. M S O p 403.  one that wrote about some four of five hundred years ago (as may be conjectured by the hand) makes it a very disputable question what it is, where it is, who shall pass thorough it, and how long it shall continue.  
The first point he resolves, but with a quidam dicunt, some say, that it is a material fire, beyond the Element of fire; no such fire as is to be maintained with wood, or nourished with any materials.  

g ☞ A●● dicunt, quò▪ ignis ille nilul aliud est. quam poena, quae ideo dicitur ignis quia gravis est, & urens ad modum ignis; & quia quaedam poena pum●●ns est & aeterna he de illa intelligeretur, dictus est ignis purgatorius, id est non puniens, sed purgans per poenam temporaliter quis aeternaliter ne puniatur. Quicquid autem sit ignis ille▪ credendum est, quòd fideles etsi non omnes per eum transeum illi scilicet qui perfectam poenitentiam in hac vita non egerunt Sed alii plus sentiat, alii minus & ali● cituis liberantur ab eo, alii tardius Nam quidam usque in diem iudicii in eo puniuntur quidam citò liberantur & hoc secundum quantitatem peccati & poenitentiae, & secunnum modum confitend●, ut praedictum est. Nu● O p 403.  Alii dicunt, others say, that it is nothing but a kind of punishment, likened to, or called fire, because fire is the greatest of punishments, and this burns like fire: and to distinguish it from Hell fire, that is lasting; because this fire doth not so much punish, as purge men by temporal pains, it is called a Purgatory fire, or Purgatory.  
Who shall go thorough it? Whatsoever the fire is, (here is no certain resolution of the question,) believed it must be, that although all the faithful children of God pass not thorough it, but these only which perfected their penance in this life; yet with this distinction, that some souls shall be punished more, some less. Some souls shall be delivered from thence quickly in an instant. Some souls shall be kept there prisoners till the last day of judgement, according as they do penance, or sin; more or less, and according to the manner of contrition. If this be their doctrine (as then it was in those darker Ages of the World) what comfort out of all these doubtings? May not a man say unto their School men, as 
* Iob ●6 2 h Animarum loca certa assignare impossibile Ant. de Dominis, l ●. c. 8 ss 122.  job said unto his friends, Miserable comforters are ye? But to come nearer our own times: How is this point tossed and tumbled, and yet the Dovelike soul cannot find any place to rest herself on? to 
† Ignis remorsus conscientiae. Er. to. 9 p 685.  name any set places or receptacles of the souls after this life, is impossible. No mortal man can riddle me this riddle, and tell me what this fire is. Some understand by this fire, thes fire of conscience, or of 
i † Purgantur animae post mortem ign● charitatis. E●as●● 9  charity. Some make it an 
k † Torquentur igni qui suh sensum non cadit. Victor Antiochenus, cap. 5. Ebb Pp. col. 1004.  insensible fire; othersome doubt of it, as 
l † De Purgatorio dubitant viri docti & pii. Er. to. 9 p. 685  Erasmus, and other learned men; and in special, james Faber, entreating of the rich Glutton in the Gospel; and if there be any such place as Purgatory, it is as it 
n † Vt Deo placitum est & cognitum. jac. Faber ibi. c 16 aln.  pleaseth God. Saint Augustine sometimes doubteth of it; sometimes it is past doubt, saith the same Saint 
o † Dubitat de eo Aug. Er. in indice Aug.  Augustine, (if the book be his) that there are 
p † Tertius locus penitus Ignoratus. Aug. in lib. Hypognost. p. 597.  but two places, Heaven and Hell: he is altogether ignorant of a third place. Vbinunc est Purgatorium? What then will become of Purgatory? And (to my seeming) this was the ancient tenet of the Church: For although 
q † De statu post mortem, aut exigua, aut prorsus nulla mentio ante Cbristum. Cyprianus Men. Cisterciensis in c. 7. job, p. 147.  there be little or nothing known, what will become of our souls before Christ; yet since the time of Christ's birth and Passion, I am 
r † Animae be atorum statim in coelum vad●t. jul. Tole●anus. l. 2. c. 8. col. 939. to. 9 Bb. Tp.  taught by the Primitive Fathers, that the souls of the godly go immediately to Heaven; that they are 
s † Anima soluta à corpore absoluitur ab omni macula peccati Ger. Ven. Probl. ●57. to. 2. sect. 4.  absouled from all blots and spots of sin; that 
t † Puniti pios post moretm impossibile. In Ind. Chrys.  it is impossible that the punishment of fire should come near them; that it is a 
u † Mirabile sophisma ex theologiae myster iis quod condonata culpa manet obligatio poenarum & infirmitatis. Er. ●●. 9 p 6. 15.  meera sophism in Divinity, to think that part, that is the fault, is pardoned; and part, that is the punishment, remaineth behind to be satisfied; there is no such matter. 
* † Deus simpliciter ipsam & culpam, & poenam condonavit jac. Faber ●● Luc. c. 16.  he that remitteth the fault, will never exact the punishment: or rather let us say (as an ancient 
x ☞ Summae crudelitatis & incredulitatis est, ab eo qui summe bonus est, dimidian sperare veniam. MS. * p. 24. Non fas est dimidiam de eo soerare veniam, qui caput est & sons veniae, qui cum unum mortale remittit omnia remittit MS p. 71.  Writer doth) It were unfitting, or unlawful, nay, a sin that hath a mixture of some cruelty and incredulity, to hope for half pardons at his hands, that is so good and merciful; the fountain of all goodness and mercy; either he remitteth all, or none. And therefore laying all that hathbeen formerly spoken, and a great deal more that may be alleged to this purpose, before our eyes, let us safely conclude, that it is an unsafe way to make Purgatory (as it were) an Article of our Creed, as our 
y Vide formulam iuramenti.  Trent Masters do: at the least, let us take heed of 
z Temerarium de rebus abditissimit quae in alia vita fiunt ex se proprioque cerebro quidquam promere.  prying into those hidden mysteries, which God would have hidden, and dare rather to invent, or hammer out somewhat out of our own brains, then to be ignorant of any thing: let us not be too 
a Temperent sibi Theologi ab immodica asseveratione & qualitatum descriptione. Geo. Wicel. Met. Con. c. 18.  confident in describing the place and quality of its punishment. A modest ignorance of these things will best become us, till we have better warrant for the same out of Gods revealed Word.   

Of Indulgences.  
PVrgatory should seem to have been in great request heretofore, it hath such a great train following after of Indulgences, Prayers for the dead, Relics, Pilgrimages, Diriges, Funerals, Images, and invocations of Saints. Though the fall of Purgatory may be the overthrow of them all, yet we will (by God grace) entreat of them severally in their order: and first of Indulgences, and Popish Pardons, because they have so near 
a † Quamdiu nulla fuerat de Purgatorio cura nemo quaesivit indulgentias: nam ex illo pendet omnis Indulgentiarum existimatio. Polyd. Virgil. l. 8. c 1 p. 484.  affinity with Purgatory, that if it be proved, that there is no Purgatory, it will be easy to prove, that there are no Indulgences; and then the Pope's 
b † Si tollatur Purgatorium quorsum Indulgentiis opus erit? Ib.  market is marred, his Pardoners may go shake their ears.  
First, for the original of them, we subscribe to the Council of 
c P. 822. Hist. Conc. Trid.  Trent: It is certain, and cannot be concealed, that in no Christian Nation of the Eastern Church, either in ancient or modern time, there ever was any use of Indulgences of any kind whatsoever. And in the West, if by ancient custom they mean that which was observed before Vrban the second, in the year 1095, no proof can be brought of the use of Indulgences. If from that time, until the year 1300. it will appear, that the use of them hath been sparing, and only to free men from punishments, imposed by the Confessor. Afterwards, from the Council of Vienna, the abuses began, which did increase very much, until the time of Leo the tenth. Hitherto the Council, and yet no Counsel neither; they say no more than all the World besides; I mean, a world of Papists, which I have catalogued up according to the times where in they lived descendendo; I hope they are all fit and proper.  

Indulgences came in Anno Christi 1095. and were opposed  Ann. dom.   Ann. dom.   1240  Vincentius Belluacensis.   Geo. Wicelius. 1260  Bonaventure.   Alph. de Castro. 1360  Durand.   Polyd. Virgil. 1444  Petrarch.   Onus Ecclesiae. 1●●●  A Dialogue published de insolentijs Curiae Romanae.   Conc. Tridentinum.      Chronicum Belgicum.      Io. Langius. 1410  Io. Gerson.   Huldericus Nutius. 1430  Fortalitium fidei.   Franc. Polygranus. 1453  Io. de Vesalia.   Valer. Anselmus Rydd. 1453 By Vincent. Ferrarius.  By Sylvester Prierius. 1458  Regin. Peacock.   Contra Lutherum Conclusiones. 1460  Tho. Gascoigne.    1478  Dominicus de Dominicis.   Laur. Valla.      Car. Militzius. 1480  Gabr. Bieli.   Fr. Guicciardinus. 1480  Hier. Savanarola.   Io. Roffensis. 1494  Wern. de Rollowinck.   Nigellus Wirocher. 1511  Nic. Kus.   Anon. Vetus scripter. 1511  Io. Keyserberg.   Conr. a Liechtenawo. 1514  Friar Flechen.   Io. Auentinus. 1518  Caietanns.   Henricus Henriquez.   Cassander.     
In this Catalogue, I have mentioned none but such as were esteemed at the least of their Church, and complained of the sundry abuses of it. I have purposely omitted these that follow: P. Valdus, Io. Wickleph, Walter Brute, Guil. Swinderby, Ric. Turmyn, Io. Cleydon, Io. Purvey, Henr. Token, Nic. Russee, Ric. Hume: These were all Waldenses, Wicklevists, or Hussi●es; you will never accept of their testimonies when they are brought against you, and I am very well provided without them, to make good these two Propositions.  

1. That there is no such treasure of the Church; we have but carbones pro the sauro.  
2. If there be, or put case there be; yet they are ill distributed, and as they are bought and sold, cannot be defended.   
These two Propositions are maintained and explained by the Papists, to whose writings I have confined myself, when I might (as you perceive by that which hath been written) have made use of a great many more testimonies, both pregnant and pertinent to my purpose: but these and a few Parchments shall suffice.   

The first Proposition.  
That there is no such Treasure of the Chureh.  
Whatsoever Pontanus the jesuit, out of that of Virgil, 
Symbolarum l 1● 40 6. Aeneides In ilsud, ergo exercentur poenis, vide de poenis expiatoriis, p. 1509.  Infectum eluitur scelus aut exoritur ignis, proves Purgatory; yet you have heard that Polydore Virgil could neither fetch Purgatory, nor Purgatory Pardons so far, because the Well was deep, and his bucket would not reach so far. Fr. Polygranus in his Catholic Assertions knoweth no other Pardons (nor I,) then such as by the 
a † De jure divinc quilibet Sacerdos dare possit Fr. Polygranus assert, quorundam Ecclesiae dogmatum. p. 68  Law of God, any ordinary Priest might give unto a true penitent; that is, to 
b ☞ Sacerdos absoluit id est ostendit absolutum † ab obligatione fori poenitenualis. MS O p. 93 or, ☞ Ostendit peceatum esse dimissum vel retentum, & haec est potestas quam dedi● Deus ligandi at que soluendi. idest. ostendendi ligates. vel solutos in Confession, cum iam soluta sint apud Deum per cordis Confessionem MS. O p. 410.  pronounce him absolved before God. He doth this but declarative, or ministerially; it is God alone that doth truly forgive sins, and acquit us both a paena & a culpa. 
c ☞ Ego solus deleo iniquitatem populi. Item Ambrose: Ille solus peccata dimit tit qui solus pro peccatis mortuus est. Et Aug. Nemo tollit peccata, nisi solus Christus, qui est agnui tollens peccata mundi tollit autem & dimittendo qua facta sunt, & adiwando ne fiant perducendo ad vitam ubi omnino fieri non possunt. MS. O. p. 410.  I alone (saith he) by the Prophet Isay, do put away, or put out the sins of my people. Also Ambrose; He, and none but he, forgiveth sins, that died for thee. And Saint Augustine most elegantly concludes the Chorus in these words; No man can take away our sins but Christ alone, which is the immaculate Lamb that taketh away the sins of the World; he taketh them away, both by pardoning them that are already committed, and by keeping us from committing any more, and by bringing us to heaven, where it is impossible to sin any more. More than this, what can be said to take away the Keys from the Pope, and give them to the true owner, Christ? To point us out with the finger, or to direct us to the true Treasure of the Church, the Merits of our Saviour, the true Purgatory of Christ's blood: and thus much briefly of the first Proposition.   

The second Proposition.  
That Indulgences, if they had been good at their first institution (which can never be proved) being abused as they are, and ever will be, are not to be tolerated any more in the Church of Christ.  
THe Pope, whom Polygranus in the place before cited (which I had forgotten to tell you) maketh the sole Steward and distributer of this 
d † Propter varios abusus restrictae ad Papam Ib. p. 68  Treasure, for that they were abused, when they were in the hands of every ordinary Priest to be disposed and distributed, as liked them best, pretendeth the good of the Church by his 
e † Sub praetextu Turcorum infinitam collegerunt (quatuor ad diversas mundi partes legati missi) pecuni am, cum summis & plenissimis misit Indulgentiis, ut collectam pecuniam ●ali astu tandem copiose inter Cardinales novas creaturas suas distribuere posset. Praeterea ex cunctis fidelium regionibus, praesertim Germaniae, mediantibus Indulgentiarum Commissariis, sub specie fabricae Basilic● S Petri pecuniam omnimodis aggregare feruentissime ausus est, tametsi ad dictae fabricae, etc. In Chron Cyti●●nsi ad ann●●● Domini 1513. German rerum script. ●0. 1.  Croisadoes, and building of Saint Peter's Fabric. But he intendeth nothing less, than the advancement of the true Cross, and the publishing of Saint Peter's doctrine; but the dividing and sharing of so many millions amongst his new made Cardinals, which he had 
f † Creavit denique & eodem tempore alios 30 Cardinals, à quibus ex pacto quingent m●●●a aureotum su●cepit. Ib.  fleeced but a little before; taking for the making of thirty Cardinals, not passing five hundred thousand Crowns 
g † Quando adhuo illud S●●ruat●●ris praeceptum inviolatum per manebit, Gratis acce●●stis gratis date? Ibid.  Alack, when shall our Saviour's precept come in date, gratis accepistis, gratis date? that they would bestow that freely, which freely they have received? But it may be said, or feared at the least, that some of their Popes come not so freely by their Chair, and therefore make a common Matte of these Pardons. As Pope Boniface being both a covetous 
h † Erat et pecuniae avidus, ad quam colligendam plures lega●os▪ per diversas mundi partes ad negotian●um cum In●ulgent●s misit. Fuit denique maximu● Simoniacus, & S●monia: cultores multis dignitatibus sublimavit, &c In Chron. Cytiz. ad ann. Dom 1555.  wretch, and a Simoniack sent not his Disciples as Christ did to preach, but his Brokers to trade for Pardons, offering his plenary Pardons so 
i Petentibus contra ius fasque conecssit quaestus gratia. Indulgenti● verò plenariae ita passim vendebantur ut iam frequenti usu vilesceret clau●um & literarum Apostolicarum autoritas. In Chron. Cytizensi p. 1389.  cheap, that many began to loathe them, and wax weary of them: for there was no sin so hateful, no crime so enormous, but it was bought out for ready money. This was the second foul abuse of Pardons. But if we cast our eyes upon the History of the Council of Trent, we shall see many horrible abuses of Pardons, that could not 
k Hist. Conc. Trid. p 169.  be related without tears; as first, that Leo 10. should give the benefit of his Indulgences to his sister Magdalen, wife unto Franceschetto Cybo, Innoc. 8. his bastard. Secondly, the Pardoners in Taverns, and elsewhere in Games, and other things not fit to be named spent them. The Trent-Masters durst not name all the abuses, either for shame or modesty belike: but one Tho. Gascoigne, that was sometime Chancellor of this University, and might have been Bishop of this Realm, having 
m ☞ Gascoigne in Dict●●nario Theol. MS  publicly read against the abuses of Indulgences in his Lectures at Oxon, and showed that they were cause of much wickedness, afterwards he relateth these particulars: That they 
n ☞ Ib. in Calathi●.  were carried up and down the Country in Baskets, and either sold for six pence, four pence, or two pence, or given for a game at Tennis for a cup of Ale, and worse matters, that is in plain English, 
* Pro actu meretricio.  for lying with awench. He himself is much against the Pope's changing penance into money: and farther showeth, that there was a Doctor (English belike) at the Council of Basil, disproving Indulgences; out of a Paper-booke of the Counsels in Durham College. The book of Counsels which the Doctor used, is now fairly bound, and charily preserved in Balliol College, and the authority that is cited out of that book against Indulgences, is to this 
o ☞ Non est putandu●n quod (Papa) ut pecunias recipiae det indulgentias, & si faceret peccaret graviter: nec te●erent▪ quia nec esset charitas in recipiente nec pieta● in causa Bas. MS. p ●09.  effect; to prove, that the Pope cannot sell his Pardons, and if he did, they would be of no force, arguing neither charity in the one, nor piety in the other. This I speak only upon my own conjecture, grounded upon these two reasons: first, because there be four books of Sermons, Acts, and other passages in that Council; and secondly, because he doth treat of this point somewhat largely, and with an English freedom. But esteem of its authority as you will. To draw this point to some conclusion. I know your ears by this time begun to glowgh, to hear of so much baggage stuff, seeing the doctrine of Indulgences, take it at the best, is 
p Hist. Conc. ●●id. p. 21.  rather disputable, then decided; take it at the worst, that it bringeth with it many abuses, more than I have mentioned, noted by 
q I●. p. 58.  john Gerson, and Nic. Clemangis, and Io. Collet of England: known by the detestable gain by Indulgences, the 
r Ib p. ●9.  people especially of Germany enthralled and robbed of their money, had not Martin Luther of Wittemberge, and Friderick, Duke of Saxony just cause to reclaim, and declaim against the sundry abuses of them, being 
s † Quomam eiusmo ● Indulgentiani quaestus iam in odium hominum cum Procuratoribus incurrerunt Polyd. V●●g de ●uen●. re●●●, l. 8. c. 4. p. 498.  now grown into the general hatred of all men, and to banish them out of all Germany, and we here in England not to admit them, until they be better warranted unto us. Things that are good (as the brazen Serpent) out of your own Gascoigne, may be taken away: and so much of Indulgences and Pardons. Pardon me if I have insisted the longer on this point occasioned through plenty of matter. I will contract myself in all the rest, leaving you to imagine, what large volumes may be written of controversies out of their own Indices, if either I had all of them, or all were written out of them: but I may with thankfulness to the Almighty, say unto them that mean to spend hours well in this kind, Principium dedi vobis. I only intent and propose unto myself an Introduction unto the Controversies in this first Edition.   

Of Prayers for the Dead.  
OF prayers for the dead, what shall I say? Seeing that in our prayers whether 
a † In publicis precibus nihil quod non depromptum ex sacris ●●e●●s E● to 6. in c. ● Mat. p 54.  public or private, there must be no 
b † Mu●●● rculae meniae sacris ad mix●ae Ib. † D●u precation● nugae assurae. Ib.  assuments, or additaments of men or women, but all must be taken out of the holy Scriptures; although I cannot deny, but the 
c Purga ●r●●m nega●ur à Graecis & ●amen orant pro de funck is Ant de Domnas, ● 7 § 118.  Grecians, which to this day do deny Purgatory, do grant the use of prayers for the dead: yet because I am taught, that in the next life there is present 
d † Eras in Indice Aug.  condemnation, or remunertation, and, 
e † Eras to 9 p 683  that they will profit us little or nothing; and that we are to be accountable at the last day of judgement, for every idle word, they were better forborn, then used, and that I may conclude all in the marginal note upon Greg. Neocaesariensis word, verè sentiunt qui sublat as volunt preces pro defunctis: they think aright, which would 
f † In Greg Nc●●aesar in Metaphrasi in Eccleslasten, c. 9 col. 97 lib. 3 Legitur in Textu. Praemia porro poenasque nullas post expletum vitae cursum proponi. Et in margin † Sic verè sentiunt qui sub●a●ar volunt precespro defunctis.  have prayers for the dead abolished, according to the plain doctrine of the Church of England.   

Of Relics and Pilgrimages.  
FIrst, of Relics, seeing they 
a † Auaritia & turp●● quaestus multo● errores induxit in Ecclesiam tum circa doctrinas quae ad quaestum plus faciunt, quam in pietatem O quot scrup● conscientiae timidis & infirmis mentibus ingeruntur, qui per unum Christi sanguinem possunt ●sse ●o●ae? jac Fabor in ●p ●d Tit. c. 1. p. 2●0.  sprung both from one root, covetousness and gain, which is the root of all evil. We will inquire, whether there be any true Relics, or no; proceeding in right method, first, to prove the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and then to talk of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afterwards.  
Let it be first agreed upon of all hands, that if Relics be to be worshipped of any, then much more of Christ, the blessed Virgins, and his Apostles; but all these are either uncertain, or unknown; of Christ what have we remaining, but some few cart loads of his Cross, or Nails wherewith he was fastened to the Cross? which he that will believe, must have faith more than a grain of Mustardseed, so incredible are they (if the relation be true which I find recorded in an ancient Parchment book. The history is somewhat long, but withal strange, and therefore we will hear it, and it be but for its novelty to you, and incredibiliti● both to you and me. I read (saith my Author) 
b ☞ In quadam Chronica Authentica legitur, etc. MS. 29. p. 84.  that Helena was the daughter of Choel, King of the Britons, whom Constantine at his coming into Britain married, being the only daughter of her father. After whose death, the whole Island devolved, unto him. So much wemay read in the British Stories: but some there be that fetch her pedigree and descent as far as Treuers. Thus much a man may believe, although that he have but some few grains or scruples of faith: But that which followeth, can hardly be believed, without some scruple of conscience, though he had whole mountains of faith, or as much faith as would remove Mountains into the Sea; yet, I say, it will hardly be believed. The said Helena being desirous to find out Christ's Cross, and nails (a most excellent invention, whosoever put it into her head) sent for all 
SI de hoc Regina quae sierit, vide ne hoc sibi aliquatenus confitearis.  the jews: the I was supposing it was for some such business, feared and resolved, that they would never confess where it was One judas (mistake him not for judas Iscariot) yet it was one almost as ancient as he: perhaps, some men will wonder how this should come to pass, when it is known, that Helena called this assembly of jews, more than 270. years after Christ? I answer out of the same Author, that perhaps men lived longer 
c ☞ Nisi forte dice es, quod tunc homines plus quam modo viu●bant MS 24 ● 83 Iuss●t ●os omnes igne cre●ari. Hic, Domina justi & prophetae filius optime novit l●gë, & tibi omnia quae quaelieris ab eo in●icabit.  then, than they do now. Zachaeus was his Grandfather, and Saint Stephen that was stoned to death, was this judas brother: this judas (I say) when Queen Helena threatened to burn them all alive, if they would not tell her; for all their solemn vow, was discovered to her to be the only man, that knew where the Cross was hidden: so she set them aside, and took judas along with her, and told him in plain terms, that if he would not tell her where Golgotha was, that the Cross might be found, eft 'zounds she would throw him into a pit, and there he should lie (as sure as Christ died for her) till he were famished to death: which was instantly done, and there he lay poor soul six days and six nights: but on the seventh day he made signs to come forth, and made show that he would tell them where the precious Relic of the Cross was. As soon as he came forth, down falleth he to his prayers, (which that it might be the more available was joined with much fasting) strait ways whilst he prayed, the ground shook, and yielded forth a sent of most pleasant smells. Whereat judas lift up both his hands, and said; Now do I know of a truth, that Christ is the Saviour of the world. Now in that place (as we read in the Ecclesiastical History (for this is not a Legend-storie) there was whilom a Temple of Venus, the Goddess of lust, built by Adrian the Emperor, wherein whosoever prayed, might be thought to pray to her Deity, & therefore it was unfrequented, and ready to fall: but Queen Helena razed it to the ground, and ploughed it up. After this judas begins to settle himself to his business, and having digged not passing 20. yards in the ground, he found three Crosses, which with great joy he carried unto Queen Helena. But lo, here a doubt, that did much perplex them all, it could not be known, which was Christ's Cross, from the thief's; nor of the two thiefs Crosses, which was the good thief's, & which was the bad's: but that mattered not. But as God would have it, there was a young man carried forth to be buried; judas stayed the Bear with his band, and laid the first cross upon the body, and it stirred not; and then he laid the second cross upon it, and it stirred not; but when he touched the body with the third Cross, the young man started up; and if this be not true, the Sea burns. Would you know what became of this wonder-working judas? He was baptised not long after by the name of Quiriacus, and in time, anno nullo, regnante nemine, (the time certainly cannot be assigned) was made Bishop of jerusalem, and was put to death by julian the Emperor, after most exquisite torments. This Quiriacus upon entreaty of the same Empress, was so happy as to find out the Nails, wherewith our Saviour was crucified, glistering in the ground as it were any gold. How Helena disposed of them, I leave to Gregorius Turonensis, and other Fablers to inform you: for my part, I believe neither part, nor parcel of this Story, as it is here related: though I do not deny, but such Nails might be found, and, perhaps, stuck in Constantine's Helmet; and one of them was thrown into the Hadriatique Sea, which hath been the quieter ever since, never a whit: yet all this will not make me believe, that the Feast of the Invention of the Cross, commonly called Holy-roode day, took its original from this judas Helena. That which I infer out of all this long and tedious legendary Story, (let the Papists ecclesiasticate, and magnify it never so much) is, that there is no certainty, either of the one, or of the other. Next, touching the parts and parcels of the Virgin Maries Sepulchre, I will not say, that these are as certain as her assumption, or her houses transumption (both which are written in the backside of my Creed:) but I will say confidently and peremptorily, that the Council of 
a † Reliquiae d●mnatae in Concilio Tr●denti●o quae contra Eccle●●ae Rome doctrinam populo ob●rud●tur & de particular Sepule●ri R. Virgins, & B Michaelis cra●io. Aug. Thuanus, l. ●3 p 463.  Trent hath long since condemned these fopperies and vanities; and it will be now high time for us to leave them. But, perhaps, there may be a good constat for the Apostles Relics. Nay, nay, they may go with the rest, the Disciples are not above their Master Christ, or their Mistress, the Lady Marie, Queen of Heaven, and Empress of the whole World. But of these, Pol●dore Virgil said long ago (I do not believe his words for Gospel, you know how he is justly censured both by Protestants and Papists, that said, Tam certo scio, etc.) but I believe it coniecturally, that there are 
b † Pauci sciunt ubi ipsa Apostolorum ossa iacent Polyd. Virg de Invent ●erum, l. 4. c. 11. p. 282.  very few that can tell us, where the very bones of the Apostles lie, unless they lie themselves. It would make a Horse break his bridle, to run over two or three lists of Relics, that I find registered in a Mass-book from Exeter, the Antiquities of Glaston, and the third of the Relics of Saint Cuthbert in Durham: and did we but peruse all the Reliquiaries in the World, how much more of these sleights and cousenages in ordine ad Deum would come to light? How many heads, hands and toes should we find, that each of them had, as if they had been Monsters in Nature, bicipites, or tricipites; two-headed, or three-headed; and more fingered than some mighty men in the Bible. But I know you will 
2 Chron. 20 6.  object, that though all the World may be deceived in discerning the Apostles bones, yet the Apostolical Church of Rome cannot deceive, nor be deceived. I pray say not so: for this were to take from God, and give unto your Roman Church, bringing Roman in steed of Catholic into the Creed. I have read in a good Historian, that our Romans were deceived, in carrying another man's bones, instead 
c † Ossa alterius pro Di●● Bat ●holomai Roman translata. Crantz● 3 Motrop. c 35. apud Zuinger. p 4●37.  of Saint Bartholomew's bones to Rome: the Author is Crantzius, his Religion Popish. Thus have you been deceived in worshipping Saint Michael's skull; and these cozening Knaves, that made not righteousness great gain, 
d † Isti nebulones quaestum pietatem, religionem praedam putant I● Auent l 4 p. 438.  but a gain of righteousness, and a prey of Religion, showed you this and that for 
e † E●●o 6. in cap. 23. pag. 92.  filthy lucre's sake; some butcher or harlotry fellows shares, instead of Beckets', whom ye have sainted long since, and I know who hath does sainted him very lately, and you know and allowing besides, when he was first declared to be a 
f † Non D. Thomae sed Lanionis alicuius aut Lenonis. Er. to. 9 in Peregrinatione.  traitor, and his bones publicly burned by the Hangman. Yea, you have worshipped some men's bones that were 
f † Hist. Conc. Tried p 87.  hanged by the common Bureno; and sometimes the bones of Asses and brute beasts, instead of men: your blind devotion 
g † Cum sint ossa pat●bulo affixorum Geo. Venus Probl. ro. 6 sect. 4 Probl. 134.  hath reached not only to the worshipping of ashes and bones; but of smocks, and shirts, and breeches, and shoes, and I know not what; yea, the very excrements (I mean, the hairs of the head) which hath been so highly accounted of you, that you have made 
h ☞ Maius fit festum de ossiculo vel panniculo mimini sancti quam de toto corpore Regis maximi. MS. 9 p 362. Tu per Thomae sanguinem, qui no● redemit, fac nos Christe scandere quo Thomas ascen●●●.  more reckoning of one little sinew or rag of some blind Saint, then of the whole body of the greatest Sovereign in the World. Yea (I fear to say it, but you fear not both to speak it, and believe it) most blasphemously you confide as much in the blood of some Saints, as you do in the blood of our Saviour. Time would, and my promise bindeth me, to make good my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but since the Papists cannot show me any true certain Relics, but such as must be maintained either sola fide, only by faith, (which is the Protestants Cape,) or by tradition only, which is the error of the jews, and most Papists, and the very sinew that knits the scattered parts of their religion together to the Church, and the Church to the Pope; and that is a very Gordian knot, which as strong as it 
Contra venerationem Reliquiarum. Ant. de● Dum l. 7 c. 12 ss. 29.  is, Ant de Dominis, (that Caiaphas, or high Priest with us for a year or two) hath cut a sunder, and given (full sore against his will) such a blow to our fantastics and Rome-gadders, 
Contra ●o●nipetas & reliquia●. Ant▪ de Dom. l. 5 c. 1●. ss. 29.  or Relique-worshippers, that they will hardly be in any state of health, to go to this present jubilee: but if needs they will be trudging, let them well consider into what dangers they run, that thus run their Countries, with 
i ● Cum vitae & morum discrimine. 〈…〉 o. ●●●●●. ad Paulinum & to. 9 In Dialogo de vi●●ndo loca sancta. Ib.  hazard of lives, wives, loss of goods, and good manners; and last of all, of God, and true comfort in Christ: and because in changing their places, they change not their faces, nor alter their natures, but are as impudent in the one, as they are obstinate and peevish in the other, I would wish them to stay at Rome, when they are once there: if they return, let it be at their own peril, praedictum est cave: if the Praemonere take not place, I am sure the Praemunire will; and here I leave them.   

Of Funerals and Diriiges.  
OF these Funerals and Diriges I have little to say, because 
a ● ●●as●● vita Aug. & ● to 6 in c. 13. & ● Dial qui dicitur ●●nus.  Erasmus, 
b † Annot. in lib, de Corona militia, pag ●3.  Rhenanus, 
c I● cap. de ●●nere.  Wicelius, and others before me of their own side, have scored up their abuses in cozening men with a tale of Robin Hood, or of some hood or other of Dominick or Francis, which is able to send them straight to Heaven, so that they shall never need to go by the way of Purgatory; provided, perhaps, that they be truly contrite, for mis-giving their lands from their wives and children, upon these Gorbellies and Lasie-bones: no, there is no such matter, provided that they give liberally to their Covents and Monasteries; No penny, no Pater noster; and it were tolerable, if they would stay till it were given; but they will have it many times out of men's throats, as it were, and bury them alive, rather than fail, sending them quick unto the grave. There is a pretty Story to this purpose in 
d 〈…〉. I●●●●tan. 〈…〉 ●4●  Amatus Lusitanus worth the rehearsing: one Armellius, a rich man, fell sick, but his sickness was not to death: the Friars of Saint Dominick and Francis wished him (as their manner is) to commend his soul unto God, and a good part of his goods unto them, that they might pray for his soul's health, after he was departed this world: but their meaning was, to pray upon his body being alive, for they would have buried his body quick, that his body might have taken possession of his grave, and they of his goods: but as God would have it, in comes the Physician, who wondering at his sudden departure, maketh trial, and finds there was life in him, recovers him of his sickness; the man lived many years after, and revoked his Legacy, to the no small grief of these greedy Shavelings, who had lost such a booty. And therefore it was not without cause, that 
e † Quod ass●rere erroneum est & impium. Er. in Dialogo qui E●n●s.  Erasmus was accounted an Heretic before he died, for writing so sharply against their foolish Obites and Mortuaries, that were bought and sold for other men's prayers, that would do the deceased no good: for (as the same Erasmus saith out of Augustine, and hath been formerly showed) 
f † Exequiarum pompa magis vivorum quam mortuorum solatia Er. in Indice Aug.  funeral pomps, and such like solemnities, may yield some comfort to the living; but the dead are never a whit the better for them. And therefore they are but mere Woodcocks that will be caught with such springs. These springs were Confession, whereby, by the confession of Gul. de S. Amore, 
g ☞ Per confessiones quibus (Monachi) se ingerunt immensa sibi legata relingui, procurant. Contra Gyrr●▪ MS.  our Friars and Monks, especially Mendicants, get no small Legacies unto their hands; and therefore seeing prayers for the dead (as hath been proved) are nothing, and funeral pomps are nothing but comforts to the living, and not the dead; wise and understanding men among the Papists may spare 
h † Er. l. 5. Apothegm. apud Zuing. p. 24 18.  this charge, and bestow it upon their poor Kinsfolk, Wives and Children, for aught I can see.   

Against adoration of Images.  
BEfore we enter into the main controversy about Adoration of Images, let us enter some Creeks thereof, and then lauch forth into the deep; and as he that goeth about to fallen a Tree, that is compassed with Thorns and Bushes at the bottom, must first cut or grub up the bushes, that he may come at the tree: so we will cut off certain nice and thorny distinctions, that we may the more freely come to throw down this great tree of Images, which like Alex. Oak, is grown now to adoration, and special worship. The distinctions are three, between simulachrum and imago, a similitude or likeness of a thing; an Idol, an Image; and latria and doulia. The Papists as much as we, condemn the worshipping of Idols and simulachra, and all god-worship, or latria to Images of men; but not the worship, or adoration of Images in a meaner sort, called doulia, or in a greater, called latria, of the Images of God, either alone, or in the Trinity, or of the Cross, or of our blessed Saviour that died upon the Cross, both God and Man.  
But God willing, we will first avoid these niceties, and fooleries of distinctions, out of their own Writers, and then erect and establish certain propositions, whereunto the Papists must stand, unless they will thwart and withstand some of the chiefest of their own Writers.  
A simulachre and an image are all one, saith learned 
† Simulachrum hic est imago Va●●blus in Deut. c▪ 4. ●●● 24.  Vatablus. With him agreeth 
b † Imagines simulachra vocata Co●●●●us apud Zuing. p. 1403▪  Geo. Cedrens, or rather the Translator of him out of the Greek. An Idol and an Image are all one. If doubt be made, we appeal unto an Herald, that shall proclaim so much unto the whole World, even Desiderius Heraldus, in his learned Annotations upon 
c † Annot, in Arnobium, p. 359. ●●. ●44. & p. 364.  Arnobius. For the third distinction of Latria and Doulia, let the Christians call them what they will, and distinguish the one from the other; the Gentiles put no difference between them, as testifieth 
d † Ex ●ist. de d●●● Gent. Syntagm. p. 5.  Lil Greg. Gyraldus.  
Thus having cleared the passages, we purpose to make good these following Propositions.  

1. That Images were not used in the Primitive Church.  
2. When they began to come into use, and crept into Churches, they were only laymen's Remembrancers, not their Idols, or worshipped of them.  
3. That when they began to be worshipped (as Idolatry cometh in step by step) Images of the Trinity or of God the Father, were never generally received, but mostly misliked of the Church.  
4. Adoration of Images crosseth Scripture.  
5. Repugneth to reason.  
6. And is very much impugned by the Papists themselves of the better sort.    

The First Proposition.  
Images were not used in the Primitive Church.  
IF Agobardus Works, and especially his the Picturis, with Papyrius Massenius notes, and Desiderius Heraldus annotations upon Arnobius, be not satisfying in this point, we shall be constrained to have recourse to the Writings of the Fathers, and the Histories of the Church: out of both which, it will appear as clear, as the Sunshine at Noonday, that the Prime-Christians could say confidently, that they had no Altars, no Images nor Statues: making Images the badge or cognizance to know the Christian from the Gentle; and who knoweth not that memorable History of Epiphanius, recorded by Saint Hierome? Which Epistle you have laboured what you can to discredit, and when you could not do that, you fell foul upon some few Notes of 
† Notati ab Epiphanio propter Imagines▪ Eras. in seh. Apol. aduers●● Rusticum, p. 251. ●●. 5.  Erasmus, that declared the same. A poor revenge: but that Epistle and the truth thereof doth stand, and your doctrine of Images must needs fall, unless it have better props to maintain it, than I see in this first Proposition.   

The Second Proposition.  
When Images came into the Church, they were placed in their Temples for rememoration, and not for adoration.  
THe Proposition is so notorious and famous out of Gregory's Epistle to Serenus of Masseils, that you were best blot out that Epistle, and coin a doctrine clean contrary to this, and clap it to some Epistle or other. And doubtless (as you are cunning gamesters, that can help yourselves at a need) ye have played your parts very cunningly on both sides. Saint Gregory in his ninth book and ninth Epistle to Serenus, Bishop of Marseils, blameth him for being so inconsiderate, as to break certain Images that were offensive, by reason of the people's worshipping them. He saith; Antiquity knew of the painting of Saints Stories in places where men did worship God; although they did not worship pictures as gods, or as men. I reverence S. Gregory as much as any man, having perused his works as much as some others have done, and compared him with the Manuscript Copies which (under correction) I take to be the best reading of him, or any other Greek or Latin Author. But these words, quia in locis venerabilibus Sanctorum depingi Historias non sine ratione admisit vetust as; he saith but admisit, permitted them to be painted; and yet I can scarcely believe them, because Epiphanius that lived some hundreds of years before Saint Gregory, rend the Veil in the Church: Was he inconsiderato zelo succensus, when he did it? Who dares say it? And both Tho. Bradwardine, our profound Doctor, and the Council of Basil, have taught me how to distinguish between auctorities and auctorities, the former and the latter: and whereas it may be objected for proof hereof, that the Picture of our Saviour was miraculously depainted in the Lateran Church, as saith 
† Imago Saluatoria miraculose depicta in pariete Lateranensis Ecclesiae si rectè sentiunt qui haec scribunt. Geo. Ven. to. 2. Probl. sect. 6 Problem▪ 272.  Geo. Venetus, take that which followeth; Sirectè sentiunt qui haec scribunt; if that be true which is written of it. But to reuer● to my purpose: How doth this doctrine of Gregory's, that Images may be, but may not be worshipped, agree with that which went before in the seventh book of Greg. Register. Indict. 2. ep. 54. to Secundinus? The words come not in by way of a Postscript, Sic esse oportet; but they come in, or rather are thrust in the perclose of that long Epistle by head and ears. The Images (saith this false Gregory) which you sent for unto me by Dulcidius the Deacon, I have taken care to be conveyed unto you. And it was no small pleasure unto me, to see by this your lively and earnest affection to contemplate him, whose Image you desired to have before your bodily eyes, that seeing his picture, you might the better imprint him in your imagination. And verily it is not amiss done of us, then to demonstrate invisible things by visible. Just so a man that loveth and longeth to see his friend, or a man that truly loves his wife, maketh all the haste he can, to see, the husband his wife, the man his friend, coming from the Church or the Bath, and doth both meet them some part of the way, and rejoice with exceeding great joy. I perceive by this, that you are much inflamed with the love of your Saviour, because you have such a longing after his Image. And yet I would not have you to conceive, that we are so gross, as to worship the Image as a god: no, no; we worship God by the Image, who was crucified, dead and buried, and now sitteth at the right hand of God, as we are well taught in the Creed. For whilst the outward picture, or Scripture, representeth the Image to our bodily eyes, the eyes of our minds take great comfort in his glorious Resurrection and blessed Passion. In consideration whereof, we have caused to be sent unto you two sultaries or tables, wherein are painted the Images of God the Saviour, and of the blessed Virgin, the Mother of God, and of the blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul, by our foresaid son and Deacon. You shall likewise receive a Cross and a Key, that hath been hallowed upon the body of S. Peter, the chief of the Apostles, that being thus crossed, and thus keyed, you may be sufficiently defended from all evil. Now let us rest a while, and be think ourselves; first, for the time: It was written a year or two before the other to Serenus; and if this better had been true, Gregory had good cause indeed to find fault with his inconsiderate rashness, that would offer to touch, much more to betrample and break such precious Relics▪ but Gregory distinguisheth adoration from rememoration; and at the most, he maketh Images but laymen's books: but this Secundinus, to whom he writeth is a servant of God, an Incluse, or Recluse: and last of all, I must be bold to tell you this, that this Epistle is not found in any of our ancient Manuscripts, save 
a ☞ Out of a ●●anus●●●●t book of Epistles in Allsoules College.  one, that citeth it not out of Gregory, but as 
b ☞ Sententia Gregorii P●excerp●a de Decretis Canonum.  Gregory's sentence, or Gregory's opinion taken out of the Decrees of Canons. So then, if Dominicus Basa, or the Cardinal's deputed for the revising and printing of the Fathers out of the Vatican Print, were so bold as to mend Gregory out of Gratian, or the Decrees; I say under correction, they were more bold than wise, and we are like to have the Father's Works well amended, that are revised after this manner. Again, it must be duly considered, that Gregory in the Manuscripts, wrote fourteen books of Epistles, distributed and ranked according to the years that he sat Pope: but you have confounded the Epistles, and made but twelve books (wherein notwithstanding, there is hysteron proteron I know not how often) so that the story of things is much obscured thereby. Howsoever, either Gregory doth contradict that in the ninth book, and ninth Epistle, which he had formerly said in his seventh book, touching the use and adoration of Images: but the truth is, this is a patched Epistle, and it appeareth out of the Gospel, that a new piece put to an old garment, will make the rent worse. I conclude this Proposition out of learned Papists words: To use Images for adoration and worship, were to abuse 
† Contra vetustam Ecclesiae disc●plinam non ad ●dorationem, sed ad memoriam & recordationem Tucc. Tucc. in Cant. p 342.  them, cross to the discipline of the ancient Church: for a memorial or remembrance of the Saints by them, we may lawfully use them: or if we needs must fall to adoration of Saints, let us either 
d † Open imè colunt divos qui vitam illorum studen● in●i●ar● Er. to. 9 p. 366.  imitate their virtues, which is the best kind of worshipping them: as for reverence to mute Images, the true Church 
e † Non muta simulachra sed vivae Dei imagines. Aug. Thuan. l. 28. pag. 77.  asknowledgeth none, but the lively Images of God: And so an end of this Proposition.   

The third Proposition.  
It is not lawful to paint the Images of the Trinity, or of God the Father, etc.  
I Say, it is not only unlawful, but also impossible; cui me assimilastus? yet you (as if you had better eyes then other men, or had been snatched up with Saint Paul, into the upper Heaven, and taken full view of the glorious Majesty of God) have taken upon you to paint God with three faces, as noteth a good 
f † Alb. Krantz. Wandal. l. 4 c 23. p 93  Historian. I know, there be some acquaint and Polite Missals extant in the public 
g ☞ In the Achtues.  Library, that have shaped them otherwise. Pictoribus atque Poet is quidlibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas. And your own dear Polydore yields the self same reason; 
h † Cum Deum v● perhibet joannes, vidisset nemo unquam, quam ei formam dabimus? Polyd▪ Virg. lib. de Inn ●●●um 6. c. 13. pag. 424.  If no man ever saw God, how shall we be able to make any representation of him? Therefore we may safely conclude this third Proposition; Painting of God the Father, or of the Trinity, was never generally received of the Church of God.   

The fourth Proposition.  
Adoration of Images crosseth the Scripture.  
LEt Polydore Virgil speak for all the rest: God Almighty gave certain Laws and Precepts to be kept of the jews: our blessed Saviour confirmeth them in the new Testament. If thou wilt come unto everlasting life, keep the Commandments, the chief whereof is, Worship only one God, that is, [
i † Nullius animalis effig●em co●●●▪ Polyd. Virg. l. 5. c. 9 pag. 348.  worship not the similitude or likeness of any created creature.] What can be spoken more plain, or to the purpose?   

The fifth Proposition.  
It is repugnant to Reason.  
IF 
k ☞ Si fabrum ado●are erubescis, quod faber fecit non erubescis▪ MS. 28 p. ●7.  we be ashamed to worship the Carpenter that made these images, should we not in reason be ashamed to worship the images that are made by them? Again, is it not unreasonable, that being forewarned by Salomon's 
l † De Idolis à Salomona constructis quo● averterunt cor cius. Val. in Reg. 3. c. 11. ●● 6.  example, whose heart was turned aside to Idolatry by worshipping of Idols or images; We Christians should incur the same crime, and endure the like censure? Worshipping of images, hath been occasion of 
m † Multa mala attulit. E●. in Indice Augustin.  much mischief in the Christian Churches, and therefore to be left. Do not you yourself think, there is much knavery in some, to 
n † Quibus impostores oleum aut alium liquorem (perforatis instituebant ut statuae lachrymas aut sudorem mitture viderentur. Thuanus hist. 175. p. 461.  make the images to weep or sweat? What a jest is it to believe, or to make the simple people believe, that the devil cannot 
o † Simulabat daemon se D. Michaeli maginem venerari. Zuingerus p. 366.  abide the image of Saint Michael, 
p In the Gildea Lagand in the life of S. Christopher, etc.  or the sign of the Cross? I am half ashamed to see the indevotion and superstition of your vulgar people, how they post unto your images, and happy is he that can come soon, to 
q † Nummos perforant, ●ileque pendeute in colio aut manibus ipsarum imaginum suspendunt, denaria in locit conspicuis egtegie collocant. Polyd Virg de ●●ant. l. 6 c. 13 p. 429.  hang some piece of gold, or silver, about the images neck; or to clothe it with some rich garment or other; or leave it in some place of the Church where it may be seen. What say you to apparel of cloth of silver, or of gold? The images have no sense in them, and is 
r † Vestes igitur, ge●●●● & caetera qu● habentur in praetlo, si quis putat Deo chara, is planè quis sit Deus ●escit. Id. ●●.  God delighted with gold or precious stones, Diamond, Saphires, or Smaragds? Thus do the rich give, and over-give, and study or vie who shall give most, when the tradesman offers but a 
s † Imagines erectae, & candelae ad probationem sectarum. Thuan. l. 23. p. 641.  candle; or the country peazant but an egg or two: and if it be to show that he is no Hugaenot, or Lutheran. What say the Papists to the worshipping of bawdy and beastly images, or prodigious and ugly ones? Wicelius 
t Geor Wi●●lius cap. de Imaginib●s.  complanineth of the one, and 
u † Ex hist, de dii●●●●●. Sy●●agmato 1. p. 14. Imagines parum honestae & sanctae confictae.  Gregorius Gyraldus of the other; I now come to the last Proposition of all.   

The sixth Proposition.  
It is very much impugned by the Papists themselves of the better sort.  
PApists of the better sort are against the adoration of Images: I will reckon them up ordine regrado re●rogrado, as they come promiscuously. First, 
* Ant. de Do●. ●●●. c. 12 ss. 6. & ●8.  Ant. de Dominis: Secondly, 
x † Lib. 6 de Inc. c. 13. p. 424. & p. 409.  Polyd. Virgil: Thirdly, 
y † In Deut. c. 4.  Vatablus, and Rob. Stephanus: Fourthly, 
z † Desid. Heraldus in Arnob. p. 359. nu. 244.  Desid. Heraldus: Fifthly, 
a † Papyrius Massonius in praef. Agobardi.  Papyrius Massonius, and sundry others, if I list either to be tedious, or vainglorious: but I conclude with Saint john's exhortation; My little children, beware of Idols.   

Against the Invocation of Saints.  
THis controversy of the Invocation of Saints, to go at large, may be reduced unto two propositions, whereunto the best of the Papists have willingly subscribed. The Propositions are these:  
First, God alone is to be worshipped, adored & invocated. Secondly, The Saints neither may, can, nor will be invocated of us, but with impiety, and no profit.   

The first Proposition.  
God alone is, and aught to be worshipped, adored, and called upon.  
GOd 
a † Erasin Indice Aug. Solus Deus adorandus.  alone is to be worshipped, 
b † Solus Deus invocandus. In Ind. Chrys.  invocated, 
c † Deo soli fidendum. Val. in Isc. 43. nota marg.  trusted unto, 
d Fides in Deo habenda, omnis spes in eo collocanda. Io. Auent. Annal. Boior. l. 4. p. 321.  hoped in; all our trust and confidence must be placed in him; we must 
e † Debemus ipsum solum orare. Ferrar. de jesu Christo abscondito, l▪ 1 p. 10.  pray unto none but to him, 
f † Seruiendum soli Deo. In marg▪ Vat. in Reg. 1 c. 2. n● 7.  serve none but him; no 
g † Eam creaturam solummodo quae increata dicitur colere & venerati didicimus. Greg. Nyss. apud Ant. Magnum in Meliss. Serm. 1. col. 116 Bb. Pp▪ to 1 deleatur dictio solum▪ mode.  creature is venerable, but the increated nature; 
h † Si ab alio pendcam quam a solo Deo? Henr. Steph. in Ps. p. 49. nu 9  What dependence upon any other? What 
i Deus solus potest hominet i●uare. H Steph in Ps. p. 47.  profit? I conclude therefore with Erasmus: It is the safest course for 
k † Optimum est in omni necessitate recta ad Deum confuge●e. Er. to. 9 in Nausragie.  all men, upon all their incident occasions, to go straight unto him: others, perhaps, would, but cannot; God is both able and willing. And thus this first Proposition standeth like a Rock, immoveable against all the assaults and batteries of our Adversaries.   

The second Proposition.  
Saints neither will, nor can be invocated of us.  
FIrst, it may be doubted, who are Saints: not 
l † Multi Sancti quos nunquam in Divorum eumerum retulit Rome sedes. Er. to. 9  all that are called, or catalogued, or 
m ☞ Guil. de s. A●●●e.  canonised for 
* Divi cognomi●●tur qui omnino sune homines. Er. c. 2. Cent. 7 p. 768.  Saints, many whose souls fry in Hell: there is no certainty of their 
n Canonizationes intertae. Anton de Dom. l. 7. c. 5 §. 63.  cononizations. But imagine there be some true Saints, and true Miracles, whereby they are discovered to be true Saints; yet sith Almighty God is the 
o † Sat ipse princip●u●n, & sons, & illa quaeda●●edia, ne eum velis esse nimium p●●● sis in Christum, & in Sanctos supersh ●o● i●pius. Name & sancti & Angeli clamant Deum adora jac. Fa●er in Numb. p. 317.  beginning and fountain of good, and Saints at the most, but a kind of conduits or pipes to convey the same unto us; Oh, let us not be so pious to Men or Angels, that we prove impious towards God: worship the Lord, and him only serve, is the common voice both of Men and Angels. 
p † Quid facitis vobis patronos, & non confiditis Domino demus sive patrono, magis patrono quam Domino Domus confidentes. jac. Faber in ep. ad Heb. c. 3. p. 234.  Will a man that is wise, beg and sue to the servant, when he may have free access to the Master of the house? Such preposterous 
q Praeposterus divorum cultus. Lemni. de occultis Naturae miraculis, l. 3. ● 8. p. 358.  worshipping of Saints; such confiding and trusting 
† Derivatitia sanctitas nondum sufficit aperire coelum. jac. Faber in ●. ad Cor. c. 7. p. 116.  to any derivatitious sanctity, is not able to open unto us, when we knock at Heaven gates. The wisest and sobrest amongst the Papists, leave it as one of God's secrets (
s † De talibus secundum suum secretum disposuit Deus ●●.  either our knowledge of the Saints, or the Saint's knowledge of us,) and expectnothing more, than the pious imitation of their virtuous deeds, which all of them commend unto us, 
t † Imitatio eorum lis gratissima Laeu. Lemn de occultis Naturae mirac. l. 3 c. 8. p. 358.  as the most acceptable service, both unto them, and to God: they would not have us to confide, or repose our 
u † In humanitate Christi, in B. Virgin, atque Sanctis, non est caliocanda fiducia sub Deo. E● to. 9 ad declarat. Dialegi qui dicitum naufragium.  trusts either in Christ's Humanity, or his Mother's Virginity, nor in any he or shee-Saint in Heaven. It was a hard constitution, that was 
* † Vt in Sanctia quam plurimum po●amus fiduciae. Er. to. 9  obtruded unto them by the Church, against a plain Text of Scripture. 
x † Maledictus qui confidit in homine. Er. to. 9 in Nauf●●gio.  Cursed be he that putteth his trust in Man; and the 
y † Nihilo peius ageretur cum religione Christians, ● paulò minus ribueretur invocationi Divorum quam tribuitur à nonnullis. Er. to 9 Ib.  Christian Religion had thrived far better amongst us, if we had not given so much unto invocation of Saints, and so little unto the service of God.    

The 25. Article.  
Penance is no Sacrament.  
PEnance is one of the seven Sacraments, say the Papists; it is no Sacrament, saith the Church of England. 
a Facilius est dicecre quid non sit, qua●● quid sit. Ci●. de natura deo●●●.  It is easier to say what it is not, than what it is. But I will not greatly stand with them for a Sacrament, upon hope of better agreement in other matters of greater consequence: take it strictly, it is no Sacrament, (they have better eyes than I, if they can see more Sacraments than two in the Gospel;) take it largely, it may pass well enough for a Sacrament, such a one as it is: and to gratify the Papists, if the number of seven be so grateful unto them, I will help them unto seven times seven Sacraments, upon reasonable conditions, out of Saint Austen.  
It is called 
b † Er to. 6. annos. in c. 3. Math.  metanoea, or resipiscentia in Latin, and as I take it, repentance in English: but this word, repentance, or resipiscentia, is so dreadful a word to the Church of Rome, that there is Hue and Cry made after it; and having apprehended it, they have condemned it to perpetual silence; it must never be mentioned again, they have purged it out of their 
c See † Ferus in Io. c. 3. p. 92. † Rain. Snoygoudanut, p. 16. in arg. Ps. 6. † Eras. in c. 3 Math. to. 6. † Vatab▪ in 1. Reg. c. 2 † I●c. Faber in Euan c. 3. p. 21.  books, I would to God they were as well purged out of this Kingdom. I will quote a few Authors and places, that you may measure the rest by these few quotations. They divide it into 
d † Laur Valla▪ denieth the division, as not agreeable with Saint Paul's doctrine. In Ep. 1 ad Cor. c 7. pag. 272.  three parts, into Confession, Contrition, and Satisfaction; how wisely, we shall see hereafter. Their penance consisteth in outward affliction of the body, and maceration of the flesh: our 
e Interna paenitentia sufficit Ant. de Dom. l. 5. c. 7.  repentance is inward, and spiritual in the 
f † Non paenitentia nos saluat sed fides, sed gratia & beneficium eius.  grace, and faith of Christ. We know but one Name that can save us: their penances may be commuted, 
g Ant. de Dom. l. 5. c. 8. §. 17.  or redeemed with money; ours only by the blood of Christ. To conclude; it 
h † Non consistit in paena & afflictione corporis vel animae sed in reversione ad Deum G●o. Venet to. 4 § 3 Probls 122  consisteth not in paining the body, or afflicting the soul. A man may wear 
i † Ficta paenitentia in cilicio & afflictione corporis. jac. Faber ad Heb. c. 6. p. 339.  haircloth, and be never a whit the more either 
k † Di●●a● Ser●i. deal Purgatory, c. 18. p. 209. † Geo Ven. to. 4. §. 3. Prob. 122.  attrite, or contrite (for I have learned to make no division of these two terms; your Schools do.) This affected and feigned penance may make others believe, that we are truly sorrowful, when there is no such thing We do herein but imitate the old Heretics, against whom 
l † Lib. 7 the Invent. c. 6. p. 467▪  Polydore Virgil, and 
m ☞ In Balliol Collan Oxford, MS.  Aegidius de Faeno, have sharpened their pens against them: our foolish Papists on Good-friday, either in Rome or Spain, come not much behind them, and (if they belie them not that have reported it,) some of them have died under the displing Rod. But true repentance entereth not into the body with the Rod; but into the mind by true sorrow, the fear whereof is so continually obuersant before their eyes, that they will not 
n † Id quod malè perpetratum est etiamsi moriendum esset nunquam perpetrare tur. Faber in Luc. 1. 17. p. 440.  commit the like sins, and it were to lose a hundred lives; they do clean put off the old man, and all the 
o † Vera poenitentia non est amplius eisdem affectibus obnoxium deprehendi. Serm. 17. Ant. Magni, Bb. Pp. to. 1. col. 139.  affections of a sinful soul, with mind never to resume them again. And this I take to belong unto true repentance.  

Against Auricular confession.  
IF auricular, or secret confession be not abused, the Church of England doth willingly admit of, and subscribe to it: the neglect of it hath been inquired of my knowledge, in some Visitations; and the revealing of it, is forbidden under an high pain: but this must not be imposed of necessity, but arbitrary and voluntary. The sick Penitent may say unto the Confessor, I have need of the Physician; and the Confessor may rejoin unto the Penitent, Non habeo praeceptum sed consilium do: I urge it not upon you as a precept, but I advice you as a friend, and as your spiritual Pastor; and if you be truly contrite (God seeth your heart, I see but your face) you may receive comfort at God's hands, and I will join my heartiest prayers with yours, for the obtaining of the same. Man is sinful, but God is merciful.  
To consider Confession a little better, it is a most forceable weapon, to amaze and amate the conscience, to pick the purse, and steal into a man's priviest thoughts, intruding here upon God's office; it maketh the Confessor (especially if he be a young man) a knave, women whores, and their husband's Cuckolds: Subjects rebel against their Princes, worketh Stratagems in States: to be short, it serveth (to my seeming) but to Politic ends, and in special, it tieth the Laiety fast by the ears to the Clergy, and the Clergy to the Pope, which thereby is become, Rex Regum, et Dominus Dominantium.  
Touching the first part of this description, how is the poor conscience racked and torn, vexed and perplexed amongst them? They require an exact Catalogue and enumeration of all sins, and all circumstances. I think it to be 
a ☞ Impossibile esse omnia peccata confiteri. * p. 3.  an endless work, for who can say, how often he offendeth? It is 
b Con●. Trid. ●ist. p. 359.  impossible so strictly to take the Confession of an ordinary man for one year, much more of a great sinner for many years: But admit it to be possible; yet where is the 
c Ib. p. 318.  balance to make difference of every grain, to weigh every circumstance; is not this a trouble and vexation of the spirit? Nay a very hell and torment of the conscience. Sure, 
d † Non disquisitio criminum exacta: tantum credat sibi per Christum remissa esse peccata et si non confiteatur eadem speciaius▪ Cone▪ Colons ease in Tr. de sacraum. Confess. §. Quod si p. 148.  there needs no such matter: may it not suffice to believe assuredly, that my sins are forgiven in Christ, though I confess them not to a sinful Priest, it may be as bad, perhaps worse than myself? I believe it will be found in good writers, that before the 
e † Priusquam Confessio ad os venit, Deus peccata dimitt ●. Er. in Ind. Aug.  mouth openeth, the heart speaketh, and sigheth and cryeth unto God for mercy, and great is the cry thereof in God's ears; of force (if I may so say) being tendered to God in Christ jesus name, to pull down a full remission of all our sins.  
Secondly, it is said to be a Pickpocket, as well as Purgatory, because of the infinite sums of money, that accrue to the 
f ☞ ●u. de S. Amor●. MS.  Monks Covents by way of Legacies, and to the Pope's Coffers by way of Indulgeuces. I may call it in this respect the Pope's Indies, aswell as 
g † Confessio illis aurifodinaes. Krantz. metrop. l. 8. c. 42. p. 195,  Krantzius termeth it the Pope's golden mines. I trow the Pope getteth as much by it, as the King of Spain by both his Indies.  
Thirdly, it soliciteth and tempteth Priests to much lewdness, and therefore it was thought good by some of their best learned Papists, that young Priests should not intermeddle 
h † ●u●enibus quibuslibet committitur, praefecti adolescentes inepti et stulti, plerumque mali et petulantes. Rh●n▪ in T●●●ull.  in Confessions: and yet who but they that were used in Confessions, ignorant and foolish, lewd and lascivious as they were? It is not I, but good Rhenanus, that complaineth of this grievous abuse. And therefore our learned Countryman, long before this complaint, gave this wholesome advice, That neither young nor old, 
i ☞ Cavendum vel in Confession vel ob aliam causa loqui cum mulieribus, cum omnes homines quantum cunque sanctos species fortes plurimum turbam. Rog Bacon MS. in op●●e mino●●. p. 28.  familiar themselves, or talk with women; because there is no man, but might be entangled with these snares, if he looked not the better, or more warily to his steps. And therefore there was great need of some such advice. For (as Poggius▪ saith in his merry tales) there was an Eremite at Milan, 
k † Quot mulieres Eremita Paduae Arsininus nomine per Confessionis speciem ad concubitum pellexit. Pogg. in fac●tiis. apud Zuing. p. 2283.  one Arsininus by name, that had sosticited I know not how many women to lewdness, under pretence of Auricular Confession. If you list to hear any more Stories of this nature, you shall have them as freely as I have them from Zuinger, and Zuinger from Egnatius and others: as out of the same Poggius, you may read of a Monk called Albertus, 
l Pogg. apud. Zuing p. 1941. out of Egnatius l. 1. c. 3.  that came in Confession to a grave matron of Venice, and had the use of her body, telling her when she began to make somewhat dainty of the matter, that he had a revelation from Saint Michael the Archangel, which commanded him to come to her, of else God forbid, that we should think that a poor minorite would have attempted any such matter, before he had his warrant. There is a third story, of an other minorite, that lay with an other matron-like woman, which left his breaches behind him, being like to be surprised; and her husband 
m † Zuing. ex Pogg. p. 1990.  espying the breeches on the bed, asked how they came there, she said they were sent her by God, and good Saint Francis: the poor Cuck old rested contented, and durst not for his ears, for a long time make this story known. Now honest Papist, is Confession a Sacrament or no? Take Sacrament for a sign, and it appeareth that it is a sign, or rather cause of much villainy; and this was the cause why it was abolished in the Primitive Church, upon a like fact by Nectarius. What shall I speak of other Confessions? As the Confessions in a 
n † Er. to 9  Monks Cowle, which was of Sovereign virtue to cure all sicknesses of the soul: Monks Cowls belike have a special virtue. If they had said they were good to cure Matrons of the disease of the mother, or Maids of the green sickness, I would easilier have believed them. I am afraid, I have rested too long upon their Monks Cowls: but it is no matter, 
o † Non arbitror periclitari fidem si quis quid iocetur in cu●ullum alicuius Dominicani. Er. To. 9 ad Declarat. 48.  Erasmus shall make my excuse for this once; the best is, it is not a matter of faith, nor much against good manners, unless it be of their side. In this ●. Tom, and elsewhere, he hath given them such a cooling card for their Cowls (let them be Cowls of S. Francis, or S. Dominicke) that the Papists will have no great cause to brag of their Sovereign virtues hereafter. To hold you no longer about Confession, seeing 
p † Lib. 6. c. 1. p. 373.  Confession is not of any divine institution, but an ordinance of the Church (as both Polydore Virgil, and 
q † Er. To. 9 p. 106.  Erasmus, do prove it; but instituted by the Fathers upon just occasion, and abrogated 
r † Er. To. 2. p. 865.  again by the same upon as good an occasion: The 
s † Er. in Dialogqus inscri●itur pictas puerilis. Rhen in Tertull Chrysost. in Indice.  surest way for us is, to make our humble and secret Confession to God, who is best able to forgive the same, and to free us both à paena, et à culpa: yet 
t † Seruandam esse ob auctoritatem Ecclesiae Er Ib.  for the authority of the Church of England, that persuadeth is leaving it arbitrary, and for sundry good reasons that enforce it (to my seeming) if thou canst be so happy, as to find a wise, learned, and discreet Minister, fear not to make known thy sins unto him; there is no rag of popery in this, if thou be true to the Minister, and the Minister unto thee: But if no such Minister be to be found, or not at hand, men may confess 
u † Proximo facienda est si non ad sit Sacerdos Er. in Ind Chrys. ☞ et MS. * p. 220. † Laicus admittitur ad Confessionem in defectu Sacerdotis ●●. Ne●izanus in Sylui. nupe. p. 236.  themselves one to another, one neighbour to another, without any scruple of conscience: the Papists will give thee leave, and so do I, and here I end my discourse of Auricular Confession.   

Of Satisfaction and Contrition.  
A Word or two of Satisfaction and Contrition, the other two parts of Popish Penance, that I may give some satisfaction to my poor seduced Countrymen, if God shall move their hearts, and that they hate not to be reform: otherwise, whole books of this argument will be bootless, non persuadebo etiam perswasero: I may plant, and others may water, but it is God only that giveth the increase.  
First, of Satisfaction: if the Papists mean public Satisfaction to the Church, for some public scandal given; or private Satisfaction, for some private wrongs done, or scandal taken; God speed them, I question them not: it is a Canon of the Church of Rome, in force and practise in the Church of England; that he that offends 
a ☞ Dicit Canon, qui publice peccat publice paeniteat. MS. o. p. 96.  publicly, and by his offence doth scandalise the whole Church, should make a public acknowledgement thereof; and for private wrongs, or persons, the holy Scripture, which is regula sufficien●isfima, willeth us in express terms, to go and reconcile ourselves unto our neighbour, and then come and offer: this is a kind of Excommunication, ipso facto, if we do it not: But if they mean Popish Satisfactions, whereby they think they do promerite, or postmerite God: with such satisfactions or sacrifices God is not pleased: Prove the lawfulness of them out of Scripture, and Traditions of the Church, and we will use them; till when, we leave them. In the mean time, there is a kind of Satisfaction, which I will make bold to commend unto you, out of Antonius Magnus, 
b † Vitae emendatio vera. Ant. Magnus. Bb. Pp. To. 1. Serm. 16. Col. 123.  in the Bibliotheque of holy Fathers; and that is, the amendment of your wicked lives.  
Touching Contrition, seeing that the Papists acknowledge, that the heart 
c ☞ Tanta potest esse cordis Contritio licet non egerit paenitentiam iniunctam, quod immunis erit ab igne Purgatorio. MS. 51 p 96. ☞ Quod et culpa deletur per gratiam et paena tollitur per modicam paenitentiam. MS. o. p. 396.  may be so contrite, that the body may be saved in the day of judgement, both àpaena, et à culpa, without doing any penance at all, or very little; 
d Sola delet Peccata nostra. Ant. de Dom. l. 5. c. 7. §. 20.  grace being sufficient of itself, to do away all our sins (as is largely showed by Ant. de Dominis, who hath also taken great pains, to score up the Errors of Popish Contrition) the chief whereof is filthy gain, the bane of the soul, and individual companion of Purgatory and Penance: be ruled by me this once; if your Confessor seek you, and not yours, he will persuade you truly to repent, and sorrow, and satisfy God if you will, by your surety Christ: if they speak of any other sorrow, or any other satisfaction, take heed of Wolves, that destroy the flock, 
e ☞ MS. 51. p. 68  ne potius pecuniam quam animarum salutem quaerere videantur, they rob you of your money, and give no satisfaction to your hunger-starved souls.    

The 20. Article.  
Of the Authority of the Church.  
THe Church hath power to decree rites or Ceremonies, and authority in Controversies of faith: And yet it is not lawful for the Church, to ordain any thing that is contrary to God's word; neither may it so expound one place of Scripture, that it be repugnant to another. Wherefore, though the Church be a witness and a keeper of holy writ; yet it ought not to decree any thing against the same: so besides the same it ought not to enforce any thing to be believed, for necessity of salvation.  

This 20. Article explained and maintained by the Papists.  
IT is a true saying, of good use in opening of Controversies, that qui bene distinguit, bene docet. I will therefore for the better understanding of this point. First, distinguish of Rites, Ceremonies, and Traditions. Secondly, propose certain Theses. Thirdly, confirm them according to the method which I have confined myself unto; either out of Papists, or out of old Manuscripts.  
Of Traditions, Rites, and Ceremonies, as I take it from the Papists, some are divine, appertaining to piety, perpetual and immutable.  
Some are humane, of the Tradition of the Church, for the better government and policy of the same, which are variable and mutable, both in regard of time and of place.  
Thirdly, there are some infrugiferous, carnal, hypocritical, or pharisaical, and these are never to be admitted, or being once admitted by connivance of governors, or the industry of the Devil (that will if he may, sow Tares amongst Wheat) must be speedily rooted out and abrogated.  

My Propositions are these.  
1. Divine Rites or Ceremonies, must be taken out of the word of God, or the continual succession of the Church.  
2. All Apostolical Rites are not perpetual.  
3. Humane Rites and Ceremonies, may be made by the Church according to the Scripture; are of like observation, even in things indifferent, if they be once ratified, till the Church do abrogate them.  
4. They must be thus conditioned. First, not merely offensive for their multitude. Secondly, mysterious for their signification. Thirdly, decent for the ornament of the Church. Fourthly, tending to piety, and not superstition. Fiftly, putting no affiance or confidence in them. Sixtly, not lasting, but Arbitrary, according unto the times Countries and seasons.  
5. The Primitive Churches had but a few.  
6. All jewish Ceremonies are abolished.  
7. Divine Constitutions, are to be preferred before humane inventions, pure, and without mixture.  
8. Humane Rites, must as near as may be, consist in inward, and not external matters, aswell for the end, as for the thing.  
9 If Ceremonies do offend, or otherwise be to be abrogated, it is not for any private man to demolish them: but they must fairly and orderly be unmade by the Authority of the Church, that first made them.  
10. As they are to be severely punished, that contemn the settled orders of the Church; so if there be no contempt, we are not rashly to censure them.    

The first Proposition.  
Such Traditions 
a † Quod immueabile aut de Scriptures traditu●●.  as are mentioned in the Scriptures, and have been observed in all ages by a continual succession; aut extraditione Apostolorum percontinuas success▪ ad nos deductum. Er. To. 9 as the Creed and Symbol of the Apostles, are of perpetual observation for the most part: yet some things 
b † Non omnia quae ab Apostolis in perpetuam obligant. Fr. To. 9  commanded by the Apostles, as unction by S. james, do not oblige us for ever: which is my second Proposition.   

The Third Proposition.  
HVmane Rites and Ceremonies may be made by the Church, according to the Scripture, to be observed alikely, even in things indifferent, if they be once ratified, till the Church do abrogate them.  
I call them humane Rites and Ceremonies, because they are instituted by men, for the good of men; but otherwise they are to be observed with care and reverence, though they be not directly contained, yet they are virtually to be deducted out of the Scriptures; and it is not 
c † Non cuivis permittatur ut eiusmodi constitutiones violet: sed si graues existerent mutand● causae per Ecclesiam tollerentur Er. To 9  for any private man to quarrel or impugn them, until the Prince by his authority, or Clergy in Council do meet and abrogate them.   

The fourth Proposition.  
The conditions of Rites and Ceremonies in the Church.  
1. THey must not be many, as in the Church of Rome, which 
d † Er. To 6. in c. 11. Math. jugum meum fuave.  complain of the intolerable burden of them; they had 
e † Sylva judaicarum caeremoniarum agrum Domini occupat. P●lyd. Virg. l 4. p. 226.  woods, 
† Constitutionum ●umanan●m exa●●●a Er. To. 6. in M●●. 11.  swarms, 
g † Oceanica caeremon. multitudo. Engelliertu● Abbas de ortis et fine Rom. imperii in prefat ad Lectorem.  Oceans and 
h † Caeremoniarum inundationem damnat. Er. To 9 p 325.  inundations of those 
i † Premuntur pluribus quam judaei Er. To. 3. Schol in H●er. † Plus habent judaismi quam Christianismi. Er. To. 3. p 6.  jewish Ceremonies, by which they kept men in 
k † Populum in seruitutem redigunt. Auent. Anmol. Boierum. l. 2. p. 204.  miserable servitude and bondage. 
l † Si recte instituantur debent esso▪ significa●●ae. Ant. de Dom. l. 5. c. 5. §. 48.   
2. Mysterious for their signification.  
3. Decent for the ornament of the Church, as the Surplice, Vestments of the Church, Communion Cup, etc.  
4. Tending to piety, and not to superstition. They must 
m † Quae conducunt ad pietatem. Er to. 6. in c. 24. Math.  conduce unto piety, Christ is 
n † Christus non in externis quaerendus. Er. to. 6. in c. 24. Math.  not to be sought in these outward things, as 
o † Non solum in cibo & potu, & indumento exterioribus sed multo magis in interioribus. jic. Faber in Math. p. 54.  meat, drink and raiment, these things 
p † Externa seruanda, at non tanti aestimanda ut in his existiment sitam pietatem. Er to 9 Declarat. 40. 41 etc.  must be observed, if the Church command them; but we must take heed we place no superstition in them: we must seek after those things rather which are inward.  
5. 
q † Damno superstitiosam fiduciam. Eras to. 6. in c. 24. Math. † In his non collocanda fiducia pietatis, sed in Christo & animi puritate Er. to. 9  Putting no affiance, or confidence in them.  
6 Not 
r † Arbitrariae esse debent non obligatoriae. Er. to. 9 Declarat. 40. etc. † Quae protempore pertinebant ad decorem Ecclesiae pro more regionum & temporum mutantur. Er. to. 9 p 877. ☞ Immobiles & variabiles secundum varietatem temporum variantur. MS. Bas. p. 215.  lasting, but arbitrary, according unto the times, Countries, and seasons.   

The fifth Proposition.  

s † De simplicitate primaevae Ecclesiae vide. Er. to. 6. in Math. 11.  The Primitive Church had but few.   

The sixth Proposition.  

t † Abolitae. not a Marg. in Annot. Er. in H●●ar. lib. 1 de Trin. p 6 † Mortuae. Chr Mass, in Chron.  All jewish Ceremonies are abolished.   

The seventh Proposition.  
Divine 
u † Adeò stulta sunt hominum iudicia ut haec diu, longè praeferant. Et haud scio an tempora nostra hac labe careant. Faciat jesu benignitas, ut citò purgentur, & omnes coelestem ambrosiam, vinum semper nowm, vinum E●angelicum bibant. jac. Faber in Luc. p 362.  Constitutions are to be preferred before Humane: they must be pure without mixture. The neglect hereof was complained of by diverse * 
u † Si quis constitutiones humanas non doceret, quas aequè si non etiam arctius custodiri vellent ad mandarunt atque divinas. jac. Faber. in Mat. c. 15. p. 114.  Learned men; the Constitutions of men were punished more, than the breakers and violaters of God's Laws; so that small 
x † Minora peccata puniuntur neglectis gravioribus ut Sacerd. bibentis in Lupanari Er to 9  faults (as the neglect of their Feasts, or omissions of their Fasts) were punished with Scorpions; but greater sins, as their Priests ●ippling and whoring it in the Stews, were let pass with a gentle correction. 
y ☞ See the Council of Basil. MS. p. 240.  They must not have any mixture of humane inventions; there must be no addition of 
z † Humana divinis non addenda jac. Faber in Lucan. p. 465.  men's traditions to God's Precepts.   

The eighth Proposition.  
HVmane Rites and Constitutions must, as near as may be, consist in inward, and not outward and external matters, aswell in regard of the end, as the matter. 
a Hier. ad Sunium & Fretellam.  Ad offensionem populerum vitandam; For fear of offending any of these little ones, as Hierome sometimes spoke upon the like occasion, Who 
b † Traditionum bona pars à vulgi errore. Krantz Wandal. l. 6 c. 37 p. 148.  knows not how the vulgar people do dote upon these shows, rather than substances of Religion, nay rather run gadding 
c † In his regionibus in quibus ego versatus sum ad insaniam usque delirat superstitio vulgi. Er●to. 9 p. 205.  and madding after these toys and fopperies, as Erasmus knew by woeful experience in the Countries where he lived?   

The ninth Proposition.  
THough Ceremonies be to be misliked, and prove distasteful to the Church; yet it is for no private man to disturb the settled peace and quiet order of the same, but to expect the King's prohibition either by himself or his Clergy. I am thus opinioned of Ceremonies, that they may be corrupted with the 
* † Veteris fermenti. Faber in Lucam. p. 362.  Leaven of the Pharisees, 
d Mutandae quae per imperitiam vel negligentiam, vel ambitionem, & avaritiam parantur. Cass. p 62 & 59  infected with avarice, negligence, or ambition, or adored as the golden Calf, making a 
e † Apud gregarios m●stat, superstitio commentaque & crassae ceremoniae speciem pietatis prae se ferentes, efficaciores sunt, quam iusta religio. ●o. Auent. Annal. B●i●●. l. 4. p. 300.  great show of piety, and prevailing more than any thing else with the vulgar people, and that they are to be abolished, or changed; but who shall do it? No private person I warrant you, they must bear and forbear with a 
f † Faciat jesu benignitas ut cito purgentur jac. Faber in Luc. p. 362.  Faciat Iesus ut cito purgentur, God send we may be well rid of them, making prayers, and no stirs, tumults or commotions; when 
g † Non cuivis permittitur ut eiusmodi constitutiones violet, sed si graues existerent mutandi causae, per Ecclesiam tollerentur, Erasmus, tom. 9 Declarat. 40 etc.  all is done, the Church's censure, or the Prince's commandment; or rather the Church's censure by command of the Prince, is to be attended: no phlegmatical schismatic is to have a hand in this business, though it be to pull down Images out of Churches, or Pictures out of windows; for this were to open a window to private men's fancies, rather than zeal; and cometh near to the error of the Eiconoclasts, which in this case may be justly censured: Leave we this to Leo Isaurus, and other Emperors.   

The tenth Proposition.  
AS they are to be severely punished, that contemn the settled orders of the Church; so if there be no contempt of public Government, we are not rashly to censure them.  

h † In Dialogo qui dicitur pietas Puerilis.  Grave non est transgredi (as one writeth) constitutiones Ecclesiae, nisi accedat contemptus malitiosus; A man may transgress the orders of the Church haply out of error, it may be of ignorance: but disobedience and contempt is as the sin of Witchcraft, a most heinous sin, as all those take it, that have not their shoes made at Geneva: otherwise if there be weakness in them, let there be charity in us, and there will be 
i † Non cemerè alii iudicandi propter transgressiones. Fer. in c. 15. Math. p. 207.  no rash judges left in the Land. And thus far of Rites and Ceremonies; and if I be in the right, I shall be glad; if otherwise, blame the Papists, and not me, and let the perclose of this Discourse be my sufficient Apology.    

The 28. Article.  
Of the Lord's Supper.  
I Will take out of this Article as much as is in controversy between us and the Papists.  
Transubstantiation (or the change of the substance of Bread and Wine) in the Supper of the Lord, cannot be proved by Holy Writ, but is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture; overthroweth the nature of a Sacrament, and hath given occasion to many superstitions. The body of Christ is given, taken, and eaten, in the holy Scripture, only after an heavenly manner; and the mean whereby the body of Christ is received, and eaten in the Supper, is Faith, etc.  

The 28. Article maintained, and explained by the Papists.  
THe Papists in the Council of Trent make it a Sacrifice both for the living and the dead. Admit it be a sacrifice (which cannot be well denied, being well understood;) yet 
a † Sacrifi●ium non exp●atorium aut satisfactorium sed rememoratiwm. jac. Schopp●run● Conc. 23. de M●s●.  is it neither satisfactory, nor expiatory, but rememorative; so Schoepperus: that is, 
b † Eucharistia non est sacrificium: sed sacrificii memoria. Er. in Ind. Aug,  not properly a Sacrifice, but a memorial of a sacrifice, so Erasmus. Arias Montanus giveth the reason of both: 
c † Neque enim nos illud Sacrificium off●rimu●, sed illud referimus incruento (ut dicitur) modo ●epetimus id, quod Christus cruentum obtulit. Ar. Mont in Isaiam, cap. 1. p. 43.  For we do not offer that Sacrifice again; but proffer, and represent it to the memory after an unbloody manner, which was offered up once in blood; a Sacrifice, without 
d Materiae expers sacrificium. Cyril● Bb. Pp. 10. 1. p. 147.  the matter of a sacrifice, to speak in Cyrils' terms. Neither will it avail the Papists, to say, that 
e † M●lchisedec qui primus sacrificavit, & Abraliam, Isaac & jacob, qui sec●●dum eum ●tidem fecerunt. Se● illos quadam naturali p●etate, non sacerdotali auctoritate rem divinam fecisse constat Polyd. Virgil●d: I●uent●rerum, l. 4 c. 5. p. 253.  Melchisedec sacrificed, (for he was a Priest of the Highest,) for he sacrificed no otherwise than Abraham, Isaac and jacob, which herein imitated him: [For of them we have a plain constat, that they did not sacrifice by any Priestly authority, but moved with a natural devotion] as writeth Polydore Virgil. And 
f † Mel●his●dec cibat Abraham. Vatin c. 14 in Gen. nu. 1  Vatablus affirmeth of Melchisedec in special, that he relieved, or re●●eshed Abraham's men, and so sacrificed not at all. Christ our blessed Saviour, when he gave the Bread, 
g † Corporis sui signum dedit Christus. Er. in A●●.  gave a sign of his Body, or type of his 
h † Typus corporis & sanguinis domini. I● Anaphora Bas●l●i, ●ol. 36. Bb. Pp. ●● 6.  Body and Blood, or an 
i † Imago & similitudo corporis & sanguinis Christi in actione mysteriorum celebrantur. Gelas. col. 561. Bb. ●Pp. to. 4.  Image and similitude thereof, or a representation of Christ's sacrifice. Thus say the Fathers with one consent: and therefore (as an ancient ˡ Writer saith) trust not to your bodily eyes, that is most of all seen, which is least of all seen; or we must not be 
m † Ignorante● illud Aug. crede & manducasti. Zuing. p. 1512.  ignorant of the saying of blessed Saint Augustine: The words of Christ must be 
n † Christi 〈…〉 non corporalis hosti●. In adon's s●●. ●88. ●●. Pp. to 6.  spiritually, figuratively and mystically understood, the ●lesh of Christ is spiritual, not corporal; spiritual Meat, a 
o † C●bus spiritualis coena 〈…〉▪ Chrys.  spiritual Rock, all 
p † Omnes eande● esc●n● spiritualen●. 〈◊〉. V●●. in. ●▪ Co●. 10. 4●.  must be 
q † Quae de 〈◊〉 ●ua ●●nduc●●●● Christus praecepit, spir●tualiter intelligen●● sunt Er. in Ind. Aug.  spiritually understood: For what else was it but a 
s † Mystica participatio Christi. E●▪ O●ympiodorus in ●●eles. c. 9 col. 61●, ●●▪ Pp. to. ●.  mystical body? So the 
t † Mysticum cibum co●poris Christum possi●et Ecclesia▪ Nota Ma●g. ex Phil. ●●●pathio in Cant. Bb Pp. ●●. 1. col. 720.  Church doth expound it; or 
u † Panis mysticus. E●. to. 9 p. 390.  mystical bread, to be masticated & eaten 
x † De fide comede●dus E●. in Ind. Aug.  with the teeth of faith. 
y † Be●trami sententia contra eam. Trithemus apud Zuing. p. 4. 112.  Bertram wrote plainly against Transubstantiation: And it is a foolish conceit, that the Accidents can be there without the subject, and plainly convinced, idque Apodicticè, demonstratively: For King Alphonsus had a consecrated Host turned into a Maggot, or some such thing, as 
z † E●. ● Com. in Panorm. apud Zuing. p. 1536.  Aeneas Syl●●us reporteth in Zuinger. To conclude this point; if some 
a † Hoc votum meum si valeret, non mundus iam olim ●uisiet agitatus ●ot quaestionibus, neque modò agitaretur de Eucharistia E●. to 9 p. 390.  might have had their wishes, the World should not have been vexed either now, or heretofore, about so many questions about the Eucharist.   

Of the certainty of salvation.  
THis 
a † Ferus in Eccles. Certa & constans ●iduci●. c. 9 p. 131.  certainty and confidence of our salvation, is called 
b † Pag●nu● in Th●saur● p. 120. ● † Non fides ●ed vera & firm● persuasio. Ferus in ●. ●. Io. p. 187.  〈◊〉, fidelitas, firmitas, or certitudo, veritas: faith, fidelity, firmness, certainty, faith: not a bare faith, but a * certain and firm persuasion, that by faith in 
c † Fiduciam habenti in Domi●● misericordia Domini auxilio 〈◊〉 & ●uebitur cum. V●●▪ ●● Ps 32. nu. 27.  Christ, the faithful man shall be protected from all danger by God's especial grace, whereof the holy Spirit is a sure 
d † S●i●itus S. A●habo est & pignus. Va● in Summ● Scriptura.  pledge and token, that he may come with confidence 
e † Cum fiducia accedentes ad thronum gratiae. Va●ab. Ib.  unto the Throne of Grace, 
f † Nihil 〈◊〉 de certissima salute. Snoygandanus in Ps. 75.  nothing doubting of his salvation, and being secure 
g † A morte securus. ●e●. in c 16. Ma●. p. 229.  from death, 
h † Certit. de remissione pec●torum. F●r. in cap. 20. ●●. p. 598.  certain of remission of his sins. This is the dignity and chief 
i † Christiani dignitas  stay of a Christian, 
k † Fiducia principale principium. 〈◊〉. 9  commended of Christ. And yet the Papists dispraise it, teaching us to doubt 
l † Fiducia laudata à Christo. S●●ll● in 〈◊〉 pag. 250.  of our salvation; when they have not only our Writers, but their own against them, moved by the force of the truth, and the evidence of the Spirit, do testify the same both to us and the World, unasked, unsent unto.   

Of Rome.  
BEcause Rome is the chief City of the World, and so 
a Io. Cusp. in ●● Ph●●a. p. 230.  declared since Phocas time, and that this next year of jubilee is like to draw multitudes unto her, and some perhaps of our foolish countrymen are like enough to be as forward in going thither as any other: that they may not be misconceived of that City, I will, if not topographically describe it, yet I will endeavour to paint her forth in all her colours, the predominant whereof is gueles, which may well become the Scarlet Whore, as she is proved to be in the Council 
b ☞ Ve●è meretrix Babylon. Conc. Bas. MS. p. 54.  of Basil, either in respect of her temporal, o● spiritual fornications. Her spiritual fornications, that is, her sins are many, you may read them in gross in 
c † Espenc. in Titum. c. 2. p. 76.  Espencaeus, Amongst the 
d † T●b. p. 3.  Germane Writers, in 
e † L. ●.  Nic. Clenards' Epistle to Honorius, Fr. Petrarch, 
f † F●. P●trarcha p. 174. etc.  in his Sonnets, and diverse others. If you please to have the particular abuses of that City recited unto you, note we first her Simony, Covetousness and Briberies. You may not come thither, unless you bring 
g † Pecun●am omnia posse. Did. Stell● in Lucam 10▪ p. 32  money store. Money is all in all, and doth all at Rome; all things are bought and sold there, 
h † Esp●●●. in Titum 〈◊〉 p. 65.  omnia venalia: yea (as one told the Germans in the Council of Trent) for money they might buy what Religion they would. 
i † Officiarii Ro●ae venales. De In●●●●. rerum l. 4. c. 11. p. 281.  Polydor Virgil maketh a pitiful complaint of their bro●age of Offices. I except not our holy Fathers the Cardinals, their 
k † Cardinalium Collegia venalia. Ib. l. 8. c. 2 p. 487.  Colleges were set to open sale. This 
l † Nummar●a pe●●is regnal Romae. ●●. 〈◊〉 in Chron. ●●●i●. ad 〈◊〉. 1404. G●●●. ●●. ●.  plague of money is so rife at Rome, that I doubt whether there be any safe going thither this year. Many men are strangled there with this disease, but especially Clergy men. They have strange means of 
m † A●ritia & imposturae ad corradendum nummum. Germ. script. ●o. 2: p 377.  hooking and hedging in money. They are not 
n † Genus expiscandae pecuniae à vet●rum C●nonibus & maiorum iustitutis valde alienu. Fr. Duarenus de S. Eccl●sia ministeriis, l. 7. c. 6 p. 509  Fishers of men, but of money, which which was never known in ancient time. They have their factors and cursitors, that p●ste 
o † Captores beneficiorum Romam certatim cursitant. Ib. l 6. c. 4. p. 518.  up and down every Country to bring in the Fish to the net, that is, the moneyed Parsons, and wealthy Prelates: for if you come to Rome, and bring no money (as I said before) with you, you may go back again as wise as you came; 
p † Io. N●niz p. 390. in S●lua iux●. nu. 149  Curia Romana non vult ovem si●e lana; They like not these poor, ragged, shorn sheep: and you come well fleeced thither, you shall be sure to be well fleeced before you go thence: and yet it were well for all this, or tolerably well, if the best Scholars always might have the best livings for their money; this were some comfort: but there the Proverb holdeth, 
q † Quamlibet indigno nebuloni modo it muneret donegare consuevit. Fr. Dua●. ●● S. Eccl. ministerii● l. 6. c. 4 p. 518.  The verier Knave, the better luck. 
r † Non merenti●us, sed magis afferentibus Sacerdotibus data. ●o. Langius in Act●● 15. 13.  Not he that deserveth most, but he that giveth most, is preferred: 
s ☞ Non respiciunt ad personarum m●rita: sed tan●um ad quantum p●cuni● concessit. MS. C. in C●ll. Magd.  they regard not the merit of the man, but the quantity of the money that is gi●en. Leave we now their Simony and Avarice, and come we to speak of the cruelty of these Roman 
t † P●norm. de robu● g●stis Alphons●. l. 3. c. 8. Apud Zuing p. 283●.  Harpies (as King Alphousus calleth them; or Roman 
u † Vulturii Romanenses 〈◊〉. Annal l. 5. p. 535.  Vultures, as Auen i●e styleth them;) What a slaughter of men was made in 
x † Carnificina sub Alex Germ. s●r. ●●. 1. p. 189.  Pope Alexander's time? The Pope taketh upon him the Seal of the Fisherman, sub an●ulo piscatoris: but he might more properly sign his Bulls and writings, that roar so fiercely, and disquiet the whole World, sub annulo Lanionis, under the seal of the Butcher. It was a good observation 
y ☞ Lupi efficaci●m non megabit, quisquis genus Romanord lupino lacte non ambig● educatum, unde pl●runque quod dulcius est ●upinum saporem retinet, primique fidem eorum quam à matre lupa didicerunt, sibi invicem se●nau●runt, eademque quadam lege naturae manavit ad posteros. Ind na●um est proverbium; Quicquid in Romanis est lacteum, totum est Lupuum. nu. 7. p 5.  of an ancient y Writer, that Rome's Sire was ●●rsed by a Wolf; for to this day Rome hath not left her wolvish nature, so that now it is grown into a common Proverb, or byword; Quicquid in Romanis est lacteum, totum est lupinum; The Romans have no other milk to feed their young ones, but Wolves milk. Doubtless they have the disease, which the Physicians call Lycan●hropies, or worse; for that turns men only into Wolves by conceit and imagination, but these are Men-woolues really metamorphozed and translated into their wolvish natures and freity. Not to speak of another metamorphosis of theirs, whereby the Church of Rome is turned altogether inside outside, into mere shows and outwards, and is altogether become merely hypocritical (as noteth 
Lib. 5. c. 9 §. ●●.  Ant▪ de Dominis against Suarez) Let us come now and see in the last place, whether we can find any honesty, or goodness in that famous and renowned City. Certainly, if I may believe reports of your own Historian; from the top to the t●e, there 
† In Romana curia nihil recti▪ nihil ●ani Thuan l. 28. p. 58.  is no one sound part in that Court. Non licet esse p●um; A man cannot be pious there and if he would; 
a † Romae non licet benesac●re. I●. Neviz. in Sylva N 〈…〉, l 4 p 393. ●●. 152.  he cannot live honestly, and do as he ought: and I do in part believe it, that there is no room for it in Rome: no holiness there, where his Holiness dwells: to find an honest man, or an honest woman there amongst your Brothelhouses and Stews that are publicly tolerated, 
b † Roma ipsa supanar reddita, foemine, Petri domus ●●lita fluxu. Ad S●yg●os o●et usque lares, incestat olympum N●dore ho●, facta est toto exe●erab●●●s orbe Espene. ●● e● ad Ti●um, p. ●●.  to the high offence of God and men, were to 
c † Continentia coru●●arior albo 〈…〉 Saeculares. Krantz Met op. ●. 9 c. 34. p. 2●●.  see a white Crow amongst your Secular men, or Secular Priests; take it in what sense you will. Now my Masters, if you like Rome upon these conditions, pack and be gone▪ the sooner, the better (if his Majesty will give▪ you leave,) it were a fair riddance (as we say) without a Sessions. But I must leave to hold you any longer; I know you stand upon thorns, and long to be gone to your holy Father the Pope: I have done with their vices, and I would they had done with them too; and so farewell.   

Of the Clergy of Rome.  
Having described the City of Rome, and showed our Romanists what wonderful things are spoken of her; I will (if needs they will go to Rome)▪ give them this counsel, to go their Stations as soon as they come thither, and as they pass by, to view the state of their Clergy and Church in general, and then of their Cardinals, Bishops, Priests, and Monks in particular: the knowledge hereof may be profitable unto you; and yet not puff you up never a whit the more.   

First then of the Clergy in general.  
HEre I must be bold to borrow a pen or two from their own Espencaeus upon Titus, or from some one or other in the Council of 
a ☞ B●● MS. p. 334.  Basil: as for ink (if any be black enough to register the several enormities and foulness of their facts,) I will borrow that from 
b † Thuan. hist. l. 27. p 29.  Thuanus History; there will never be wanting Ink as black, and as bitter as Gaul amongst Popish Writers, to supply our wants; and therefore upon full trust and confidence hereof, as we shall see when we come to handle the particulars, I come in this second place to speak of their Cardinal sins, or the sins of their Cardinals; although I am not ignorant of Ant. de Dominis saying, that a man were as good touch the apple of the Pope's eye, as point out, or point at their Popish or Romish errors: but that care is cared for, and so I proceed.   

Of the Cardinals and Bishops.  
SOme call them Carpinales, in scossing manner, as 
a † Carpinales vocati à. Conrade Mogunt. apud Zuing. p. 28▪ 4.  Conrade of Mentz: some on the contrary, praise them beyond the skies, and say, that 
b † Curiales Cardinals & Praela●i admi●●u● in P●radiso absque examine. I● N 〈…〉. l 4 p 336. ●●. 155.  when they die, they shall be sure to go to Heaven, and never go by the Examiner's office. Be it so▪ yet by their leaves we will make bold to examine their lives, while they live here upon earth. First, for their original, it cannot be precisely learned when they began. Wicelius saith, they were anciently instituted by the primitive Popes, (if the word Pope be so ancient) to be aiding and assisting to his Holiness in visiting the sick, and burying the dead. But I doubt they will not fall out to be of that antiquity; for in Saint 
c † Cardinalis nomen Hier a●tate vix n●tum. Zuing. p. 13 15.  Hieromes time, the name of a Cardinal was hardly in request; and yet their Writers or Painters, seeing Saint Hierome so poor in his Cell, of 
d † Rub●us petasus D. Hieronymo impertitus à Pictoribus. P●lyd Virg. l 4. the Invent rerum. p. 274.  mere pity and liberality, have bestowed a red Hat upon him; which, if he had lived in these latter times, perchance might have cost him 
e † Ferd. Ponz●tta 60 aureorum millibus Cardinalitium pileum emit. Garrenbert. l. 6 devitis Pontif Zuing. p 2490.  threescore thousand, or a 
f † Fr. Armellinus Rom. Mercator emit Cardinal●●●um à L●one 10. 150. aureorum millibus. Il●●. 2511.  hundred and fifty thousand Crowns. Whatsoever their original is, they are now raised to a great state, not much inferior to that of 
g † jud. Palatinus multo● reges aequavit. F●lgos. l. 6. c 10. Zuing. p. 951.  Kings and Princes, and they have wherewithal to maintain 
h † See Erasmus cap. 2. Gent. 3. Adag. 1. p 603.  that estate; they must have their 
i † Lud. Patavinus Cardinalis primus canes equosque aluit. Volate●. l. 22. Anthropomorph. Zuing. p. 954  Horses, and their Hounds, their Mistresses, or 
k † De Cardinalibus Scortatoribus Synaedis & eorum spurcitiis vide Ant. de Dominis contra Suarem. c 1 §.  rather their Whores and Queans, their Bawds and Ganymedes; and than it is not to be wondered at, if they be so 
l ☞ Cardinals' more solito cupidi. MS. C●n Coll. Magd. p. 117.  covetous: it was, is, and ever will be their guise, to get fuel to maintain this fire of lust. I should here admonish them of their duties; but the Council of 
m ☞ Bas. Conc. MS. p. 363.  Basil hath prevented my pains, in learning them their several duties, and representing before their eyes their red Scarlet, which should teach them to be Martyrs for, and not persecuters of the Christian Faith. A word or two of Bishops, and so an end.  
The word 
n ☞ Nomen operis & non honoris. Conc. Bas● MS. 2. p 455.  Bishop is a name of paives, and not of honour; he is a Superintendant over the flock; let not the Precisians appropriate this word unto themselves, or pair it, as they do all things else to their purpose: but alas, now adays, men are made Bishops (I speak of our Popish Clergy) for covetousness, and not for righteousness sake: they inquire not how many Parishes belong to their Diocessees; but how many Lordships, or rich Manors belong to their Bishoprics: and so what 
o Multi Episcopatum desiderant explendae avaritiae, & libidinis suae causa, non quod communi utilitari ut eorum exposcit officium & nomen, consulan●. Quaeritur enim quantum in redditibus habeat Episcopatus, non quot oves pascuae in eo sunt. Platina apud Wolf. to. 1. ● p. 185.  for fulfilling their lusts, and filling full their purses, and other by-respects, men affect, or rather infect the Bishopric, as a good Writer noteth. And therefore we may very justly complain with Erasmus, that 
p † Nulli minus Episcopi, quam qui inter Episcopos primas tenent. Eras. to. 2. Adag. 1. C●nt. 3 p, 603.  those which have the best Bishoprics, are not always the best men. Mostly Bishops now adays (I speak thus much out of the mouths, and from the complaints of two famous Writers in those impurer times, 
q † Plerique sunt nostri temporis à religione & sacris quam quivis Satrapae & prophani Principes longè alieniores Fr. Duarenus lib. 1 c. 4. p. 440.  Fr. Duarenus, and 
r † (Vneimus) ad hae●●empora, quibus nihil minus norunt quam eas partes quae illis à Paulo assignantur. Isid. in 1. Tim 3.  Isidorùs Clarius) are more ignorant of true Religion, and sacred businesses, than Lay-Princes and Potentates; and do know any thing, save that which they should know, that is, their duties out of Saint Paul's doctrine contained in his Epistles to Timothy and Titus. I conclude this point; Let him that hath a Bishopric attend his office, attend his function, attend his name; he is called a Bishop, an Ouerlooker, or a Superintendant. (I know no harm by this word, as I told you before,) his office is not 
s † Episcopi nomen officium, non Simonia. Viues in Eras. l. 19 c. 19  Simony, but to visit his Diocese, to preach to his flock. If you cannot, nor will not learn so much of me, yet learn it of your own dear 
t It was the office of Bishops to preach. Hist Conc. Trid. p. 188.  Council of Trent; or at the least, of the 
u ☞ Officium Episcoporum praed●care. Bas. MS. p. 53.  Council of Basil. And so much for Bishops and Cardinals, their sins and failings, their office and duties.   

Of Popish Priests.  
I Have touched the Pope's freehold, laid open the faults of their Cardinals and Bishops; What remaineth? Nondum completae sunt iniquitates Amorrhaeorum; but that in like manner, and that without any great order (which their vices will not bear) we proceed to speak of the intolerable abuses, and innumerable sins of the Antichristian Roman Clergy, that we may have a complete mystery of iniquity.   

Of the Priests.  
HEre for brevity's sake, let me entreat thee gentle Reader, whosoever thou art, to name me any sin, wherein the Priest hath not been Superlative. They are Priests with a witness: before all other men, verum est, in sinning. Will you have ordinary sins, or extraordinary; profane vices, or Clergie-faults? For me, it is all one, and it were well with them, if one were all: but I may number them unto you almost by the dozen.  
1. They are notable thieves, some of them; read 
a † Sacerdos fur insigni● Lib. 13. Wandal. c. 24.  Albertus Krantzius History of Wandalia.  
2. Covetous beyond measure: so 
b † Inexplebilis avaritiae. Fer. in c. 2, Io. p. 60.  Ferus, 
c † In Is. c. 3 in margin.  Vatablus, and the 
d ☞ 〈…〉 116 267 346 422 ●●●●●. 〈…〉 ●●3 〈…〉 Pinguis panis  Council of Basil in I know not how many pages, in one only Volume. The bread 
〈…〉 Poly● 〈…〉 de 〈…〉 275 〈…〉. Zuing 4. 29. 62.  of the Lord is sweat bread, and this their 
f † Auaritia & sacri●egnum s●b pretex●● pretatis Germ. se●●●t. to. 2. p. 376.  avarice joined with much sacrilege, and both shadowed with some pretences of piety, which improve the sin, and make it be the greater in deed, the lesser it is in seeming: this siane, which (as 
g † Auaritia in conversione lord eoru●a (cum ut magis effe ●rent s● P Cieza ●erum Indicarum, to. 2. c. 33. a●●d 〈…〉 ● 41●1.  one writeth) doth much binder the conversion of the poor Indians, hardening them in their own sins, to see the Christians embrace and fellow riches so greedily, is either not inquired after, or being inquired after, is not censured, or punished.  
3. They are incredible Lechers, noted with this vice more than any; they carry the very marks about them. They are 
h▪ Cierici non ●●quiruntur an sint avari I●●●●g MS. ●●● 473 lib Pp. to. 3.  Soldiers, but serve not the God of Hosts, but sight under Pluto, Bacchus, and Venus' colours. Clergy men and Ecclesiastical persons 
▪ ●●●l siasti●● mi●irant Plutoni, ●accho & ●e●eri. ●●●. 〈…〉: ●●●●tia d●plici, p. 117  uncleanness and pollutions are notorious and open to all the World, and a byword in every man's mouth: they cannot 
k † Communia matain Prou. thium v●lgò venerunt. Io. ●●uent Annal. Boiorum, p. 647.  content themselves with one kind, but they exercise all kinds of lewdness and libidinousnesse: one 
l † Omne genus libidinum atque nequitiae exercent.  woman will not satisfy their unruly appetites, they must have many Sweethearts, a great many of leman's and Concubines, (if Nevizanus report be true:) yea, they are ready to take men's wives from them, they glory in their shame, in their Taverns, how many Wenches they have lain withal; how many Virgins they have deflowered: they have no other song but this profane one; Let us make ourselves merry with wine, and then there shall be no Meadow, but we will sport ourselves in one kind or other. But perhaps it may be said; Flesh is frail, and men may offend: but if they do, sec 
d † Non solam, imoplures uxores s●u amasias, i●●o & quandoqae concubinas habent eodem tempore ay▪ Neviz. sylut ●●pt p 68 ●●. 128. d † Ali●nas repere uxores Io. A●●nt. Annal. l. 4 p. 382. e † Gloriantur in tabernis vinarus de puellis stupratis Id. Ib. l. 5. p. 386. f ☞ Inebriemus nos in vino, non sit pratum quod non pert●ansea● luxuria nostra. Vigel in Clericis, MS. 9 p. 304. g † Hodie non pu●untur adviteria. I● Nevizanut in syl●● Nu●tiali, p. 55. nu. 89.  how we will punish them, whether they be adulterers or fornicators. There was 
C●initus de honesta dis●itlina. s. 9 c. 10.  one, that durst exclaim it, that in his time there was no punishment of Adultery, and therefore less hope was there of censuring lighter sins, if greater sins escape without your punishment; What reason have we to think, that you should punish the lesser? And in truth, as one of your own side hath told me (as great a 
q † Erasmus to. 9 p. 306 Si omnes adulterae lapidarentur, to us mons Ollariae non sufficeret.  Scholar, and as wise a man, as any the Church of Rome sent forth these many days,) the greatest Hill of Ollaria (which I suppose to be a great one) would not yield us stories enough, if the levitical Law should take hold of all your secret and open, known and unknown Adulteries. But that the World may know how severe censors you are of this fault, harken to a Story or two in this kind, and I will end this Discourse.  

r ☞ Quidam Archiepiscopus Clericum saum tam incorrigibiliter in sanientem cum adultera inclusit in cella, & omnia per multos dies cautè fecit ministrari, sed nec die, nec nocte eos ox●re permisit, nec ab invicem seperari. Cum●gitur per multos dies enim cautionem, Iurator●am se nunquam in amplexus illius mulieris reversurum, & ita quodam modo Sathana Sathanam expellente ab insania sua curatus est. MS O. p. 165.  There was a good fellow in the world (a Priest I mean) that had a woman in a cellar with him, which he loved full sorely; his Prelate hearing of this, cometh upon them on the sudden, locks the doors, and shuts them in many days, and many nights, causing them to be watched, and supplied with all manner of necessaries, and in the end the poor Priest had so over-laboured and spent himself, that he was taken with a giddiness in his head, so that he never after durst come in her company any more. Believe it who list: If they had said, he had never been well after this, and no more, I would have believed them.  
I have two Stories behind, which I will shut up in one 
s ☞ Curand 'em est tale vitium non solum per castigationem & increpationem & communicationem, sed per medicinalem cautelam Vnde quidam Episcopus cum habere● quendam Clericum insano amore incorrigibiliter laborantem, suscitavit ci litem de ●●● nesicio suo, & tam d●u, cum li●●bus & sumptibus cum fatig●●i fecit, ●●●●c to●●us insan●us morum obliuisce●●●●▪ MS. O. p. 164.  word; they both loved Wenches well; the one was sent purposely to the Court of Rome, the ˢ other sued here in 
t ☞ Alter Episcopus in consimili casan impetrabat â Principe ut Clericum suum ita amantem in at ●o & periculoso negotio mitteret ad Curiam Romanam. In quo ●●got● ot sustinuit advt●sitates & labores, quod cum rediret insani amoris non recordabatur MS. O. p. 164.  England, both of set purpose, to make them forget their old loves: now could my Author have showed me that there had been no Stews in Rome at that time, nor Brothelhouses in London, I would have in part believed his report of both: but transeat cum caeteris erroribus; I proceed from the Daughter to the Mother; from the cau●e, to the effect: you know, and Nevizanus hath told us, that Venture & genitalia are near of kind, I will not English this for shame.  
4. They are very riotous in fare, mere Belly-god●, and Epicures. If either you had patience, or I had leisure, ● could insist upon this point as long, as upon the former: it shall suffice therefore to show you, that he that serves God Bacchus, is no great enemy to the Lady Venus; and he that is 
† Potatores st●pratores Io. Auent. A●nal. ● 5 p 440.  potator, a drunkard, may be scortator, a whoremaster, before he be aware; they are terms almost convertible, per luxam & otium ventri viwnt; I say no more.  
5. They are Prodigals and spendthrifts; and that they spent were their own, or not misspent upon wicked purposes, and lewd l●uswiues, the fault might be lessened, though not clean taken away: but 
x † Miseremini ●●●●●●op●●r m●●● co●●● uptas oblationes. Patri ●o●●m Christ, co s●m●tar c●● 〈…〉. Liur. Schri●●●●● monumentis Italia, p 235.  misereremini mei, (●ay the Church say;) Pity, pity, my goods are misspent, spent upon Harlots and Queans; thus saith your great Antiquary Laur. Schraderus in his books of Monuments, especially of Italy.  
6. Ambitious, no men more; neither sought they their Benefices to do good with them, 
y Viues in to 5. Aug. l ●7 c. 5.  but propter quaestum, to make a gain of them, or a ●adder for their ambitious thoughts to mount up; and this ●adder, because it should carry them up higher, hath many rounds; their desire was 
☞ Quaerunt ut praesint non ut prosint. MS. Bal. p. 345.  not so much to profit their inferiors, as to sit amongst their superiors in high place and dignity, in great honour and worship: and this was the true cause, why Benefices were so chopped and changed, bought and sold, as if the Church were an 
a † Sacerdotia quasi caballi empta. Io. Auent. Annal. Beior. l. 4 p. 382.  Horse-fair.  
7. They are egregious Simoniasts: but of this nothing, having lanced this sore before in the Chapter of Rome, and, I doubt, it is not healed yet.  
8. They are as proud as Lucifer. This vice is common to them with their 
b † Pontificum Episcoporum Presbyterourm Sacerdotum superbissima tecta aulae, equi, non dicam scorta & vilissima mancipia. Andt. Mass in joshua ● 7. p 128.  Bishops and Prelates; also they must have their stately Houses, magnificent Halles, gallant Horses, to speak nothing of their Queans and Concubines: but it may be, their Prelates will challenge this as proper unto themselves.  
9 They are brave Courtiers. This vice is noted in them by diverse good and approved Writers, as 
c ☞ Pag. 5.  Guil. de S. Amore, diverse 
d MS. * p 130. & MS 29. p. 216.  Manuscripts, and others, branding them with the name of 
e ☞ Cl●rici cutiales stellae erraticae. MS. 29. pag.  wand'ring Planets, 
f † Plunt mancipia Principum & Aulae. Er. to. 2. Adag▪ ●. Cent. 3. p 603.  Court-slaves; they pronounce a heavy doom against them, 
g ☞ Frequentantes Aulas Regum peru▪ ●ire debent ad ignominiam Gehennalem. 〈…〉 S Amore MS. p 156.  that shame will be their end, and a worse punishment, if they take not the better heed. Mistake them not; they mean not Kings and Princes Chaplains, that necessarily must attend upon them nor such as repair unto the Court upon good occasion, but frequentantes Curiam, such as are neverwell, but when they are there, or any where, so they may be from their charges.  
10. They are stout Soldiers: I mean, not only in their field beds, and in the Lady Venus' pair (as I have largely demonstrated unto you before) but Soldiers in their 
h ☞ Contra Clericos ut M●tes incedentes MS 29. p 271.  habit; or (as another hath it) 
i ☞ Quastu Cletie & habitu milites MS 59 127.  for their greediness they may be called Clergi●men; but for their habits, Soldiers. Doubtless Saint Bernard was the Author of this complaint they forget themselves, ●rma milittae nostrae sunt spiritualis; Our weapons are spiritual. And as a merry fellow told an 
k † Fr Duarenus de sac●●s ecclesiae 〈…〉, l 10. 4 p. 440.  Archbishop, that was both a Duke and an Archbishop, and stood in defence of his temporal Dominion, more than was fitting; It may be (quoth he) the Archbishop may go to Heaven, but I fear much, the Duke will never go thither: So give me leave to say to these Clergie-Souldiers, that are, as 
l Ant. de Dom. l. 6. c. 8. § 30.  Ant. de Dominis complaineth (though they put not on Saint Paul's complete armour) yet are both galeate & lor●ati, harnessea from top to toe: if they be not commanded to the Waires by the State, as who knoweth not, but our profound Bradwardine served as a Chaplain in the Cam●e? but run idly from their Cures, that well they may go to Heaven as they are Clergymen (which I ●oe not easily believe,) but as Soldiers they will never come thither. This vice was touched to the quick by Desid Erasmus, but he was never a whit thought of the better of the Church of Rome. He was wholly for the maintaining of the Canons of the Church, and nothing for these Powder-Canons, and Field-pieces. Thus much be spoken of their fight: Ministers must not be fighters.  
11. They are cunning Merchants: They trade not with the Word, in this spiritual merchandise of souls; but with money, like temporal 
m ☞ Contra Mercatores. MS. p. 139.  Merchants and Tradesmen, neglectis studijs.  
12. They are for the most part ignorant Dolts, ignari, stulti, stipites, 
n † Pecudes ignavae, stulti sti●●●e● caudaces asiri Io. Auent. l. 5. p. 45●.  candaces, idle sluggards, fools, stocks and stones, that have (as one said in the Council of 
o ☞ Conc. Bas. MS. p 365.  Basil) nec scientiam, nec conscientiam, nec entiam; nor science, nor conscience, nor any entity of goodness in them: so that a man may well conclude of them, as Io. Nevizanus did long before I was borne, peradventure, de Clerico ad asinum valet argumentum, unless you would have me tell you out of Polydore Virgil, that their Masspriests were so ignorant, as not to know whether Cle in Paracletus were long or short. But for avoiding this difficulty, and helping their ignorant Shavelings, you have lately found out an excellent device, to accent all the Trissyllables, or longer words in your Missals: and yet I do not remember, that Io. de Lapide, as very a stone as ever wrote, hath this amongst his centum dubia occurrentia circa missam, printed and reprinted with shame enough. Thus endeth their first dozen of faults of their Priests, unless you will have a Baker's dozen. I will be loath for (for so was mine Author Gyraldus) to touch upon this sore: it was not Sylvester Gyraldus, and yet he was a plain down right Author; it is Lilius Greg. Cyraldus, the fault was this, (which I do not score up, because I give it you to boot) That diverse men in his time, or of his knowledge, were chosen Priests 
p † Sacerdotia Histrionica Arte comparata Lil. Greg. Gyrald. to. 2 ex hist. Poet. Dial. 6. p. 236. p. 328.  for some excellent quality, belike, because they were excellent Stage-players: and yet when I bethink myself the better, this may fall out to be no fault, or a small one, when we consider, that it is the manner in Spain and some Countries, to have long Pulpits, and the first work the Priest doth when he ascends the Pulpit, is to set up his Crucifix, and then to play his parts, so as never an Actor of them all shall go beyond him. But I have done.   

Of Popish Monks and Friars.  
I Purpose in this last place, to insist a while upon their Monks and Friars, not 
a † Ordo in multas sectas divisus. Polyd. Virg. de Invent l 7. c 1 p. 440. & l 8 c 4 p. 493.  dividing them into their several Orders, Sects, or Sodalities, wherewith the whole World did, and yet doth 
b † Nunc mundus plenus est Sodalitatibus. Er. to. 4. p. 224.  swarm: they are commended unto us under the 
c † Religionis titulo commendabiles Er. to 4 p 2●4.  title of Religion, 
d † Ahorum nominibus religiosi. jac. Faber in 1. Cor. 1. c. 1 p 106.  usurping religious men's names and titles: but are not 
e † Non reli 〈…〉 sed sacrilegium. Guil. de S. Am●e, c 14.  truly religious, but very sacrilegious persons, 
f ☞ Contra fall 〈…〉 monachos. MS O. p. 115.  false Monks, against whom Saint 
g † Erasin declarat. ad Confessionem militis.  Hierome, and others, have justly and sharply inveighed. Some derive their originals from the 
h † Qui etiam iactitant illud Apostolorum fuisse institutum. Pol. Virg. l. 7. c. 3 p. 451. 163.  Apostles, and make them 
i † Religio D. Francisci de iure divino. Em Rodericu● quaest. regular. & Canon. p. 18.  de jure divino: but that cannot be proved; (yet are they ancient) compare the old Monks with the new, and 
k † See Polyd. l 7. c. 1 p. 440. † Eras. i● vita Hier. p 5. † Er. Duar●●. de Ecc●●ministrir, c. 24 p. 458. † Er. to▪ 9  there is great difference and disparity. Those were Schools of 
l † Apud eos literarum exercitia publica Io. Auent. Annal. Boiorum. Scholae & Sonniaria. A●t de Dom. l ●. c. 12 §. 63.  Learning, rather than Colleges of Monks, or rather Cages of unclean birds the heat of persecution made them retire into holes and vales, caves and dens, where they studied 
m † Monachi professio priscae liberaeque utae meditatio. Er in vita Hier. p. 5.  amendment of life; and when they came forth out of their Celestina, and Monasteries, being found by the like persecution, they brought others unto the study of godliness by their exemplary lives: they 
n † Nullum yotorum vinculum. Polyd. Virg. de Invent. l. 7 c 1 p. 440.  knew no Vows; were not 
o ☞ Vncinis pomorum puerulos ad religionem vestrum adtrahitis. Ital. Acad & Ant. de Dom. l. 2. c. 12. § 46.  enticed by flattery, or forced by undue means, to take upon them that state of life; all was arbitrary, they sought God with their hearts, and 
p † Omnibus impositum, ut sudore vultus acquirant necessaria. V at in Proverbia c. 16 nu. 17.  their livings with their hands; were not distinguished with set 
q Antiqui non distincti cultu aut vestibus. Eras. S●●ol in ●p ad Rusticum. p. 5.  forms of apparel; they were not luxurious in their lives, riotous in their fare, covetous in their seeming poverty, leaving the World, to take it up again with advantage, false Hypocrites, wand'ring Planets, ignorant Asses, proud Cockscomes, slothful Bellies, Court-slaves, Man-quellers, King-killers, greedy Worldlings, unnatural to Parents: they followed Christ, and the people followed them; but our later Monks of yesterday breeding, in comparison of Antiquity, that 
r † Orti fungorum more. Pol●. Virg. l. 7 c. 3 p 453.  sprang up like Toadestooles or Mushrooms, are clean contrary to these. I will not write their sins in general, as some of your own Writers have done reasonably well, I must needs say, in this kind, as 
s † Polid. Virg. lib de ●●uent. p 443. ☞ Manuscript.  Polydore Virgil, and especially one Hugo de Polio, that hath written a whole Treatise de 12. Abusionibus Claustri; we intent not whole books of declamations against their filthy crying sins: but we will as briefly as we may, deliver them unto you, as we have received them of your own good Writers, that were compelled by the evidence of truth, or rather by the providence of God, to lay open their abominations, though you have cast a cloak or garment upon them (such as it is,) but it will not serve neither your, nor their turns, there are that have blabbed them abroad, and these they are:  
1. The first accusation brought against them, is their 
t † Monac●● Sacerdotibus Eliae ●● Idolola●riam co●paran S Pagninus p 1157.  Idolatry, being nothing inferior herein to the idolatrous Priests in Elias time.  
2. Their Regicides, or killing of Kings: Was it not a 
u † Henricus septimus nephando Dominicani chalice sublatus. Ansel. Rid p. 54. † Hen 7. ● Monacho potionatus Io. Stru●●iu● apud Zuing. p. 145.  Dominican that porsoned Henry the seventh at the Eucharist? What can be added to this Villainy? To make the fact seem more ugly, the murderer was a Religious person, specie tenus, or ver●●●e tenus: the murdered, a sacred person, an Emperor; the pretence, piety; and the act seeming most religious of all others; the place holy, the Temple; the Chalice holy, for it was consecrated. Wonder it is, that he is not consecrated and registered amongst your Saints, aswell as Garnet, and others, that they may be put down in the Calendars and Martyrologies in rea letters, that their faces may be died red with shame and confusion, and their bloody facts recorded to posterity, and read of all men.  
3. Their Hypocrisy. Their Religion consisteth chiefly 
x † Caluitie & habitu duntaxat Religion in prae se ferentes. ●o. Auentinus Annal. Boior. l 2. p. 156.  in their shaved Crowns, and diversity of habits; they 
y † Solo titulo fere Monachi sunt. Er. ●●. 2. Cent. 3. Adag. ●. p. 830.  are only titular Monks, they profess 
z ☞ Specie tenus de●●●runt saeculum. Phil. Repington. MS p. 475.  Religion in show, and with Demas, embrace the World: they 
a † Pharisaeorum genus. ●● Auent. annal. Boior. l. 4. p. 312.  are a kind of pharisees; yea, the 
b † Ad eos Pharisaei collati simplices vi●eri queant Er. ●●. 6 p. 92.  pharisees being compared to them, are nothing, they are 
c † Ficta Monastica Institutio. Polyd. Virg. de Invent. l. 7 c. 2 p 446.  feigned institutions, and 
d † Monasterium hypocriseos domicilium. Clenard. in ep p. 165.  houses of hypocrisy.  
4. Their Luxury and incontinency. What should I speak of 
e † Devorantes domus & impudicitiae Eras. ●● 6 in Math. c. 23. Antony's de D●m. l. 5. c. 11 § 45.  their sundry lusts in sundry kinds? They promise and vow 
f Continentiam Monachi ipsi quam profitentur seruare non servant. Iul Caesar Scaliger in lib. de causis plantarum. Theophrasti l. 1. c. 5. p. 12.  continency, but there be that vow the contrary. I will not reckon up their loathsome and filthy diseases which they get, out of 
g † Amat. Lusitanus Curatione 69. p. 382 † Corrupti morbo gallico Ib. in schol. p. 384.  Amatus Lusitanus, or any other, for very shame; let this suffice for the present.  
5. Their Riots and excess in fare. You may read of their Epicureisme and delicacy in fare, in Hugo the 
h ☞ Tot diversia & tam delicatis cibis utuntur, qui in sua domo sobrii, in Monasterium gulosi. Hugo de Folio MS.  Folio, he hath a set Chapter for it, of their 
i † Splendida convinia Er. ●● 2 Cent. 3. Adag. 1. p 830.  stately and sumptuous banquets in Erasmus; and therefore we may judge whether men had not reason to ca● them 
k † Franciscani por●i. Ambros Calepinus in verbo Leuchephantus.  Hogs, fat 
l † Vt porci in latibulis ventri & peni seruiunt. Io. suspin. in Hen. ●●● 2 p. 409.  Hogs, as it were out of the sty, that swinishly cared for nothing, but for their bellies and their tails; with reverence of the Reader be this spoken.  
6. Their Sloth and Idleness. They lead a pretty kind of 
m † Est o●ii genus quoddam. Er ●● 4 p. 463.  idle life, that slept, or 
n † Sacrifici ac Moniales o●io somnoque dediti. Lau. Lemnius, l. 2. de occultis, c. 51 p. 277  idled out their times; it was no marvel, that so many men and women went thick and threefold to their Monasteries and Nunneries. 
o Lib 1 de los dominos Manuscript. 1 § 2.  Io. de Puente, he that lately entitled the King of Spain his Master to the Seigneurie of the whole world, thinks no man worthy to write a lying Story (such as his is) unless he come out of a Monastery, or a Cell. True: for if they only should write, which are the only, or especial liars of the world, should we not have goodly Stories out of their Forge? But some are of the contrary mind, that they, and only they, 
p † Eorum ignavia historiae intercidunt Naturae miraculis. Io. Auent. Annal. Boi●r. l 4 p. 312.  have been the cause that we have lost so many good pieces of Antiquity, so many famous Histories, by their mere negligence and indiligence.  
7. Their Discord and dissensions. They are called Fratres, that is, Friars: but Fratrum quoque gratia rara est: they agree like Cat and Dog, either amongst themselves, or towards others. I would to 
q ● V●inam non ●●●et ver●ss●mum nullum adhuc repe●●●i quod non esset intestinis, odus ac imp●is insectum. E●to. 4▪ p. 488.  God this were not too true, and that there were any Monastery free from this infection. Peace (as 
r † Non v▪ habit pui fuor qu▪ in iseruto Lud Ario●●● Cant. 14 p 67.  Ariosto saith) may be written and painted in their Cloisters and Walls: but doubtless it is not practised in their lives and conversations.  
8. Their Pride is somewhat 
s † Non potest superb●a eorum operati quam cum superb●a a Luciferi qui voluit fieri al●●hmus B●●ti. (●ssan. ●●●a●. glor●●●undi 4 ●●te considerate. 2●. § Sedeum sint Minores.  Lucifer-like; it cannot well go higher: they are called Minorites some of them; but they may be all called Maiorites.  
9 Their Wand'ring up and down. They can neither truly contain (for as I showed you, their 
t † Claustia Monachorum prostibuia meretricum Laur. S●hiaderus in Monum. Ital. p 235.  Cloisters are but so many bawdy houses) nor are their Cloisters able to contain them; they must be running up and down with little Pictures or Tablets of the 
u † Ad haec Sancto rum reliqu as vel Apostolicas Tabellas, offerentibus osculandas porrigunt, &c Polyd Virgil. l. 7. c. 7.  Apostles, which the simple people are made to kiss, and give them money. Polydor Virgil in the place quoted in the Margin, hath so lively represented this fault unto our considerations, that I am in a manner constrained to refer you to his learned Writings, that desire to be better informed hereabouts.  
10. Their begging. They 
x † Poseunt stipem quam decet magis dare. Viues in Aug. l. 3. c. 26.  beg, that are fitter to give; and live idly, that 
y † Monachi debent operari Nota Marg. in Bibl. Pp. col 7 27.  are fitter to be set a-work. Doth any man deny this? It shall be proved, Monks: aswell as other men, must live by the sweat of their 
z † Omnibus impositum ut sudore vultus acquirant necessaria. Vatab. in Proverb. c. 16. nu. 17.  brows, and 
a † In eos qui non laborant manibus. I ●nota Marg. in c. 3. ad Thessaly.  labour of their hands. 
b Monachus qui non operatur latroni par iudicandus est. Ant. de Dam. l. 9 c. 5. p. 64.  Not to work, if a man can, and have an able body, is to steal. But you will say, perhaps, this precept is not general, it concerns not Monks. Yes; Monks, aswell as other men. 
c ☞ Monachi debent vivere labore manuum suarum. Guide Amore.  Guil. de S. Amore hath inferred this doctrine throughout all his book, against the begging Friars: but his book against beggars, must be enforced it 
d Being all transcribed and fittea for the Press.  self to beg, or else it is never like to see light, for aught that I know. I read of many Monks that were Fishers, and relieved themselves and others by that honest Trade: and I can tell you also of one that was a 
e ☞ Monachus fabrilem artem exercens. MS. Dunelm.  Smith, and exercised the Trade in his Monastery: belike it was he that made the Tongues that Saint Dunstane used, when he took the Devil by the nose: the Story is worth the reading in our old Chronicles, if a man have so much faith as to believe it. But to return to our begging Friars, which take the habit of 
a † Ingrediuntur Monasterium ab otium & ope● I● Cuspin in Austria p. 602  poor Monks upon them for riches sake; and so (as one notes very well) by 
b † Profitentur paupertatem ut effugiant paiperlae. Eras. in Nou. ●est. to. 6 p 1●0.  professing themselves poor, they make themselves rich: they have stately houses, and are called beggars: utinam hoc esset mendicare; He that should beg with them, should not lose by them: but of this enough.  
11. Their pride in Apparel is one of the twelve abuses, noted by Hugo de Folio, and he setteth it down in Folio: ye may believe him, for he knew it too well.  
12. Their Courting is noted by the same Author, who hath taken much pains to reform them (if it were possible) and to reduce them to their prime-order. It was wont to be said, A Monk out of his Cell, was like a Fish out of the water. But in his time, and in all times, a man may find some of these Frogs; not only at Pharaohs Court, that is, in the Palaces of Kings and Princes; but in the Court of Rome, trading with his Holiness about making and marring of Marriages; about unlawful Divorces and Dispensations, and I know not what. I will not speak of their unnaturalness to Parents which they practise, if they do not teach; nor of their children which they do steal: I have 
The beginning of the Statute MS. Vncinis pomorum puerulos ad religionem vestram attrahitis. c † Monachi in tribus Deo similes ubique; 1. aliquando in lupanari; 2. omnia sciunt vagando; 3 non peccando P. Rebuffus tr. Concordatorum, p. 214.  showed you an express Statute of our University of Oxford against it: these be supernumerarious faults; but to conclude, there is no sin but they have a tincture of it, and yet like counterfeits, they would be like God; without sin as he is, know all things as he doth, are in all places; they are P. Rebuffus words, some of them too sharp to be Englished, and joined with a little profaneness, to my seeming, which may well become a Popish Writer.   

Of Miracles.  
I Had here thought to have concluded: but that a fit and just occasion is given me, by a late accident that fell out here in Oxford, to speak somewhat, although not much of this point, of Miracles: the patration of them is made a special note of their Church in diverse books, that were lately scattered in the night about our Colleges and Halles, and in the Cities and fields (books that we have heard of long since, whereof some of them are throughly refuted) because I say, the evil one that hath sowed these Tares amongst our good Wheat, while the good Householder slept (as his manner is) confides belikes in his cause, and triumphs upon this point more than any other. I will therefore take so much pains, as to insist upon this point a little.  
I will not take upon me to answer all, it needeth not; let one or two serve for all the rest. The Author of my Lord of London's supposed Legacy, makes this his sixth motive: That true Miracles have been wrought for proof of the Catholic religion; but not any for Protestancy; and he reckons up diverse most stupendious Miracles in the primitive Age, and later times; in this World and the New, I mean, both the Indies: and he concludeth with this Epiphonema; O misery and feebleness of Novelisme in doctrine, which is forced 
Pag. 75.  (through it own poverty) to sustentate and support itself for the time, by maintaining assertions, repugnant to the providence and charity of God towards Man, and to all light of natural reason. So that we must (as my Lord of London did, if they could tell the time when) believe that doctrine which is accompanied with so many true and celebrious Miracles wrought by God alone, without any secondary humane means whatsoever. Master Io. Brereley hath likewise in his of S. Aug. religion spent his 18. Chapter, and all his Sections upon this matter: so that now the matter is made cocksure. Against all which, is brought by him and his fellow Musket, whosoever shall oppose his own bare unwarranted denial, we leave (saith he) that man as much more worthy of contempt, then farther reply. But stay, now you Master Musket have spent all your powder; or if you did shoot bullets, you have wounded or killed none but your own men (as may appear.) Not to speak of the Author upon the unperfect work upon Matthew, very ancient (although 
† In illud Mathei, Tunc qui sent in judaea fugiant in montes.  not Chrysostom's) whose words are so plain for us, both in the affirmative, that there is no note, noteworthy, or proof of the true Church, nisi tantummodo per Scripturas: spoken more than once, or twice in the same place; and in 
See my book of Corruptions.  the negative, that miracles may prove a false Church, and be done by Heretics, which your Inquisitors have purged out of the Author: That miracles, stupendious miracles, 
† Io Bodinus methe do hist. p. 96. Talibus nugis referti suut Antoni●●. Aidonis. etc.— ac veterum Annalium libri— portentis ac miraculis referti. † Facta) et infecta narrant, Krantzius Wandaliae. l. 14. c. 17. † Miracula fictitia et revelationes. Io. Auent. l. 5. p 438. Miracula Cacodaemonum. Io. jac. Wickerus de secretis. l. 1 c. 5 p. 36. ☞ De miraculis Sanctorum Arte magica Bac. MS. p. 13. † Pseudo-Propheta miraculis abducens— miraculis tentat fidem nostram Deus. Vat. in Deut c. 13 † Contra Henr. 4. pro Greg. 7 apud Zuing. p. 1542 Quatuor monachorum hist. stigmata Christi simulantium. vide apud Wietum de prastigi daemonum. Zuing. p. 1446. † Virgins' Mariae tabula de caelo delapsa. Blondus Decade 1. l. 6: in Chron. apud Zuing. p. 4167. † Ad Mariam formosam Reginoburgi concursus ob miracula. Seb. Franeus in Zuin. p. 4163. Miracula in Transubstantiatione, non sunt ab omni dolo malo vel praestigiis libera. Antony's de Dom. l. 5. c. 6. p. 265. ☞ Infinita miracula tempore Antichristi. Bacon MS p. 218. MS. 9 p. 101. Bas. MS. p. 515.  such as your Historians do swarm with, namely, Antoninus, Aido, Saxo Grammaticus, Sigebertus, Phreculphus, Nauclerus, Marianus, Vrspergensis, Ammonus, Turpinus, Guaguinus, and all your old Annalists: ask your own Bodin, and he will tell you so much: they were done and not done, made or rather feigned by help of Devils, or of the black Art, by your false Prophets, to draw men to superstition, from the reading of God's word: Such were those that Gregory the seventh used against Henry the fourth: Four Monks that at Berke would needs counterfeit the five wounds of Christ; your Tablets of the virgin Mary that fell from heaven: or of gallant virgin Mary, either at Reginoburg, or Lisbon, or of Oeting, of your miracles of old of Transubstantiation: or of late within these one hundred years, wherewith you have blinded the simple people, and cast a mist before there eyes, they are infinite in number, that have been wrought by Xavier and his fellow cheaters, and so shall those be that Antichrist shall bring to pass in the latter end of the world, to the seducing of the very elect of God (if it were possible) and therefore I cannot be persuaded, that there are any true miracles wrought amongst you: they were needful in the infancy, but not in the groweth of the Church and ask not me but S. Austin a reason, why miracles do now cease in these times of the Gospel; or rather your own 
● Quare miracula non fiant. Geo. Ven. Probl. To 4 § 3. Probl. 164 ☞ Miracula simulant campanas pulsant Praedicatio nibus extollunt fiunt à malis presertim in Aduentu Antichristi. Gu. de S. Amor. ☞ Alii ali●s narrant. Dunelm MS. p. 110. † Miracula non prosunt fine fide. 〈…〉 2. ●● p. 55.  Geo: Venetus (to come nearer home) and they will be able well to ensorme you in this point: and therefore ring your bells, preach your miracles, and make no small gain of them before them simple people or poor Indians. Let your men urge them, and press them, and make their station in them, taking them up of trust one from the other, as Bede from S. Gregory, and S. Gregory from others. I am fully resolved by your own men, that miracles without faith can never be effectual: but true faith without miracles, may be acceptable both to God and men, as I have formerly showed.  
As concerning Master Brerelies fond objection, because I perceive by the casting away of his books, that he is weary, or ashamed of them; and is now casting about, how he may frame a convenient answer (though it be but in show) to him that wrote against him, I will not trouble his patience at this time, but stay till he rejoin, and then I do bind myself by promise, to join issue with him, and to answer whatsoever he shall object; either about miracles, or any thing else, that shall concern the substance of our religion. Whilst he urgeth Protestants and Papists, I will assure him that I will urge none but Papists, and especially those that are marked with a black Theca in their Indices expurgatorij.  
And for a conclusion to all: seeing they urge us so far upon the point of miracles, I will commend these few miracles that follow to their most Christian consideration. If they prove not miracles, yet I believe, they will prove miraculous and stupendious actions, and such as do note forth unto us the great providence of God, in preserving his little flock, his true Church, amidst the fury, and fiery assaults of his and their great enemies, beyond the degree of admirations.  
First, when the deluge of superstition had well-nigh over whelmed the ark of the Church, when that abomination of desolation, foretold by Daniel, and forespoken by S. Paul, began to sit in the Church, and to exalt himself against God, or all that is called God: God had his Waldo in France, and Wickleph here in England, and Hus a little after in Behemia, that did preserve the truth of religion entire and uncorrupted, and themselves (except john Hus) untouched and unhurt: being but a handful of men, against so many and potent Adversaries.  
Secondly, how their followers being persecuted with bell, book, and candle, with fire, and sword, multiplied whilst they groaned, like the Children of Israel under Pharaoh into thousands, and stood out against the Pope and his Croisadoes, and some of them to this present day, in the Conualles remain, that never yet bowed the knees to Baal, nor received the mark of the Beast in their foreheads.  
Thirdly, that blind Ziska, and his poor Thaborits, should conquer three hosts of the Pontificians, that were 
Cochlaeus.  thought to be ivincible, and to have been an army sufficient, to have encountered the great Turk, and to have beaten him out of all Anatolia.  
Fourthly, that the slaughtering and murdering of men and women in their bloody unholy Inquifition, hath been a special cause of the increase of the Church, and the conversion of diverse Saul's into Paul's, which of bloody Inquisitors, became afterwards patient Martyrs, to the astonishment of most men, who wondered not a little; that so many of both sexes, especially of the simpler sort, should lay down their lives so readily, for the testimony of the Gospel: it made them (as I say) wonder, what that religion should be.  
Fistly, their Inquisition of books aswell as of men, the especial Ram found out in the Council of Trent, by the instigation of the Devil, as the chief means to establish their new and unheard of religion; partly by prohibiting of whole books, partly by purging of some Tracts in some books, hath proved (being discovered unto us by the finger of God) the chiefest instrument of God's glory, whereby so many witnesses of the truth are known now unto us; to speak wholly, and often, and earnestly, for the reformation which was made by Luther in these parts, (though it were before known in other parts of the world) especially in Bohemia, that Luther himself wished both for doctrine and discipline, his might be the same per omnia: I say in all this, men purposed, but God disposed of all, for the singular good of his Church.  
Sixtly and lastly, what shall I speak of the more than miraculous preservation of the late Queen, and our late King, and of both King, Queen, Prince, and State, from infinite and eminent dangers, both from fire and water? in the Spanish invasion from water, in the Gunpowder treason from fire: God make us ever more and more thankful, for these our more than miraculous deliverances, and so I end both the whole book, and my answer to Musket and his companions about miracles. Deo soli sit gloria.    

The Conclusion of the whole Book, with certain needful Advertisements to the Christian Reader, for the better understanding of the same.  
CHristian Reader, whether Protestant or Papist, it mattreth not, and whether you read & approve it, or read and refuse it, it is all one: there belongs subscription to the one, and a full demonstration of mine errors to the other: and then as I have ready thanks for the one; so I have as ready my peccavi for the other. In the mean time, now I have put a full period to my book, and eased both myself, and thee, of much fastidiousness in reading, I think it fit to say something, and not much, for the clearing of my intentions, and your understandings.  
First, for the testimonies cited, and recited in this book, they are taken partly out of books printed, partly out of books vnprinted. Secondly, the books printed are partly (and for the greatest part) of books purged; partly out of books unpurged, whereof there be but very few: and whether purged, or unpurged, the Authors all of them are putative, and supposed Papists, bred and brought up in the bosom of the Catholic Roman Church: though they belong unto the Catholic Church, as shall be farther showed in my Alphabet of Authors, and Prints in the latter end of the book. Of these Authors that are unpurged, I have been very sparing, when I could have brought whole squadrons of Popish Writers that do war on our side, and fight under our colours. I have singled out but three amongst the rest: the first is Geo. Wicelius: the second, the Author of the Council of Trent; the third and last 
Pietro Seave.  is, Ant, de Dominis, all which I allege the more willingly, because all these three were either peacemakers, or reformers of those Additaments, or superadditaments, that time or ignorance, or that evil one hath brought in step by step into the Church of Rome: which was unquestionably the Church of God, and its faith praised throughout all Nations, and is at this present time, a kind of putrid member of the same. The first of these is Geo. Wicelius, a famous preacher in his time of Mentz, who was a true peacemaker: the first after Martin Luther, whose Motto was, Beati Pacifici: and yet a sore enemy to him, and all Sectaries, habemus confitentem reum. If Luther had not, he and his accomplices would have reform the Church in a peaceable ●anner, and in a lawful Council; and not otherwise in most things differenced, or controverted between us and the Papists. He first banisheth the Schoolmen, and their niceties, and foole-questions, thinking them to be the only troublers of the State, and quiet of the Church.  
2. Secondly, in place of them, he bringeth in the Scripture, which he placeth in her Throne, as the Queen and Mistress of all other subordinate testimonies, giving her the precedency both in, and out of Council, and making her, and her only the supreme judge of all Controversies.  
3. He admits of no Traditions doctrinal, but such as are well warranted by the Word of God: Ceremonials he alloweth upon the selfsame conditions that we do; if they be not too gaudy, or too many, significative and mysterious, and well expounded to the people; for the ornament, not of the essence of the Church, without putting any trust or confidence in them, a fault too common in those days, and noted by Cassander his Scholar many days and years after, and as yet unreformed in their Roman Church.  
4. He is peremptory for the Translation of the Bible into the vulgar Languages of each Country, for singing of Psalms and Hymns in a known tongue, and for Catechising of the people.  
5. He invayeth against their numberless Feasts, abused Vigils, and imposed Fasts; the rigour of the one, and the number of the others, he thought fit to be abated, and in stead thereof, that Sermons should be brought into the Church (if need were) two a day.  
6. For their Sermons, he would not have them to be of a tale of a tub, or out of lying Legends, the principal fault of those times, but out of the pure Word of God.  
7. He flatly contradicteth their adoration of Images.  
8. Their invocation of Saints.  
9 He speaketh against their confidence of Purgatory, their questuarie ostentation of Relics, gainful Funerals, and Di●●ges; and wisheth, that the largeness of the Pope's Indulgences were contracted, and the Treasure of the Church better employed.  
10. Farther, he saith, tha● their holy Mass is both often, and many ways abused, that it hath the decorosoes abusus, is shamefully abused by their private Altars, and private Masses; too much by themselves upon hope of gain, too little with the people administered. He inveigheth against their murmurings and whisperings in their Liturgies, and wisheth their halfe-Communions had either not been taken away; or being taken away, were restored again in a Council by public authority, and not otherwise.  
11. He would have a Council called for reformation of the Church, in it Head and members: but his request is the same with the Lutherans in the Council of Trent, that the Emperor should assemble it, the Word of God preside in it, and that it should be called in Idonea Civitate in a fit place, and the Pope to have notice of it.  
12. Priest's Marriage, though he like not well (as preferring single life of Priests before it:) yet he knoweth no Canon of the Church, or tie of Vows, to restrain them from marriage, warrantable enough by the Word of God, and practise of some Churches: but howsoever, he utterly disavoweth their concubinary Priests, their notorious Adulteries, Incests, and Fornications, especially of the younger sent: yea, he is of the mind, that Priests Wives and Children, should have some competency of means allowed them for their livelood and maintenance.  
13. What shall I say of their clergy? is not he zealous for a Reformation, that spent his spirits almost and time wholly in urging it, both in Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, Priests, and Monks, offenders more or less, in what kind, and of what sort soever? The number of idle Monks he would have abated and reduced to their primitive orders, the Priests not t●●●●ue at so high a rate, the Bishops and Cardinals to their office and functions, to assist the Pope in doing good and preaching the Gospel or visiting the sick, or surveying their Dioceses. Lastly, 〈…〉 Pope (to whom he, poor Wicelius, deceived by a counterfcite Epistle of Anacl●tus, erring the error of the Pontifician, by misinterpreting the words of our ●uiour, Thou art Peter, giveth a kind of Supremacy, but not in that latitude that now it is taken) he summoneth to appear before the Tribunal Seat of God, if he did not his best, to reform the corruptions of the Clergy in general, not exempting his Holiness, as some flatterers and pickthanks did, and the foul abuses of the Court of Rome, which were spread abroad throughout all the World in books printed, to the shame of that See, and just reproof of his Holiness; and he did verily think in his conscience, that if they did not the sooner begin to reform the Sectaries, by Colloquies, or Counsels, not by fire and sword; ere long be they would lose all Germany, that began then to dance after Martin's Luther's Pipe, and greedily to embrace his doctrine, for the very filthiness and abominable, or innominable sins of their Clergy.  
14. Lastly, what shall I speak of their Holy water, qua nihil immundius, that was unholy, their Thurification, that was to be rejected, because the sent thereof was not pleasing in God's nostrils, abuse of Confession, Baptism, Excommunication, which were too too much abused? You see our Wicelius was a true reformer of the Church, a moderate Papist at the least, and no dissembler of the faults of his age, & of the Church: doubtless in time he might (if he had not been too much awed by their great ones, to whom as became a peaceable man he showed all manner of outward obedience,) I say, he might have proved an other Martin Luther, though moved with a clean contrary spirit, so powerful is the Spirit of God, to change our purposes, and alter our nature when, and as it pleaseth the Divine providence. Concerning, Ant. de Dom I know not well what to say: but to cry out Digitus Dei; God had a finger in disposing of his coming over, and suffering him to fall, that other might rise, and to write so directly against the Church of Rome (as to my seeming for the most points, no man hath done better,) though himself were never in the right, having a good head, but a corrupt and equluocating heart from the beginning, which well became him that was tutored by, and brought up under the Jesuits. Now, albeit his conversion were most feigned, and his Apostasy most certain and true, whatsoever he proposed to himself (the heart is a Closet, wherein none may enter but God,) God so disposed of both for his glory, that his person should relapse from our Religion, and himself return with the Dog to his old vomit, and his elegant and substantial books (though they be mute) should speak and proclaim to all the World, the unavoideable truth of our Religion, now publicly professed and established in the Church of England. Thus doth the divine providence bring light out of darkness, and make good effects spring from the root of evil causes; as better shall appear when we come to give you my observations about the books that are purged. I will only touch upon the Author of the History of the Council of Trent, whom (because Ant. de Dominis, whom I cannot call Ant. de Dommo, because he served more Masters, called Pietro Soar) I will also call him by that name, doth so far show to every one-eyed Reader, that the Council of Trent, though it were called against, and condemned Martin Luther, and his Religion; yet if the Council had been free, and their voices decisive without the Pope (though the Italian Bishops were three to one in number) and there had been no foul play in calculating the voices, still I say, leaving the Clokebag behind, the Council of Trent might have turned Lutheran, and sat at Witenberge, aswell as there, for their propositions and reasons, which (as D. Stapleton saith) may be fallible and deceitful; but the conclusion is that which they did, and we must look after, if we will suffer ourselves to be hoodwinked, 
See l, Examen Pacifique. Que le Concile of est pas legitime. Chap. 4.  and as very fools as they; I am not ignorant, that there be some in the world moderate Papists, that have taken as just, and as great exception, as we do, or can, unto the Council of Trent; and I would not have the Christian Reader ignorant of this, that I have entreated of this largely in another set Treatise, which, if it shall be thought worthy by the Church of England (to whom I do yield, and owe all submission) may have the happiness with some other Treatises of mine to see the light. Of the books printed unpurged, so much by way of caveat: for the printed purge▪ Copies, take gentle Reader, these few notes into thy Christian consideration.  
1. That I propose not to myself any exact handling of the Controversies questioned between us and the Papists, per viam Thomae (as they say) by way of opposition, or objections and answers out of Scripture, Counsels, Fathers, midled aged, first aged, and all aged Writers before Martin Luther: my weak and wearied legs at this time will not suffer me to expatiate so far; (yet my studies I confess, and natural disposition to rip up, and unfold the controversies, and unrivit them out of the secrets of true Antiquity, drive that way) my purpose is (if God will) to give you a taste only of that fruit, which may be expected out of their sundry Indices Expurgatorij, if they be well and narrowly sought after, and looked into. I have but seven or eight of them; some that fell into my hands by casualty, at the surprisal of the Town of Cadiz; others, by the providence of God, and great care and industry of the Founder of our great Library, Sir Thom. Bodley, the P●olomey of our age's, and wonderful preserver of books. I have by myself and my friends, amassed and shovelled together some thirty Choir of Paper of Catholic restitutions, and restored some one or two hundred several Authors, and out of them I have gathered this small Introduction, or Manuduction unto Divinity, sorted according unto the especial Articles of Religion, controverted at this day between us and the Papists▪ delivered in as plain and familiar manner, as I could possibly devose, for the capacity of the vulgar Protestant or Papist.  
2. I have not taken all that may be taken, or gathered out of the Articles, that the book might not rise to too great a bulk. I have neither collected all that is contained in the several Indices, but a third or fourth part only; nor all that is contained in my said collections, but the most pertinent and proper places.  
3. Neither is it to be understood▪ that all that are recorded by them for Papists, are indeed Papists, but supposed ones, as Laevinus, Lemnius, Io. Spondanus, etc. whose testimonies are sparingly miscited by me, in following the common error of the Pontificians, which reckon them in the second Classis of Authors prohibited, which is the note of Papists books forbidden: but whether they be, or be not, the question is proved without their testimonies, which you may take, or follow at pleasure.  
4. By those Authors that are unquestionably theirs, 
P de Alliaco Cameracensis de reformatione Ecclesiae, MS▪ two Copies and printed. Bas. 155. Gentiani Herue●i● oratio de reparanda Ecclesiasticorum disciplina. Brixi● 1563. De Squaloribus Ecclesiae sine nomine Authoris Bas. 1551. and others. Picus Mirandulae● Oration to Leo the ●enth, and sundry others in fasciculo rerum expetendarum. If we might have been so happy as to have seen their book● in written hand, before they came to the Inquisitors hands, and were printed, what innumerable testimonies should we h●●●●ad?  by them expunged, by me used, it appeareth evidently, that the Church of Rome in point of Doctrine, had need of reformation, when they did so often, and so many of them call for it, before Martin Luther, pressing and expressing it in their learned Writings, which were printed at Rome, Venice, Madrill, Paris, and other Popish places.  
5. That their books were many of them examined, before they came unto the Press, and accordingly corrected in many places, and afterwards printed permisses superiorum, with these very notes which we present unto you.  
6. These Adversaries of ours, and Writers of theirs, who write and speak many things in our behalf, forced by truth, not invited by charity, though their authority of itself were of small account; yet they are to be esteemed, and good reckoning is to be made of them, when they speak in favour of us, because their own consciences freely, and vncoact●dly, induce them in such matters of weight, to depose against themselves, and against the oath of their own confederacy, and so rest condemned by their own Records, and guilty of error in themselves, and iniquity against God. I. N. in his Preface to his learned Works, could any man if he had been hired, have spoken more properly, and pertinently to our purpose? I commend his judgement, and shall like it the better whilst I know him: known him I have, and ere long we shall be better acquainted.  
7. The testimony of these Writers by me alleged▪ which uncoacted, and forced by truth, do plead for our Religion, are pertinent and to the purpose: for else what need had you to raze the Records, and as it were, to embezzle their Writings?  
8. To say (as some do) that our Mother the Church may correct her disobedient children, and reduce them into the right way of truth, when they reclaim, or swerve from the truth, may, perhaps, be true, provided, that it be known which is the true Church: secondly, that it have a certain infallible and inerrable rule, whereby all doctrine must be squared: and lastly, that the Author be sent for by himself, or his friends, his error showed, and reasons convicted. But for the first, you have no Church; if you have, lay the Pope aside, whom you would fain make your inerrable Dictator, and tell me where it is, and who it is, and we shall have some hope of agreement in this point. Secondly, as you have no Church, so you have no certain Rule to proceed by, your doctrine is yet to seek, & your Religion to be made, except transubstantiation, your doctrine against Priest's Marriage, & some few points more, that are in some sort, in some Counsels concluded; show all points of your doctrine, your additaments, determined before the Council of Trent, & you shall have them for me. As for the 
See the Examen. Pacifique, alias, the Catholic Moderator Chap. 1. Que les Catholique● & Hugunots s' accordent tellement en doctrine, qu' ils sont de mesme foy & Religion▪ & Cap. 6.  Council of Trents determination, it neither maketh our religion schismatical, or heretical; nor yours truly Catholic and Orthodox. Lastly, that which you practise upon your own Writers by way of expurgation, is not done with their priritie, but altogether against their wills and consents.  
9 It will not avail the Papists to say, that they purge not the words of the Text in any Romish-Catholike Author, but some scattered Annotations in the Margin or Indices of some Writers. I reply, that the Indices and Margins speak nothing different from the text, and whether the Text be not thoroughly expunged, and some whole sentences, pages, yea, sixty in follio together blotted out; I refer myself to any indifferent Popish Arbiter▪ to arbitrate and sentence this controversy between us: for being reduced unto a Controversy of fact, every Lay Gentleman, if 
They are evident to the most ignorant and unlearned persons. R S. in his Preface to the Reader, and are decided with more facility, Ib.  his eyes be matches, becometh a fit judge of these Controversies; your own Smith truly saith it, and I believe it. But you cry out still, Show us the books printed accordingly, as Auentinus, Cranzius, Ferus, Espencaeus, or Stella? Let me see whether the sentences you speak of, or those that you have produced in this very book, be omitted or no? I answer: This objection hath a good varnish or glass set upon it; but glass is brittle, and varnish will not long hold: to say the truth, your men speak they know not what in defence of their Indices; you have their tongues, and they have your ears to pawn, and which is more, your souls and consciences. What you hear your spiritual Governors say, you believe assuredly: what so you believe, you are ready to depose (if need be) against your consciences. For example: If one of your spiritual fathers should tell you, that the house at the Blackfriars fell upon a Puritan Preacher and his Psalming Auditory, to 
The house was said ●● be in S. Andrew's; the Preacher, a Puritan: this I speak from our Master Rainsden of Lincoln College, who heard it from the Honourable, Sir Isaac Wake, Ambassador for his Majesty in Venice, who had a book presented him in France of this argument.  bring God's judgements upon them, would you not believe him? Doubtless he is a jesuit, ergo, impeccable, or a Father of the Society, and therefore to be believed, chiefly in ordine ad Deum. Or what if another of the same Society should bring you a book of my Lord of London's Legacy, (a Legacy without a Will; or a Will, but never proved) how gladly would you read and receive, hug and embrace it, as the words of a dying Saul, so lately, so miraculously converted to the Roman Faith? Yet Preston, that is said to be his converter, denieth it, & saith plainly in Peter's word, but with more truth, I know not the man: his eldest son that was with him, & his Chaplains & servants that were about him▪ know no such things. Let other men conjecture what they will of this rumour, if I might freely deliver unto you my conceit, this false report was hatched first in the Spanish Ambassadors house, by him is was rumoured abroad beyond the Seas, and by him and his it was bruited here in England: I have my reasons to think it and think it again; for that about the same time, there was a book either going to the press, or newly printed; wherein it 
The books were sold right over against ●●● lodgings.  was avouched, that his most sacred and pious Majestic, was deposed by the Puritantes: But I do but lightly pass over this, as being a matter of State, wherein it is not fit for Ministers to enterdeale, I willingly forbear: But this story that followeth I cannot choose but relate it; it lieth aspersions on the late King, scandalizeth the State, pardon my just indignation, and true zeal, that pricks me forward, and maketh me for the good of the Kingdom and State, to venture a chiding Thus then it is, there is one D. B. 
Vhndo y loy●● del R●y jacobo contra la se Cathelica y advertentias all lector para laa veri guaciom e intelligencia●d ste cas● para el mism● R●y y para todo Comuration dela Poluora Ay graves indicios. yes opinion may receb●da ●un entre Protestants, que tambien los auctores y trac, adores dost a Conturation, sucron deloes, que entrevinieron en esto vandos, D. B. Cleremond ●. 4.  Cleremond, that hath made bold, more bold than wise, to make a most lewd, and spiteful Commentary upon his Majesty's Laws, and Proclamations against Recusants, upon occasion of that about the powder raitours▪ he is bold, not to deny the fact (for then he must have renounced his eyes, or discredited the general report that marched uncontrolled through out all the world:) but he doth as ba● or rather worse, he saith he hath heard it from credible men, of good judgement, as well Protestants as Papists, that this was but a trick of State, to lay it upon the Roman Catholics, when they that had a hand in the penning of the Proclamation, were the chief authors and contrivers of this Conspiracy, y que siue de sus acostumbrados ardides de estado para fundar (con colour de iustitia) la persecution que querian revouar: and that it was one of their old tricks of State, to lay a foundation of a persecution of the Roman Catholics, that was intended shortly to follow after, and to shadow it under pretences of seeming justice. Was the like spiteful man ever heard, to vomit and belch our these words, against our late King, & State, so dangerously untrue, so devilishly invented, and vented abroad in diverse languages? And these words fell not from his pen by misadventure; for in an other place of this infernal book, being occasioned again to speak of the powder Treason, though he grant that there were eight or six Knights, more 
Hu●o les ann●s passadoes vua con ●vracion de seys o ocho cavalleroes mosoes poco mas o menos los quales in duzidos como es fama por mannanade Alg●nos de los mismos Protestants quisieron co● uno reindio violento del fuego material ataiar el incendio del fuego infernal, que tantos annons ha' abrasada su patria. Pero sea como qui eren sus contrarios, y aun que la bo● publica, y muchas y gravissimas affirman, que todo few eniedo einueneion de estado (como esta dicho) digamoes que los mismos executores fueron los Auctores dela conjuration, D. B. Cleremon d. p. 63.  or less, very boys or youths, that had a finger in the Powder Treason, being drawn into this hellish plot, by the cunning persuasions of the Protestants themselves as the report geeths, this is the most that con be said against them. But admit it be so as our Aduer saries would have it: although (as I have said before) it is voiced publicly by many, and those most grave and substantall persons to the contrary, that all was but apolitique invention of the State, and a snare to entrap them silly sonles, whereby it may appear, that those which should have put this treason in execution, were the Authors and plotters of it. Here are the same words twice repeated: note them well, and call to mind that if this Treason, which God did miraculously prevent and confound, had (quod ab sit) taken effect, it should have been bruited and rumoured abroad, that this had been the fact of the Puritants, to set the Puritants and the Protestants together by the ears, and whilst they had been sheathing their swords one in another's bowels, the Spaniards might have come in and cut all their throats. here hence I draw a double obseruaaion, one of the wily Spaniard, who knowing that his Majesty, and the State, was justly incensed against the Puritants, cast all the envy they can upon them: the fall of the House in the black Friars, was upon Puritants; the King was, or should have been deposed by the Puritants; the powder Treason should have been wrought and brought to pass by Protestant Puritants. The other observation is this, that there is no report so hellish, devilish, or incredible; but a Romanist, or Hispaniolized Papist, will soon believe it if it be told him in ordine ad Deum, or to make the King of Spain their Master, Master of the Land, in whose pay as it 
Brittanniae populos quos Pater, ●●●s Re● optums nequivit summis opibus, et ingenti saepius instructa class, Catholicae Reipublicae Imperiopotestatique subiicere: Tu sapientiae unius pre sidio, Deoque adiutore fretus demulces ac mitigas, Ep. praesixa. To. 2. Tu das diligentce operam— (ne Catholica sides in Belgio ac Britannia concidat) ut si qua pars est uspiam religionis verae prolapsa, testit●a●●● et sic ubi forte iam dui iacuerat excitetur. Ib.  were the most of them are already, as Villalpandus saith, congratulating the King of Spain, for getting more ground of the English by a Treaty of peace, than his Father could do by an open war. But to draw this relation to an end, is there any true hearted Papist in this land, that hath but any sense of religion, or any drop of English blood in his body, or any thing of a man in him; that can endure these enormous, devilish, and hellish opprobries and calumnies, that are cast upon the King, State, and Religion? And in your unpartial judgements, doth not the Author, the late reporter of the powder Treason, deserve to be beaten all to powder, that neither searing God, nor men, dares report such insamous lies, that in a superlative degree of infamy, touch this State, and then cause the book thus published, to be translated into diverse languages. I know you can 
Traduzidos' de Latin en varias Lenguas por el D. B. de Cleremond  not but think, that your uncatholike religion, doth suffer for these false reports: To come nearer to my purpose, you were best deny that there be any Indices expurgatorij, that searse meddle with the marginal notes, muchless with the Text of your own men? Or if it be, it is but in precept only, it is not in practice: but for purging and expurging the Fathers, God forbid that any thing should be spoken of your Indices, it cannot be showed, it cannot be proved: so say your ghostly Fathers, and so say you. But I say that 
Madriti par Fr. Quiroga 158. 4. Index expurgatorius iussu Bern de Sandoual et Roias' Arch. Tolet Madr. ct 1612. Index lib. expurgand. To. 1. per l●. Mariam S Palatii. magistrum Romae 2601. Index lib Prohibitorum in regno Portugalliae mandato Geo. Dalmaad. Oly. 1581. Greg. Capuccini. Euchiridion Ecclesiasticum. Van. 1588. 8 c. 26. B●●lotheca SS. Patrum. To. 1. Par. 1575. To. 8. et Par. 1589. To 9 Eadam ex praescripto Indicis Expurgatorii Roma ●ulgati To. 8. Par. 1609 et Col. Agr. 1618. et 1622. Eman. sa Aph●rismi. Conf●ssariorum. Col. 1609. et Par. 1600.  each part and member of this accusation, shall be justified to your faces, to your shame.  
First, for your Indices, cease off for very shame to deny it, we have these many known. I have seen the first of Antwerp, that junius reprinted, three of Spain, one of Portugal, another of Naples, and the first Tome of that which is the Master Index of all other of Rome. Marginal notes and Annotations, you do in a manner acknowledge to be deservedly put forth, and words in the text are shamefully corrupted by sundry Additions, subtractions, and wilful commutations; sometimes in the reprinting of new books, but mostly by the pen. You have no great care or appetite, to reprint any of those Auctours' works, that come under your devilish censures: but if they be reprinted, iuxta mandatum Inquisiciovis Hispanicae, or Romanae, then make no doubt but they will keep touch with you, unless it be in France, where this kind of Inquisition was never yet fully received. See the later Editions of the probable Fathers, in I know not how many Tomes, Polydore Virgil of Rome print, Eman. Sa. and sundry other; but if they fail in reprinting them, (they have no great 
Necessario che quelli a chié commessa tall curas ' opponghino per zelo del signore par mantenimen●● della santa fed● et de buoni costumi, et opportunament vegghino a i disordini che dela lettura diessi libri al sicuto nascarebbono Fr. Maria Ind. Expu●g. Roma. To. 1. 1604. Per tanto si commette espressameute, à tutti i Libran di Roma et ad ogni altro diche conditione esser so voglia, che havendo nelle loro Boteghe è fludio alcuno de' sudettis libri, debba subito consegnarli al nostro officio, awerten doli, che oltre lagravissmia offesache saranno à Dio contra facendo, et oltre le censure ecclesiastiche, nello queh incorrerano s● awerà anco ●he venghino à notitia nostra si castigeranno severament▪ conform all pene ' miraceiate nei sacri Canoni. nelle regole dell Indice. et ne i nostri Editti alter volte publi cati in matter a de libri. Fr. Io. maria B. asichellens. S. Palatii Apestotici Mag. manu propria. a Didat. Stella in Evang. Lucam. To 1. esta corregido y emendad● conform all Expurgatorio dela santa Inquisition della Compania de jesus de Cadiz. Melchiur do Gadea is purged and hath some sheets pasted. b G●. Budae● 1. operum. To. 2. lib de Ass et partilus eius. Bas. 1557 is throughly purged and remaineth in the public view of all men in the Public Librari, with some whole sheets pasted together Vi este libro por mandado de los sennores Inquisidores de Seuill●— conform all Catalogo Expurgatorio general, y ansi se. puede tever y leer. Sept. 1585. Fray. Chrisioval Debuero. c Master Medkirch our Professor of Hebrew hath Car. Molinaeus ●●. Commerciorum ●●● suararum in his hands that possed the censure of ja. Pamelius. subscribed thus, Expurgavit ad prescriprum libri Expurgatorii. jac. Pa●●●li. anno. 1555. Par. Inter caetera subit malam fortunam Bibliotheca non vulgaris, quae mihi inpretio, et deliciis: cum illa siunl lucubrationes et vigiliae longi temporis, quas dum solicitus conor pecunia redmere, nusquam repertus raptor incertum incendione an easu aliquo perierint, mihi non dubium periisse Ferd. Martin Masca●e●has te de anxili● diu gratia Lud. 1605.  stomach to it as I have told you) yet they fail not with the pen, to blot out all the places, that are to be expunged; and let me see the proudest Scholar amongst you all, that dares keep a book unpurged by them, it is a kind of Praemunire, loss of books, and finable, if it amount not to perpetual imprisonment. This is plainly manifested both out of the pain contained in the Indices, and out of the books themselves that come unto us by divine providence; especially from the College of Cadiz. After this manner Did. Stella, Io. Ferus, Guil. Budaeus, remain to this day in the public Library, some whole leaves pasted together, the sentences blotted, and the books tormented in a pitiful manner, that it would grieve any man's heart to see them; and this was done by public Authority, according to the prescript form of your expurgatory Indices, the Inquisitors name is either fore scribed, or subscribed, to every book. It were a world to see Krantzius, and Aventine, as they come out of their hands. There are some ᵃ private persons in Oxford, that have books in like sort expunged and sigued with the Inquisitors hands. What might the number be of all those think we, that came out of that College? It is no marvel then if Massarena the Bishop, or any other, offered such large sums, for to have had the books again; they feared belike, that their knavery would come forth, and the mystery be unfolded of this work of darkness, which since that time hath lain no more secret in corners; but is now known, to the body of all Christendom, and herehence by sight of your books thus scored or printed: occasion is given to the 
A. C. In his proface answering a Treatise intituted, Tho Fisher caught in his own net.  wiser sort of Papists, to think it must needs be a weak and bad cause, that needeth to be supported by weak and bad shifts.  
But the last objection of all is, that the Fathers are not purged, no text of the Fathers in any Index, is purged or expunged: say ye so, what say ye to Saint Cyrill, Eucherius Intextu deleatur: the like may be said of Greg. Nyssene. 
Cyrill. Par 1573. p. 172. in fine. lib. 1. c. ●. ●● sextu d●leetu● fidei aut gratiam ●. ● E●cher B●s 1531. lib. 1. ●● Gen●●●●●. 8 ● 10 juilis, In T●●● ubi logitur imago dei anima peccatrix esse de sinit Legendum es● Anima peccatrix esse non desinit. In lib. Aut Nyssens eam vero solummodo naturam, quae increata est colere et venerari didicimus Bb. Pp. Par. 1575. Ice. 1. S●●●. 1. Chrys. Serm 16. evisdem Ib. Col. 103.  Saint john Chrysostome, Agapetus, and diverse others, either in their own works, or in other men's works, of great Antiquity purged, and repurged, and expurged again. What your purpose is, I know not, I do easily imagine that it is to no great good of our religion, that you have five times at the least printed several Editions of the Bibliotheca Sanctorum Patrum: first printed by Bigne, and lately at Coleyne with additions of I know not how many volumes, with jesuitical notes and Annotations, in Greek and Latin; and so much for this ninth observation, which I have the rather insisted upon so long, because it containeth the marrow and pith of all the rest.  
10. These men that bear witness for us, are no mean Fellows, abject Writers, or contemptible persons; but the glory of those days, the honour of those times, the great Lamps and Ornaments of their Romish Church, some of them Inquisitors, but groan now under the Inquisition themselves; quis enim custodiat ipsos custodes: but as I have elsewhere (and may hereafter more fully) showed, there is no more certainty in their censures, than there is assuredness in their religion, which is just none at all. But briefly and orderly, that you may know of what great account they were, at the latter end of this book, you shall perhaps have an Alphabetical Table, that out of their own censures, shall demonstrate this point to the full.  
Lastly, you see by these Indices, if flesh and blood might have prevailed, by the secret operation of the Devil, how the Pontificians would have taken from us, and the World, so many testimonies of Fathers, middle aged Writers, and of all sorts, all at one time, and as it were, blown them up like Fa●xes in the Vaught: but that God is mightier than men, the truth than lies; by this one act of theirs, and that a devilish one. But God hath blown, as it were, the Powder into their own faces, filling them with shame and confusion, laying their nakedness open to the eye of the World, insomuch, that all well-minded men do either hiss, or laugh at it; seeing our Religion reasonably well confirmed and established by their own men. What pity had it been, that so many Noble Writers, and worthy Authors should have perished from us and them. And thereby any man of the meanest capacity may thence draw forth this conclusion, that God had his Church in the midst of Popery, and special men, that in every age did reclaim and declaim against their foul abuses, both in doctrine and life. These are the knees that never bowed to Baal, the men that truly served God (though it were in secret) which if they had been free to speak their minds, and their minds had been fully known to us, they would most willingly have embraced our Religion, and made a greater reformation, then that of Luther's, and that of the Princes of Germany, which was by the secret judgement 
Hildegardis.  of God, to be performed in o'er gladij cruentati, as was long prophesied before. I close up all with this admonition, that all the material places by me cited, and by them expunged or expurged, carry this note † of the Cross before them, to show, that the Authors endured the Cross for Christ, and were persecuted for righteousness sake.  
Concerning the Manuscript Copies by me cited, they are after proofs, and not many, having the figure of a hand ☞ to direct you. Rome was not built upon a day. I have cited but a few, and those for the most part neglected and trod under foot: they are all of them almost innominable books, but not feigned by me, but written and urged many years ago, the character and letter will best show the time, and some circumstances may hereafter better discover unto us the Authors: but be they who they will, in many points of doctrine, they are wholly ours. By that time we have gone over all the vnprinted Manuscript Copies in both Universities, the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton, and other private Libraries, is there not great hope of much good to be done for the public benefit of the Church? If I had but half a dozen of such as I know, that are both willing and able: for pity let not the jesuit vpbraide us any longer with his Nemo eos conduxit, for 
Poss. in Appar. to. 1.  want of due encouragement and employment in this sacred and weighty business. Some such matter hath been motioned in Convocation: Oh, let it not be said, as it was once spoken of of our Convocations and Congregations here in Oxford, that they were cause of much evil, because they were inutiles sine fructu, I complain not for myself, I 
Quin igitur accedis quod tot Angli summa um laude faciunt. Possenius Ib.  thank God, I have somewhat to live on, and to pay every man his own: but there is somewhat else to be done, unless I would be an Infidel, and deny the Faith of the Church of England, notwithstanding all their flatteries and false promises. I have gotten those small Benefices, that the late Lord Bishop of Canterbury, and this present, with my Lord of Bath and Wells, ever to be remembered by me with all thankfulness, freely, and without suit or seeking without gift or reward, without cure of souls, or charge of men. Let any Priest or jesuit beyond the Sea, show me, that their Abbots and Bishops have done the like, so freely, so unasked, and I will resign these up unto them, which I am not minded yet to do as my Predecessor did, showing 
Doctor Ascanius my Predecesour in Mongeham in Kent. Thus have they answered my Bellum Papale, and Ecloga; but omitted to say any thing of my book of Corruptions, Wicklifes' conformity, downfall of the jesuit.  one Italian trick for our learning. And thus taking my leave, I rest yours in the Lord, wishing the Adversaries to answer this book (if they have a mind to it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not by snatches and catches, as some have done, but punctually and throughly avoiding personal calumniations, and truly quoting their authorities in the beginning or end of their books.  

HERE FOLLOWETH A PROFESSION OF THE Catholic Faith, set out according to the Decree of the Council of Trent.  
I.N. doth with a steadfast faith believe and profess all and 
Printed at the end of Laws de Grenadoes spiritual Doctrine, translated by Rich. Gibbon, Lon. 1599 p. 393.  every point, contained in the Symbol of the Faith, that the holy Roman Church doth use; to wit, to believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of Heaven and Earth; of all things visible and invisible: And in one Lord jesus Christ, the only 
This book I got into my hands as a special Secret of theirs, not without much ado; and if this, had been administered only to Graduates, it might in some sort have been endured: but to administer the same to Lay and unlettered Papists being so dangerous, and ●leane contrary to the King's Supremacy, I know not how it can be defended. Again, of the points pressed in the Oath, some are crved down by all, as Indulgences, some denied by almost all, as adoration of Images: some doubted of by their best learned, as Purgatory: some held with a distinction, as that of the seven Sacraments: and yet the simple Papists must swear to them all, and that no man can be saved without holding them all.  begotten Son of God, and borne of the Father before all Worlds; God of God, Light of Light, true God of true God; begotten, not made, of the same substance with the Father, by whom all things were made; who, for us Men, and for our salvation, came down from Heaven, and was incarnate by the holy Ghost of the Virgin Marie, and was made Man: was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate; suffered, and was buried; and rose again the third day according to the Scriptures, and ascended up into Heaven; sitteth at the right hand of the Father; and he shall come again with glory, to judge both the Live and the Dead; of whose Kingdom there shall be no end. And in the holy Ghost, our Lord and giver of life, who proceedeth from the Father and the Son; who with the Father and the Son, is together adored and conglorified, who spoke by the Prophets: And one holy Catholic and apostolic Church. I confess one Baptism for the remission of sins; and I expect the resurrection of the Dead, and the Life of the World to come. Amen.  
I do most steadfastly admit and embrace the Traditions of the Apostles, and of the Church, and all other observances and Constitutions of the same Church. I do likewise admit the holy Scripture, according to that sense, which our holy Mother the Catholic Church hath holden, and doth hold, unto whom it doth appertain to judge of the true sense, and interpretation of the holy Scriptures; neither will I ever understand, nor interpret the same otherwise, then according to the uniform consent of the Fathers.  
I do also profess, that there be truly and properly seven Sacraments of the new Law, instituted by jesus Christ our Lord, and necessary for the salvation of Mankind (although they be not necessary for all men,) to wit, Baptism, Confirmation, eucharist, Penance, Extreme Unction, Order, and Matrimony; and that these Sacraments do give Grece; and that of them, Baptism, Confirmation, and Order, cannot be reiterated without Sacrilege. I do also receive, and admit all the received and approved Ceremonies of the Catholic Church, in the solemn administration of all the aforesaid Sacraments. I do embrace and receive all, and every of those things, which in the holy Council of Trent have been defined, and declared, touching Original sin and justification. I do profess also, that in the Mass is offered unto God, a true, proper, and propitiatory Sacrifice for the Live and Dead; and that in the most holy Sacrament of the Altar, there is truly, really, and substantially, the body and blood, together with the Soul and Divinity of our Lord jesus Christ; and that there is made a Conversion of the whole substance of Wine into the Blood; which Conversion, the Catholic Church doth call Transubstantiation. I do also confess, that under either kind only, is received Christ, whole, entire, and the true Sacrament.  
I do constantly hold, that there is Purgatory; and that the souls which be there detained, are holpen by their Prayers of the faithful. Also, that the Saints, who reign together with Christ, are to be worshipped, and called upon, and that they offer up prayers to God for us, and that their Relics are to be worshipped. I do most steadfastly affirm, that the Images of Christ, of the Mother of God always Virgin, and of other Saints, are to be had and received, and that due honour and reverence is to be given to them. I do affirm, that the authority of Indulgences, was left by Christ in the Church, and that the use of them is very behooveful for Christian people. I do acknowledge the holy Catholic and apostolic Roman Church, to be the Mother and Mistress of all Churches, and do promise and swear true obedience to the Bishop of Rome, who is the Successor of Saint Peter Prince of the Apostles, and the Vicar of jesus Christ. All other things defined and declared by the holy Canons and Ecumenical Counsels, and chiefly by the holy Council of Trent, I do undoubtedly receive and profess. And also all contrary things, and whatsoever heresies condemned, rejected, and accursed by the Church, I likewise do condemn, reject and accurse.  
This true Catholic Faith, without which no man can be saved, which now I do willingly profess and hold, I the same I. N. do promise, vow, and swear to hold, and confess most constantly, by God's help, entire, and uncorrupted, even to the last end of my life; and to procure, as much as shall lie in me●, that my subjects, or those of whom I shall have care in my office, shall accordingly teach, and preach the same: So God me help, and these holy Gospels of God.    

A Table of the Manuscript books urged in this Book.  
BOston of Bury, his Alphabetical Catalogue of Manuscript books, gathered out of 195. several places, lent me by the most Reverend, my Lord of Armagh.  
MS. Basil, the first Volume of the Acts and Sermons of the Council of Basil, now in Ballioll College in Paper.  
MS. Bas. 2. The second Volume also in Paper, that were sometimes books belonging to Durham College in Gascoignes time.  
MS. Bacon. Rogeri Bacon operis minoris pars tertia. MS. in the Archives of the public Library, A. 68  
Lincoln. MS. Epistolae Rob. Grostheadi, Lincoln. Episcopi. MS. G. 8. 8.  
Phil. Repingdon, MS. Sermons eiusdem. MS. in Bibliotheca Coll. Lincoln.  
Tho. de Bracley Sermons MS. 30. MS. *. MS. 43. MS. 21. MS. 0. MS. 29. MS. 9 MS. 38. MS. 51. MS. 7.  
All these forerecited books were lent me very courteously by Master Hen. Parry, Bachelor of Divinity of C. C. C. in Oxford; they were in sight and show very neglected books, rusty, dusty, and sometimes uncovered and torn: but they yield many good observations, as you may find in the book itself: they are nameless almost all of them, but not worthless, and impossible to be counterfeited by us, being written many hundred of years before our times, as the writing shows, and are all given to the Public Library, and are there to be read of all men.  
MS. Ignatius, a Manuscript Ignatius in Latin of great Antiquity in Ballioll College in Oxford.  
MS. Dunelm. de visione Bosonis, extant in Master Heggs hands, Master of Arts of C. C. C.  
Tho. Gascoigne Dictionarium Theologicum in two Volumes Manuscript in Lincoln College in Oxford.  
Extracts out of the Tower, fairly and largely transcribed by the industry and care of Master Noye of Lincoln's Inn, a great Antiquary of the Law. MS.  
Registrum MS. A Register of Acts and Epistles in the hands of Master Thomas French, Register to the University.  
MS. A. A Manuscript in Magdalen College in Oxford, wherein are contained diverse pieces of Antiquity: the book came from the Monastery of S. Marie-overeis, to Master john Fox, the Writer of the Book of Martyrs, and by his son was given, with diverse other good Manuscripts, to the same College.  
MS. C. Another Manuscript Chronicle in Magdalen College.  
Ran. Higden Polychronicon Manuscript in Ballioll College, the largest and fairest Copy that I have seen amongst many.  
Guide S. Amore contrafratres mendicantes, otiosoes, curiosos, & Gyrovagos. Manuscript in the Public Library.  
Gregorij M. Epistolae. Manuscript in Allsoules Library.  
Two Missals Manuscripts in the Archives of excellent workmanship.  
Aegidius de Faeno MS. a small Treatise, contrafratres flagellantes, in Balliol College.  
A Statute book of the University. MS. Hugo de Folio de 12. abusionibus Claustri, Manuscript in the Public Library.   

An Alphabetical note of the Printed Books, with their several Editions, as they are here cited.  

A  
PAErodij Pandectae. Par. 1589.  
Agapetus Diaconus. Bb. Pp. to. 2.  
Anonynus in Io. Bas. 1522.  
Ludovico Ariosto. Orlando furioso. Ven. 1443. & Ven. 1555.  
Io. Auentini annal Boiorum. Bas. 1580.  
S. Aug. religion by john Brerely. 1620.   

B  
BIbliotheca Sanctorum Eccl. Patrum per Marg. de la Bigne. Par. 1589.  
Henr. Broulaeus de militia politica duplici. Bas. 1545.   

C  
AMbros. Calepini dictionarium. Ludg. 1562.  
Georg. Cedreni annal apud Zuingerum.  
Index in Chrysostomum. Bas. 1558.  
Chronicon de diversis Chronicis Germ. Script. to. 1.  
Chronicon Cytizense. Ib.  
P. Cieza rerum Indicarum apud Zuingerum.  
Isid. Clarij Biblia. Ven. 1564.  
Nic. Cleonardi Epistolae. Ant. 1566.  
Concilium Coloniense, vel Enchiridion Christianae institutionis in Concilio Coloniensi. Veronae. 1541.  
P. Crinitus de honesta disciplina. Lugd. 1543.  
joachimus Curaeus apud. Zuingerum.  
Io. Cuspiniani Austra. Bas. 1553.  
It. Imperatorum & Caesarum vitae. 1540  
Cyprianus Monachus Cisterciensis in job. Compluti. 1582.  
Cyrilli Alexandrini opera cum notis. Par. 1605. & Par. 1573.   

D  
PEtrus Damianus Bb. Pp. to. 3.  
Ant. de Dominis libri de Republica Ecclesiastici & contra Suarem.  
Fr. Duarenus de Sacris Ecclesiae Ministerij. Lugd. 1579.   

E.  
EAdmerus in vita Anselmi.  
Bapt. Egnatius apud Zuingerum.  
Engelbertus Abbas Admontensis, de ortu & fine Romani Imperij. Osserib. 1610.  
Erasmi opera. Bas. 1540  
Claud. Espencaeu● Commentarij in Titum. Bar. 1569.  
Nic. Eymerici Directorium Inquisitorum cum Com●●●●●. Fr. Pegnae Romae. 1578.   

F.  
IAc. Faber in lib. Numerorum.  
It. in Euangelia. Neldis. 1522.  
It. in Epistolas Pauli. Par. 1531.  
Io. Ferus in Mathaeum. Mog. 1559.  
Io. Ferus in joannem. I on. 1559.  
Bapt. Fulgosius apud Zuingerum.   

G.  
GElasius, to. 4. Bibliot. Pp.  
Germanicarum rerum Scriptorum, to 1. secundus & tertius.  
Gregorius in apud Zuingerum.  
Gratianus in jure Canonico.  
Claud. Guilliaudus in Epistolas. Lugd. 1543.  
Guntherus seu potius jac. Spiegelius in Guntherum ●erm. Script. to. 2.  
Lilij Gregorij Gyraldi opera, Bas. 1580.  
Loci duo à Fr. Guicciardino dolo malo subracti 8. S. 39   

H.  
HEdionis Chronicon apud Zuingerum.  
Desiderii Heraldi Annot. in Arnobium. Par. 1605.  
Erasmi scholia in Hieronymum. Bas. 1526.  
Hilarius cum Annotationibus Erasmi. Barnes. 1535.   

I.  
IGnatius Bibliotheca Patrum, to. 3.  
Paulus jovius apud Zuingerum.  
julius Toletanus, Bb. Pp. to. 9  
Iwilius de Partibus divinae legis. Bb. Pp.   

K.  
ALberti Krantzij Metropolis. Fr. 1590.  
It. Saxonia. Fr. 1580.  
It. Wandalia. lb.  
It. Regionum Aquilonarium Chron. Fr. 1573.  
It. Dania. Fr. 1575.   

L.  
IO. Langij Scholia in Nicephorum. Bas. 1560.  
Laevinus Lemnius de occultis naturae oraculis. Gand. 1571.  
Leontius Aduocatus. Bb. Pp. to. 4.  
justi Lipsij Politicorum libri. 1604.  
Luithprandus apud Zuingerum.  
josepho Luquian Erudition Christiana. Carag. 1594.  
My Lord of London's supposed Legacy, permissu superiorum. 1624.  
Amati Lusitani centuriae medicinales. Bas. 1556.   

M.  
ANt. Magni melissae. Bb. Pp. to. 1.  
Io. Marianae Tractatus septem. Col. Agrip. 1609.  
Andr. Masius in joshua. Ant. 1609.  
Geo. Marulus apud Zuingerum.  
Christ. Massaei Chronicon. Ant. 1540  
Papyrius Massonius in Abogardum. Par. 1605.  
Arias Montanus de Generatione & Regeneratione Adam. Ant. 1593.  
It. in Mathaeum & Lucam. Ant. 1575.  
It. in Epistolas F. Petri. Ant. 1588.   

N.  
IO. Nevizani Sylva Nuptialis. Lugd. 1545.  
Greg. Nyssenus. Bb. Pp. to. 1.   

O.  
ODo. Bb. Pp. to. 6.  
Hier. ab Oleastro Com. in Pentateuchun. Olyssip. 1556.   

P.  
SAntis Pagnini Thesaurus linguae sanctae. Lugd. 1577.  
Panormitanus, de Gestis Alphonsi Regis apud Zuing.  
Claudij Paradini Symbola Heroica. Ant. 1568.  
Fr. Petrarchae le cose volgare. 1571.  
B. Platina apud Zuingerum.  
Io. Poggius apud Zuingerum.  
Fr. Polygrani assertiones quorundam Ecclesiae dogniatum.  
Col. 1571.   

R.  
PEtri Rebuffi Tr. Concordatorum. Lugd. 1576.  
B. Rhenanus in Tertullianum. Com. 1608.  
Em. Rodorici quaestiones Regulares & Canonicae. Sal. 1604.  
Val. Anselmi Rydd. Catalogus Annorum & Principum Bernae 1540   

S.  
IVl. Caesar Scaliger in Theophrastum, 1598.  
jac. Schoepperi Conciones. Par. 1556.  
Dimas Serpi Fr. del Purgatorio. Barc. 1604.  
Laur. Schraderi Monum. Italiae. Helmst. 1592.  
Sigebertus Bb. Pp. to. 7.  
Ric: smith's book of the visibility of the Church.  
Rain. Snoygoudanus in Psalterium, Par. 1549.  
Io. Spondanus in Homerum. Aur. 1606.  
Squarzialufus apud Zuingerum.  
Did. Stella in Lucam. Sal. 1575.  
Io. Stellae vitae 230. Pontificum. Bas. 100LS.  
Henr. Stephanus in Psalmos. Lat. 154●.  
Aug. Steuchi Cosmopoeia. Par. 1578.   

T.  
THeodoretus apud Zuingerum.  
Thostati Abulensis opera ex Editione perantiqua.  
Aug. Thuani Hist. Par. 1606.  
The History of the Council of Trent by P. Soave,  
Trithenius apud Zuingerum.  
Tuccius Tuccius in Cant. Canticorum. Lugd. 1606.   

V.  
LAur. Valla in Ep. ad Corinthios. Bas. 1595.  
Fr. Vatabli Biblia cum duplici Translatione & scholijs. Lut. 1545.  
Dan. Venatorij Analysis juris methodica. M●g. 1579.  
Georgij Veneti Problemata. Ven. 1574.  
Victor▪ Antiochenus. Bb. Pp.  
Polyd. Virg. de Inuentione rerum. Bas. 1545.  
P. Virgilij opera cum Com. Pontani. Hug. 1600.  
Lud. Viues in Aug. de Civitate. Dei inter opera Erasmi. Bas. 1529.  
Hier. Pradi & Io. Baptistae Villalandi in Ezech. to. 3. Romae. W. 1604.  
Geo. Wicelij Quadrag● fimales Conciones, Par. 1565.  
It. Methodus Ecclesia ●icae Concordiae apud Nic-Wolrab. cum gratia & Privilegio. 1533.   

Z.  
Io, Zuingeri Theatrum vitae humanae. 4. Vol.   
FINIS.