A Sermon preached at Paul's Cross, on the first Sunday in Lent; Martij 1. 1600. With a short discourse of the late Earl of Essex his confession, and penitence, before and at the time of his death. By William Barlow Doctor of Divinity. Whereunto is annexed a true copy, in substance, of the behaviour, speech, and prayer of the said Earl at the time of his execution. AT LONDON Printed for Matthew Law, dwelling in Paul's Churchyard near Watling-streete, 1601. To the Reader. ALthough Thucydides had never spoken it, Lib. 1. yet experience shows it to be true, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that hearing is not liable to any account, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whatsoever a man speaketh, it lays open to other men's censure both his person, and his relation; which is either good or bad saith Nazianz. not by desert and truth, Apologer. but Secundum praeiudicium allatum, or affectionem innatam saith Seneca, as the prejudice of his auditors is, Senec. Epist. which they bring with them, or the disposition of their natures bred within them: Neither of these hitherunto have I either feared or fled, but, as I never made suit to preach any where, so being either commanded, or requested, I never refused the most public assemblies, as being diffident of that doctrines verity which should pass from me, or guilty of any calumniation which might, justly, touch me. Custom makes some speak ill, but wisdom teacheth even Philosophers to despise it, and religion willeth Christians to forgive it. The rule of Seneca is an oracle for truth, a comfort to a guiltless mind, Vt quisque est contemptissimus, Quòd in Sap: non cadit iniuria. ita solutissimae linguae est, the basest sorted, and the lewdest of life, have the most lavish tongues. Yet, I confess, that the addressing myself to this sermon (containing in it matter rather of state than divinity, and being like unto the preamble of the Pharisees in my text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, subject to offence one way, either to them of authority if I should renounce this duty, or the auditory if I should speak of uncertainty) was, as the Apostle speaketh, 1. Cor. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with much fear and trembling: and therefore, as it is well known, from the time of this purpose for the Cross, but three days in all, till the Saboth for the Sermon, I was not one day from the Court, still labouring to inform myself of every thing which I doubted, that I might in these calumnious times, keep myself, for any thing I would there deliver; from the controlment either of ill tongues, or mine own conscience: to which purpose I both framed a short preface personal, before I entered the discourse, which might essuier and rub out all opinion forestalled; and abstained from all bitterness against the person and action of the late Earl, lest thereby I should exasperate minds not resolved; and compared every speech of his, uttered by me, both with his confession to the Lords, whose witness therein I humbly request, appealing thereunto; and with that conference he had with us, let my associates be judges, which might satisfy any but even indifferently affected. Notwithstanding all this my care and pains, the malignity of the meany is such, that, as if I had either with Ananias lied unto the holy Ghost, and had preached mine own damnation, as it pleased some to blaspheme, it was given out that I was strooken, if not with madness, yet with a dreadful sickness; or, as if I had spoken treason, that I was, the next day, committed close prisoner to the Tower; or at least, I had highly offended her majesty, and received a great check from the Council. The two first my body can answer, which hath been, I thank God, ever sithence, In latitudine sanitatis et libertatis, both in health, and at liberty: the two last cannot be thoroughly confuted by me, without some opinion of vanity and self glory, unless that be checking, Eurip●d. which Euripides calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honourable words above my deserts. Other, with more virulence, though with less violence for penal charge, frame matter of hard judgement out of the discourse itself; first general, that I have broken the Canon both of religion and law, in revealing a penitents confession, which was with remorse, and private. The cases wherein a Confessor may publish what he hears, are too many for this short preface, the learned and judicious know them, to the peeveshly affected, it is but lost labour to name them. First, his confession was not auricular, but in the audience of three or four. Secondly the crimes he confessed were notorious by his conviction, and under his hand by subscription. Thirdly they were repeated and divulged not ad scandalum, nec animo damnificandi, as the schoolmen speak, to scandalise or annoy him, but to satisfy them who desired resolution, and to glorify God whose spirit had wrought this conversion; and, as Doctor Montford knows, it was promised by me, in both our names, that we would, as occasion served, give public and open testimony of that his penitence and detestation of his offence. Secondly, in particular, because in one part of my preface I said, I was not a penny the richer, nor a step the higher for him, albeit I celebrated his glory at the cross, for Calais victory: therefore hence they conclude that I now spoke of the spleen, and preach for rewards. Malice mars logic and charity both: this inference hath no coherence with my words, if either the precedentes were observed, which I made in answer to a slanderous obloquy, That I was a time server; or the consequents, That I never moved him to prefer me, nor yet left to love him, and honour him one jot the less for it. But this makes that speech of Seneca true, Nec deerunt qui te, Senec. de benef. etiam per ornamenta, ferient, there are some so full of rancour who will turn a man's glory into his shame, & reprove him for things he should be commended: did I at that time labour for the place? yea rather as M. Doctor Stanhop knows, I used all the means I could to avoid it, alleging both the shortness of the time, but three days full; my late being in that place, scarce two months before: my youth and unexperience in those state matters; and such other delays, till as he knoweth, it was enjoined by a commandment peremptory: did I, after it, press the court, solicit the Earl, affect any advancement by him? God knows that I lie not, he never saw me, till, half year after his return from Calais, he sent for me, about a matter of difference, in some points of religion, Wright. between a Popish priest & myself, to take knowledge of me: at which time he promised me honourably, and, I think, if I had used his means, his promise had been payment. Now than my argument holds thus, if I neglected to observe so great a parsonage, so favoured, so able to prefer me, so willing by promise to do it, I was no time server nor preacher for rewards, And thus again it may be enforced, if I was believed & by the auditory applauded for my celebration of that victory, the circumstances and substance whereof I could deliver but only upon report and intelligence: much more in this case am I to be credited and approved, having so certain grounds for my relation. But from what spirit these objections proceed, may soon be gessedat; which, a disposition, either at the cross or in this epistle, bitterly eloquent, knowing what I know, would lively describe to be that of Babel in the prophet, stand apart come not near me, for I am holier than thou: Esa. 65.5. but as in my sermon, so here I renounce all tart & sour speech: but it makes me remember that excellent sentence of Philo, De vita Mos. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the vulgar sort will grow reproachfully mad against him, who pleaseth not them in their madness. I little expected, yea not suspected, as the Lord knoweth, and many can witness, that I should be sent unto him, but being sent, and hearing his confession so ape●t and voluntary, and withal knowing the over-harried passions of some murmurers, it was my duty in conscience to reveal it and satisfy all, as myself was fully satisfied; whose affection, that settled persuasion I had of his allegiance, through that his great semblance of religion, had I not hard & scene what I did, had before overswayed from inclination to any contrary suspicion of him. another objection is, that I, promising to speak nothing upon report, urged that conference between the Dean of Norwich and him: first, the rule in law is, condentis est interpretari, a man is fittest to expound himself. By that word nothing, I meant nothing concerning this crime of his, and his confession: secondly, I read it out of the paper, making it known it was but a report: thirdly, I urged nothing of it, but that which agreed with like words which he had spoken in my hearing, else where. The other base and gross untruths, that I railed upon the Earl; & of myself, accused mine own natural countrymen the citizens, to be a base people, as some have given out, I refer for their answer unto the tenor of my sermon, which here I have printed, and presented unto thee, Reader, as near as I could guess, and as some of good place which hard it, and since that read it, think, every word as I spoke it; upon my credit nothing but one is altered to my knowledge, that concerned him, which then I uttered, only one or two things added which then I forgot. If thou have in thee the affection of a christian, & a good subject, read and be satisfied, it is that which was intended, and I endeavoured: but if thou have Magus his disease, Acts. 8. the gall of bitterness excrea, disgorge thy spite, know that I esteem not thy slanders, nor regard thy reproaches, and dissemble it never so cunningly, I am not the principal thou aimest at, but according to the proverb Faber cadit cum ferias fullonem, it is the state thou grievest at, not my sermon. And lest I seem to speak this at random, let that be observed which is given out for a truth, & my denial thereof will scarce be credited: how the late Earl at the time of his execution song either the 54. or the 94 Psalm, for upon the number they cannot agree, there being no such thing mentioned at all: mark the tenor of those Psalms and then judge of the reporters spirits, and what they intent I conclude with Samuel & Paul: 1. Sam. 15.21. 2. Cor. 13. Obedience is better than sacrifice, and charity believeth things not judging amiss. Vale. Thine in Christ jesus William Barlow. The answer of our Saviour Christ unto the tempting Pharisees. Mat. 21.22. Give unto Caesar the things of Caesar. Very fitly have the ancient fathers resembled the Devil unto Nimrod, that mighty hunter before the Lord. Gen. 10. Gen. 10 who not only goeth on hunting himself compassing the earth, job. 1 as job. 1. but hath his huntsmen, both with their Hound's Philip. 3. beware of Dogs. Philip. 3. ● And also with their toils and Ne●s, 2. Tim. 2. ● 2▪ Tim, 2 with both these he lays for Christ with his Hounds, Mar. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (it is an hunting word) that they might take him to kill him. Mar. 12. In the 15 verse of this Chapter, he spreeds his Nets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (it is an hunting word too). that they might entangle him in his talk. In so much that, if you read this Chapter, and there see the Herodians with the Pharisees, ● the Saducees after the Herodians, and the lawyers after the Sadducees setting upon him, you shall see that verified, which by Prophecy, David spoke in his person of him both, Psal. 22.16 Psal. 22, Many Dogs are come about me. And that also, Psal. 140, 5 Psa. 140. The proud have laid their snares for me. Which snares of the Devil are of two sorts, the Grecians call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Scripture they are named Laqu●i quaestuum. 1. Timoth. 6. as honours, wealth, 1. Tim. 6. ● etc. the snares of gain: and Laquei quaestionum the snares of questions, which David calleth Malum lab●●orum, the wickedness of the lips▪ Psal. 140. Psal. 140.9. The first, Satan himself spread to catch him, Luk. 4▪ 6. Luk. 4. when he promised him the Kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them. here, his Huntsmen lay the other to entrap him in matters both of Religion, and policy: Ver. 36. of Religion, in that question of the Lawyers, ver. 36. about the greatest commandment, thereby to inlorappe him in blasphemy, if he had preferred one before the other. And in that case of the resurrection propounded by the Saducees, Ver. 24. ver. 24. to catch him in an heresy: Of policy, in this question of paying tribute. But as in vain the Net is laid before the eyes of the birds that have wings and fly aloft, Prou. 1.17. Pro. 1. so fond do they in putting forth questions to take him in a trap, in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom & knowledge. Col. 2. By a man of ordinary strength. Colos. 2. a threefold rope is not easily broken. Eccles. 4. Eccles. 4. 1● But a man of Sampsons' pith though it be seven fold, will crack it like a thread of flare, jud. 16.9. judg. 16. So the righteous Lord will break the snares of the ungodly in pieces, Psa. 129. Psal. 129, 4 Because, though hand joined in hand, never comes but with damage, and malice joined with fraud, hath an unknown advantage: Yet there is neither counsel, nor understanding, nor wisdom, against the Lord, Prou. 21, 30 Pro. 21. And never was that prophesy of Esay verified more than in this Chapter, Gird you, and you shall be broken in pieces: gather a counsel together, and it shall be brought to nought, Esay. 8, 9 Esa. 8. The question propounded is very dangerous, S. Basil calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a question that hath a downfall ●n both sides, for if he had answered negatively, they would have accused him of treason against the Emperor: and so they did not withstanding, Luke. 23. Luk. 23. We have found this man denying tribute to be paid to Caesar. If his answer had been affirmative, they had accused him of blasphemy against God and their state, they being commanded to be subject to none but God himself, who had promised to be the●r God and King, Deut. 7 Deut. 7. But these dangers our Saviour preventeth with this answer, Give unto Caesar the things of Caesar, and unto God the things of Gods. That is, give unto Caesar tribute, whose money it is, give unto God yourselves, whose people you are. But first Caesar, and then God, for they two have interchangeably borrowed names: it pleaseth God to be called a King in heaven, Psal. 20, 9 Psa. 20. and the King is called a God on earth, Psa. 82. therefore he which denieth his duty to the visible God, his prince and Sovereign, cannot perform his duty to the God invisible. Certainly, a mind inclined to rebellion, was never well possessed of religion. Now to the words, Give: It is no marvel though Christ do call his yoke Suave jugum, a sweet yoke, Math. 11. because as Saint john expounds him, his commandments are not grievous, 1. john. 3. for the whole sum of Christianity, is contained in one word, Rom. 13. diligite, Rom. 13. and that is suave verbum, a sweet word: and the whole duty of a Christian is comprised in one word, Date, and that is facile verbum, an easy word, for what is more easy then to give? Luk. 6. Give alms unto the poor largely, Luc. 6. and obedience unto your superior reverently, Rome, 13.7. Rom. 13. both of them cheerfully: For God loveth a cheerful giver, 2 Cor. 9.3. Rom. 12. 2. Cor. 9.3 Grudging mars charity, Rom. 12. & like the Coloquintida in the pottage, 2. Reg. 4. 2. Reg. 4. Vertit amorem in amororem, saith Saint Bernard, it turneth love into bitterness, 1. Cor. 9.6. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Saint paul. 2. Cor. 9.6. It makes a blessing of devotion, to be a wrist of extortion. So muttering mars royalty, Psal 58. and as thorns under a pot, psal. 58. turn a still fire into a crackling flame, so it turns obedience into rebelling. Wherefore that speech of Lactantius is very proper and effectual, Lactantius. nothing so much commendeth the duty of a man as voluntarium, Aquin. 15. that it be willingly performed: for voluntas est mensura astionum, according to the Schoolmen, the will doth regulate and makes the action good: and God rewardeth the will, not the gift: the facility of the giving, not the wealth of the donor, 2. Cor. 8. 2. Cor. 8. And that is it which made Saint Peter to counsel us to do our duty, 1. Pet. 5. ●. not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of necessity and force, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, willingly and readily. And it is the commendation of Servants, much more of Subjects, that they obey 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from their soul, Colo. 3. Eph. 6.5. not to the eye only Colos. 3. & Eph. 6.7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of good will, not by compulsion: and so much of this word, Give: the sum whereof, Rom. 13.4. is that of Saint Paul, Rom. 13.4. that we discharge our duty to Caesar, to our Sovereign, of conscience, not of constraint: that it be given by us, not forced from us unto Caesar. The Queen of Saba pronounced Israel blessed because Solomon was their king a man borne in their own country, Reg. 10 1. Reg. 10. & Solomon himself accounted that kingdom, whatsoever, happy, whose king was, as Nazianz. Eccle. 10, 17 reads the place Eccl. 10.7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the son of a man free borne: yea it is the law of God himself that his people should choose a king, from among them, one of their brethren. Deut. 17 Nehe. 9, 37 Deut. 17. Notwithstanding, if it please God in his indignation to place over a land, a tyrant, qui ditescat ex afflictionibus populi, Nehem. 9.37. Which should make himself mighty by his people's oppressions: as, in this place, Caesar a foreigner and a stranger: judge, 9, 7 whether the Olive tree, or the Bramble bush. jud. 9.7. The Olive, a king under whose sweet nature and clemency they live merrily and richly: Aesop. or the Bramble, a sharp prince to be as a thorn in their sides to vex them cruelly: or, as it is in the Apolog, a stock that lies still, and lets them do whatsoever seem good in their own eyes: or a Storcke that by exactions will pick out their eyes, yet is he God's ordinance and minister, Rom. 13 Rom. 13. And therefore, by Saint Peter his rule, to be obeyed for the lords sake. 1. Pet. 2, 13 1. Peter, 2. for though he be the Lords enemy, yet is he the Lords anointed, 1. Sam. 24 1. Sam. 24. So David called King Saul after God had rejected him. They therefore who with Shebah, 2. Sam. 20.1. 2. Sam. 20, 1 will make a secession from their prince, proclaiming as he did, We have no part in David, nor inheritance in the son of Isay: or as jeroboam, who with ten tribes fell from Rhehoboam, because he had turned his father's scourges into Scorpions, 1. Reg. 12 1. Reg. 12. they who think that they may either Occidere, or Excidere, kill their liege, or fall from him, Aut deponere a throno, aut exponere periculo, depose and thrust them out of their seat, or expose them to danger or fear, are guilty not only of rebellion but of irreligion. And here I might encounter that traitorous libeler Parsons, who, as it is thought, under the name of one Dolman, makes the crown of England a tennis ba●l, and tosseth it from Papist to Puritan, and from Puritan to Protestant, but the fault or vantage, viz. the whole sway of disposing it, when it is void (as I hope to God none here shall see it void) he ascribeth to the late Earls power of placing it where it should please him, and to him therefore he dedicates his book, in my conscience I am persuaded, a principal, if not the original poison of the late Earls heart: wherein also he spendeth much labour, and filleth many leaves in proving, by stories of scripture, tha● it is lawful for the subject to rise against his sovereign, yea to depose him, yea to murder him, if he be misled by other, or misgoverne himself, but time cuts me off. My exhortation to you is, beloved, that you will believe jesus rather than a jesuit, who willeth his disciples and all christians to possess their souls in patience, Luk. 10. Lu. 10 albeit they be persecuted even to death by their Princes: and S. Paul, who adjudgeth him to damnation which resisteth the ordinance of God, Ro. 13. Rom. 13, If you desire some stories of scripture, see Saul an Apostala, rejected by God, not dejected by Samuel, jeroboam plagued, not dispossessed: Ahab reproved by Elias, not deprived: Nabuchodonosor punished from heaven, not deposed by his subjects. The law of God is strait in this case, it bridles the mouth that it speak not evil of the King, Exod. 21. Exo. 21. it binds the heart not to imagine evil against him, Eccle. 10. Eccle. 10. and the civil law punisheth with death, even the very thought of bringing the prince into any danger or fear: in which point Bodi● is plentiful and peremptory. The sum of this part is that of the prophet Dan. 2.21. Dan 2, 21 that the inthronising & deposing of Princes, is God's only prerogative royal: and the conclusion shallbe an argument, that if obedience be due unto Caesar, a tyrant and a foreigner, much more are we to perform it to our prince, a most gracious loving Queen, and borne among us: of whose clement and mild government we may say with▪ the wise man, Prou. 30. Pro. 30. Many daughters have done excellently, but thou surpassest them all. Of her severity in justice, that of the Poet, Illa dolet, qu●ties ●ogitur esseferox. The third part followeth, The things of Caesar. God hath created ● appointed man a governor over all his works, Psal. 8. Psa. 8. but he hath exalted kings to rule and govern men, and to that purpose hath advanced them above others, as the head above the members, as the Cedar among the trees, as the sun among the stars, and as God himself among the Angels. Three special ensigns of honour he hath given them, a crown of gold, Psa. 21. Psal. 21. Psal. 45 for their sublimity, a sceptre of righteousness, Psa. 45. for government, Rom. 13 a sword of vengeance, Rom. 13. All which they bear not in Pompam for a show only, and not for use, but the crown exacteth of us reverence: the sceptre, obedience: and the sword, fear: so that their majesty is to be honoured, their authority obeyed, their power feared: and sithence these require large maintenance, 1. Reg. 4. 1. Reg. 4 their expense must be supplied, and because they lie open to manifold dangers, with our prayers they must be assisted, 1. Tim. 2. so then honour, 1. Tim. 2. obedience, fear, subsidies, prayers, are among many other, the things due from subjects to their Caesar. To speak of all these fully is impossible, in respect of the short time allotted me for meditation, scarce three days, and for delivering unto you, two hours, whereof one is spent, I will shut them with an use fitting our present purpose. If these, or at least the three first, had been given to our most gracious sovereign, by some of late, neither had her majesty ●éene so disquieted, nor the realm thus scandalised, nor so many in their states and lives overthrown, of which I am now to speak. BUt first I must crave pardon to premise a short preface, both in respect of myself which am to speak, ● of the late Earl also, of whom I 〈◊〉 to speak. For myself, it is necessary, because, if you bring prejudice to the speaker, be the relation never so true, it will not be believed. A prejudice you must needs have against me, if it be true, which some ill affected, and foul mouthed have given out, that because we, being commanded by authority, on the Saboth after the insurrection, in our several cures, did describe the nature and ugliness of the rebellion, are become time servers & men pleasers, leaving the great man that is dead, and now cleaving to others, and closing with them for preferments. A sore imputation as may be laid upon the ministers of Christ, and followed with an heavier judgement from God than they are aware of who thus speak. For a curse is laid upon us in the prophesy of jeremy, if in the lords work, in such holy places and exercises as these, we avoid not all negligence, and Saint Gregory adds fraudulenter: fraudulently he dealeth, who either giveth titles, as job speaketh, or becomes a servant to men, which S. Paul abhorreth▪ Now, he is said to give titles, that either praiseth him that is not to be praised, or imputeth faults to men which they have not committed, or doth rengrege or amoinder, that is, make greater or less the faults committed: and if I do thus, saith job, My maker will confound me, job, 32. a dreadful judgement: and so for the other, job. 32. If I yet labour to please men, I am not the servant of Christ, Gala. 1. saith S. Paul, Gala. 1. a fearful separation. But of all other why should this be imputed to me, who about four years sithence, in this place, upon the like sudden warning, celebrated to the glory of both the generals, the right honourable the Lord Admiral, and the late Earl, the victory at Calais: at which time, and long since, he soared in his highest pitch of favour with her Majesty, and yet from that day to this, though it were given out that he would 〈◊〉 me, I am not either a penny the richer or a step the higher for him: and in truth I never moved him, neither did it move my affection from him, which I continued as entire unto him as any follower of his, till his open fall. My reverence to their lordship I acknowledge, and will perform what is due, and I am able: but flattery of great personages, and popularity with the multitude I ever abhorred as a Parasitical Simony, & leave it to them who have no desert to raise them, but aurum cum aura a smooth tongue, and a bribing purse. Notwithstanding. I am a subject, and so, nature and scripture bind me to obedience, being therefore by name, appointed by the honourable Lords to be present at the late Earl his execution, I thought myself bound in conscience, both to God, her Majesty, and the State, within as short time as might be, to declare unto you, what myself in his case know, and what is fit for you to hear: not only that you may be satisfied by this my discourse, but also incited to give God the glory, for your escaping this dangerous intended course: wherein I will deliver nothing upon mere information and report, which is sometimes malicious, oft times partial, at all times uncertain, but what these ears of mine have heard from his own mouth, in that two hours conference with him before his death, and these eyes of mine seen under his own hand, and subscribed wi●h his name, which since his death I humbly desired to see, which was both honourably and easily granted unto me, that I might speak nothing whereof I have not by those two means certain knowledge: for by Gods help neither man nor Angel, much less any hope of title, which is but a pu●●, shall make me to utter any untruth, willingly, in such places as this, which may either put my mind into the hell of my conscience in this life, or cast my soul into the hell of devils in the life to come: neither was I moved to it, but only to declare what I have either ex occulo, or oraculo, as ●ern. speaketh, from his own writing, and confession to us. Now for the late Earl: dead he is, and his soul, no doubt, with the saints in heaven: you will say then that dead men bite not, according to the proverb, nor by reason, or religion should be bitten: that is, their falls and faults should not be reulcerated nor revived after death: for Homer upbraids the Grecians with that immanity, for scorning at Hector's body dead, and wounding it: upon whose comparison, blaming their barbarism, the proverb is rife, that Mo●tuo Leoni 〈◊〉 insu●tant Lepores, if the Lion be dead, every dastardly Hare will be treading upon him whose lock they feared while he lived. Yea Solomon notes it as a point of Atheism to prefer a living Dog before a dead Lion: wherefore David took another course, and though Abner had been his enemy living, yet being slain, he both lamented his death, & celebrated his praise. Know ye not (saith he) that a Prince, and a great man is fallen this day in Israel? 2. Sam. 3.38. 2. Sam 3.38. but, beloved, there is a difference in faults of men, as in diseases some hurtful only to the parties themselves, some loathsome and infectious to others: the first are to be buried with their bodies, and forgotten, but the other will annoy, & therefore must be remembered after death. In scripture some kings, who were vicious, had their faults touched even after their burial, but no more: yet some are never named in scripture, but their sin is branded upon their name, as often you may see of jeroboam, never mentioned, but presently is added, the son of Nebat, which made Israel to sin: and would to God the same earth which covereth the late Earl his body, could also cover the sin and offence he died for, which himself confessed to be a leprosy which had infected far and near. Now you know, that though a Lepor avoid the house or die, yet he leaveth behind him both the house, and air dangerously contagious: and I pray God though he be dead, that the remainder and contagion of his offence, cause us not, too often, to call his fault to memory. But in my conscience I am persuaded, that there is none so inhuman or barbarous, that records it as triumphing and insulting at it: but with a double commiseration both of his fall, and of his soul, as than it was. First (give him his due) who grieves not that a man so noble by birth, so honourable in office, so gracious with his prince, so witty by nature, so learned by conference and study, so religious in profession, so valiant in war, so beloved of the commons, so followed and honoured by men of all sorts, should not use those great favours of God and his sovereign to god's glory and his country's good? for could he in any moderation have carried himself, and have been contented with his great state, what good might he have done to this church and realm, to men of state, of religion, of learning, of war? but as fire, if it be well and rightly used, burneth in the house to the good and profit of the family: but if mislayed or abused, burneth the house to the undoing of the inhabitants: so had he been contented to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a certain great man, great among the rest; and not affected with Magus, Act. 8. to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the only great man, Act. 8. and none to be great but he; in honour he might still have lived and preferred others, whereas he is not now fallen alone, but, which is a woeful case, hath overthrown many of all sorts with himself: so true is that of divine Plato, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that great nature's scil. men of great minds & parts, prove either excellently good, or dangerously wicked: it is spoken by Plato, but applied by Plutarch unto Coriolanus, a gallant young, but a discontented Roman, who might make a fit parallel for the late Earl, if you read his life: and this was caused, as he oft confessed to us, by the seducement of vanity. I told him it was pride, but his word was vanity and lewd counsel. Secondly who doth not commiserate his soul, as than it was? though now I am persuaded his repentance was so hearty, that it is in heaven: that, being guilty to himself in his conscience (which now appears by his voluntary confession to us, and written) of so great an offence and a bloody sin, they are his own words (for if there be any hard word in all my discourse concerning his act and plot, it is his own) should stand so confidently upon his insti●●cation and clearing himself at the Barre●: Whose crime loathsome to himself in the memory thereof, and Most d●ngerous to the Realm, I will not Aggravate with any precedent circumstances, which all the world knoweth, and himself with sighs acknowledged to us, either her majesties infinite favours, his high advancements by her, her large bounty to him, both in giving him huge sums of money, and forgiving him all his father's debts, and his own too, whatsoever. Nor will I mention his oft standing out with her if he were thwarted, his disobedience and manifold contempts, besides the exhausting of her majesties treasury in Ireland. Nor her clemency in his punishment for them, which she said, most graciously, should be ad corr●ctionem not add ruinated, for his chastisement, not for his overthrow: not called to any open bar for answer, not fined by purse, not divested of any office▪ only sequestered from some of them, one place of honour reserved unto him, not committed to any common p●●son, but first to the custody of the Lo●● Keeper, after that to his own house with a keeper; and after that at his liberty, they were the words of her Majesty: I will now leave him, saith she, under no other guard, but of his own discretion But one thing I cannot omit, which much moved me against him, (though I honoured him as much as any follower of his, who carrieth with him a good subjects heart) which perhaps you know not, namely his strange Apology of himself unto Master Deane of Norwiche, sent unto him by the Lords for his souls good, the nex● day after his arraignment, who vr●ing him to acknowledge his offences, the late Earl utterly denied, That in any thing he had done he was guilty of offending Almighty God. But because I promised to give you nothing of report, I call to mind the very speech he uttered unto my lords Grace of Canterbury in Lambeth house, the night of his apprehension. Oh, my Lord, saith the Archbishop, I am sorry to see this day, that you have so far forgot yourself: the Earl replied smilingly, that the sincerity of my conscience, and the goodness of my cause doth comfort me: this speech argues he thought himself not guilty of offending God. As if a good intention, we will suppose it so, doth make the action good. The Canon Lawyers say, that God loves adverbs better than adjectives, he cares not how good quâm bonum, but quam benè, how well, and by what good means it is done which we intent. The justifying of an ill execution upon a good purpose and meaning, is the utter subversion of all religion and policy: an opinion forged at the fire of hell, and hammered at the anvil of the Pope's faculties. The same Deane ask him why he refused to come to the Lords, being sent for by the appointment of her Majesty, he answered that, by Scripture, and thus reasoneth, David refuseth to come to Saul when he sent for him: Ergo I might lawfully refuse to come to Queen Elizabeth. Here a divine cannot be patient, to see God's word alleged in despite of God's ordinance, thus the devil dealt with Christ Math. 4. Math. 4. in quoting a place of Scripture to justify the breaking of his neck. And Clement the Friar who killed Henry the third the French king, reasoned thus with himself to his bloody murder out of God's book, judge. 3. Ehud killed king Eglon, therefore I may kill Henry. Eglon was a king, so is Henry. What then? Eglon signifieth a Calf and Henry is a Caluenist, Ergo I may kill him by authority of Scripture. It is recorded by Mercurius Gallobelgicus in his first book. Merc. Gallobel. Let Papists lay these grounds, and make these proofs, I am sorry that any, who carries the name of a Protestant, should argue thus. It is the speech of S●lomon, he that wrings his nose, fetcheth out blond, which Gregory fitly applies, that he which wresteth the scripture from the true sense, bringeth forth either an heresy or a frenzy, it is that which the learned call Glossa 〈◊〉, when an interpretation like a viper, eats out the bowels of the text. For, God be thanked, there is no semblance of this example makes for his refusal Because 〈◊〉 was rejected by God, but Queen Elizabeth is the chosen and the beloved of God, which from heaven by his providence over her, as in shielding her from many, so from this Presumptuous attempt, he hath demonstratively showed. David by a Prophet, at God's appointment, was anointed king, so was not he. But I urge this no further, because it is not within his confession verbal or written, to which I promised to stand, yet to show you how far he was gone that way, the word he used to us of Leprosy, makes that good which he spoke in a passion to the Dean, If you knew how many motions have been made to me to do my best to remove such evils as the common wealth is burdened with, you would greatly wonder. It seems the contagion is spread. To which the Deane replying, that extraordinary attempts must have extraordinary warrants, and willed him to show his authority, his answer was, that He was Earl Martial of England and needed no other warrant. Yet that was not so, because he was sequestered from it long before. But his conclusion peremptory what should I (saith he) reason with you upon this point, seeing we hold not one principle, which was, that he might remove evils from the land, for that was it which from the beginning to the end he held, as by complaint to us of some things to be reform, he insinuated. Indeed the wise man saith Prou. 25. Remove the wicked from the King, Prou. 25. and his throne shall be established in judgement: but who must remove them, and by what means? he there showeth by similitude, as the dross must be taken from the ●●luer: The Gold-finer must do it, by the fire; so just authority and lawful means; the first over Kings is Gods alone, as before I proved, otherwise, as S Augustine speaketh of impatient worldlings, Nisi homini Deus placiterit Deus non erit, unless God please men, he shall be no God: so in this case of discontented subjects, except the prince please them, she shall be no prince, and all shall be accounted wicked who satisfy not their humours. beloved, see here what it is, when it pleaseth God to leave a man to himself; or as the Earl said of himself, to be carried away and puffed up with vanity and worldly love, in his first speech upon the scaffold. This stiffness of his, both at the bar, and with the Dean, my associate and myself hearing, not understanding of his repentance, we agreed between us, fearing he would so have dealt with us, to have beat him down, and to have wounded his ha●t with the dreadful judgements of God: yet afterward to have raised him again with the comfortable promises of the Gospel: but when we came unto him, we found him more open to reveal, then become us to inquire, and more resolute himself, than we, upon the sudden, could have made him, and we more welcome a great deal than we expected: for he most heartily desired God so to bless us as our coming did comfort him: and so fell into expressing the memory of this his purposed mischief, with such detestation and remorse, that I, fearing as the Apostle speaketh of that Corinthian, 2. Cor. 2.7. 2 Cor. 2 7. that he should be overcome with overmuch heaviness laid before him the comfortable speech of S Paul▪ that Christ jesus came into the world to save sinners, though a man were peccatorum maximus, 2. Tim. 1.17 1. Tim. 1.17. but saith Doctor Montford unto him, who had been at his arraignment: I wonder your Lordship thus guilty to yourself, could be so confident at the bar, it offended many of your very good friends: yea, but now saith the late Earl, I am become another man, the cause thereof he ascribed to the work of God's spirit within him; and the means to his chaplain Master Ashton who was there present with us, for he, as he said to the honourable the Lord Keeper and the rest, hath ploughed up my heart, as he said to us, hath brought me down and humbled me. And then he told us he had satisfied the Council with his voluntary confession under his own hand subscribed with his name, wherein though I have, said he, detected many (already apprehended) yet I hold it my duty to God and the Realm to clear my conscience. For some three or four days before his execution he made means by master Warbarton one of her majesty's gentlemen pensioners, to have some conference with three or four of the Lords of her majesties Counsel, wishing also if it pleased her Majesty, that master Secretary Cecil might be sent with them: whereupon the Lord Keeper, Lord Treasurer, & the Lord Admiral, taking Master Secretary with them, came unto him, to whom he clearly laid open the whole project and purpose, penitently confessed it, expressed his hearty sorrow for his confidence at his arraignment, asked forgiveness of the Lord Keeper, &, by him, of the rest whom he caused in his house to be imprisoned: particularly and vehemently in christian charity desired Master Secretary to forgive him that great injury which at the Bar in his passion, by unjust calumniation, he had cast upon him, and of them also he requested forgiveness whom he had challenged for his enemies, & had charged with such great, but false imputation. (All which, in gross and general, he confessed to us, forgiving and ask forgiveness) & so after an entire reconciliation with tears on both sides shed, he moved two requests, the one very earnest, the other most necessary the first was, it would please them to move her majesty that he might die privately within the Tower; the reason thereof he expressed unto us in the morning of his execution, of which anon. The second was, that he might have liberty to set down in writing what in word he had confessed to them, and other things which either at the bar he had denied, or should then occur to his memory. The confession itself fills four sheeets of paper, every word in his own hand, and his name at the end, which myself have seen, and will show unto you so much as is fit: the preface thereof I have transcribed for your sakes, and this it is, Since that God of his mercy hath opened mine eyes, and made me see my sin, my offence, and so touched my heart as I hate it both in myself and others, I will as God shall enable my memory, set down how far we all are guilty, and where, and by what degrees our sin, this offence grew. The chief, and the brief is this, his purpose of surprising the court with a power; the places allotted to four persons, S. Christopher Blunt the gate with a company; S. john davis the hall a third to master the guard by seizing the halberds; S. Charles Davers to possess the privy chamber with another company; all this confess by himself, and the rest under their hands. Here now imagine with yourselves what affrighting even the rumour thereof had been to a prince of that sex, a Lady Queen in a time of peace, and the peace so long by her means continued: in her own court and chamber; the proverb is, Leves loquntur, ingentes stupent, that sleight feared make women shriek, but if they be great and sudden, they cast them into aswoune; and I doubt if in that 〈◊〉 she should have swooned, they would have taken it for death, and have bestowed little pains to fetch her again. But resistance being made, as it is not possible but there would, there must needs be blood shed: now think you what an horror would this have been to her gracious nature, to have seen blood running in her chambers? Then look to the commanders, two of the principal, stiff and open Papists, and the fourth, by report, affected that way, what danger to her person, to religion, to the Realm they may guess, who have read the libels of B●zi●●, Reyno●d●, Gifforde and others of that church, writing slanderously of her majesties person, blasphemously of our religion; and basely of our Realm and policy. You may remember the state of Israel, when they were forced to sharpen their axes and tools, and have no weapons but from the Philistines. 1. Sam. 13. 1. Sam. 13. And such a slavery and misery, assure yourselves, had ours been for Prince and religion, if we had stood to the courtesy of armed Papists and their reformation. Perhaps you will say, that this was but like the growth of a Tadstoole, Oritu●, moritur, a night's conceit, but vanished in the morning. Yea, but himself voluntarily confessed to us, that it was plotting and devising not long after he lay in the Lord Keeper's hous●: even then when he protested that he had made a divorce between the world and himself; But he meant no hurt to the queens person, say you. Surely that he● protested both in his confession to the Lords and to us, and writeth it, that when he sent the Articles to Drury house to be considered of, by his complices, he put in that caveat still, that as little blood might be shed as could, and that the Queens own person might receive no harm And we will believe it. Marry the question is first, whether it had been in his own power at the time of their rage and in hot blood to have kept her safe? certainly, as we objected to him, 〈◊〉 which could not, as himself, to 〈◊〉 confessed, restrain them from murdering the Queen's subjects when he stood upon his defence in his house, they being but a few, must not think he could have stayed them in the Court, the object of their revenge. For being many, and many of them needy, what Rapine would have satisfied them? being youthful, and lustful, what Rapes would have staunched them? being discontented and revengeful, what blood would have glutted them? and the chief of them Popish and armed, would they not have said, which comes even now to my mind, as that bloody Story once said; What do we pruning the boughs and branches, let us strike at the root. For mine own part, I profess, I would trust never a Papist in the world, if he might have her at that vantage. God be thanked that this is but an imagination, for had it come ab ima●ine ad rem, from a purpose to an effect; God knows, saith he himself to us, what danger and harm it had wrought to the Realm▪ But in this point of the Queen's safety, what think you of summoning a Parliament, which four or five under their hands, and himself 〈◊〉 hath confessed. Who should have called it, she or they? It is a controversy between us and the Papists, whether the Emperor or the Pope, have the absolute authority of calling a Council, but it was never made question, that I can read, in England who ha●● authority to call a Parliament, either the Prince or the Peers. Among the Spaniards and French they may saith Bodi●, but apud A●glos, in the Realm of England, ne● admi●ti possunt ●mu●ntus, nec dimitti absque 〈◊〉 edicts, without the Princes warrant it cannot either be sumoned or dis●●●ued. Why, she should have done it▪ how? voluntarily or by force? the first we may not imagine that she would so soon yield: if the second, where is the safety of her person? unless you count that safety for a Prince to be a prisoner to her subjects. God forbid we should have felt the Issue of this, nay God be thanked saith he to us, that it was prevented. And withal gave God like thanks that he had made him this example to be justly spewed out of the land. Which word Spewed he enforced with a violence, arguing himself thereby to be, unto this Realm, as a surfeit unto the stomach, both a burden and a danger. He saw himself a burden in this charge of soldiers, being a burden to the City and country, which but for him had now been spared: he felt himself a burden, as it seemed, to us by longing and desiring, which oft he did, that the time of execution were come. A danger he confessed himself to be in these words of his, which I pray you observe, he knew that the Queen could not be in safety so long as he lived upon the earth. I will stretch nothing to far, but yet mark this, if her safety were so uncertain, he being a prisoner in the Tower, what could her safety have been when he was possessed of her court with an armed power? But why do I either amplify by circumstance, or enforce by argument the heinousness and danger of this plot? if I had the tongue of men and Angels, I could not better, nor would in more bitter terms express it, th●● himself hath done in four epithets or adiunctes in his prayer to God, or in his speech to the Lords, or in both upon the scaffold: desiring God to forgive him his great sin, his bloody sin, his crying sin, his infectious sin: why these words, for none of them is, Basill as Basil speaketh, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idle word. First, great in comparison of his other sins, which he on the Scaffold laid out in odious terms against himself: his delicta jwentutis, not that they were little sins, 〈◊〉 unto us, in his Chamber, he confessed that sometimes in the Field encountering the enemy, being in any danger, the weight of his ●●nnes lying heavy upon his conscience, being not reconciled to God, quelled his spirits, and made him the most timorous and fearful man that might be. But this sin exceeded them a●l, even that which we objected to him in his chamber, and he acknowledged, which the Schoolmen call Vactans conscientiam, so wasting and spoiling his conscience, as that not one good thought was left in his heart. That sin which Moses calleth the sin with an high hand Nomb. 33. himself called it, Nom. 33. a Presumptuous sin. Secondly, great in itself, because as the Nabis in Egypt is a beast shaped of many beasts and Hannibal's army in Liui●, was colluui●s omnium gentium, the miscellan of all nations: so this his offence and treason, the compound of all the famous rebellions either in God's book, or our own land: (which himself in other words scatteringly expressed:) consisting of Abners' discontment, of Corahs' envy, of Absalon's popularity, of Shebas defection, of Abimelechs' faction, and banding his family and allies, of Hamans' pride and ambition: in pretence final, all one with that of Henry Duke of Lancaster, against Richard the second, removing certain which miss the King. In pretence original, that of Kettes and Tilers 〈◊〉 the King, as they in your city cried in that insurrection for the Queen▪ for the Queen. The second word was his bloody sin. It should have been no dry rebellion, for how could it be? in that he who could hardly repress the rage of his own people from murdering ●●● honourable counsellors in his own house, they being the men not aym●● at in show of their reformation should not be able to stay their armed fury at the place designed for the execution of their intent. But here you of the 〈◊〉 will say, it should not have been bloody to us, he loved us well: be it so: yet I will tell you his opinion uttered of you the very might of his apprehension, and his being in Lambeth house, in the hearing of the Lord Archbishop, of the Lord Admiral, of the Lord of Effingham, and divers other, and myself among the rest, That you were a very base people: that he trampled up and down your city without any resistance: that he would undertake with four hundredth men of his choice to have overrun your city: that he passed many of your lanes and chains baraccadoed (it was his word) without one blow offered at him, in his return from Ludgate to Queenchith. Again, what his conceit was of your love to him, his own speeches shall testify, whereby he argued that you were both a danger to his body and his soul: in the first, I telling him that his relying upon the people's plausibility spurred him on, but now they had deceived him. True (saith he) a man's friends will fail him; and adds to that a very divine speech, All popularity and trust in men is vain, whereof myself have had late experience. Thus he accounted your love at the best to be but vanity, or as he said i● the prophet, Esa. 37.66 an Egyptian reed, which either breaketh & faileth him that leaneth on it or pierceth his hand to his hurt: in-sinuating hereby, that, ha● he not trusted upon you, he would not have ventured so far: and thus you seemed by his words to have endangered his body, as being a remote motive to that his action. Then the request which he so earnestly made unto the Lords for his private death within the tower, was principally because of you: for in the morning he conf●●●sed himself much bound to God, and her majesty that he should die thus privately, because he feared, lest if it had been public, your acclamations should have hoven him up (for this 〈◊〉 much doubted in himself even in 〈◊〉 small company which was there, 〈◊〉 therefore desired God still to grant him an humbled spirit: and requested us if we either see his countenance, eye, or tongue wander, that we would interrupt him) and so have withdrawn his mind from God, and have b●ene a temptation unto him: and thus he took your love to him, but as a danger to his soul: but think you it had not been unto you a bloody day, if it had been effected what they purposed: now hear and tremble; being asked what he meant by taking the tower of London, sithence his principal project was for the court● he answered, that he meant it should have been a bridle, to your city, mark● that word, a bridle hath rains and a bit: so that if you had made an head for him against the Queen (which I hope you wou●d not) he would have given you the rains, you should have gone on without any restraint to have been rebels to your prince and country: but if you had united your force against him as good subjects (and as I am fully persuaded you would) they are his own words, if happily the City should have misliked his other attempt, than you should taste of the Bit. They call it the playing of the Bit in the horse mouth: but I believe the playing of the Ordinance from the Tower would have fetched both you● houses down, and your blood out. The third word, his crying sinne● which word is borrowed from Gen. 19 Where the sins of Sodom are said to cry up to heaven, namely, to fetch down vengeance from God, so intolerable they were, and one of those sins was pride; which, I well bold to tell him, was the ground of all this action, and he took it very well. This also argued, that there was blood in this sin, for the first crying sin we read of was Cain's murder Gen. 4. The last word was his infectious sin, the meaning thereof he explained to us in our conference with him (which I named before) that it was a leprosy which had infected far and near. Which unfoldeth both the greatness of the danger, and ●●gueth that the contagion of the sin is not gone with him. Doctor Montfo●d asked him if there were not an oath taken by them for secrecy and resolution. He utterly denied that: how durst you trust each other being so many said we? His answer was that they were firmly persuaded each of others faithfulness mutually, as any one of them could be of his own heart to himself. Now then, the time being more than spent, confer these points together, all out of his own words, and begin with the last first, they are thirteen in all. 1. THis conspiracy thus banded. 2. The offence contagiously, and generally dispersed. 3. His sin crying to God for present vengeance. 4. A sin bloody in execution, if effected. 5. Great in itself, the compound and mixture of all rebellions. 6. His life a danger to the Queen. Mark that. 7. Himself a surfeit to the realm, to bespewed out justly. 8. Articles propounded, disputed, concluded so long together against the state. 9 The court surprised with an 〈◊〉 power, and the Queen mu●ed up with her own vassals. 10. A Parliament to be summoned. 11. The chief places of the court at the command of Papists, armed and attended, neither with the wealthiest, nor the contentedst men. 12. The command of the tower, as a bridle to you of this city. 13. His hard opinion and censure of your baseness and unfaithfulness to the Queen. And then judge you with what safety to the queens person; with what peace to the land; with what hope of the Gospel's continuance; could this man have lived, if he had been remitted: and think with yourselves whether you may not justly conclude that it was the most dangerous plot that ever was hatched within this land. What now remains? but to conclude with my text, Give unto Caesar the things of Caesar, our most gracious Sovereign, I mean; honour her, obey her, fear her, but above all pray for her, that she being the light of this land may shine among us as long 〈◊〉 the two great lights of heaven, the Sun and the Moon endureth. This God grant for his mercy sake, Amen. Certain observations. IN one only thing Doctor Montford differeth from me viz. where I report that the Earl said this plot was framing when be lay at my Lord Keepers. That word when, Doctor Montford thinks, should be not long after: I have great inducements of circumstance and substance to hold my opinion still: but, at his earnest entreaty, I have altered it, and for thy sake, reader, no●ed this, lest he should accuse me of obstinacy, ay thou of difference in my report: yet it no the w●●akneth the force of that which I owrre urge, namely, that it was no late, nor sudden devise, but by his own words, a year old, at least: In the rest we i●●pe together. 2. The said Doctor Montford presently after my Sermon, put me in mind of one thing, somewhat material, arguing what conceit the Earl had of his own purpose and action. For we speaking of the constancy of Martyrs at their death; and of that place of Paul▪ Rom. 8.18. The Earl, with passion, said that they died in a good cause, but he should die in ● BAD CAUSE, To comfort him I ●●plyed that albeit he died not for Christ, y●● I doubted not but he should die in Christ. 3 Another thing I call to mind, noted by me, but forgotten in my Sermon, how the Earl speaking to us of some his complices apprehended in this action, but NOW, saith he, I am in my soul persuaded they will prove good subjects. Which word Now, referred to his death, confirms those words of his cited in my Sermon that his life was no safety to the Queen. Himself being taken 〈◊〉 the Cynosura of their affections. The true copy, in substance, of the late Earl of Essex, his behaviour, speech, and prayer, at the time of his execution. ON Wednesday the xxv. of February An. Domini. 1600. called Ash-wednesday, about eight of the clock in the morning, was the sentence of death executed upon Robert Devoreux Earl of Essex, within the Tower of London, where a scaffold being set up in the court, and a form near unto the place, whereon sat the Earls of Cumberland, and Hertforde, the Lord viscount Bindon, the Lord Thomas Haward, the Lord Darcie, and the Lord Compton: The Lieutenant with some sixteen partisans of the guard was sent for the prisoner, who came in a gown of wrought velvet, a black satin suit, a felt hat black, a little ruff about his neck, accompanied from his chamber with three Divines, Doctor Montford, Doctor Barlow and Master Ashton his Chapleine● them he had requested, not to part from him, but observe him, and recall him, if either his eye, countenance, or speech, should bewray any thing which might not beseem him for that time: all the way he desired the spectators to pray for him, and so arriving on the scaffold, he veiled his hat, and with obeisance unto the Lords, to this effect he spoke. viz. MY Lords, and you my Christian Brethren, who are to be witnesses of this my just punishment, I confess to the glory of God, that I am a most wretched sinner, and that my sins are more in number then the hairs of my head, I confess that I have bestowed my youth in wantonness, lust, and uncleanness, that I have been puffed up with pride, vanity, and love of this world's pleasures. And that notwithstanding diverse good motions inspired into me from the spirit of God, The good which I would, I have not done, and the evil which I would not, that have I done. For all which I humbly beseech my Saviour Christ to be a Mediator to the eternal Majesty for my pardon: especially for this my last sin, this great, this bloody, this crying, this infectious sin, whereby so many have for love to me been drawn to offend God, to offend their Sovereign to offend the world; I beseech God to forgive it us, and to forgive it me most wretched of all; I beseech her Majesty and the state and ministers thereof to forgive it us; and I beseech God to send her majesty a prosperous reign and a long, if it be his will: O Lord grant her a wise and understanding heart: O Lord bless her and the Nobles, and the ministers of the church and state. And I beseech you and the world to hold a charitable opinion of me for my intention toward her Majesty, whose death, I protest I never meant, nor violence to her person. I never was I thank God Atheist, not believing the word and scriptures, neither Papist trusting in my own merits. But hope for salvation from God only, by the mercy and merits of my Saviour Christ jesus. This faith was I brought up in, and herein I am now ready to die. Beseeching you all, to join your souls with me in prayer, that my soul may belifted up by faith above all earthly things in my prayer, for now I will give myself to my private prayer: yet, for that I beseech you to join with me, I will speak that you may hear me. And here, as he turned himself aside to put of his gown, Doctor Montford requested him to remember to pray to God to forgive all his enemies if he had any. To whom he answered, I thank you for it: and so turning himself again to the Lords and the rest, he said, I desire all the world to forgive me, even as I do freely and from my heart forgive all the world. Then putting off his Gown and Ruff, and presenting himself before the block, kneeling down, he was by Doctor Barlowe encouraged against the fear of death. To whom he answered, That having been diverse times in places of danger; where death was neither so present, nor yet so certain, he had felt the weakness of the flesh, and therefore now in this great conflict desired God to assist and strengthen him: and so with eyes fixed on Heaven, after some passionate pauses and breathe, he began his prayer in effect following. O GOD, Creator of all things, and judge of all men, thou hast let me know by warrant out of thy word, that Satan is then most busy when our end is nearest, and that Satan being resisted will flee. I humbly beseech thee to assist me in this my last combat: and seeing thou acceptest even of our desires as of our acts: accept I beseech thee, of my desires to resist him, as of true resistance, and perfect, by thy grace, what thou seest in my flesh to be frail and weak, give me patience to bear as becometh me, this just punishment inflicted upon me by so Honourable a trial: Grant me the inward comfort of thy spirit: let thy spirit scale unto my soul an assurance of thy mercies, lift my soul above all earthly cogitations: and when my life and body shall part, send thy blessed Angels which may receive my soul, and convey it to thy joys in heaven. Then concluding his prayer for all Estates of the Realm, he shut up all with the Lords prayer, reiterating this petition: Lord jesus forgive us our trespasses, Lord jesus receive my soul: Then desiring to be informed what was fit for him to do for disposing himself fitly for the block, the Executioner on his knees presented himself, ask him forgiveness: to whom the Earl said, I forgive thee▪ thou art welcome unto me, thou art the minister of justice. At which time Doctor Montford requested him to rehearse the Creed, which he did, repeating every article after the Divines. So opening and putting off his doublet, he was in a Scarlet Wastecoate, and then ready to lie down, he said he would only stretch forth his Arms, and spread them abroad, for than he was ready: So bowing towards the block, the Doctors requested him to say the two first verses of the 51. Psalm, which he did: and then inclining his body he said. In humility and obedience to thy commandment, in obedience to thy ordinance, to thy good pleasure, O God, I prostrate myself to my deserved punishment, Lord be merciful to thy prostrate servant: so lying flat along on the boards, and laying down his head, and fitting it upon the block, stretched out his arms, with these last words, which he was requested to say. Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit. His head was severed from his body by the axe at three strokes. But the first deadly, and absolutely depriving all sense and motion. Thomas Montford. William Barlow.