A Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana.  
Performed and written in the year 1596.  
By Laurence Kemies, Gent.  
Imprinted at London by Thomas Dawson, dwelling at the three Cranes in the Vintree, and are there to be sold.  
1596.   


AMORE ET VIRTUTE    

TO THE APPROVED, right valorous, and worthy Knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, Captain of her majesties Guard and her highness Lieutenant general of the County of Cornwall.  
I Have here briefly set down the effect of this your second Discovery, without any enlargement of made words: for in this argument, single speech best beseemeth a simple truth. Where the affinity of the matter with your person, leadeth me to write of yourself, unto yourself: that small liberty which I have therein used, shall, I doubt not, without offence, or sinister construction, be given to the cause in hand: which whether it suffer not detriment, by attributing less, then of right belongeth: the judgement be theirs, that uprightly and indifferently shall weigh the consequentes of their evil purpose, who in seeking to detract from the Author of these Discoveries, do so much as in them lieth, wound, deface, and tread under foot the thing itself. But this is no novelty, nor proper only to these our days. For long since it hath been said. 
Pericles.  Laudes eo usque sunt tolerabiles, donec ea dicuntur, quae auditores se quoque facere posse existimant: si maiora proferantur: Inuident, non credunt. The fervent zeal and loyalty of your mind in labour with this birth of so honourable expectation, as it hath deserved a recompense far different so needeth it not my poor suffrage to endear the toil, care, and danger, that you have willingly undergone for the good and advancement of our weal public. The praise-worthines thereof doth approve itself, & is better read in your living doings, then in my dead unregarded papers. All that I can wish, is that my life were a sufficient pledge, to justify, how much more easy, and more material, the course for the Guiana would be then others: which requiring greater charge, yield not so large benefit, and are subject to more doubtful events. If unto their wisdoms, who sit in place and authority, it shall appear otherwise, and that in following of other attempts there is less difficulty, certainer profit, & needfuller offence unto the enemy: the cost and travail, which you have bestowed, shall not, I hope, be altogether lost: if unto your Honour, I can well prove, how, and where the amends is to be had, maugre the force and prevention of all Spaniards.  
Your Lordships to be commanded in all service: Law: Kemies.   

To the Favourers of the Voyage for Guiana.  
IN things earnestly desired, though never so likely, we are still suspicious: thinking it more credit to our common wisdom, to discredit most noble and profitable endeavours with distrust; then touch to our valours and safeties to lie wilfully idle. So that howsoever an action well and judicially attempted, be esteemed half performed: yet, is this my jealous conceit concerning the Guiana, that nothing is begun, before all be ended. In this regard (gentle Reader) I have presumed to burden thine ears, with the weak plea of a good cause, and in steed of opening it throughlie, to thy prudent consideration, to note only mine own unsatisfied affection: hoping that because I do name the Guiana unto thee, thou wilt vouchsafe, hoc nomine, to vail and cover all other my defects in the desert of a good meaning. In publishing this treatise, my labour principally tendeth to this end: to remove all fig-leaves from our unbelief; that either it may have cause to shake off the colourable pretences of ignorance: or, if we will not be persuaded; that our self-will may rest inexcusable. They that shall apply, and construe this my doing, to serve the Spaniard his turn so well as our own; in so much as it may seem to instruct, warn, and arm him: for their satisfaction herein, they must not be ignorant, that his eyes in seeing our shipping there, do as effectually inform him, that many of our hearts are toward that place: as if it should be credibly advertised, by some corrupt hireling that we think, writ and discourse of nothing else. Neither can I imagine, that to conceal our knowledge herein (which to conceal may perhaps prove, and be hereafter taken for worse than parricide) would be of better purpose, then to hoodwincke ourselves, as who would say, no man shall see us. Besides: if the action were wholly to be effected at her majesties charge: then might it at her Highneesse pleasure, be shadowed with some other drift, and never be discovered, until it were acted: But since it craveth the approbation and purses of many Adventurers: who cannot be so prodigal, both of their possessions and lives as voluntarily to run themselves out of breath, in pursuing they know not what: great reason it is, that where assistance is to be asked, due causes be yielded, to persuade & induce them unto it. The Spaniard is not so simple, unsettled, and uncertain in his determinations; as to build them on our breath, or to make our papers his Bulwarks; nor so slow, as to expect a precedent of our forwardness. His proceed are sufficiently strengthened with the travails, reports, and substantial proofs of his own men, that have above 60. years beaten round about this bush. And, to say a truth, the expedition that he hath used, in sending so many ships in February last, to people this country, and disappoint us: as it doth consequently show, that he findeth his chiefest force and sinews to consist in gold: so doth he thereby plainly to our faces exprobate our remissness and long deliberations, that in twelve months space have done, or sought to do nothing worthy the ancient fame, and reputation of our English nation, interressed in so weighty business 
In june last  His late provision of a new supply of whole families to the number of six hundred persons, bound for Guiana, but that it pleased God, that by means of that right honourable service most resolutely performed in the sea-fight, and sacking of Cades, the ships, wherein they should have been conveyed, were converted into ashes: what might it signify? Certes, as it doth evidently prove, that El Dorado hath undoubted credit and account in their judgements: so pointeth it at us, whilst we only to entertain idle time, sit listening for Guiana news, and instantly forget it, as if it were nought else, but a pleasing dream of a golden fancy. If we with ourselves shall expostulate, how this cometh to pass that the advantage wholly resting on our side, in respect that Berrec was this last year beaten out, the country throughlie discovered and the Inhabitants made desirous of her sacred majesties happy government; they notwithstanding by entering before us: have now gotten the start of us: what may we think? shall we judge that their native country is less dear, or more wearisome unto them, than ours is unto us? Their Peruleri who going bare and empty out of Spain, do again within three or four years' return from Peru, rich and in good estate, do apparently disprove all such conceits of them. Shall we say that they have more spare men to be employed in such actions? It is no secret to know the contrary. Are they subject to penury? In all parts of Christendom, where money is not scant, all other things are plentiful. Or is their land not able to sustain their numbers of people? They buy many slaves to follow their husbandry, and themselves disdaining base idleness, and beggary, do all honour military profession, highly esteeming it, in their mercenaries and strangers. Is it then want of ability, in those that are willing? lack of encouragement. Or default of speedy order and direction for those that do voluntarile offer themselves, their substance, and best endeavour to further this cause; that maketh us to be thus coated by the Spaniard? The first is no question. The latter needeth no answer. The profit then by their example to be gathered, is, not to lose opportunity by delay, or to seem fearful and dismayed, where there is no cause of doubt. For as yet their post haste doth no way prejudice our advised leisure in setting forward, since their preparations of Negroes to work in the mines, their horses, cattle, and other necessaries, may, (by the favour of God) at our first coming, both store us with quantities of gold oar, and ease us of much trouble, pains, and travail. If we should suppose ourselves now to live in the days of King Henry the seventh of famous memory and the strange report of a West Indies, or new world abounding with great treasure should entice us to believe it: perhaps it might be imputed for some blame to the gravity of wise men, lightly to be carried with the persuasion and hope of a new found Utopia, by such a one as Columbus was being an alien and many ways subject to suspicion. But since the penance of that incredulity lieth even now heavy on out shoulders; the example forethreatning. I know not what; repentance: and that we have the personal trial of so honourable and sufficient a Reporter, our own Countryman: let it be far from us to condemn ourselves in that, which so worthily we reprove in our predecessors; and to let our idle knowledge content itself with naked contemplation like a barren womb in a Monastery. We cannot deny that the chief commendation of virtue doth consist in action: we truly say that Otium is animae vivae sepultura: we believe, that perfect wisdom in this mobility of all human affairs refuseth not with any price to purchase safety: and we justly do acknowledge that the Castilians from bare-legged mounteyners have attained to their greatness, by labour and industry: To sleep then, because it costeth nothing, to embrace the present time, because it flattereth us with deceitful contentment, & to kiss security saying what evil happeneth unto us? is the plain highway to a fearful downfall: from which the Lord in his mercy deliver us, and give us an understanding heart, in time to see, and to seek that, which belongeth unto our peace.   

De Guiana, carmen Epicum.  

WHat work of honour and eternal name,  
For all the world t'enuie and us t'achieve,  
Fills me with fury, and gives armed hands  
To my hearts peace, that else would gladly turn  
My limbs and every sense into my thoughts  
Rapt with the thirsted action of my mind?  
O Clio, honours Muse, sing in my voice,  
Tell the attempt, and prophecy th'exploit  
Of his Eliza-consecrated sword,  
That in this peaceful charm of England's sleep,  
Opens most tenderly her aged throat,  
Offering to pour fresh youth through all her veins,  
That flesh of brass, and ribs of steel retains.   

Riches, and Conquest, and Renown I sing,  
Riches with honour, Conquest without blood,  
Enough to seat the Monarchy of earth,  
Like to Ioues Eagle, on Eliza's hand.  
Guiana, whose rich feet are mines of gold,  
Whose forehead knocks against the roof of Stars,  
Stands on her tiptoes at fair England looking,  
Kissing her hand, bowing her mighty breast,  
And every sign of all submission making,  
To be her sister, and the daughter both  
Of our most sacred Maid: whose barrenness  
Is the true fruit of virtue, that may get,  
Bear and bring forth anew in all perfection,  
What heretofore savage corruption held  
In barbarous Chaos; and in this affair  
Become her father, mother, and her heir.   

Then most admired Sovereign, let your breath  
Go forth upon the waters, and create  
A golden world in this our iron age,  
And be the prosperous forewind to a Fleet,  
That seconding your last, may go before it  
In all success of profit and renown:  
Doubt not but your election was divine,  
(Aswell by Fate as your high judgement ordered)  
To raise him with choice Bounties, that could add  
Height to his height; and like a liberal vine,  
Not only bear his virtuous fruit aloft,  
Free from the Press of squint-eyed envies feet,  
But deck his gracious Prop with golden bunches,  
And shroud it with broad leaves of Rule o'ergrown  
From all black tempests of invasion.   

Those Conquests that like general earthquakes shook  
The solid world, and made it fall before them,  
Built all their brave attempts on weaker grounds,  
And less persuasive likelihoods than this;  
Nor was there ever princely Fount so long  
Poured forth a sea of Rule with so free course,  
And such ascending Majesty as you:  
Then be not like a rough and violent wind,  
That in the morning rends the Forests down,  
Shoves up the seas to heaven, makes earth to tremble,  
And tombs his wasteful bravery in the Even:  
But as a river from a mountain running,  
The further he extends, the greater grows,  
And by his thrifty race strengthens his stream,  
Even to join battale with th'imperious sea  
Disdaining his repulse, and in despite  
Of his proud fury, mixeth with his main,  
Taking on him his titles and commands:  
So let thy sovereign Empire be increased,  
And with Iberian Neptune part the stake,  
Whose Trident he the triple world would make.  
You then that would be wise in Wisdoms spite,  
Directing with discredit of direction,  
And hunt for honour, hunting him to death.  
With whom before you will inherit gold,  
You will lose gold, for which you lose your souls;  
You that choose nought for right, but certainty,  
And fear that value will get only blows,  
Placing your faith in Incredulity.  
Sat till you see a wonder, Virtue rich:  
Till Honour having gold, rob gold of honour,  
Till as men hate desert that getteth nought,  
They loathe all getting that deserves not aught;  
And use you gold-made men, as dregs of men;  
And till your poisoned souls, like Spiders lurking  
In sluttish chinks, in mists of Cobwebs hide  
Your foggy bodies, and your dunghill pride.   

O Incredulity, the wit of Fools,  
That slovenly will spit on all things fair,  
The Coward's castle and the Sluggards cradle  
How easy 'tis to be an Infidel?   

But you Patrician Spirits that refine  
Your flesh to fire, and issue like a flame  
On brave endeavours, knowing that in them  
The tracked of heaven in morne-like glory opens,  
That know you cannot be the Kings of earth,  
(Claiming the Rights of your creation)  
And let the Ours of earth be Kings of you;  
That are so far from doubting likely drifts,  
That in things hardest y'are most confident.  
You that know death lives, where power lives unused,  
joying to shine in waves that bury you,  
And so make way for life even through your graves;  
That will not be content like horse to hold  
A threadbare beaten way to home affairs:  
But where the sea in envy of your reign,  
Closeth her womb, as fast as 'tis disclosed,  
That she like Avarice might swallow all,  
And let none find right passage through her rage:  
There your wise souls as swift as Eurus lead  
Your Bodies through, to profit and renown,  
And scorn to let your bodies choked your souls,  
In the rude breath and prisoned life of beasts:  
You that herein renounce the course of earth,  
And lift your eyes for guidance to the stars,  
That live not for yourselves, but to possess  
Your honoured country of a general store;  
In pity of the spoil rude self-love makes,  
Of them whose lives and yours one air doth feed,  
One soil doth nourish, and one strength combine;  
You that are blest with sense of all things noble  
In this attempt your complete woorthes redouble.   

But how is Nature at her heart corrupted,  
(〈…〉 even in her most ennobled birth?)  
How in excess of Sense is Sense bereft her?  
That her most lightening-like effects of lust  
Wound through her flesh, her soul, her flesh unwounded;  
And she must need incitements to her good,  
Even from that part she hurts. O how most like  
Art thou (heroic Author of this Act)  
To this wronged soul of Nature that sustainst  
Pain, charge, and peril for thy countries good,  
And she much like a body numbed with surfeits,  
Feels not thy gentle applications  
For the health, use, & honour of her powers.  
Yet shall my verse through all her ease-lockt ears  
Trumpet the Noblesse of thy high intent,  
And if it cannot into act proceed,  
The fault and bitter penance of the fault  
Make red some others eyes with penitence,  
For thine are clear; and what more nimble spirits  
Apt to bite at such unhooked baits,  
Gain by our loss; that must we needs confess  
Thy princely valour would have purchased us.  
Which shall be fame eternal to thy name,  
Though thy contentment in thy grave desires,  
Of our advancement, fail deserved effect,  
O how I fear thy glory which I love,  
Lest it should dearly grow by our decrease.  
Nature's that stick in golden-graveld springs,  
In mucke-pits cannot scape their swallowing.   

But we shall forth I know; Gold is our Fate,  
Which all our acts doth fashion and create.   

Then in the Thespiads bright Prophetic Fount,  
methinks I see our Liege rise from her throne,  
Her ears and thoughts in steep amaze erected,  
At the most rare endeavour of her power.  
And now she blesseth with her wonted Grace's  
Th'industrious Knight, the soul of this exploit,  
Dismissing him to convoy of his stars.  
And now for love and honour of his worth,  
Our twise-borne Nobles bring him Bridegroome-like,  
That is espoused for virtue to his love  
With feasts and music, ravishing the air,  
To his Argolian Fleet, where round about  
His bating Colours English valour swarms  
In haste, as if Guianian Orenoque  
With his Fell waters fell upon our shore.  
And now a wind as forward as their spirits,  
Sets their glad feet on smooth Guianas' breast,  
Where (as if each man were an Orpheus)  
A world of Savadges fall came before them,  
Storing their theft-free treasuries with gold,  
And there doth plenty crown their wealthy fields,  
There Learning eats no more his thriftless books,  
Nor Valour Ostrich-like his iron arms.  
There Beauty is no strumpet for her wants,  
Nor Gallique humours putrefy her blood:  
But all our Youth take Hymen's lights in hand,  
And fill each roof with honoured progeny.  
There makes Society Adamantine chains,  
And joins their hearts with wealth, whom wealth disjoined.  
There healthful Recreations strow their meads,  
And make their mansions dance with neighbourhood,  
That here were drowned in churlish Avarice.  
And there do Palaces and temples rise  
Out of the earth, and kiss th'enamored skies,  
Where new Britania, humbly kneels to heaven,  
The world to her, and both at her blessed feet,  
In whom the Circles of all Empire meet.   
G C.   

Ad Thomam Hariotum Matheseos, & universae Philosophiae peritissimum, de Guiana Carmen.  
Dat. Anno. 1595.  
MOntibus est Regio, quasimuris, obsita, multis:  
Circumsaepit aquis quos Raleana suis.  
Intus habet largos Guaiana beata recessus:  
hostili gestans libera colla ●●go.  
Hispanus clivis illis sudavit, & alsit  
septem annos, nouies: nec tamen invaluit.  
(Numen, & omen inest numeris. Fatale sit ●●●i:  
Et nobis vertus sit recidiva, precor)  
Gualtero, patefacta via est duce & auspice Ralegh  
Mense uno: ô factum hoc nomine quo celebrem?  
Noctè dieque, datis velis, remisque laborans,  
Exegit summae dexteritatis opus.  
Scilicet expensis magnis non ille pepercit,  
Communi natus consuluisse bono.  
Providus excubuit simili discrimine joseph:  
Sic fratres, fratrem deseruêre suum:  
Fama coloratam designet si bona, vestem:  
Vestis scissa malis sic fuit illa modis.  
Mira leges. Auresque animumque tuum arrige. Tellus  
Haec aurum, & gemmas graminis instar, habet.  
V'er ibi perpetuum est: ibi prodiga terra quotannis  
Luxuriat, sola fertilitate nocens.  
Anglia nostra licer dives sit, & undique foelix:  
Anglia, si confers, indiga frugis erit.  
Expertes capitum, volucres, piscesque ferasque  
Praetereo: haud prosunt, quae novitate, placent.  
Est ibi, vel nusquam, quod quaerimus. Ergo petamus:  
Det Deus, hanc Canaan possideamus. Amen.  
Tui Amantiss. L. K.   

The second Voyage to Guiana.  
MVnday, the 26. of january, in the year of our Lord 1595 we departed from Portland road, in the Darling of London, having in company the Discoverer, a small Pinnace, whom we lost at sea, in foul weather, the Thursday night next following. Friday, the 13. of February, we fell with the Canary islands, where we expected our pinnace, according to our appointment, seven or eight days. Here we took two boats, the one a passenger, we bulged, the other we towed at our ship stern, steering south south west for the Islands of Gap. de Verd. There hence we set sail the 28. of February, keeping a west south west course. In this passage we found very smooth seas, fair weather, & steady winds, blowing ordinarily between the East, and North east points. Near 300. leagues from these islands, we came into a grown sea, the swollen waters making a strange noise and hurtling together, as if it might be two strong currentes encountering each other. The 12. of March we sounded, and had sandy ground in 47. fadam. At midnight in twelve fadam we came to an anchor, the ground sandy oase. Sunday the 14. towards night, about some six leagues from the shore, we descried a low land in the bottom of a bay. From the 9 of March until this time, we kept for the most part a south south west course. The water in this place is smooth, but muddy, and the colour red or Tawny. From the westermost of the Cap. de Verd. islands unto this bay I do estimat the distance to be near 550. leagues. It seemed to most of our seamen to be the very bank of a should upon a leigh shore: the rather because without it, in the clean green sea we had but 7. fadam depth: but after by proof finding that there is no sudden alteration in any part of the coast and that the sea is smoothest near the land, we always at night sought to anchor in three or four fadam. And doubtless as the hand of God is wonderful in all his works: so herein his merciful providence is most admirable, that upon a leigh shore, subject to a perpetual easterly g●le, neither much wind can endanger shipping by reason that the foul heavy water is not capable of vehement motion, and the soft light oase, if they touch, cannot bruise them: nor is there any jeopardy in being wind-bound or embayed: for the most forcible winds make the greatest floud-tydes, whereby the freshets, when they take their ordinary course of ebb, do grow strong and swift, setting directly off to sea against the wind. We by turning went clear of all bays: howbeit in this case, as also in the rivers, the use of a drove sail seemeth a good and ready help. The first place wherein we anchored, was in the mouth of Arrowa●●, a fair & great river. It standeth in one degree and forty minutes: for we fell so far to the southwards by your Lordship's direction. The bar without hath at the least three fadam, at the shouldest place, when it is low ebb The depth within is eight and ten fadam. The water always brackish. We found not any inhabitants in this place near the sea coast. I omit here to recite the names of the nations that are borderers, their towns, Captains and commodities that their countries do yield, as also the soundings, tides, and how the coast lieth &c. thinking it fittest to reduce these disjoined and scattered remembrances to one place. As we passed we always kept the shore within view and stopped the floods, still ancoring at night in three or four fadam. When we came to the north-hed land of this bay (which we named Cape Cecyl●) we saw two high mountains like two Islands but they join with the main. In this tract lying north northwest near 60. leagues, there fall into the sea, these several great rivers Arrowari, Iwaripoco, Maipari, Coanawini, Caipurogh. We anchored in two fadam not far from these hills and filled all our cask with fresh water by the ship side for in the sea 30. miles from the mouth of any river it is fresh and good This second bay extendeth itself above 30. leagues to the westward, & containeth within it these rivers Arcooa, Wiapoco, wanari, Caparwacka, Cawo, Carare, wia, Macuria Cawroor Curassawini. Here leaving the ship at anchor, I took into the boat john Provost, my Indian Interpreter, john Lynser, and 8. or nine others, intending to search some of these rivers, and to seek speech with the Indians. In Wiapoco at the foot of the Eastermost mountain, where the river falleth into the sea, we found twenty or thirty houses, but not inhabited. We stayed there but one night. Wanari we overpassed, because the entrance is rocky and not deep. In Capperwacka we sailed some forty miles but could see no Indian. At one of their ports under the side of a hill, we took in so much Brafill wood as our boat could carry. Amongst other trees we cut down one for an example, which I do verily believe to be the same sort of Cinnamon, which is found in the straits of Magellane. From Capurwacka we passed to Cawo, and there met with a canoe, wherein were two Indians. It was long time before we could procure them to come near us, for they doubted lest we were Spanish. When my interpreter had persuaded them the contrary, and that we came from England, they without farther speech or delay, brought us to Wareo their Captain, who entertained us most friendly: and then at large declared unto us, that he was lately chased by the Spaniard from Moruga, one of the neighbour rivers to Raleana, or Orenoque: and that having burnt his own houses, and destroyed his fruits and gardens, he had left his country and towns to be possessed by the Arwaccas; who are a vagabond nation of Indians, which finding no certain place of abode of their own, do for the most part serve and follow the Spaniards. He showed me that he was of the nation of the Iaos, who are a mighty people, and of late time were Lords of all the sea coast so far as Trinidado, which they likewise possessed. Howbeit, that with a general consent, when the Spaniards first began to borrow some of their wives: they all agreed to change their habitation, & do now live united for the most part towards the river of Amazons. But the especial cause of his present remove was, because two or three years past, twenty Spaniards came to his town, and sought to take his best wife from him: but before they carried her away, he at time and place of advantage killed half of them: the rest fled, most of them sore hurt. Now in this case he thought it best to dwell far enough from them. Your Indian Pilot Ferdinando, who conducted you by Amana, and now abideth near the head of Dessekeebe, is one of this man's subjects: By whom (as it may seem) he hath taken good notice of our Princess and country. For he descended more particularly to inquire what forces were come with us, assuring me of the Spaniards being in Trinidado, and that the Indians our friends betwixt hope and fear, have earnestly expected our return from England these four or five months. When I had answered him, that at our departure we left no Spaniards alive to annoy them; that we now came only to discover, & trade with them; and that if her Majesty should have sent a power of men, where no enemy was to resist, the Indians might perhaps imagine, that we came rather to invade, then to defend them. He replied, that this course very well sorted with the report, which they had heard of our Princess justice, rare graces, & virtues: the fame of whose power in being able to vanquish the Spaniards, and singular goodness in undertaking to secure and defend the afflicted Indians, was now so general that the nations far and near were all agreed to join with us and by all means possible to assist us in expelling and rooting out the Spaniards from all parts of the land: and that we were deceived, if we thought this country not large enough to receive us, without molestation or intrusion upon the Indians, who wanted not choice of dwelling places, if they forsook one to live in another: but stood in need of our presence at all times to aid them, and maintain their liberty, which to them is dearer than land or living. He then farther desired, that he with his people might have our favour against the Arwaccas, who not being content to enjoy their grounds and houses, had taken from them many of their wives and children, the best of whose fortune was, if they lived, to live in perpetual slavery under the Spaniards. We put him in good hope and comfort thereof. And he to deserve some part of this friendship, commended unto us an elderly man to be our Pilot in bringing us to Raleana. When we were ready to departed, 
Brasil wood  he demanded whether we wanted any Vrapo which is the wood, that is usually carried from these parts to Trinidado in Canoes, and is there sold to the French for trade: he offered, if we would bring our ship near his Port; to put in her lading thereof. But because most of our cask was not iron bound, and in making stowage way to remove it, would have been the loss of our Cider and other drink; I therefore referred the taking of any quantity to fit opportunity: thinking it sufficient at this time, to have only my boats lading thereof: which afterwards in extremity of foul weather before we could get aboard our ship, we were enforced in a dark nigh to heave all overboard: thinking ourselves happy, to have recovered thither at seven days end, with safety of life only. All which time we could no where set foot on shore, but rested day and night wet & weather beaten in our covertles boat which was sometimes ready to sink under us. For we had in this place without comparison more rain, wind, and gusts then else where at any time. To be brief, my men became weak and sick, and if we had stayed any longer time out, I doubt whether the greatest part of us had ever come aboard again. I afterwards understood by my Indian Pilot, that this weather is for most part of the year usual near the Island Oncaiarie, which lieth North from the river Capurwacka some six leagues into the sea: and that they hold opinion this Island to be kept by some evil spirit: for they verily believe, that to sleep in the day time near it (except it be after much drink) is present death. The only season wherein little rain doth fall there, is (as I gathered by their speech they dividing all times by their moons) at our winter Solstice. The mother wind of this coast is for the most part to the Northward of the East, except when the Sun is on this side of the Equinoctial, for than it often years Southerly, but most in the night. This our guide is of the Iaos, who do all mark themselves, thereby to be known from other nations after this manner. With the tooth of a small beast like a Rat, they raze some their faces, some their bodies, after divers forms, as if it were with the scratch of a pin, the print of which rasure, can never be done away again during life. When he had some time conversed with our Indians, that went from England with us he became willing of himself to see our country. His sufficiency, trustiness, & knowledge is such, that if the pretended voyage for the Guiana do take place, you shall (I doubt not) find him many ways able to steed your Lordsh. in your designs & purposes. For besides his precise knowledge of all the coast, of the Indian towns and dwellings, he speaketh all their languages, was bred in Guiana, is a sworn brother to Putima, who slew the Spaniards in their return from Manoa, can direct us to many Gold mines and in nothing will undertake more, than he assuredly will perform.  
To the Westward this bay hath many good roads under small Islands, whereof the greatest, named Gowateri, is inhabited by the Shebatoes: and besides the plenty of foul, fish fruits wild porks and Dear, which are there to be had: where Caiane falls into the sea, (for it standeth in the mouths of Wia and Caiane) it yields say and good harbour in four and five fadam for ships of great burden. On all that coast we found not any like it: we therefore honoured this place by the name of Port Howard. The road under Triangle islands; which are the Westermost from the rest and stand in 5. degrees which have also store of fish foul, Dear and Iwanas is good, but not comparable with this other, where in all winds and weather ships though they be many, may all ride securely. The hills and high lands are limits to this bay on each side: for to the Eastward beyond it appear none at all, and to the Westward of Mount Hobbeïgh very few. Where the mountains fail, there Brasill wood is no farther to be sought for: but in all parts cotton, pepper, silk, and Balsamum trees do grow in abundance. The roots of the herb Wiapassa are here most plentiful: I find them in taste nothing different from good Ginger, & in operation very medicinable against the flux and headache. These rivers, as also others nearer Raleana, do all fall out of the plains of the Empire over rocks, as the river Caroli doth into Raleana: and in most places within the utmost hedge of woods, the land within is plain, void of trees; and beareth short grass like Arromaiaries country.  
Next adjoining unto these, are the rivers Cunanamma, Vracco, Mawari, Mawarparo, Amonna, Marawini, Oncowi, Wiawiami, Aramatappo, Camaiwini, Shurinama, Shurama, Cupanamma, Inana, Curitini, Winitwari, Berbice, Wapari, Maicaiwini, Mahawaica, Wappari, Lemerare, Dessekebe, Caopui, Pawrooma, Moruga, Waini, Barima, Amacur, Aratoori, Raleana. From Cape Cecyll to Raleana, the coast trendeth 200. leagues next hand West north west. In this variety of goodly rivers, Amonna amongst the rest poureth himself into the sea in a large and deep channel: his swiftness suffereth no bar, nor refuseth any shipping of what burden soever they be: within his mouth for good and hopeful respects is port Burley placed. The inhabitants that dwell Eastward, do never pass lower than Berbice to trade. Above Curitini in the woods they gather great quantities of honey. Farther to the Eastward then Dessekebe, no Spaniard ever traveled. In which respect, and that no sea-card that I have seen at any time, doth in any sort near a truth, describe this coast: I thought the liberty of imposing English names to certain places of note, of right to belong unto our labours; the rather because occasion thereby offereth itself, gratefully to acknowledge the honour due unto them that have been, and I hope will still continue, favourers of this enterprise. The Indians to show the worthiness of Dessekeebe (for it is very large and full of islands in the mouth) do call it the brother of Orenoque. It lieth Southerly into the land, and from the mouth of it unto the head, they pass in twenty days: then taking their provision they carry it on their shoulders one days journey: afterwards they return for their Canoes, and bear them likewise to the side of a lake, which the Iaos call Roponowini, the Charibes, Parime: which is of such bigness, that they know no difference between it and the main sea. There be infinite numbers of Canoes in this lake, and (as I suppose) it is no other than that, whereon Manoa standeth: In this river, which we now call Devoritia, the Spaniards do intend to build them a town. In Moruga it was, that they hunted Wareo and his people, 
In September.  about half a year since. Arromaiarie, who won so great credit by overthrowing the Tiuitiuas of Amana, and making free the passage of that river, but now again liveth in disgrace, by reason that the Charibes of Guanipa, have killed most of his followers, and burned his towns, was present with them, and took away many of the women of that place. Arracurri, another Indian of the nation of the Arwaccas inhabiting in Barima, was likewise present, and conducted the Spaniards to all the Indian dwellings. They were not of Anthony de Berreo his company, that followed this chase, but were the Spaniards of Marguerita, 
This Spaniard understandeth the Guiana language, and is reputed a very sufficient man.  and the Caraccas, with whom Santiago, forsaking his governor Berreo, joined himself. For which fact he now lieth in fetters at Trinidado, every day expecting sentence of death. The occasion hereof grew as followeth.  
When Berreo, having lost his men, was left with Fasshardo at Cumanaw all alone, as forlorn, and never likely to compass his intended conquest of Guiana: the Governors of the Caraccas and Marguerita consulting together, sent with all speed into Spain, to advertise their king, that Berreo was utterly unable to follow this enterprise, that he had given it over, and did now sojourn in his old days at Fasshardo his house, minding nothing else but his solace, and recreation. they farther declared, of how great importance this matter was: and that an English Gentleman of such reckoning, as they named your Lordship to be, having been in the Guiana, and understanding so much of the state thereof, and the nations thereunto adjoining, as Topiawarie, being both old and wise, could inform you of, who also in confirmation of friendship, had given you his only son, to whom the inheritance of the country did belong after him: there was no other likelihood, but that you, who adventured so far, and in such sort as you did, only to see, and know a certainty, would leave nothing unattempted to possess so rich a country, and without all doubt would return presently. That mean time, you had left this aged Sire alive, to be a block in their way, to whom after his decease, this enterprise by patent did belong, and to be a weak adversary against yourself, whom at all times, you knew easily how to distress: and that therefore it might be behoveful for his majesty to revoke Berreo his grant, and to use their service, who were ready and willing without any delay to undertake the charge. These news being at large amplified, and delivered to the king: Domingo de Vera, Bereo his Camp. master, who was sent into Spain, five months before your arrival to Trinidado, with a sufficient quantity of gold, gotten out of Guiana, to levy and furnish 500 men, having gotten knowledge of this practice so solicited this cause in Bereo his behalf, that present order was given for the victualling and manning of ten ships to be sent to Bereo: and farther, this gold bore such weight, that the king commanded other 18. of his ships to stop at Trinidado, and not to follow their other directions, before they saw that place secured from enemies.  
Berreo supposing that these Governors in sending with such speed into Spain, meant him no good: to approve his care and constancy, & that he never would yield under the burden of his adverse fortune; giving no time or breath to his adversaries, nor himself; returned forthwith to Carapana his port, only with fifteen men, being the scattered remnant of those, whom you lately dispossessed of Trinidado. These Governors followed him, and assuring themselves of present employment from their king, preoccupating the time of their directions to be returned from Spain, entered the Guiana with their men, with full determination to murder Bereo, and to dispatch all his company. They indeed killed two or three, but Bereo fled towards Caroli, where he stayed hoping for succour from his son Anthony de Cemenes, to come down the river from Nueuo Reyno de Granado. The Margueritanes with their accomplices busied themselves, some in searching the country, others in purveying of victuals out of the rivers that do lie Eastward, of which number these were, that entered into Moruga with 20. Canoes. Santiago passed up into topiawarie's country, and there took Francis Sparrows Sir George Gifford his man prisoner, who with plenty of gold ransomed his life, and is now abiding in Cumanaw. This done, they all returned to Trinidado, and began to build their town there, when unhaphappilie to their small comfort the 28. sails arrived, and took Santiago prisoner. The other Actors in this Interlude vanished, and in Canoes recovered Marguerita and Cumanaw again. Eighteen of the said ships leaving all things in good order, departed from Trinidado to follow their other directions: ten do yet remain fortifying at Conquerabia, and expecting our coming.  
This particular relation I had from an Indian, servant to Berreo, that could speak Spanish, whom I took in the river. He is of the nation of the Iaos, and from a child bred up with Berreo. I gave him trade to buy him a canoe to return into his country, and so left him glad, that he had met with us.  
Now the Indians of Moruga being chased from their dwellings, do seek by all means possible, to accord all the Nations in one, so to invade the Arwaccas, who were guides to the Spaniards, in showing their towns, and betraying them. For they are fully persuaded, that by driving these Arwaccas, who serve the Spaniards (for a great part of this nation doth also hate, or not know them) out of their territories, and Trinidado, the Spaniards for want of bread, will be enforced to seek habitation farther of, or at the least in time consume and be wasted.  
The 6. day of April we came to an anchor within the mouth of the river Raleana, having spent twenty and three days in discovery upon this coast. The channel of this river hath six or seven fadam depth, nine or ten miles off at sea, the bar lieth farther out, and at low water hath not full two fadam. It highes not above five foot, except at a spring tide. We anchored in ten fadam the first night: the next morning twelve Canoes came unto us, furnished & provided of victuals after their manner for the wars. Their captains names were Anawra, and Aparwa. These Cassiques when the Spaniards made the last inroad in those parts, were in the Inland amongst the Iwarewakerie their neighbours, by which occasion having lost some of their wives (for notwithstanding their profession of Christianity, some of these Spaniards keep ten or twelve women, thinking themselves well and surely blessed, howsoever they live, if their town and houses be religiously crossed) they kept together thirty Canoes, hoping at our coming, which they had now long expected to recover this loss upon them, and the Arwaccas who in their absence had done this wrong. They showed me this their purpose, and required to be joined in league of friendship with us against our enemies. When of them I had learned so much of the present estate of the country, as they did know: they demanded whether we had brought no more forces with us, but only one ship? I answered them as before I did the others, that we now came only to trade, not knowing until this present that any Spaniards were in the Guiana; that upon our return our whole Fleet will hasten to set forwards, and that in the mean time, we would now visit our friends and help them so far as we could in any thing, that we should find needful presently to be done. After long discourse (for their chief man stayed with me all night) when he had caused me to spit in my right hand, with many other ceremonies which they use in confirming friendship, he went to the shore, and one of his Canoes he sent to bring forwards the other twenty: one other he caused to go up the river before us, to bring intelligence. Then calling together the chief of his company, they made small fierce, and sitting in their Hamaccas, each one sorted himself with a companion, recounting amongst themselves the worthiest deeds, and deaths of their Ancestors, execrating their enemies most despitefully, & magnifying their friends with all titles of praises and honour, that may be devised. Thus they sit talking, and taking Tobacco some two hours, and until their pipes be all spent (for by them they measure the time of this their solemn conference) no man must interrupt, or disturb them in any sort: for this is their religion, and prayers, which they now celebrated, keeping a precise fast one whole day in honour of the great Princess of the North, their Patroness & Defender. 
Her Majesty.  Their canoes being made ready, they accompanied us, and in the way showed us, where the shoals of the river do lie. By this Captain I learned that Muchikeri is the name of the country where Macureguerai the first town of the Empire of Guiana, that lieth towards Raieana, is seated in a fair and exceeding large plain, below the high mountains that bear Northwesterly from it, that it is but three days journey distant from Carapana his port: and that Monoa is but six days farther. That they themselves do pass in three days into the country of the Iwarewakeries by the river Amacur, which though it be not the directest, yet is it the readiest way to Macureguerai for that which leadeth by Carapana his dwelling, is in some places difficult, and mounteynous. That a nation of clothed people, called Cassanari, do dwell not far from the place, where the river doth first take the name of Orenoque, and that far within, they border upon a sea of salt water, named Parime. That a great river, called Macurwini, passeth through their country into Orenoque. That Manoa standeth twenty days journey from the mouth of Wiapoco: sixteen days from Barima: thirteen days from Amacur, and ten days from Aratoori. That the best way unto it, is not by Macureguerai, because it is in some places cumbersome and rocky. That of all others the Charibes that dwell high up in Orenoque, know most of the inland, and of those nations, & that they speak no other language, than such as john your Interpreter doth well understand. He certified me of the headless men, and that their mouths in their breasts are exceeding wide. The name of their nation in the Charibes language Chiparemai, 
They have eminent heads like dogs, & live all day time in the sea they speak the Chari●es language.  and the Guianians call them Ewiapanomos. What I have heard of a sort of people more monstrous, I omit to mention, because it is no matter of difficulty to get one of them, and the report otherwise will appear fabulous. lastly, he told me of an Inland river, named Cawrooma, adjoining to Aratoori, and that the Cuepyn mountains, where Carapana dwelleth, are hardly accessible. That the Amapagotos' have images of gold of incredible bigness, and great store of vnmanned horses of the Carackas breed: and that they dwell five days journey up the river about Caroli. We with our fleet of Canoes were now not far from carapana's port, when our intelligencer returned & informed us that ten Spaniards were lately gone with much trade to Barima, where these Indians dwelled, to buy Cassava bread: and that within one day two other Canoes of Spaniards were appointed to come by the river Amana, to Carapana his port. Upon this occasion they took counsel, and in the end desired to return to their houses, lest the Spaniards finding them from home, and imagining that they did purposely absent themselves, should take away their wives, and spoil their dwellings. They farther resolved, if it were possible to cut them off. Which afterwards they did perform. For when they were dispersed in their houses seeking Cassava: suddenly at one time, in all places they were assaulted, and not one of them escaped. Carapana, whose hand was in laying this plot, sent us this news, as we returned down the river. The two other Canoes that came from Trinidado by Amana, notwithstanding that we kept a league before the ship with our boats, saw the ship before we had sight of them, and presently with all speed went to Berreo to advertise him of our coming. He forthwith dispatched two or three messengers to Trinidado. One of his Canoes met with our Spy, whom the Indians of Barima had left to go with us: they rifled him of his victuals, gave him knives, and dismissed him,  
In 8. days sailing still before a wind, we arrived at topiawarie's port, in all which time, no Indian that we knew came aboard us. For the time of our return promised at your Lordship's departure from thence, being expired; they in despair severed themselves amongst the other nations. Here the Spaniards have seated their Rarceria of some twenty or thirty houses. The high rocky Island, that lieth in the midst of the river, against the mouth of Caroli, is their fort or refuge, when they misdoubt safety in their town, or have notice of any practice against them: but now leaving both town and Island, they joined themselves altogether, and retiring to the mouth of the river Caroli, placed there a secret ambush, to defend the passage to those mines, from whence your Oar and white stones were taken the last year: We all not without grief to see ourselves thus defeated, & our hungry hopes made void, were witnesses of this their remove. As we road at an anchor within musket shot of their town, an Indian came unto us with lean cheeks, thin hair, and a squint eye, to inform us that they were very strong, that Berreo his son was with him, that they had but two small Pinnaces at Trinidado, which they daily looked for to come up the river, and lastly to view our ship well, and our provision, but especially to learn whether Gualtero, Topiawarie his son were with us.  
This Informers very countenance gave him to be suspected, and therefore partly by threatening, partly by promise of reward we won him to confess the truth. Which he did, assuring us that Berreo had not full 55. men with him, whereof twenty came lately from Trinidado: twenty from Nueuo Reyno, and the rest he brought with him about six months since, when he fled from Carapana his port, & was driven with his small company to keep the foresaid Island near Caroli. And that though now his number is thus increased, yet dareth he not adventure at any time to leave the fast woods, and to go but half a league from his hold into the plains. That some few of the Arwaccas are abiding with him That he daily looketh for his son from Nueuo Reyno, for his campe-maister from Trinidado, and for horses from the Caraccas. That Topiawarie is dead: the Indians of that coast all fled, and dispersed, excepting the son of one Curmatoi, and another woman of account, whom the Spaniards hold prisoners, for consenting to the death of their nine men, & the holy Friar in Morekito his time. This Curmatoi is fled towards Guanipa, and is a man of special note amongst the Indians. That Iwiakanarie 
Topiawarie his son.  Gualtero his near kinsman, hath held the country to his use, by his father's appointment, ever since your being in the river. That there are ten ships, and, many Spaniards at Trinidado. That the Indians our friends did fear, lest you with your company were all slain, and your ships sunk at Cumanaw (for so the Spaniards noised it amongst them.) that some of Gualtero his friends with Putijma, were in the mountains not far from the hill Aio. And that Berreo had sent for six pieces of ordinance, which he meant to plant, where they might best command the river.  
When we had stayed here two days, considering that where no hope was left of doing good: to abide there in harms way doing nothing, would be bootless: I resolved to seek Putijma in the mountains: and turning down the river with the force of the stream some twenty miles in six hours: the next morning with ten shot I went ashore, intending if the Indians should think themselves too weak, with our help to displant the Spaniards: to set some of them on work, for hatchets and knives to return us gold grains, and white stones from such places, as they should be directed unto. When we came to the place of their usual abode: we saw that they lately had been there, but could speak with none of them. It may be that fear (which is easy of belief) persuaded them that we were Spaniards, Gilbert my Pilot, here offered to bring us either to the mine of white stones near Winicapora, or else to a gold mine, which Putijma had showed him, being but one days journey over land, from the place where we now stayed at an anchor. I saw far off the mountain adjoining to this gold mine and having measured their paths near the same place this last year, could not judge it to be fit e'en miles from us. I do well remember how coming that way with Putijma the year before, he pointed to this same mountain making signs to have me go with him thither. I understood his signs, and marked the place, but mistook his meaning, imagining that he would have showed me the overfall of the river Curwara from the mountains. My Indian showed me in what sort without digging they gather the gold in the sand of a small river, name Macawini, that springeth and falleth from the rocks, where this mine is. And farther told me, that he was with Putijma, at what time Morekito was to be executed by the Spaniards, & that then the chief of Morekito his friends were in consultation, to show this mine unto them, if so they might redeem their Captain's life; but upon better advise, supposing them in this case to be implacable, and that this might prove a means to lose not only their king, but their country also: they have to this day concealed it from them, being of all others the richest, and most plentiful The aged sort, to keep this from common knowledge, have devised a fable of a dangerous Dragon that haunteth this place and devoureth all that come near it. But our Indian, if when we return, we do bring store of strong wine (which they love beyond measure) with it will undertake so to charm this Dragon, that he shall do us no harm.  
I, that for this end came from home, and in this journey had taken much more pains to less purpose, would very gladly from this mountain have taken so good a proof to witness my being in the country: but withal considering that not one Indian of our known friends came unto us: that Don ivan the cozen of Gualtero, who liveth here a evolt from the Spaniard was now in election to be chief commander of all the Indian forces in those parts, cannot in policy, for Gualtero his sake, whose inheritance he sought to usurp, be a fast friend unto us: that the Spaniards abiding in Winicapora (for there were ten) might well before we could do any thing, and return, cause some others of Berreo his men to join with them, in the way to intercept us: and forethinking withal, that there being no means, but by ourselves to make known our discovery, if we returned not; in our misfortune the hope of following this voyage would be buried: but besides all this, and the respect of such spyals, as the Spaniards kept to observe our doings, foreknowing that if the enemy should by our lingering stop our passage, which in one or two places of advantage, few of them might easily do: it would be a question how with our ship to get out of the river, except first we could remove them: I thought it best (all other possibilities set apart) to seek in time to be free from the hazard of the foresaid evil passages.  
Whilst we were searching at the shore for the Indians, my barge took a canoe, with three men in her: the one a servant to Berreo (as before is mentioned,) the other two merchants of Cassava. They had a letter sent from the Governor to be conveyed to Trinidado: which I received. There was also a great hatchet, and twenty knives, wherewith this Indian servant should buy a canoe, and hire Indians to carry her up the river towards Nuevo Reyno. This canoe forsooth with four others was to be sent to bring down Berreo his son with all his forces, which now have been I think, full three years in preparing, If five such boats be sufficient to convoy him his men, and all their provision: it may seem, he cometh with no great strength.  
This servant, as he was a man of especial trust, and near Berreo: so appeared he to have some insight in his proceed. He showed me that the Indians, who with these knives should be hired, were to pass up so high, as where some of the Cassanari do dwell in small villages. That Berreo his purpose was, when they came thither to leave them there, and make them his chief Officers over the other Indians: and in their places some of the Cassanari should return, who likewise should be made justices and Constables over them of Guiana: that from Trinidado he meant to remove most of the old inhabitants, that would be tractable; and interpose them amongst the Cassanarians of Guiana, and the Guianians of the Cassanari. That the Arwaccas should wholly possess Trinidado, and the river side of Raleana. That they already were provided of threescore Negroes, to work the mines in these places. And that by this means Berreo hoped to keep these several nations in mutual enmity each against other, all to serve his turn, and never to become strong, or likely to join themselves against him. He farther showed me that Topiawarie soon after our departure from the river, fled into the mountains carrying Hugh Godwyn with him, and leaving a Substitute in his country, as aforesaid: and that the next news they heard of him was, that he was dead, and the English boy eaten by a Tiger. That the Spaniards believe neither the one, nor the other. That about the end of june, when the river shall be impassable, the ten ships shall departed from Trinidado. And that Berreo ever since his coming to Guiana, hath spent his time altogether in purveying of victuals, whereof there is such scarcity, by reason that the Indians forsaking their houses, have not this half year planted any of their grounds, that the Spaniards are enforced to seek their bread far off, and content themselves to live with little.  
In sailing up the river, we passed by Toparimacko his port, which in one place is very should, the channel lying close aboard the shore. We returned therefore another way by the main river on the South side: this branch we found large, deep, and without danger. When we were come near Carapana his port: he sent five or six several Canoes, promising this day and the next, that he would come and speak with us. Thus we lingered six or seven days, but he came not. In the end he sent one of his aged followers, to certify us, that he was sick, old and weak: that the ways near his dwelling are not easy: and that therefore he desired us to hold him excused for not coming. This old man dilated unto us, that Carapana in hope of our return, hath ever since your Lordship's being in that country, kept the mountains, where the Spaniards can hardly any way enforce him; that they have taken from him and his people, many of their wives, because they refused to furnish them weekly with a certain proportion of bread and victuals: that Don ivan otherwise called Eparacano hath the commandment of all his subjects, excepting only a choice guard of men sufficient to keep the place he now dwelleth in. That it repenteth him of his ambition, ever to have sought by the Spaniards means, to have enlarged his countries and people. For true it is that from the beginning he was a Lord of no other than ordinary power amongst them, until he had entered into frinedship with Berreo: for then the Indians on all sides left some their habitations, and many their commanders to become his subjects, that so they might have the privilege to trade with the Spaniards for hatchets and knives, which are rare jewels of great price amongst them. that he now saw no other choice, but that the Indians must, if they will do well, without farther dissembling of their necessity, either entertain us their friends, or else give place to the Spaniards their enemies. For the plenty of gold that is in this country, being now known and discovered, there is no possibility for them to keep it: on the one side; they could feel no greater misery, nor fear more extremity, than they were sure to find, if the Spaniards prevailed, who perforce do take all things from them, using them as their slaves, to run, to row, to be their guides, to carry their burdens, and that which is worst of all, to be content, for safety of their lives, to leave their women, if a Spaniard chance but to set his eye on any of them to fancy her: on the other side; they could hope for, nor desire no better state and usage, than her majesties gracious government, and princely virtues do promise, and assure unto them. For, said he, when the other year, we fled into the mountains, and measuring your doings by the Spaniards in like case, made no other account, but that your Commander being able, as he was, would doubtless have persecuted us to the uttermost, as the only maintaineres and supporters of your enemies, and would at the least, if he could not reach us, take our towns, and make us ransom our wives and children: we found it far otherwise, and that none of your well governed company durst offer any of us wrong or violence, no not by stealth when unknown they might have done it. We then believing it to be true, that your grand Captain reported of his Princess, took this for a good proof of her royal commandment and wisdom, that had framed her subjects to such obedience, and of your happiness, that enjoyed the benefit thereof: that Carapana weighing the good and friendly course of our proceed, doth humbly crave of her Majesty for himself and his people, that with the rest of the Indians, which wholly depend on her princely regard towards them; he also may enjoy her favourable protection, that he doth this, not as a man left unto himself, and forsaken by the Spaniards, but as one that knoweth their injustice hateth their cruelties, & taketh it fos his best choice, utterly to disclaim their friendship. It may be pertinent (as surely it is a thing worth the noting) to consider how this precedent, of your moderation & good order, which to us seemeth a matter but of small, and ordinary respect, hath both alienated their hearts altogether from the Spaniard, and stirred up in them true love and admiration thereof. For as government is the only bond of common society: so to men lawless, that each one to another are, Omnes hoc iure molesti, quo fortes: To men, I say, that live in daily tumults, fears, doubts, suspicions, barbarous cruelties, never sleeping secure, but always either drunk, or practising one another's death: to such men as these be, who wanting discipline, justice, & good order to confirm them in a quiet and peaceable course of living know not where to find it: the sense and sweetness thereof, is as the dew of Hermon: it is as the harmony of a well tuned Instrument: to be brief, it carrieth in itself not only a due and worthy commendation; but is available without stroke striking to gain a kingdom. For the Indians in all parts within and near the Guiana, do offer their service, and promise to provide victual, and what else their country yieldeth, desiring only that some force of men may remain with them, to deliver them from oppression and tyranny. And now by general consent (though hatchets and knives be the only things of request and useful unto them) they have agreed by no means to trade with the Spaniard for any thing. Farther, this old man showed me, whence most of their gold cometh, that is form in so many & divers fashions: whence their Spleenestones, and others of all sorts are to be had in plenty: where gold is to be gathered in the sands of their rivers: from what parts the Spaniards, both by trade, and otherwise, have returned much gold. This he uttered with Carapana his consent (I doubt not) hoping thereby to induce us to return again. For contrary to their law of secrecy, which in this case they do all generally observe, sharply punishing the breakers thereof, as enemies unto their native country: I found this man no whit scrupulous, but very free and liberal of speech in all things.  
And because we might know, that we should not want hands or help, in this or any other our enterprises, if perhaps we should find cause to pass up to the head of this river: he declared that the Spaniards have no Indians to trust unto but some of the Arwaccas, which since they were not many could be but of small force: That the Charibes of Guanipa, the Crawannas amongst the Tiuitiuas, the Shebaios, Iaos, Amaipagotos, Cassipagotos, Putpagotos, Samipagotos, Serowos, Etaiguinams', Cassamari, with the rest of the nations far and near, were all ready, on what side soever the Spaniard shall stir, to fight against them: that the Pariagotos, through whose country they must first pass, are alone sufficient to encounter them, such is the strength of their country, and the valour of the men. The Indians hold opinion, that they are notable sorcerers, and invulnerable. In the mountains where they dwell white stones are found of such hardness, that by no art or means they can be pierced: they imagine that these Pariagotos' become invulnerable, by eating these stones. The fable omitted, happily they may prove good Diamonds.  
Then he showed how the Iwarewakeri have nourished grass in all places, where passage is, these three years, and that it is at this present so high as some of the trees; which they mean to burn, so soon as the Spaniard shall be within danger thereof. lastly, he showed me that Wariarimagoto the emperors chief Captain for those parts, hath gathered together many thousands of the Epuremai, to keep the borders of the Empire; and that he lay now on the south side of the mountains, some one days journey, or little more from the Spaniard. To be short, he certified me, that they all were resolved not to seek upon them (for indeed they fear their shot) but to defend their own, and to expect our coming. In the mean time they take opportunities, when they find any of them straggling or divided from their strength, by little & little, to lessen their number.  
The place, where we were at an anchor was but one days journey from Carapana: I therefore made motion to this Captain to stay with two or three of his company aboard the ship, & to cause his men to bring me with my Interpreter to Carapana his dwelling: he answered that it were not good so to do, lest perhaps some Spy might inform the Spaniards thereof, whereby danger would grow to Carapana. For they have many times used many means to reconcile him unto them: but he from time to time hath dallied with them, neither professing himself their enemy, nor in aught showing them any friendship. Now said he) if the Spaniard shall by any means come to knowledge, that you have conferred together, they will take this occasion to persecute him with all extremity, as their open enemy, whom they now neglect, or at the least fear not as being an harmless old man. And for this cause only hath Carapana forborn to come unto you.  
By this I perceived, that to stay longer for him (though gladly I could have been content to spend one seven-night more to speak with him) would be purposelesse. Wherefore having assured so many of the Indians, as at any time came unto us, of our speedy return, promising them plenty of knives, beads, and hatchets, if they would reserve their Cassava, and provide store of their pieces of gold for us: I desired this Captain to be a means that our friends of Trinidado might understand of our being in the river, and that we meant to relieve them so soon, as conveniently might be. He promised in Carapana his behalf, that this should not be forgotten. One of the Captains of the Cyawannas, who do now dwell in the river Arawawo, near Trinidado, undertook also without fail to ascertain them thereof. I was the more careful herein, because so many ships being there, I doubted lest they would take order that no Indian should speak with us. For so indeed it fell out.  
This Captain of the Cyawannas came likewise to join with us, and had provided fifteen Canoes for that purpose. Their dwelling was lately in Macureo, where the Spaniards one night stealing on them, killed twenty of their men, and burned their houses, because they refused to trade with them for certain images of gold made with many heads, which they had gotten out of the Guiana. I sent a present of Iron to Carapana, and then set sail.  
In turning down the river we spent eight days. In many places where the channel lieth, we found twenty fadam depth: where it is shouldest we had two fadam and a half, and that but in one or two places. Of the worthiness of this river, because I cannot say enough, I will speak nothing. We have presumed to call it by the name of Raleana, because yourself was the first of our nation that ever entered the same, and I think it nothing inferior to Amasones, which is best known by the name of Oreliana, the first discoverer thereof. By turning only, without help of owers, to pass so long a way, in so short a time, against the wind, may sufficiently prove, that the channel is very large, good, and likely to second our hopes in all that we can desire. Without the mouth of this river, our Pinnace, the Discoverer, whom we lost near the coast of England, came unto us. She fell with this land somewhat to the Southward of Cape Cecyll, and had spent three weeks and odd days in ranging alongst the coast, when she met with us. William Down the Master, informed me that they entered, & searched these four rivers. In Wiapoco they sailed so far, until the rocks stopped their passage. In Caiane they went up one days journey. In Cunanama they found many inhabitants. Curitini was the last river they had been in. Whence, having no other means to find Raleana, they were enforced to borrow a Pilot against his will: whom afterwards I would have returned with reward to his contentment; but he would not.  
Our English that to steal the first blessing of an untraded place, will perhaps secretly hasten thither, may be beholding to me for this caveat, if they take notice thereof. They may be assured, that this people, as they no way sought our harm, but used our men with all kindness: so are they impatient of such a wrong, as to have any of their people perforce taken from them, and will doubtless seek revenge. The example of the like practice upon the coast of Guinea, in the year 1566. and again at Dominica, where Alderman Wats his ship hardly escaped being taken may serve for our warning in like case to look for no good, before they be satisfied for this injury.  
When we had taken aboard us such victuals as were in the Pinnace: we set fire in her, (for her Rudder could serve her to no longer use) and stopping the floods, plied to windward with the ebb near the shore, until we were sixteen leagues to the Eastward of the rivers mouth, and then standing off to sea, we fell in 24. hours sailing with Punto Gallera the Northeastermost part of Trinidado. But having Tobacco Island in sight, we first went thither. This Island is plentiful of all things, and a very good soil. It is not now inhabited, because the Charibes of Dominica, are evil neighbours unto it. They of Trinidado have a meaning and purpose to fly thither, when no longer they can keep Trinidado. Their only doubt is, that when they are seated there, the Spaniard will seek to possess it also. The Governor of Marguerita went lately in a pinnace to view this Island. Gilbert my Pilot who sometime lived there, noteth it for the best and fruitfullest ground that he knoweth.  
Thence we returned to Punto Gallera and anchored in ten fadam under the northside of the Island some five or six miles from the said point. The floud-tyde striketh alongst the coast to the Eastward very strongly. We discharged a piece of ordinance, and afterwards went to the shore in our boat: but no Indian came unto us. I would have sent john of Trinidado to procure some of them to speak with us: but he was altogether unwilling, alleging that their dwellings were far within the mountains, and that he knew no part of that side of the Island. Fron this place we set sail for S. Luce but fell with the Granadas, which we found not inhabited, S. Vincent we hardly recovered by turning under the liegh of the Island. The Tobacco of this place is good: but the Indians being Cannibals, promising us store, and delaying us from day to day, sought only opportunity to betray, take and eat us, as lately they had devoured the whole company of a French ship This their treachery being by one of their slaves revealed, from thenceforth they did all forbear to come unto us. To sit down on their low stools, when they by offering such ease, will seem to show courtesy, abodeth death to strangers, that shall trust them. At Matalino we found not any inhabitants. lastly, we came to Dominica, where we could get no good Tobacco. But having intelligence of a Spanish ship, that was taking in of fresh water, at the northwest side of the Island; we weighed anchor to seek him He descrying us, stole away by night. The Indians of this place have determined to remove, and join with them of Guanipa, against the Spaniards, who lately dispeopled one of their islands, & at our being there, one of their Canoes returned from Guanipa, & certified us, that the ten Spanish ships at Trinidado, do ride some of them at Conquerabia, the rest at the small Islands near the difimboging place. here-hence we steered North and by East, taking the directest course to shorten our way homewards.  
Thus have I emptied your purse, spending my time and travel in following your Lordship's directions for the full discovery of this coast, and the rivers thereof. Concerning the not making of a voyage for your private profit, I pretend nothing. Sorry I am, that where I sought no excuse, by the Spaniards being there, I found my defect remediless. And for mine own part, I do protest, that if the consideration of the public good, that may ensue, had not over-poysed all other hopes, and desires: I would rather have adventured by such small and weak means as I had, to do well with danger, then to return only with safety. Now although in a cause not doubtful, my allegation is no way needful: yet because the weightiness thereof, and the expectation of others, seemeth of due & right to claim, something to be said by me whom your especial trust and favour hath credited and graced with this employment: Pardon it (I beseech your Honour) if, where my lamp had oil, it borrow light also; and my speech, which is altogether unsavoury, season itself with some of the leaven of your own discourse touching this discovery. The particular relation of some certain things, I have reserved, as properly belonging to yourself, who only, as knowing most, can make best use thereof. So much in general is here touched, as (I hope) may serve to refresh the memory of this worthy enterprise in those whom it may concern, and testify your care and expense in following the same: That in a second age, when in time truth shall have credit, and men wondering at the richesse, and strength of this place, which nature herself hath marvelously fortified, as her chief treasure house, shall mourn and sigh to hold idle cickles, whilst others reap, & gather in this harvest: it be not said, that Sir Walter Ralegh was of all men living in his days, most industrious in seeking most fortunate in attaining to the fullness of an inestimable public good: if, knowing that for envy & private respects, his labours were lessened, his informations mistrusted, his proffers not regarded and the due honour of his deserts imparted to others If (I say) seeing, knowing and bearing all this, he with patience had persisted in so good a way of doing his Princess, and country service; and had but perfected his first discovery by sending a ship, or two for that purpose: for then surely all lets & doubts being removed, and so large a kingdom, so exceeding rich, so plentiful of all things, as this by his discourse, appeared to be, being offered: no devices, and vain surmises could have taken place, no illusions could have prevailed, it had been blindness and deafness in those that being near her Majesty: do spend their days in serving the common weal, not to see, and know in so weighty a matter: it had been malicious obstinacy, impotency of mind, and more than treason to the common wealth, the matter standing only upon acceptance, to seek either to foreslow so fit an occasion, or forsake so general a blessing. This, if, is now cut off through a singular and incomparable temper, in overcoming evil with good: This your second discovery hath not only found a free & open entrance into Raleana, which the Naturals call Orenoque: but moreover yieldeth choice of forty several great rivers (the lesser I do not reckon) being for the most part with small vessels navigable, for our merchants and others, that do now find little profit in setting forth for reprisal, to exercise trade in. To such as shall be willing to adventure in search of them, I could propose some hope of gold mines, & certain assurance of pieces of made gold, of Spleen-stones, Kidney-stones, and others of better estimate: but because our belief seemeth to be mated in these greater matters, & a certainty of smaller profits, is the readiest inducement to quicken our weak hopes; I not going so far as mine own eyes might warrant me, do only promise in theafore said rivers, Brasil wood, honey, Cotten, Balsamun, & drugs to help defray charges: & farther, because without a beginning there can be no continuance of these benefits unto our country, to any that shallbe the first under takers hereof, I am gladly content, to give such light & knowledge, as by conference with the Indians I have attained unto.  
Myself, and the remain of my few years, I have bequeathed wholly to Raleana, and all my thoughts live only in that action. The prosecuting whereof is in itself just, profitable, and necessary. Just: because it is intended for the defence of harmless people, who fearing thraldom, and oppression, desire to protect themselves and their country under her majesties tuition: Profitable, as may be gathered not only by many Spanish letters intercepted, but also by the proofs mentioned in the discourse of the first discovery, and since that, by the Indians own voluntary relations: and lastly, by the provision that the Spaniards do make to acquit us thereof. Necessary it is, as being the only help to put a bit in the mouth of the unbridled Spaniard; the only way to enter into his treasury of Nuevo Reyno, and Peru; the only means to animate the wronged Indians, with our assistance, to seek revenge for the extreme murders and cruelties, which they have endured, and to ruinated his naked cities in all those parts of the Inland, whose foundations have been laid in the blood of their parents and ancestors.  
The forces that the Spaniard hath already sent to Trinidado, to fortify there, and keep the passage of this river, are an evident argument, that the king feareth and doubteth the sequel of this discovery. For can it be a small matter? or hath he so waste employment for his men and shipping, that upon no ground, he would send 28. ships, to keep us only from Tobacco? (for what else that good is can Trinidado yield us?) no, doubtless, if the return of Berreo his Campe-maister with ten of these ships, be compared with precedent advertisements concerning him: it will appear more than probable, that the Guiana gold waged these men and shipping: and that they are now more careful to obtain this place, then to keep others, which they have already gotten, which note except in matters of extraordinary account, is not incident to their policy and proceed. Again, it cannot be thought but that either it was senseless madness in the governors of Marguerita, and the Caraccas to bring their states, and lives in question, by seeking contrary to their king's order, to enter the Guiana, and kill Berreo with his his followers: or else the abundance of pearl in Marguerita, and the gold mines in the Caraccas, seeming matters of small account: the Guiana only was in their judgement, rich, plentiful, and able of it self to redeem their trespass and offence, how great soever it should be.  
The sundry attempts and overthrows of the Spaniards being men of power, and honourable place, in labouring these 63. years, and upwards to enlarge the kingdom of Spain, with this mighty and great Empire, do plainly show, that they long time sought a path, where in one month a high way was found: that the loss of their lives witnesseth their desires, & the worthiness of the thing, where to us the easiness of obtaining discrediteth the greatness of the attempt: and that if now at the last they do prevail, they must hold by tyranny that which they get by the sword; where then our return nothing by the Indians is more wished for, nothing expected more earnestly.  
Those objections, which have been made by many seeming wise, and the impediments likely to arise, as they have supposed, are best answered by the unreproved witness of these men's actions. Some have termed these discoveries fables, and fantasies, as if there had been no such land, or territory: others allowing both of the place, and that such a kingdom or country is discovered, make conclusion that if it had been so rich, as we have supposed: that no doubt the king of Spain would by this time have possessed it. But if they consider that the Spanish-nation hath already conquered the two Empires of Mexico, and Peru, with so many other kingdoms and provinces: we may very well answer, that his power is not infinite, and that he hath done well for the time. And yet it is manifest, that this very Empire hath been by all those several Spaniards (the catalogue of whose names, is by itself hereunto annexed) at sundry times undertaken, and never performed. Howbeit, the world hath reason to admire their constancy, and their great labours, and we may well blush at our own idle, dispairefull, and loitering dispositions, that can find ability in another barren, and starved nation, to possess so much of the world: and can do nothing but frame arguments against ourselves as unfit and powerless to possess one province already discovered and of which our nation hath assurance of the people's love, and that all the Chieftains and principals have vowed their obedience and service to her Majesty; the navigation being withal so short, dangerless and free from infectious sickness. If doubt of perils might moderate the minds of men once moved with steadfast hope, that gold shall be the reward of their travels: it may easily be perceived that all those lets and hindrances, that can any way be alleged, or wrested so much, as but to touch us, do deeply and nearly concern the Spanish king, and in a manner violently withhold him from that, which he notwithstanding carrieth with success, whilst we out of season, do affect the bare style, to be named men stayed and circumspect in our proceed. It is reported, that Calanus the Indian threw down before Alexander the great, a dry sear piece of leather, and then put his foot on one of the ends of it: the leather being trodden down on that side, rose on all parts else. By this the wise man did show unto him a figure and similitude of his kingdom, which being exceeding large, must of necessity in all other parts excepting the place of the king's residence, be always full of stirs, tumults, & insurrections. The end afterwards confirmed, that this Empire consisting of sundry nations, could not keep itself from dissolution. No potentate living hath, or can have so faithful & incorrupt Counsellors, as be the examples and histories of forepassed ages. We may therefore be bold to think that the Governors of the Spanish affairs should mind it, that their kings lustful desire, and ambitious thoughts to establish over all Europe one law, one Lord, one religion, are built and erected on a dangerous ungrounded resolution: Considering that many of the neighbour kingdoms being of equal force in men, or greater than he can make, are settled in a long continued estate, are entire within themselves, and hate to hear the voice of a stranger. It is not unlikely that they in this case should lay before their king the fatal destinies of many Worthies, that have been constrained for want of sufficient numbers of their natural subjects, after many years spent in the wars, to retire to their own countries, and have been glad peaceably to hold their own Signiories at home, resigning all that unto others, which they have gotten abroad by hard adventure, and much effusion of blood. The King of Spain cannot but discern, that his spacious Empires and kingdoms being so many, and so far divided one from another, are like the members of a monstrous body, tied together with cables only For take away the traffic of unnecessary commodities transported out of Spain: those huge countries of the Indies having no common link of affinity, law, language, or religion, and being of themselves able to maintain themselves without foreign commerce, are not so simple, as not to know their own strength, and to find, that they do rather possess Spaniards, then that they are possessed by them. He cannot be ignorant that Spain itself is on all sides environed with many puissant enemies, mighty & great princes, who knowing it to be rich without men, confident without reason, proud & adventurous without means sufficient; may happily confederate to chastise him, as an insolent intruder, and disturber of all quietness; and going no farther than Spain itself, may even there shake the foundation of his long contrived devices, and in one act redeem the time, control his aspiring humour, and break the bands in sunder, that import servitude, and subversion to all the dominions of Christendom. Again, his counsel may well inform him, that to dispeople and disable himself at home, in hope to obtain the Guiana, being a country strong of itself, and defended with infinite multitudes of Indian enemies, being rich, and by the inhabitants offered unto the English: his contempt towards us would seem so intolerable and despiteful as might be sufficient to provoke us, though otherwise we had no such inclination; if he unprovided of able helps to effect it, should rest himself on a careless presumption, that we cannot, we dare not we will not stir in a matter that promiseth us so great benefit, and may so highly offend him. He may be persuaded, that to leave no other succour or safety to his nakedness, but the old, stolen practice of spreading rumours, and giving out false intelligence of preparations to invade England, thereby to keep us at home; or else of hiring and suborning some Machavilian under hand by secret conveyance, to stop the course of our proceed; or lastly, of procuring some wild outlaw to disquiet our tranquillity; is but a poor, weak, and uncertain stay to uphold his estate by. And yet setting such like drifts aside: what can be imagined likely to hinder us from prevailing in the Guiana, rather than him, whose disadvantage it is to be encumbered with the self same, and manifold more impediments, then can any way be supposed, with good cause to impeach, or divorce us from so profitable an attempt? All this notwithstanding, if the Spanish king not being able to dissemble his desire, or bear the loss of this one kingdom; putting himself out of his strength at home, and exposing his people to the hazard of all casualties abroad, be resolved whatsoever shall happen, not to relinquish the Guiana, but to keep this one Iron more in the fire, on no other assurance, but a peremptory disdain of prevention: If he appear so eager bend for the Guiana, as if it were enacted for a law amongst themselves, Viis & modis to thrust for it and not to hear, conceive, or believe any thing, that may dissuade or deter them from the conquest thereof: It than appertaineth unto us, not to enforce those objections against ourselves, which he with less reason rejecteth, as frivolous; since by how much the more earnest he is in following this purpose: by so much the less cause have we to be diverted from it. To such as shall be willing farther to wade in this argument; fos brevities sake, I do propose only this bare assertion: that England & the Guiana conjoined, are stronger, and more easily defended, then if England alone, should repose herself on her own force, and poerfulnesse. The reasons that might be inferred to prove this, need no rational discourse: they are all intimated in the only example of Spain itself; which without the Indies, is but a purse without money, or a painted sheath without a dagger. In sum: it seemeth unto me that whereas the difficulty of performing this enterprise, hath been produced for a discouragement: it were a dull conceit of strange weakness in ourselves, to distrust our own power so much; or at least, our own hearts and courages; as valueing the Spanish nation to be omnipotent; or yielding that the poor Portugal hath that mastering spirit, and conquering industry, above us; as to be able to seat himself amongst the many mighty princes of the East Indies, to frontier China, to hold in subjection the Philippines, Zeilan, calicut, Goa, Ormus, Mozambique, and the rest; the navigation being so tedious and full of peril: to suffer ourselves to be put back for worthless ciphers, out of place, without account. All which Regions being now also by the late conquest of Portugal, entitled to the Spanish king: to whom the Colenies of those parts do yet generally refuse to swear fealty and allegiance: and the care depending on him, not only of governing them in the East, so far off; but also of ordering and strengthening of those disvnited, scattered, and ill guarded Empires and provinces in the West: It might very well be alleged to the said Spanish king, that it were more wisdom for him to assure and fortify some part of those already gotten then to begin the conquest of Guiana, so far separate from the rest of his Indies: in which he hath had so many misfortunes, and against whom the natural people are so impetuously bend and opposed: were it not, that it exceedeth all the rest in abundance of gold, and other riches. The case then so standing: is it not mere wretchedness in us, to spend our time break our sleep, and waste our brains, in contriving a cavilling false title to defraud a neighbour of half an ●kor of land: whereas here whole shyeres of fruitful rich grounds lying now waste for want of people, do prostitute themselves unto us like a fair and beautiful woman, in the pride and flower of desired years?  
If we do but consider, how unhappily Berreo his affairs, with his assistants have of late years, in our own knowledge succeeded: who can say, if the hand of the Almighty be not against them, and that he hath a work in this place, in steed of Papistry to make the sincere light of his Gospel to shine on this people? The effecting whereof shall be a royal crown of everlasting remembrance to all other blessings, that from the beginning, the Lord hath plentifully poured on our dread Sovereign, in an eminent, and supreme degree of all perfection. If the Castilians pretending a religious care of planting Christianity in those parts, have in their doings preached nought else but avarice, rapine, blood, death, and destruction to those naked, sheeplike creatures of God; erecting Statues and Trophies of victory unto themselves, in the slaughters of millions of Innocents': doth not the cry of the poor succourless ascend unto the heavens? Hath God forgotten to be gracious unto the workmanship of his own hands? or shall not his judgements in a day of visitation by the ministery of his 
* 〈◊〉 Maie●●●●.  chosen servant, come on these bloodthirsty butchers, like rain into a fleece of wool? Aliquando manifesta, aliquando 〈◊〉 cculta: semper justa sunt Dei judicia.  
To leave this digression. It is fit only for a Prince to begin, and end this work: the maintenance and ordering thereof requireth Sovereign power, authority and commandment. The river of Raleana giveth open and free passage, any provision that the Spaniard can make to the contrary, notwithstanding; (for once yearly the lands near the river be all drowned) to convey men, horse, munition, and victual for any power of men, that shall be sent thither.  
I do speak it on my soul's health as the best testimony, that I can in any cause yield, to aver a truth, that having now the second time been in this country, & with the helps of time, and leisure well advised myself upon all circumstances to be thought on; I can discern no sufficient impediment to the contrary, but that with a competent number of men, her Majesty may to her and her successors, enjoy this rich and great empire: and having once planted there, may for ever (by the favour of God) hold and keep it, Contra judaeos & Gentes. Subjects, I doubt not, may through her majesties gracious sufferance, joining their strength together, invade, spoil, and overrun it, returning with gold and great riches. But what good of perpetuity can follow thereof? Or who can hope that they will take any other course, than such, as tendeth to a private and present benefit; considering that an Empire once obtained, is of congruity, how, and wheresoever the charge shall grow, to be annexed unto the Crown? The riches of this place are not fit for any private estate: no question, they will rather prove sufficient to cross, and countervail the Spaniard his proceed in all parts of Christendom, where his money maketh way to his ambition.  
If the necessity of following this enterprise do nothing urge us, because in some case better a mischief, than an inconvenience: let the conveniency thereof somewhat move us, in respect both of so many Gentlemen, soldiers, and younger brothers, who, if they for want of employment, do not die like cloyed cattle in rank easefulnesse; are enforced for maintenance sake, sometimes to take shameful and unlawful courses: and in respect of so many handicraftmen having able bodies, that do live in cleanness of teeth, and poverty. To sacrifice the children of the common weal unto Beliall, is not to defile the land with blood, because the law of God doth not prohibit it, and the execution of justice requireth it to be so: but yet if the water-boughes, that suck and feed on the juice, and nourishment that the fruitful branches should live by, are to be cut down from the tree, and not regarded: lucky, and prosperous be that right hand, that shall plant and possess with a soil, where they may fructify, increase, and grow to good: thrice honourable and blessed be the memory of so charitable a deed, from one generation to another.  
To conclude. Your Lordsh. hath paid for the Discovery and search, both in your own person, and since by me. You have framed it, and moulded it ready for her Majesty: to set on her seal. If either envy or ignorance, or other devise frustrate the rest, the good which shall grow to our enemies, and the loss which will come to her Majesty and this kingdom, will after a few years show itself. We have more people, more ships, and better means, and yet do nothing. The Spanish king hath had so sweet a taste of the riches thereof, as notwithstanding that he is Lord of so many Empires and kingdoms already, notwithstanding his enterprises of France and Flaunders, notwithstanding that he attended this year a home invasion: yet he sent twenty eight sail to Trinidado, whereof ten were for that place, and Guiana, and had some other ships ready at Cades, if the same had not been by my Lord, her majesties General and your Lordship set on fire.  
In one word. The time serveth, the like occasion seldom happeneth in many ages, the former repeated considerations do all jointly together importune us, now, or never to make ourselves rich, our posterity happy, our Prince every way stronger than our enemies, and to establish our Country in a state flourishing and peaceable. O let not then such an indignity rest on us, as to deprave so notable an enterprise with false rumours, and vain suppositions, to sleep in so serious a matter, and renouncing the honour, strength, wealth, and sovereignty of so famous conquest, to leave all unto the Spaniard.  

A Table of the names of the Rivers, Towns, and Cassiques or Captains that in this second Voyage discovered.   Rivers. Nations. towns Captain.  1 Arrowari great. Arwaos' Pararweas. Charibes.   1 These are enemies to the Iaos, their money is of white and green stones. They speak the Tiuitiuas language: so likewise do the nation of the Arricarri, who have greater store of those moneys than any others. 2 Iwaripoco. very great. Mapurwanas. ●aos.   2 Here it was, as it seemeth, that Vincent Piuzon, the Spaniard, had his Emeralds. In one of these two rivers, certain French men that suffered shipwreck some two or three years since, do live. 3 Maipari●g. Arricarri.   3. 4. 5. These with the other 2 seem to be branches of the great river of Amazons. When we first fell with land, we were, by the Indians report, but one days journey from the greatest river, that is on that coast. 4 Caipurogh. g. Arricurri.   5 Arcooa. g Marowannas. Cham   6 Wiapoco. g Coonoracki Wacacoia. Wariseaco. Charib.   6 The first mountains that appear within land do lie on the East side of this river. From the mouth thereof, the inhabitants do pass with their Canoes in twenty days to the salt lake, where Manoa standeth. The water hath many Cateractes like Caroli, but that they are of greater distance one from another. where it falls into the sea, hills do enclose it, on both sides. 7 Wanari.     8 Capurwacka. g. Charibes.    9 Cawo. g. Iaos. Ico omana. Wareo.  10 Wia. g. Maworia. Charib. Paramonna. g. Mashwipo 10 The Freshet shoots out into the sea, with great force: the sea doth here sometimes camp high, and break, as if it were full of rocks. but in proof it is nothing else but the pride and force of the tides. In this bay, and round about, so far as the mountains do extend there is great store of Brasill wood, some of it bearing far darker colour than other some. Here are also many sorts of other good woods. 11 Caiane. g. Gowateri: a great Island Wiaco. Ch. Shebaios. Canawi, g Orinikero. Parawatteo.  12 Macuria. Piraos'. Ch.    13 Cawro●ra Arawaccos Charib.    14 Manmanuri. Ipaios. Ch.   14 These speak the language of the Indians of Dominicae. They are but few, but very cruel to their enemies. For they bind, and eat them alive piece-meal. This torment is not comparable to the deadly pains that cometh of hurts, or wounds, made by those arrows that are envenomed with the juice of the herb Wapototo. These Indians because they eat them whom they kill, use no poison. The sea coast is no where populous, for they have much wasted themselves in mutual wars. But now in all parts so far as Orenoque, they live in league and peace. 15 Cureey. Shebaios.    16 Curassawini. Shebaios. Musswara. g. Ocapanio.  17 Cunanama. Iaos. Arwaccas. Waritappi. g Carinamari. Curipotoore.  18 Vracco. Arwaccas.  Marwabo.   Moruga. Arwaccas.  Eramacoa.  19 Mawari. Winicinas Arwaccas. Iwanama. Atanacoa.  20 Mawarpari. Arwaccas. Awaricana. Mahahonero.  21 Amonna. very great Capeleppo. g. Charibes. jaremappo very great.  21 near the head of this river, Capeleppo falleth out of the plains, & runneth into the sea with Cu●itini. Some of the Guianians live in this river. 22 Marawini. g. Paracuttos    23 Owcowi.     24 Wiawiami     25 Aramatappo.     26 Wiapo.     27 Macuruma.     28 Carapi.     29 Vraca.    
29. This river, as also most of the rest, is not navigable above six days journey by reason of rocks. It is ten days journey to the head, where the Guianians do dwell Honey, yarn of Cotton, Silk, Balsamum, and Brasill beds are hereto be had in plenty, and so all the coast alongst Eastward. Some Images of Gold, spleenestones, and others, may be gotten on this coast, but they do somewhat extraordinariliy esteem of them, because every where they are current money. They get their Moons, and other pieces of gold by exchange, taking for each one of their greater Canoes, one piece or image of gold, with three heads, and after that rate for their lesser Canoes, they receive pieces of gold of less value. One hatchet is the ordinary price for a canoe They have every where divers sorts of drugs, Gums, & roots which I doubt, not by father trial, will be found medicinable  
Names of poisoned herbs.  
Ourari. Carassi. Apa●eepo. Parapara.  
Hea be● good against poison.  
Turara. Cutarapama. Wapo. Macatto.  
The 29. day of june we arrived in Portland Roade, having spent five months in going, staying, and returning.  30 Chaimawinini. g. Carepini. Charib.    31 Ecrowio.     32 Pawro. Vpotommas. Arwaccas. Maripomma. Caponaiarie.  33 Shurinama. g. Carepini. Cham    34 Shurama. g. Carepini. Cham Cupari.   35 Northumbriae, or Cupanama. very g Arwaccas.    36 Wioma.     37 Cushwini. Neekcari. Tawrooromene Neperwari.  38 Inana. g.     39 Curitini. g Carepini. Arwaccas. Parawianni Owaripoore. Mawronama. Maiapoore Cariwacka. Aneta. Manacobeece.   40 Winitwari. g.  Eppera. Parawiannos.   41 Berbice. g. Arwaccas. Lupulee. Warawaroco.  42 Wapari. Shebaios. Arwaccas. Madewini. Benmurwagh.  43 Maicawini. Panapi. ●rw●ccas. Itewee. Caporaco. great Cap.  44 Mahawaica. Arwaccas. Ma●uresa g   45 〈◊〉 e. g. wacawaios. Arwaccas. Maburesa. g    46 
* So called after the name of the right ho. the Earl of Essex.  Devoritia, or Dessekebe. very g. Matorooni. Coowini. Chipanama. Arawanna. Itorebece. Iaos. Shebaios. Arwaccas. Char●bes. Maripai. wocowaios Parawianni Iwarwackeri.    47 Pawrooma. g. Aripacoro. Ecawini. Manuriwini. Iaos. Panipi. Caiaremappo. waroopana Maripa. Chiparipa●o. Towtwi. Sarinbugh. Wariwagh. Macapowa. Shuracoima.  48 Moruga. g. Piara. Chaimeragoro. Iaos. Arwaccas. Cooparoore. g. Awiapati. Topoo. Manare cowa. jarwarema  49 Waini. g. Charibes. Tocoopoima. g. Parana,  50 Barima. g. Caitooma. Arooca. Charibes. Arwaccas. Pekwa. g Arwakima Anawra. Aparwa. Arracurri.  51 Amacur. g.     52 Aratoori. g. Cawrooma. g. Raleana, or Orenoque. Maipar Itacaponea Owarecapater. Warucanasso. Islands in mouth of Raleana.      

Hear follow the names, of those worthy Spaniards that have sought to discover and conquer Guiana: Extracted out of the writings of ivan de Castellanos clerigo, who compiled the book, entitled, Primera part de las Elegias de varones illustres de India's.  
1 THe enterprise of Guiana was undertaken by Diego de Ordas of the kingdom of Leon, in the year, 1531. He was one of the Captains of Cortes in the conquest of Mexico. This Ordas made his entrance by the river of Amana, by which we entered, and spent fifty days before he came to the river of Orenoque, which we passed in fifteen. He named the river by which he entered Viapari; which name it still retaineth in the Spanish descriptions. It lieth South from Trinidado some five leagues. He transported out of Spain a thousand soldiers. He died afterwards at sea, in returning for Spain.  
2 I●an Gorteso arrived at the river of Amazons or Oreliano with three hundred men: He marched up into the country. But neither he, nor any of his company did return again.  
3 Gaspar de Sylva, with his two brothers, departed from Tenerife, accompanied with 200. men, to assist Diego de Ordas. They sought El Dorado by the river of Amazons: but staying there a short time, they fell down to Trinidado, where they all three were buried.  
4 ivan Gonzales set sail from Trinidado to discover the Guiana. He reposed himself more on the faith of his guides the on his small number of men He by trial found the confines of Guiana, so far as he entered, to be populous, plentiful of victual, & rich in gold. Upon such proofs as he brought with him to make good his report: many others adventured to follow his steps.  
5. 6. Philip de Vren, and after him Pedro de Limpias, who both successively commanded the Almains, were leaders in this action. Limpias was slain by an Indian Cassique named Porima.  
7 jeronimo de Ortall undetrooke it by the way of Marecupana. After great travel and his substance all spent, he died on the sudden at S. Domingo.  
8. 9 Ximenes, brother of Don Ximenes de Quesida the Lantado, and Pedro de Osuq, were both at sundry times in the same quest.  
10 Father jala, a Friar, taking with him only one companion, and some Indian guides passed into the provinces of Guiana. He returned with good intelligence, & brought with him Eagles, Idols, and other jewels of gold. An. 1560. He assayed the second time to pass in like manner, but was slain by the Indians.  
11 Hernandes de Serpa also undertook it. The Indians of Cumanawgoto killed him, and defeated his Army.  
12 Afterwards, Diego de Vargas, and his son Don ivan followed this enterprise, and at their first setting out, were slain by the Indians.  
13 Caceres undertook this discovery from Nueuo Reino de Granada. He came no nearer to it than Matachines', which borders upon the said kingdom of Granada: He rested there and peopled that place.  
14 It was also attempted by Alonzo de Herera, at two several times. He endured great misery, but never entered one league into the country. He sought it by Wiapari, or Amana, and was at last slain by a nation of Indians called ●aguas.  
15 It was also undertaken by Antonio Sedenno, with whom Herera and Augustine Delgado joined in the conquest of Trinidado, against Bawcunar a famous king of that place. He passed by Marecupana in the year 1536. to discover El Dorado with 500 chosen men. In this journey he got much gold and took many Indian prisoners; whom he manacled in irons, many of them died as they were led in the way. The Tigers being fleshed on those dead carcases, assaulted the Spaniards, who with much trouble hardly defended themselves from them. Sedenno was buried within the precinct of the Empire near the head of the river Tinadoes. Most of his people perished likewise.  
16 Augustine Delgado searched the country to the southward of Cumanawgoto with 53. footmen and three horsemen. The wars that were then between the Indians of the vale, and those of the mountains, served well for his purpose. By which occasion he found means to pass so far until he came to an Indian Cassique, named Garamentall, who entertained him with all kindness. And gave him for a present some rich jewels of gold: six seemly Pages: ten young slaves, and three Nymphs very beautiful, which bore the names of three provinces from whence they were sent to Garamental, chief Commander of all that country. Their names were, Guanba, Gotoguane, and Matarare. These provinces are of an excellent temperature, very healthful, and have an admirable influence in producing beautiful women. The Spaniards afterwards to requite the manifold courtesies that they received in that country, took and carried away besides all the gold that they could get, all the Indians that they could lay hold on: they conveyed them in irons to Cubagua and sold them for slaves. Delgado afterwards was shot in the eye by an Indian: of which hurt he died.  
17 Diego de Losada, succeeded in his brother's place. He had many more men; who in the end wasted themselves in mutinies: those that lived returned to Cubugua.  
18 Reynoso undertook this journey: but having endured exceeding troubles, in the discomfort of his mind, he gave it over and was buried in Hispaniola.  
19 Pedro de Vrsua, in the year 1560. sought it with 400 Spaniards, by the river Oreliano. He embarked his men in the country of the Moti●ones. As they passed down the river, they found Cinnamon trees. His men murdered him and afterward the said rebels beheaded Lady Anes his wife, who forsook not her Lord in all his travels unto death.  
20 Friar Francis Montesinos, was in the province of Marecupana with 100 soldiers bound for the Guiana, when Lope Aguirri the Tyrant made insurrection in all those parts of the Indies. What became of this intended journey is not expressed.  
In the discovery of Guiana, you may read both of Oreliano, who discovered the river of Amazons An. 1510. and of Berreo, with others that have trodden this maze, and lost themselves in seeking to find this country.  

An advertisement to the Reader.  
IN this breviary, the names only are comprised of such as being led with the general fame of Guiana, have endeavoured to discover & possess it. The whole histories are long and cannot suddenly be translated, or Englished at large, as we in these Elegies find them. It may perhaps seem strange and incredible, that so many Cavaleros' should all fail in this one attempt, since in many parts of the Indies, far smaller numbers in shorter time have performed as great matters, and subdued mighty Kingdoms: I have therefore thought it good, here to allege those reasons, which by circumstance may be gathered to have been chief impediments to the Spaniard in this intended search & conquest.  
The first may be the remoteness or distance of their places of Rondevow, from the Dorado: which appear to be four, Nueuo Reyno: the mouth of Amazons or Oreliano. Cubagua, or the coast of the Carackas: & Trinidado.  
1. From Moisbanda, where Oreliano hath his headspring to his mouth the Spaniards account it 2000 leagues. Raleana riseth near the said mountains in Moiabanda, and tributeth his waters to the sea, not far from the other: Guiana is environed with these two fresh water seas, where their distance is greatest from their risings, and is beside guarded with impassable mountains, which in close & defend it on all parts, excepting topiawarie's country. It is no marvel then, if the vigour, heat, & life of those Spaniards, who sought it from Nueuo Reyno, were allayed and spent, before they came near it in those long, desolate, and uncomfortable ways.  
2. From Cubagua to seek it by sea, in vessels of any burden, is a work of far greater labour, then to sail directly from Spain. And to pass overland is a matter of great difficulty, by reason that the Indian Nations inhabiting between the coast of the Carackas and Guiana, being wearied and harried with the daily incursions of the Spaniards, have now turned their abused patience into fury, refusing to suffer any forces of men to be led through their countries. For the Spaniards traveling in those parts, when they found not gold answerable to their expectation, overlaid them with cruelties, tyranny, and thraldom: forbearing neither men, women friends, nor foes. Which manner of dealing, though in some sort it satisfied their desire of present profit: yet hath it otherwise done them much harm in hardening and driving those nations to desperate resolutions.  
3 From the mouth of Oreliano to seek entrance with any number of men, and to bore a hole through the mountains, is all one. Neither find we, that any seeking it that way, have at any time boasted of their gains or pleasurable journeys.  
4 From Trinidado as the course is shortest: so doth it promise best likelihood of success. Howbeit, impossible it is with any vessel of ordinary burden by that way to recover the river of Raleana.  
The second. The Spaniards have been so far from furthering and helping on another, or admitting partners or coadjutors in the Guiana cause that amongst so many attempts, from the beginning to the last, I cannot find any one, when they were otherwise likeliest to prevail, free from discords, mutinies, and cruel murders amongst themselves.  
Thirdly. The Spaniards in this place have missed that advantage, which else where hath steeded them in all their conquests: namely, the dissentitions and mutual wars of the Indians amongst themselves, Which of what force it is, may be gathered by the example of A●awcania in Peru. For the Indians of that one province containing in circuit not above 20. leagues, have maintained wars above these 30. years, against all the Spaniards, and in despite of them have kept their own country, oftentimes discomforting their enemies in many set battles, burning & destroying some of their strongest towns. The chief reason whereof I take to be, because no Indian nation was enemy unto them. And howsoever the Spaniards vaunt of their redoubted exploits in the Indies: yet do their own writings in effect testify, that without the aid of the Indians divided amongst themselves, Mexico, Peru, and the rest, had never been Spanish.  
Lastly. I can impute it to no cause so rightly, as immediately to the divine providence. For by him princes reign. And in my belief (except we will look to be warned by miracle from heaven,) we need no farther assurances, than we already have to persuade ourselves that it hath pleased our God of his infinite goodness, in his will and purpose to appoint and reserve this Empire for us.   
FINIS.